This paper analyses social relations in one of them, the faxinal, in an attempt to explain this evolution. Results indicate less interest in preserving traditions in the younger and more educated population. The weakening of informal institutions, such as community rules, necessitates formal actions, what is hindered by a lack of political will.
This paper analyses social relations in one of them, the faxinal, in an attempt to explain this evolution. Results indicate less interest in preserving traditions in the younger and more educated population. The weakening of informal institutions, such as community rules, necessitates formal actions, what is hindered by a lack of political will.
This paper analyses social relations in one of them, the faxinal, in an attempt to explain this evolution. Results indicate less interest in preserving traditions in the younger and more educated population. The weakening of informal institutions, such as community rules, necessitates formal actions, what is hindered by a lack of political will.
Role of institutions in the survival of traditional communities in southern Brazil: the
case of faxinals
Abstract Faxinal system is a kind of traditional community specific to Paran state, South of Brazil, characterized by a community field. Most of faxinals have already disappeared and this paper analyses social relations in one of them, the Taquari, in an attempt to explain this evolution. Information was collected from the 82 families of the faxinal. A model has been used that analyses the importance of the communitarian area for the faxinals and evaluates the role of formal and informal institutions in their preservation. Results indicate less interest in preserving traditions in the younger and more educated population. The weakening of informal institutions, such as community rules, necessitates formal actions, what is hindered by a lack of political will, even if specific laws already exist.
Key-words: Social Network; Formal Institutions; Informal Institutions; Urban Influence; Social Cohesion.
Introduction In Paran, a Brazilian state located in South of Brazil, in the region of Araucaria Forest, some traditional agro-forestry and pastoral systems still remain despite the strong market pressure, the faxinals. The faxinal system is a way of organizing small family farms specific to the southern part of this state, characterized by the presence of two distinct spaces: the communitarian area for animal breeding and the lands for planting (Figure 1). In the first live the residents of the Community. This is an area of environmental preservation and animal 2 breeding. The lands to plant are located around the animal breeding area and are reserved for cultivation. Unlike the animal breeding area, the lands to plant are not for collective use.
Figure 1. Typical structure of a faxinal. Source: Egger (2009)
The system of faxinals looks like other forms of rural organization based on family production. However, its form of organization makes it a unique example, with collective use of land for animal production and social organization. However, despite the use of collective land, ownership remains private (Barbosa 2007). Each inhabitant is the owner of part of the animal breeding area, with the ability to close his land. Neiverth and Lwen Sahr (2009) argue that the traditional way of life of faxinals is based on agro-forestry and pastoral activities governed by a communitarian social organization and by specific traditions and customs. The authors cite the work realized in groups (task force, joint effort), the religious celebrations, the community life and the preservation of Araucaria Forest. This way of life was common in southern Brazil until the sixties of last century, but in recent years, due to the modernization of agriculture, many faxinals disappeared. The state of Paran is the only one where such communities still exist, located mainly in the region of the Araucaria Forest, an evergreen coniferous tree from the Araucariaceae family, which occurs mostly in southern Brazil, but also in the southern state of So Paulo and small parts of Argentina and Paraguay. Today, the area occupied by Araucaria has been significantly reduced and the tree is considered Critically Endangered, the step immediately before extinction, in the red list of the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN 2011). 3 The first comprehensive survey of the number of faxinals in southern Brazil dates back to 1994 and was realized by the Paran Company of Technical Assistance and Rural Extension (EMATER). According to this survey, in 1994 the number of faxinals in Paran amounted to 121. An update made by the IAP (Environmental Institute of Paran) shows that 44 of these still remained ten years later. These faxinals were composed by 3,000 families, with a population of approximately 16,000 inhabitants (Lowen Sahr and Cunha 2005). Information about faxinals clearly indicates a reduction in the number of these communities and the importance of community areas for the maintenance of the faxinal. Animal breeding areas remain open, with free access to all the animals of the Community. The installation of fences and the planting of part of the breeding area means the end of these spaces and, consequently, of the faxinal. From this information, the objective of the research was to identify factors that threaten the maintenance of faxinals and to understand the mechanisms of action of these factors. Faxinal system can be considered as a cooperative institutional arrangement in which all agree to leave their lands in the breeding area in free access for the Community. Achieving the objective of the research involves the analysis of institutional arrangements and the understanding of the rules, or institutions, governing relations between members of those communities and which promote the maintenance of cooperative arrangements. The analysis focuses on the faxinal of Taquari dos Ribeiros, in the municipality of Rio Azul, in southern Paran, South of Brazil. In the survey, semi-structured interviews with all the 82 families living in this faxinal have been used. The faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros is one of the last faxinals in keeping with the traditions of faxinals systems, with the land to plant and the animal breeding area well defined. In this faxinal, the area of communitarian animal breeding has 234 hectares completely surrounded by fences. Araucaria forests, free animals, the houses of inhabitants, a church, a grocery store, 4 a school, a health center as well as various other places where the communitarian experience of residents can be developed are found in this area (Neiverth and Lwen Sahr 2009). After the Introduction faxinals and the traditional way of life in these communities is defined. The theoretical framework research is then discussed, focusing on institutional arrangements, institutions and the model used in the paper. Finally, the analysis of the case study is presented, assessing the role of institutions.
Traditional way of life of faxinals systems As an example of the traditional culture of the faxinal, it is possible to quote the example of Tavares (2008) on the faxinal Salso, in Paran State, identified as a faxinal who kept the traditions of land use. This faxinal practiced breeding of free animals in the communitarian area and a traditional farming in the land to plant. In agricultural production, they used no pesticides and only a few chemicals, with the production of corn, beans, cassava, oats and potatoes (crops mainly used for family subsistence), with commercialization only of the surplus. In the communitarian breeding area extraction of mate tea is also done by joint force (mutiro) for their own consumption purposes. The collective use of land in the breeding area is based on rules and norms, or informal institutions, linked to cultural aspects, which allows for the establishment of informal institutional arrangements. Social relations follow a hierarchy. The Community of the faxinal has an association whose president is elected by members of the Community. He is responsible for the physical and moral integrity of the faxinal inhabitants and for the solution of minor accidents, such as the invasion of animals in the land to plant. His role is to check for proper compliance with the Community rules (Barbosa 2007). For the author, political relations internal to faxinals are essentially established around consuetudinary power, in which members of pioneer families, especially the older ones, have 5 some influence on others, without having control. In this context, older people have a role of reference in the community, outlining the rules that underlie the established conventions. The disappearance of these people may weaken the role of informal institutions governing faxinals and threaten the survival of these systems. Another threat is the search for higher yields than those obtained with traditional activities, which requires producers to seek more commercial crops, such as tobacco. With the income generated by tobacco production, the raising of free animals and the production for their own consumption are no longer needed, since there is not enough time and land (Souza 2009). The use of natural resources in faxinals is based on family labor and the common use of land, contrasting with the position of capitalist agribusiness, related to large plantations and industrial enterprises, the production of which aims to commodity markets (Shiraishi Neto 2009). For the author, these companies do not recognize that traditional faxinals have laws for use and food production different from those governing the commodity market. For Tavares (2008), a good living between the inhabitants of a faxinal and the integration with the environment facilitate the preservation of traditional livelihoods and local biodiversity. Some of the specific features of the peasants from faxinals highlighted by the author are: Association between livestock, agriculture and extractive products; Sharing of part of the land in an area defined as a communitarian breeding area; Creation in a collective form of large and small animals, free and mixed; The practice of subsistence farming with traditional instruments; Sharing of seeds, livestock and products through barter; The presence of extractive practices (mate tea, wood and pine nuts); Strong coexistence and integration with the environment; The preservation and respect of traditions, customs and culture (festivals, dances and prayers). 6 For Barbosa (2007), religion is another important aspect of faxinal culture and facilitates social cohesion. To honor the sacred, inhabitants of faxinals elaborate festivities that, when aimed at a particular saint, can be performed in the homes of residents. This practice allows for the strengthening of ties of friendship and trust between residents.
Analysis model of institutional arrangements In interactions such as the one that occurs in the communitarian breeding area of faxinals, cooperation is built by the mutual interest, or interdependence, of those involved in the interaction, constituting medium or long-term relations, benefiting all the parties. Mutual interest turns cooperation into a positive sum game, where stability of the relationship is critical and is linked to the fact that each member considers that he obtains higher gains than he would obtain with other forms of institutional arrangements, such as those without cooperation (Grassi 2006). In the case of faxinals, the choice of a different institutional arrangement than the traditional one, with cooperation between inhabitants, leads to the end of the communal area, with individual use of their part by community members, in the Communitarian breeding area. The gains obtained by actors in their interactions with other actors, with whom they have mutual interests, are not only based on economic aspects, but may be of another nature. Boltansky and Thvenot (1987) and Thvenot (2007) identified a variety of interests present in individuals. These interests have been grouped in six worlds, which give rise to different goals of the individuals who are part of them. a) World of inspiration - is based on the emergence of original and innovative ideas. Individuals who belong to this world seek nonconformity and creativity, without bothering with opinions of others; 7 b) Domestic world - persons in this world cannot be separated from their belonging to a body, a family, a lineage (kinship) and estate. The relationship between people in this world is based on hierarchy and respect of group rules (traditions); c) World of renown - the opinion of others is the higher principle to this world, and the magnitude of reputation is given by notoriety, recognition or success; d) Civic world - the union of all for the formation of the general will is the higher principle. The collective interest is the value that encourages participants; e) Market world - world traditionally covered by economy. Its overriding principle is competition over goods. In this world, acquisition of scarce goods is pursued by everyone and money appears as a measure of everything; f) Industrial world - is characterized by efficiency and productivity through specialization and professionalization of individuals. These different worlds may serve as a basis to explain the presence of cooperative institutional arrangements like the ones found in Brazilian faxinais. However, if mutual interests between the actors do exist, they should be clear and accepted by the participants of the transaction. In Brazil, where the educational level of small producers is rather low, the lack of awareness in regards to the importance of better coordination among stakeholders can lead to the preference for less efficient arrangements, such as in the lack of cooperation between actors. The existence and perception of mutual interests are the first conditions needed for the existence of a lasting interaction between actors, as shown in Figure 2. Kennedy (1999), describing small tanners in India, indicated that for most of them the solution for survival has consisted of joining with others to build and operate a common effluent treatment plant. It creates a situation of interdependence whereby each firm's survival is contingent on the actions of the others. For the author, any tannery that did not take immediate steps was 8 condemned to indefinite closure. The tanners had a clear understanding that their survival was at stake and this mutual self-interest has created a necessary condition for collaboration.
Figure 2. Mechanisms responsible for the continuation of an existing cooperation, as in the communitarian breeding areas in the faxinals.
The existence of mutual interest is the first step in the continuation of cooperation in a community. However, an entire community will hardly find satisfaction in the same objectives. People with different interests may be tempted to not respect the needs of the majority and instead act differently. In this case, mechanisms must exist to allow the whole community to respect the decisions of the majority, a role completed by institutions. North (1990) describes institutions as being characterized by a) formal rules - constitution, laws, property rights and b) informal aspects - taboos, customs, traditions and codes of behavior. To Malinowsky (1933), the fundamental function of a law is to break the natural tendencies of individuals, to keep human instincts within limits, in order to control and compel men to follow a behavior that is not spontaneous. The author states that the purpose of law is to ensure cooperation based on mutual concessions and sacrifices, in the pursuit of a common goal. As shown in Figure 2, the first level of control is provided by formal institutions or, as North (1990) suggests, by the formal rules of the game. The decision to place formal institutions in the first place can be explained by Fafchamps (2011), for whom informal institutions typically result in a system that is inequitable as well as inefficient: jobs do not go to the most qualified person, orders do not go to the best suppliers, and loans do not go to the most dynamic 9 entrepreneur. Solution is better institutions, institutions that are open to all, regardless of race, gender, religion, language or ethnicity, which means formal institutions. The existence of efficient contract laws reduces uncertainty and allows for formalizing the interaction between individuals with the adoption of contractual arrangements. However, the difficulties of contract enforcement and issues related to compliance with the laws, such as the cost and time related to legal proceedings, can harm contractual solutions. For the threat of court action to work as a deterrent against an opportunistic breach of contract, this threat must be credible. This is seldom the case for small transactions because the magnitude of the loss is not commensurate with the direct and indirect cost of court proceedings (Fafchamps 2011). In the case of a malfunction of formal institutions, the players need to seek alternative mechanism of control, based on informal institutions. In economies where formal institutions are weak or nonexistent and the enforcement of interactions relies almost exclusively on informal mechanisms, the social context becomes essential because it provides the environment in which norms of acceptable behavior are formed (Fafchamps 2011). Among the norms of conduct described by Malinowsky (1933) in the primitive society of Melanesia, some require from an individual, or group, obligations in relation to another individual, or group. Those who do not follow these rules quickly find themselves in an intolerable situation, being rejected by society. For Bowles and Gintis (2002), communities can sometimes do what governments and markets fail to do because their members have crucial information about other members behaviors, capacities and needs. Communities may thus make an important contribution to governance where the information needed to design and enforce beneficial exchanges and directives cannot effectively be used by outsiders. An effective community monitors the behavior of its members, rendering them accountable for their actions. 10 Felipe (2008) states that as informal institutions emphasize the relationships between actors, the penalties for non-standard institutional attitudes are relational and consist mainly of the removal or exclusion of the group. Still according to Malinowsky (1933), the existence of mechanisms for forcing compliance with the rules is essential. In the primitive society of Melanesia, effective social impositions are dependent on the existence of a complex network of regulations aimed at forcing people to respect their obligations. Bowles and Gintis (2002) confirm the need for penalties and pointed out that in case of significant penalties, cooperation between individuals increases, even in cases of anonymous relationships. For the authors, the communities that function have the capacity to enforce respect for the rules. Institutions, when accompanied with effective penalties, reduce uncertainty, because they allow the involved parties to predict the behavior of each other. This reduction of uncertainty facilitates the interaction between players. Although many studies consider social capital as an important element in the facilitation of cooperation, this concept was not adopted in the analysis. Its definition varies among researchers and many confuse it with informal institutions. For Reimer et al. (2008), collective social capital, as opposed to individual, can be defined as a social network and its associated norms, which is a feature that is discussed in the paper through the analysis of informal institutions. In the absence of formal and informal controls, even with the recognition by the actors of a mutual interest, or dependency between them, the establishment of a lasting relation is very difficult and individual arrangements predominate, with the absence of cooperation.
Relations of dependence among the residents of faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros The first factor identified in Figure 2, which influences interaction between members of a community, as in the case of faxinals, is the dependency between actors. A relationship of 11 dependence means that the residents have some kind of advantage in maintaining the faxinal, maintenance that can be assessed based on the preservation of the community area. The first dependence evaluated is the economic one (mercantile world). The end of the animal breeding area, with the installation of fences, means a reduction in the number of the animals possible to breed by the residents of the faxinal, especially for the owners of the smaller surface in the animal breeding area. In this case, these producers would be the most interested in preserving the communitarian area. In the case studied, the areas available for each family in the animal breeding area ranged from 0 to 22 ha. Economic dependence concerns only farmers with livestock and an area insufficient to use only their own land in the communitarian animal breeding area. However, less than half of the inhabitants in the faxinal commercialized animals or derivatives. Between these breeders, only 10 had insufficient space in the animal breeding area. Many farmers were producing for their own consumption, most of them owning enough space in the animal breeding area. These results demonstrate the lack of importance of livestock for commercial purposes in the faxinal and indicate the low level of economic dependency among residents. This data is strengthened by the small role of breeding in the income of the residents of the Community (Figure 3).
Figure 3. Sources of income for members of the Community faxinal do Taquari, in the Brazilian Paran State.
Tobacco participated in the family income of 56 residents in the surveyed faxinal, or 70% of the total. Of these, 52 reported that this culture was their main source of income. Livestock production has reached only the third position, with 22% of inhabitants of the faxinal 12 concerned and was never the main source of income. The marketing of mate tea, harvested in the community and which, according to Tavares (2008), used to be very important for communities of faxinals, represented, at the time of the survey, only marginal activity. Figure 3 confirms the reduced economic importance of the animal breeding area, while highlighting tobacco as the main activity of the faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros. The profitability of that crop pushes residents to use their lands in the animal breeding area for this production. Figure 4 indicates that among 56 tobacco producers interviewed, 21 had more than 20% of their land in the communitarian area, and might be encouraged to increase their production in this space. At the time of the interviews, this situation had already occurred with two of them.
Figure 4. Land distribution of the tobacco producers in the faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros, between the planting land and animal breeding area.
The analysis indicates that the farmers income does not depend on the maintenance of the traditional mode of existence of the faxinals. Instead, the possibility of improving income has been identified through the transformation of lands in the animal breeding area into planting lands, especially for tobacco. Tavares (2008) confirms the influence of the tobacco industry in regards to the changes that have occurred in recent years in communities from faxinals. Of the 25 faxinals visited by the author, only one did not produce tobacco. The search for higher yields than those obtained with traditional activities, with the introduction of cash crops, is considered a major threat to the maintenance of the way of life of the faxinals. In addition to tobacco, Souza (2009) mentions other monocultures, such as pine trees, soybeans, corn and Tavares (2008), the cultivation of wheat. 13 However, other aspects may encourage the preservation of the faxinals traditional way of life. There may be non-economic objectives that connect the residents of a faxinal and favor the preservation of these communities, such as those related to collective interests, related to the civic world. The animal breeding area is an environmentally protected area. It retains the traditional lifestyle of the residents, with housing surrounded by open pastures and forests, with free animals. The desire to preserve this lifestyle can be a major objective that profit and can create a dependency among residents, because the preservation of faxinals depends on the cooperation of all. In this case, preservation involves mechanisms that prevent people with more economic vision and little concern with tradition, to put fences in their land within the animal breeding area. It is expected that residents who were born or have lived for a long time in a faxinal are more attached to local culture and have more interest in maintaining traditions, especially regarding the preservation of the animal breeding area. In the investigated faxinal, in 40% of the families the couple was born on the site and in 35% of cases, at least one of them was from the Community, which means that 57% of residents were born in the faxinal. Among those born outside the faxinal Taquari, 77% lived there for over 20 years. Only 6% of the population resided in the faxinal for less than five years, half of whom married with residents who were born there. The evaluation of the origin of the residents of the faxinal Taquari indicated that a large proportion of inhabitants originate from the Community, which reinforces the connection with the place and its traditions, and limits the desires of residents to change. The preservation of faxinal culture requires the involvement of all in a common desire of conservation, a situation that highlights a situation of dependency among the inhabitants. This need was clearly 14 perceived by the inhabitants, aware that the closure of the community area would damage all of them. In a civic world, based on values related to the community, the destruction of faxinal as a place of coexistence and preservation of the environment would change the lifestyle of people, to the detriment of those attached to the traditions, which would lead to the sensation of deterioration in their conditions of life. Souza (2009) states that even when a great majority is in favor of the permanence of the breeding area, the right of individual owners who want to put fence around their lands shall prevail. Conscious of the need for the cooperation of all, which is necessary to preserve the traditional lifestyle, community members must find mechanisms to ensure the maintenance of traditions and limit the possibilities of free-riders, as producers who planted tobacco in the animal breeding area.
Informal mechanisms for the preservation of faxinals Traditionally, the mechanism that guaranteed the permanence of cooperative arrangements in faxinals in the South of Brazil was the existence of informal institutions. As defined by Nelson (1995), they allow for the outlining of acceptable behavior in a given Community. In the case studied, the behaviors of interest are those that regulate the use of the animal breeding area, with free circulation of animals and prohibition of increasing the amount of animals beyond the support capacity of the physical territory. For Bowles and Gintis (2002), communities work when they have the ability to force the application of norms. Cooperation in a community is achieved when this one can monitor the activities of its members and when the actions of those who do not cooperate are duly penalized.
15 Informal rules in the faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros A total of 53% of respondents indicated the absence of conflict in the Community. For the others, there are some conflicts, but most are resolved in meetings or through the intervention of the President of the Residents Association. This information showed the control of the Community on the actions of its members, with the existence of a referee in case of conflict. However the biggest problem is related to the type of penalty to be applied in case of non- compliance with the operating rules of the communitarian breeding area, given the right of the owners to put up fences and cultivate their lands. According to the literature, the best option in communities like faxinals is the application of relational penalties, especially those involving removal or exclusion from the group. For Tillmar and Lindkvist (2007) these penalties work very well in Africa where there is a well-structured tribal organization. In Brazil, relational penalties had a significant role when the communities were isolated. Currently, this influence is becoming smaller and smaller. The first factor with possible influence over compliance with local norms is the origin of residents. Barbosa (2007) indicates the existence of a threat to the faxinals due to residents who were not born in the community. In the faxinal studied, the comparison of means with Students t test has highlighted the lack of impact of this variable. The inhabitants of the faxinal who were born outside the Community participated as much as the others in community and religious activities, which differs from the statement of Barbosa. The proportion of income obtained from tobacco and from traditional activities of faxinals, such as the commercialization of animals and mate tea, was the same in families with both members born outside the faxinal, only one outsider or all members of the family native of the faxinal. The monthly family income was also similar. Barbosa was referring mainly to the influence of people from the city, which used faxinals only as a ranch for the weekend, or to producers related to capitalist agribusiness who 16 acquired the land for commercial purposes only. The faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros is quite isolated from major urban centers, which limits the influence of ranchers. In parallel, the activity of capitalist agribusiness is essentially limited to the production of tobacco, with many irregular areas that limit the growth of corn and soybeans. Unlike these two cultures, which have scale economies, tobacco requires a lot of labor, mainly family labor, which limits the cultivated area and may have contributed to the preservation of the typical structure of the faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros. In parallel, penalties based on removal from the community to encourage compliance with community norms can be effective both for people from the outside and for those born in the place, especially in the case of older residents. Another explanation, also discussed by Barbosa, is the urban influence on new generations. The social network of young people moved from the faxinal to the city, contrary to the social network of their parents, centralized in the faxinal. This being the case, the Community with which they maintain more contacts is no longer the one where they live. This change has made the threat of exclusion linked to the disrespect of internal rules of faxinal ineffective. Young people, with the change in their social networks, started to respect the norms of the new communities with which they identify better (groups of friends, professional associations, among others) and not those that govern the operation of the faxinal. Another important aspect pointed out by Tavares (2008), which reinforces the deviation from the Community rules, is the influence of television. Most young people stay at home watching television with restricted contact with local residents, while the older ones go to visit the neighbors to chat and tell stories. The frequenting by young people of schools outside the faxinal and extension of the duration of studies (Figure 5) facilitate the exit from the influence of norms applied in the Community of faxinals. 17
Figure 5. Education of residents of the faxinal Taquari for parents and children over eighteen.
Figure 5 indicates an increase in the educational level of the new generations. The higher the level of study, the greater the distance traveled from the community to access the school, which increases the likelihood of young people to escape the influence of the faxinal. The existence of faxinals was always based on the presence of a strong social capital, with dense and closed relationships, as defined by Granovetter (2005). The research identified a transition to open social relations, or weaker ties, which, according to Lin (1999), facilitates the introduction of innovations in the Community, but increases the difficulty of the preservation of traditional norms.
Social cohesion in the faxinal Taquari For Coleman (1988), the ability of a Community to maintain its internal norms depends on the properties of the social structure encountered. Social cohesion is important because it reveals the strength of the sanctions available within the community to ensure the respect of the rules. The higher the cohesion, as with closed networks, the greater the effect of the removal of a person. The main threat to the culture of faxinals is the maintenance of the breeding area as an open space, with free access for all of the Community. The installation of fences would mean the end of this area and consequently, of the concept of faxinal. However, it is possible to consider the removal of the breeding area as the completion of the process of disappearance of faxinal culture, rather than the beginning. The traditional faxinals are characterized by the existence of a culture of solidarity between the community members, based on relations of 18 reciprocity. These relationships are reflected not only in the maintenance of the common area, but also in task force activities organized in the Community, in help between residents and in community feasts. For Platteau (1994 b) the exchanging of gift establishes a relationship between the subjects, with the exchange of inalienable things between persons who are in a state of reciprocal dependence. It contrasts with commodity exchange, which is an exchange of alienable things between persons who are in a state of reciprocal independence. At the time of the survey there was still a great cooperation among the residents of the faxinal. Two thirds of the community members reported participating in task forces, which denoted great involvement in the collective life. Among the activities, the most cited were the renovation of the fence around the animal breeding area, the help of sick people from the Community, the cleaning of common areas, the building of wells and installation of water and telephone. However, after comparison of means by Student's t test, a significant difference in age and educational profiles was observed in community members, according to their participation in task forces. The analysis revealed that the average age of residents who had not participated in any task force was 45 years, versus an average of 53 years for those who participated. The age and educational profiles of community members who participated in task forces were significantly different, with less involvement of young and more educated people. Among the other activities identified in the community, such as planting in partnership and tools division, it was not identified any interference of age and education. However, the information collected indicated a decrease of cooperation among all residents. One-third reported not to share their implements with anyone and two-thirds were planting alone. Half of the residents declared not to participate in any association and 8% participated in an organization not connected to the faxinal. This data may signify a lack of interest relatively 19 high for life in the community, lack of interest not limited only to young people and people with higher education. The integration of producers of the faxinal in capitalist agribusiness, such as tobacco, could also destabilize the relations between the inhabitants of the faxinal, as reported by Tavares (2008) and Shiraishi Neto (2009). Souza (2009) observed, in faxinals who had lost their community areas, the existence of changes in social and environmental relationships in the Community. The author attributed these changes to the emergence of new technological practices, focusing on the specialization of labor and the use mainly of family labor, without resorting to help from other members of the Community. For the author, focusing on the family weakens the ties of solidarity between the community members, and facilitates the closing of the common areas. Table 1 examines the participation of producers, based on the production, or lack of production of tobacco, in the cooperative activities of the faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros. The analysis showed no significant difference in the planting with partnerships, in the participation in task forces and in the community association. Most residents plant alone and do not participate in the association, without any interference from the type of cultivation they practice. The values used in the analysis of participation in task forces were 0 for those who never participate, 1 for those who have participated in only one type of task force (renewal of the fence surrounding the animal breeding area, help of sick people from the Community, cleaning of common areas, construction of wells, installation of water and telephone, ...) and 2 for those who have participated in various task forces. The average result for participation in task forces was 1, which means that residents don't participate very much in this type of activity, with or without tobacco cultivation.
20 Table 1
By contrast, the results in Table 1 indicate that tobacco producers share more equipment with the other residents of the faxinal. Although not significant, probably due to the small number of residents who did not plant tobacco, the results also indicate a tendency for tobacco producers to rely more on the other residents of the faxinal, outside their family circle, to lend money. These results are contrary to those that were predicted from the literature review and seem to indicate a greater spirit of solidarity among tobacco producers. In this case, it is not possible to say that capitalist agribusiness dismantles relations between community members, as often mentioned. All producers of tobacco began the cultivation more than 10 years ago, most of them since the eighties of last century. In this case, depending on the results, it can be concluded that the tobacco crop is already well established in the faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros and has managed to adapt to local traditions. For Barbosa (2007), religion is another very relevant aspect of the culture of faxinals, which has an important role in the social cohesion of the community. For Platteau (1994 a), in groups sufficiently small for information transmission to be effective, religion serves not only to encourage co-operation but also to signal or identify members. To honor the sacred, feasts are prepared that, when aimed at a particular saint, can be performed in the homes of residents. This practice, that strengthens the ties of friendship and trust between residents, almost disappeared from the faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros. Among the interviewed, only 10% reported that they still organize or participate in such festivities, and 20% said they participated once, but in recent years the festivities have stopped. In the case of respondents of the male sex, the average age of those who participated in these celebrations 21 was 59 years, while for those who reported not to participate, the average age was 46, a significant difference in students t-tests. For women, age did not differentiate the two groups. Figure 6 shows the variables that influence the institutional arrangements adopted in faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros.
Figure 6. Characteristics that influence the choice of institutional arrangements in faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros.
The animal breeding area already had an important economic role in the Community, especially in the production of meat, milk and mate tea. At the time of the research, production in this area could be considered marginal. Thus, the breeding area has lost its economic importance. This area is even considered by some faxinal inhabitants as a limiting factor in the growth of agricultural production, mainly of tobacco. In this case, the economic approach indicates a trend towards the disappearance of this area. Another aspect that motivates inhabitants of the faxinals is the desire to preserve their heritage, while maintaining the traditional life in harmony with neighbors and living with nature, a goal that involves the cooperation of all residents of the Community. The need to preserve the traditional way of life of the faxinal, initially for economic reasons and now because of a civic purpose, led to the implementation of internal rules of coexistence, with monitoring carried out by the Community itself, and penalties through the isolation of offenders. However, besides the reduction of interest in maintaining the traditions, the strength of sanctions decreased, especially in the younger and more educated population, the portion of the population least interested in tradition preservation and the most anxious to develop economic activities. 22 Dhesi (2000) found a similar situation in the Punjab region in India, where social cohesion, which the author defines as social capital, decreased with the increase of trade relations with other communities. The economic opening has weakened the traditional norms and social sanctions that followed, which is a source of difficulty for collective activities. The explanation for this evolution can be found in Coleman (1988), when the author describes the difference in control mechanisms between open and closed networks. In an open structure, actor A has a relationship with actors B and C (Figure 7a). If A carries out actions that impose negative externalities on B or C, or both, these cannot combine forces to sanction him in order to constrain his actions, as they have no relations with one another. In a structure with closure, like that of Figure 7b, B and C can combine to provide a collective sanction, or either can reward the other for sanctioning A.
Source : Coleman (1988) Figure 7. Network without (a) and with (b) closure.
For Coleman, closure of the social structure is important for the existence of effective norms. In the case of the investigated faxinal, the relationship of younger and educated residents with actors from outside the community opened the network of relationships, reducing the effect of sanctions inside the group. In this case, alternative mechanisms of control must be found, less sensitive to internal rules, to limit the actions of members of the community.
Formal mechanisms for preservation of faxinals In 2007, with the Law n15.673/07, the state of Paran recognized the faxinals as a specific culture as well as their specificities, such as the production of free animals on land in common 23 use, family-based farming, polyculture for consumption and commercialization and low impact extractivism with biodiversity conservation (Tavares 2008). The State law opened the door for new municipal laws, as in the municipalities of Antnio Olinto and Pinho, where other faxinals are located (Tavares 2008). These laws prohibit actions within the animal breeding area that do not respect the community agreements signed between the faxinals inhabitants. As penalties fines are stipulated for violators. The municipal laws also stipulate the transfer of 80% of the Ecological taxes to community Associations. The transfer of this money is linked to the maintenance of the animal breeding area, which creates an economic incentive for the preservation of this space. Tavares (2008) indicates that the Ecological tax encourages the environmental preservation in municipalities through the creation of conservation units or maintenance of existing areas. For the author, in Decree-Law No. 3.446/97136, the Paran State Government recognized the animal breeding areas as Special Areas of Regulated Use - ARESUR, which allows municipalities with faxinals to benefit from the Ecological tax. The funds must be transferred to the faxinals in the form of benefits through public policies in health, education, agriculture and infrastructure among others. Another possibility in the preservation of faxinals involves the creation of Sustainable Use Reserves (RDS) in traditionally occupied lands (Tavares 2008). Article 30 of Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization (ILO), ratified by Brazil, mentions the duty of governments to protect traditional peoples, adopting measures in accordance with their traditions and culture. As stated by Tavares, the inhabitants of faxinals define themselves as traditional people and are recognized by the Brazilian Federal Government, by the Decree of 13 of July 2006. Therefore, according to the ILO Convention 169, Presidential Decree 5.051/04, faxinals have the possibility to create RDS. 24 A RDS is a natural area where traditional populations live, whose existence is based on sustainable systems of exploitation of natural resources, developed over generations, adapted to local ecological conditions and that play a key role in maintaining biological diversity (Tavares 2008). The government grants the right to use the area with the condition of maintaining the traditional way of life of the community and seeking the conservation of the environment. The sale of areas is prohibited, which reduces the risk of cultural loss. Properties that do not adopt the traditional way of life and are included within the limits of RDS can be expropriated and the owners compensated. These laws could be an efficient mechanism to preserve faxinals. However, the third meeting of the People from the faxinals, which occurred in 2009 in the municipality of Irati, Paran State, highlighted the difficulties of compliance with the protection laws of the faxinals. In a synthesis of the meeting (Articulao Puxiro dos Povos Faxinalenses 2009), people from faxinals claimed the application of ILO 169 Agreement and of the State Law 15673/2007. They called for the demarcation of territories and recognition of the identity of the inhabitants of faxinals, which until now has not happened.
Final considerations The changes of priority for young people and the increasing difficulties in applying the internal norms explain the difficulties of faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros and probably of most of the others surviving faxinals. The dissolution of informal institutions, especially among the younger and more educated inhabitants of faxinals, weakens the relationship between members of the community. Institutional rules were based on the need to preserve an area for breeding and the extraction of mate tea, activities that previously represented an important aspect of life for residents, but 25 which are now marginalized. It is therefore possible to consider that these rules are no longer adapted to economic reality. The desire to preserve their values can serve as a mechanism for preserving the faxinal. In the absence of an aspiration shared by all residents, preservation depends on the existence of efficient mechanisms for the respect of the internal norms of the Community. However, a reduced participation in associations and task forces was observed. Festivities such as the "Saint at home", once very important for the cohesion of the community, are disappearing. These aspects indicate a sharp deterioration of social cohesion within the community, which weakens the role of informal institutions and increases the threat to preservation of the faxinals. Despite the disappearance of these festivities, religious life remains important in the life of the Community. A great homogeneity has been found among the population of faxinal Taquari, with 95% of respondents who declared themselves Catholics and affirmed to participate in church services. Religion is the main aggregating element remaining in the faxinal communities, able to involve almost all the inhabitants. It is an element that could act in the approximation of residents and to strengthen the links between them, with the common goal of preserving communities. Faced with the growing fragility of informal institutions, the main option to save the faxinal system passes through formal institutions, with the implementation of RDS. Although potentially more effective, this solution requires an effective implementation. For Bowles and Gintis (2002), the state is well suited for handling particular classes of problems. The state is attractive because it alone has the power to make and enforce the rules of the game that govern the interaction of private agents. In cases where an interaction between actors will be effective only if participation is mandatory, such as the one faced in the Brazilian faxinals, governments have an advantage. However, in Brazil, despite the 26 existence of a law with great potential for preservation of faxinals, the country still lacks a political will for implementation and enforcement of this law, which greatly reduces its effects. While these problems were not resolved, the faxinals continue to disappear, giving way to communities of family farmers producing in their individual areas, focusing on economic performance and with little concern for the preservation of the environment.
Funding This work has been funded by the Fundao Araucaria, Brazilian Paran state, in a project coordinated by Prof. Dr. L. Cicilian Sahr Lwen (DEGEO-UEPG).
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30 Table 1. Influence of planting of tobacco on cooperative activities among the residents of the faxinal Taquari dos Ribeiros, Paran Brazilian state, in 2009. Evaluated variables Planting of tobacco N of persons interviewed
p Yes No Plant tobacco Dont plant tobacco Planting in partnership 0,37 0,26 54 19 0,40 Participating in task forces 1,00 1,17 56 23 0,54 Dividing implements 0,78 0,44 54 18 0,01 Trust to lend money 1,74 1,33 50 18 0,15 Participating in community association 0,47 0,33 55 21 0,28 Legend: For the variables Planting in partnership, Dividing implements and Participating in the community association: 0 = no, 1 = yes - Participating in task forces: 0 = no, 1 = participated in one type (culture, fence, well, cleaning, ...) 2 = participated in more than one type - Trust to lend money: 0 = No, 1 = only family members, 2 = some of the residents of the faxinal 3 = all the inhabitants of the faxinal. P: probability value of equality of means.
Remote Observations With Images From Landsat Satellites To Determine The Environmental Impact of Agrarian Reform in The Brazilian Midwest Between 2004 and 2014
Remote Observations With Images From Landsat Satellites To Determine The Environmental Impact of Agrarian Reform in The Brazilian Midwest Between 2004 and 2014
Remote Observations With Images From Landsat Satellites To Determine The Environmental Impact of Agrarian Reform in The Brazilian Midwest Between 2004 and 2014