Geographical imaginations of distant others play a key role in shaping ethical consumption. Discuss.

Introduction

In recent decades, public awareness of consumption has increased, and consumers see shopping as a way of making a
difference. The term 'ethical consumption' concerns how consumer behaviour is shaped by empathy toward the
producing subject (Adams, 2010), involving a distinction between 'what is right and good, versus wrong and bad' (Starr,
2009: 916). Ethics are purposely framed, connecting consumption practice to a commitment to distant 'others'.
Jacobsen and Dulsrud (2007) explain that consumption has been politicised into a form of moral judgement. But does
ethical consumption solely imply a passive commitment to 'doing good' somewhere (Adams, 2010), or is there a more
complex connection between consumers and consumption? Although academics have examined how endorsement of
African stereotypes mobilises consumer empathy, this essay argues that globalisation is rendering this Orientalist
discourse increasingly problematic. Moreover, it is important not to discount the role that elitism plays in framing
ethical purchases.

Western Heroics

According to Richey and Ponte (2008), a re-imagining of Africa has been imposed upon the consumer. The Fairtrade
brand has been integral to this process, forging a 'chain of causality' between Southern producers and Northern
consumers (Varul, 2009: 4). Acting as a 'market-based Robin Hood', impoverished producers are paid fairer wages,
enabling greater self-sufficiency (Goodman, 2004: 897). Imaginative geographies compel consumers to feel a
connection to native farmers in exotic climes, their purchase of Fairtrade products 'saving' these subjects from their
otherwise terrible fate. But this dichotomy between Western self and poor African other, which Dolan (2005) believes
is rooted in colonial discourse, silences the very people Fairtrade aims to help. Tensions thus exist between consumer
ideals and actual realities (Dolan, 2005). It should be noted, however, that this dichotomy is deliberate. The stereotype
of the needy African has been crucial to establishing an ethics of care for distant strangers grounded in morality and
responsibility (Goodman, 2004). Through commodification of African producers, ethical trade has made consumers
recognise, and want to address, the cultural gulf between north and south (Dolan, 2005). Consumption has thus become
an act of helping, revealing capitalism's nice side.

That Africans are presented as lacking agency (Richey and Ponte, 2008) is problematic. The consumer becomes an
empowered actor, assuming a burden of duty to help the voiceless African, which Varul (2008) believes romanticises the
connection between producer and consumer. The white Westerner embarks upon a civilising mission, preaching
'principles of global justice' to these backward localities (Dolan, 2005: 370). Assuming the role of hero, ethical selving
of consumers is grounded in a postcolonial imaginary (Varul, 2009). It is therefore important to question the
construction of this moral economy, and how it presents cultural difference. Fairtrade, through painting a picture of the
livelihood of African producers, appears to have defetishised the traditional commodity, unmasking the social and
economic links between spheres of production and consumption but simultaneously, the fetish has been reworked
through this stereotype of the 'other' (Goodman, 2004), neglecting knowledge of localities in favour of Orientalist
notions of suffering peasants in need of Western help (Varul 2008; Varul 2009). This 'commodity racism' (Varul, 2009:
11) is grounded in enduring imperialist notions of development.

Globalisation and Ethicality

This juxtaposition of white wealthy Westerners against a marginalised, voiceless Africa, and its success in framing
consumption habits, should be treated with considerable scrutiny especially within the context of globalisation.
Herein, consumers are not simply dupes in a sly political campaign; rather, consumers are powerful, reflective, active
agents who make rational use of information to make ethical decisions (Adams, 2010; Richey and Ponte, 2008).
Accordingly, Bocock et al. (2007) state that ethical consumption is better likened to consumer activism. Rather than
(passively) hoping that good is being done through ethical consumption, consumers can ensure this process through
actively participating in a political arena to voice change (d'Astous and Legendre, 2009; Jacobsen and Dulsrud, 2007).
The theory of reflexive modernisation (Beck et al., 1994), in the context of consumption, concerns how individuals,
through increasing knowledge, and through a changing relationship with the political environment, are defining
themselves through their consumer choices. Seen thus, commodities shape not just how one acts, but who they want to
be; further, greater freedom of choice compels a greater sense of responsibility, with increased emphasis on making
appropriate consumer choices (Warde, 1994). A rise of 'eco-alarmism' reflects growing anxieties concerning the nature
of consumption in this modern society (Mol and Spaargaren, 1993).

Importantly, the reflexive modernisation theory, whilst emphasising self-identity, also focuses on how individuals are
increasingly challenging the institutions which inform societal structure. Consumers are challenging established social
practices which have traditionally informed their way of life. In this light, self-reflexive action is guiding their
consumer choices; that is, rather than simply adhering to the image of the ideal ethical consumer, consumers are
questioning what difference this is making (Adams, 2010). Subsequently, Allison (2009) acknowledges levels of
scepticism among consumers, as to how effective ethical consumption is in effecting change. The question of whether
doing good here is causing good to be done there, increasingly pervades consumer minds. Other scepticism (neglected
within consumer geographies) is grounded in the belief that ethical trade is not that important. As d'Astous and
Legendre (2009: 257) explain, government inaction has fostered a consumer attitude that there is no cause for
alarmwhat is legal is acceptable. Scholarly neglect of narratives of consumer ambivalence has exposed an area of
geography that has shallowly engaged with its subject (Wright, 2005).

Herein lies the question: does this cynical attitude reflect a lack of, or a level of sophistication concerning, socio-
political awareness? If consumers indeed are not subscribing to images fed to them by ethical trade corporations, it is
unlikely that scepticism is the sole reason. This statement adopts heightened significance in the context of the economic
climate. The recession has caused consumers to value price over ethical merit. d'Astous and Legendre (2009) note that
particularly with lower classes consumers may want to consume ethically, but this deed does not warrant higher
priced goods. Consumers are thus not willing to sacrifice their livelihood for someone elses an attitude justified by
the poor economic circumstances of their country of origin (d'Astous and Legendre, 2009). Millers (1998) work
provides a useful insight into consumption and what he calls thrift. His ethnographic study in North London revealed
that consumers hope to save through the act of shopping, and that through a sense of obligation and duty towards others,
their primary concern is providing for their family (Miller, 1998). The morality associated with ethical concerns
transforms into a morality of concern for family through sound family budgeting (Jacobsen and Dulsrud, 2007: 478).
Thus, the other that Miller writes about, concerns not that in a distant locality, but those in the home who rely upon
their provider. Importantly, Jacobsen and Dulsrud (2007) note that this act of caring is to a degree incompatible with
consideration toward distant others. One should note, however, that this is based on a specific ethnography of families
and gender; rather than representing the status quo, this study exemplifies how the link between consumption and ethics
can be re-conceptualised. Millers study further proves that one must be wary of attempts to universalise the consumer
a point demonstrated more explicitly in the next section, which analyses the link between class, ethics and
consumption.

Class, Ethics and Consumption

One should not perceive ethical consumption solely as the outcome of reflection on the production process; rather, there
is a more complicated relationship at hand (Adams, 2010; Wright, 2005). Accordingly, this section discusses the notion
that ethical consumption represents a class divide as much as, if not more so than, a geographical imagination of distant
others. As Goodman (2004: 908) states, Fairtrade is bounded by its own economic logic. The comparative expense
of ethically branded products has propelled them to the fore of the class-consumption debate. Whereas for lower
classes, conforming to the ideal of the ethical consumer may prove an economic impossibility, for the upper echelons,
ethical goods merely constitute one of the available options, in a consumption environment characterised by indulgence
and extravagance. Bourdieus (1984) concept of cultural capital concerns how individuals who demonstrate levels of
sophistication regarding knowledge, skills and tastes, are perceived as asserting a higher societal position. Thus, ethical
consumption may constitute a form of elitism (Allison, 2009). The relationship between consumption and elitism
materialises in two ways: first, regardless of price, ethical products are perceived as being expensive (Allison, 2009),
and thus reflect upon the prestige of the consumer. Second, the demonstration of the knowledge that ethical
consumption is better reflects a superior attitude not necessarily a do-good attitude. As d'Astous and Legendre
(2009) explain, certain consumers promote self-interest over societys interest.

There is frenzied debate surrounding the relevance, and thus potential longevity, of Bourdieu's concept. Kim and Kim
(2008) contest that in this post-materialistic society, different values dominate the mindset namely, values of non-
materialism (relating to the aforementioned rise of eco-alarmism). Gunn (2005) argues that Bourdieu's work remains
very Francocentric and inapplicable to English culture; not dissimilarly, stner and Holt (2010: 38) acknowledge that,
although alleging universality, Bourdieu's concept neglects less industrialised countries, appearing 'blunt and simplistic'.
The latter criticisms may seem unimportant in light of the wide acclaim Bourdieu's work has received. Indeed, Robbins
(2005) suggests that critics should not take Bourdieu's work at face value, but rather use his concepts reflexively in
relation to changing conditions of modernity.

Returning to the Fairtrade example, Varul (2008) claims that contrary to promotion of global justice Fairtrade
products may exist purely to serve exotic tastes of the rich. However, if, as Allison (2009) suggests, ethical products
may be deliberately positioned as status products, then the images of distant 'others' do indeed influence their
consumption not through a profound connection, or a geographical imaginary, but through an assumption that their
exotic nature reflects on the wealth of the consumer. Regarding this point, Varul (2008) suggests that there are grounds
for shame: colonial relationships between the white Westerner and the needy African are falsely reproduced to serve
exotic consumption habits. In this light, how distant 'others' are represented does influence the consumption of ethical
products but this representation, scarcely connected to ethical awareness, proves detrimental to the cause of the ethical
movement.

Moreover, due to the way these representations are utilised, ethical products are not connecting to the broader market
that which includes the lower classes. Friedland et al. (2007) state that, for products to be designated higher status, they
must be perceived so by a high number of people. Because exotic images invoke class associations (Allison, 2009),
brands such as Fairtrade may alienate the majority of the lower classes, on the grounds that the product appears
unaffordable. Rather than tug at the heart strings of the empathetic crusader, these commodities tug the wallet from the
grasp of the wealthy executive. One should note that, although misleading to assume this dichotomy between non-
materialistic and ethical, and rich and carefree, this generalisation has been utilised to allow for a re-conceptualisation
of the link between ethics and consumption. Far from promoting within consumers an aspiration to be the right kind of
person (Cherrier, 2005), exotic representations of ethical products promote materialism through a desire to exhibit
wealth. In this way, the dichotomy presented could prove relevant; as Allison (2009) claims, the nature of this
materialism is in stark contrast to the mindset of the ecological warrior, for whom the purpose of ethical purchases is
solely to make positive contributions to the planet. This conflict between ethicality and status proves the complexity of
the ties between representations of different 'others' and consumption of ethical products.

Conclusion

At a glance, it appears that the portrayal of impoverished 'others' requiring Western assistance has fulfilled its purpose,
invoking an emotional response in the consumer who feels obligated to help their African counterpart. In the case of
Fairtrade, it has been instrumental in reconstituting north-south relations, promoting closer socio-economic bonds
between the two spheres, whereby the northern consumer learns about, and aims to improve, the life of the southern
producer (whether this 'heroic' Western response serves with it positive or negative connotations remains highly
debatable). However, within the context of globalisation, one should give the consumer more credit. Consumers are
increasingly powerful, playing active roles in the economy rather than conforming to the ideal of the ethical consumer,
individuals are making their own minds up as to the effectiveness of ethical branding. Consequently, some remain
sceptical of the stereotypes reproduced on supermarket shelves. The recession has particularly caused consumers to
orientate consumption habits inward toward the family (saving and thrift), rather than outward toward distant 'others',
who, in these economic climes, cannot compete with 'the local' (Adams, 2010). That said, it is important not to
universalise the consumer. As Miller's (1998) study of consumption as caring for loved ones, and the discussion of
class-based consumption reveal, different groupings of people have different motives for (not) buying ethically some
of which do not relate to this imaginary of a distant 'other'. It is thus important to question the usefulness of the images
of 'others' reproduced on ethical brands like Fairtrade, and whether they are having a positive or detrimental effect on
the promotion of ethical awareness and consumption.










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