Hackers do their damage because the systems they attack have forgone security. The application of information to military power has three fundamental elements. As cyberspace expands, the impact of geography on each segment declines apace.
Hackers do their damage because the systems they attack have forgone security. The application of information to military power has three fundamental elements. As cyberspace expands, the impact of geography on each segment declines apace.
Hackers do their damage because the systems they attack have forgone security. The application of information to military power has three fundamental elements. As cyberspace expands, the impact of geography on each segment declines apace.
information systems wend their way into everyones high-technology economic
sectors. Yet, such a threat is easy to exaggerate in a culture grown dependent on machines that very few understand. With rare and uninteresting exceptions, there is no such thing as forced entry in cyberspace. Hackers do their damage because the systems they attack have forgone security that technology makes possible (whether such security is cost effective depends on the threat and the value of what is being protected). If the threat is grave enough, a system can adapt by making entry difficult or, in some cases, impossible. Such adaptations are not free but are nevertheless trivial compared with defending nations against conventional invasion or nuclear weapons. Because the architecture of the security cyberspace cannot help but favor some interests more than others, those left out may want to corrupt or degrade the means by which the security cyberspace comes together. If a data-level attack is unproductive (e.g., viruses defeated because of computer security), perhaps an information-level attack (e.g., the insertion of ambiguously misleading bitstreams) may be more effective. Conclusion The application of information to military power has three fundamental elements: perceiving reality and representing it in bits (intelligence), processing and distributing bits, and using bits to act on reality (operations). In air-combat terms, this parses to observing, orienting/ deciding, and acting. As cyberspace (broadly defined) expands, the impact of geography on each segment declines apace. Already, processing and distributing information is almost entirely liberated from spatial concerns. The remaining geographical distinction in surveillance is between the information that can be acquired from beyond borders (e.g., from space or blue waters) and that which cannot be (and in a pinch, cheap, untraceable sensors such as UAVs may be used to augment properly collected data). Lastly, although the application of information to force is still bound by geography, those who generate and deliver information (i.e., the United States) need not be the same as those who act on it (i.e., nations under threat). Any speculation on cyberspace must include the caution that the inevitable often takes longer than first thought, and institutions differ in their appreciation of what is, in retrospect, obvious. Logistics (or at least tonnage) still matters, and so does being there. Colin Gray argues that media also matter, and hence geography does too. But the importance of both is rapidly fading. The race may not necessarily go to those who grasp the new pride of placelessness, but, in cyberspace, that is increasingly the way to bet. A Rejoinder by Colin S. Gray Martin Libicki is always interesting, is frequently correct, but ultimately fails to persuade. The same difficulty attends appraisal of the writings of Robert Jervis; 274 I Orbis Information and Security he poses the right questions, often conducts brilliant analyses, but somehow getsthebiggeranswerswrong. As Libicki piles plausible claim upon persuasive detail, paragraph by paragraph, one might be misled into endorsing his extravagant conclusions. Those conclusions have at their core his assertion concerning the emergence of cyberspace as the arena of international security. The problem with Libickis argument is not that it is wrong-n the contrary, most of his argument is correct-but rather that it does not yield the conclusions for national security that he claims. Unless I have misunderstood him comprehensively, which is possible but unlikely, I can accept most of his analytical points as being compatible with the arguments presented in my essay, while rejecting his conclusions. My response to Martin Libicki is presented in six broad points, and I suspect he will agree with much of it. To repeat: my differences with Libicki lie much more with his strategic judgment than they do with his tactical or operational analysis. First, the revolution in military affairs @MA) to which Libicki refers, whose cutting edge is information dominance, though probably real and important, is rather less than revolutionary in basic character and purpose. The quest for, and even the achievement of, information dominance is not unique to the age of cyberspace. The system of systems would be useful, but then so were spies, carrier pigeons, staff officers on horseback, submarine telegraph cables, and radio. All of warfare--and crime-at all times has had as an overlay the struggle for information dominance. Secondly, one does not need to be unusually perceptive to notice that Libickis analysis is pretty barren of obvious human content. He waxes lyrical about sensing, emitting, communicating, redirecting, cuing, filtering, pinpointing, classifying, and creating target determinations, but who actually is going to do the threatening, breaking, and killing that war requires? General Sir Archibald Wavell once remarked that military history is a flesh-and-blood affair, not a matter of diagrams and formula or of rules; not a conflict of machines but of mer~.~ Libicki knows this, but it does not feature in his argument. In Libickis security universe, wherein cyberspace is king, war has been elevated to a conveniently bloodless activity. Probably the most significant weakness in his argument is that he neglects to emphasize, or usually even to mention, that the computer is just a tool, no more and no less. Tools certainly change the terms of tactical engagement and may affect operational choice, but equally certainly they do not undermine fundamentally the distressingly, and inconveniently, human implications of physical geography. Thirdly, cyberspace-which may be understood as the sum of the globes communications links and computational nodes, or placelessness, 1 See Robert Jervis, i%e Illogic of American Nuclear Shategy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1984); and idem, The Meaning of the Nuclear Remlution: Statecrajl and the Bv.pzct of Armageddon (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1989). 2 General Sir Archibald Wave& Generals and GeneralshQ (New York: Macmillan, 1943), p. 24. Emphasis added. Spring 1996 I 275 GRAY may be increasingly the way to bet as winner of the security race, but just where is that? Geography is altered in its operational and tactical implications by technical developments---it has always been so-but it is not in the process of being cancelled by the RMA associated with the exploitation of cyberspace. Libicki argues that as cyberspace (broadly defmed) expands, the impact of geography on each segment [perceiving reality and representing it in bits (intelligence), processing and distributing bits, and using bits to act on reality (operations)] declines apace. Already, processing and distributing information is almost entirely liberated from spatial concerns. Crude though this may sound, human beings and their lethal instruments operate on land, at sea, in the air. and in space. Cyberspace is a valuable, even invaluable, overlay in each of those four geographical environments. But cyberspace does not transcend. transform, or neutralize the significance of those environments. Carrier pigeons, horse-bound staff officers, or the terminals of cyberspace may each render military forces maximally effective at the decisive point. Human beings, unlike cyberspace, are not placeless-they act within geography. Fourthly, though Libicki allows more space in his text than is usual among cyberwaniors for Red Team consideration, the strategic context under discussion still is suspiciously permissive for U.S. cyber-prowess. Anyone re- spectful of past experience with RMAs will be rightly wary of arguments that assume a long national lead. Libicki is generally innocent on this front, though one retains a sneaking suspicion that advocacy as strong as his probably has not allowed as imaginatively as is needed for counter-cyberwar tactics, operations, and strategy. Fifthly, in company with Admiral William Owens, Libicki consigns space operations to the status of upper tier in a system of systems.5 They may be right, but it seems to me that recognition, even over-recognition, of the significance of cyberspace has blinded commentators to the unique features of the exploitation of space. Appreciation of cyberspace is in some respects intellectually more challenging, certainly is individually more accessible, but may obscure the vital importance of control of the geographical fourth dimension of war-outer space. Lastly, just as Libickis argument is bereft of human content, so it is presented all but shorn of historical experience. Is Libickis subject truly an RMA, or is it but the current manifestation of the perennial quest for information dominance? To read Libicki is, in a sense, to read the texts of yesterdays prophets for air power and armored and mechanized ground forces. The issue is not what can cyberspace (or airplanes, or tanks) do, but rather what does it mean? Inevitably, every theorist will fvld the past that suits him, but it would be a little reassuring if one could find in Libicki some systematic respect for the lessons that might be drawn from historical experience. 3 Admiral Wiiliam A. Owens, The Emerging System of Systems," U.S. Ndval InStihlte hCWdi?Zgs, hfay 1995, pp. 35-39. 276 I Orbis