Laura Abbott

UH 370
Final Paper
4/26/13
Then whatever, thats your issue:
Shjo Culture as a Marker of Japanese Third-Wave Feminism

Western perception of Japan is riddled with misconception, misunderstanding, and a
general lack of proximity in respective traditional schools of thought. While this distance is
apparent most obviously in the civil sphere, it is also present in expressions of ideological
thought. The shjo () culture, or the culture of young women, and its subsequent attributes,
such as lolita () and kawaii, or cute, are often misinterpreted by Western
nations as symbols of a seemingly perverse nature within Japan, apparently evidenced by cultural
quirks such as the large amounts of violence and sexualization of women in much of the
entertainment media. However, this is an incorrect interpretation usually arrived at through an
often good-natured, but ignorant, attempt to apply Western ideals to a nation with entirely
foreign cultural roots. The insistence of the child and youth-based shjo culture, kawaii in
particular, is not a sign of misogyny or a manifestation of the patriarchy. Rather, they are an
eastern form of third-wave feminism similar to what America experienced in the mid 1990s.
They are an attempt by women to transform the methods through which they are objectified from
something that strips them of power, to something personally empowering.
The easiest doorway into this complex topic is found by first examining whether or not
the Japanese feminist movement exhibits similar attributes to other nations that have undergone,
or are undergoing, third-wave feminism. In contrast to first and second-wave feminism, third-
wave feminism is based on a destabilization and reconstruction of traditional feminist values
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(Rampton). Contemporary third-wave feminists have shifted and adapted to intersect many
other identity politics, including but not limited to, post-colonialism, queer theory and
globalism (Wakeling 132). In addition, and perhaps most importantly for the discussion of this
paper, third-wave feminism often readopts symbols and behaviors the first two phases of the
movement identified with [the very] male oppression they were attempting to escape (Rampton).
Many of these reconstructions can be easily seen by Western thinkers in the western world; the
problem is identifying them in a country not particularly known for its social movements. When
examined closely, however, it is apparent Japan satisfies all of these third-wave feminism
indicators. The reconstruction and inclusion of other groups for example, is certainly present.
The diversification of [feminism,] says Sait Chiyo, founding editor of Japanese feminist
journal Agora, is fundamental to understanding the movement itself feminization is opposed
to standardization and regulation (Sait 266). In her essay, What Is Japanese Feminism? she
asserts that standardized concepts should continually be questioned by feminists, including rights
for homosexuals. She also mentions race, culture, birthright, and the handicapped as well, going
so far as to say, the very category of humanity is coming under question (Sait 267) Clearly
the Japanese feminism movement has diversified and reconstructed to include many forms of
identity politics. The second indicator of third-wave feminism, the taking-back of femininity and
its subsequent redefinition from a device of male oppression to a means of self-empowerment
and elevation, is literally shjo culture itself.
The idea that shjo culture is an indicator of third-wave feminism cannot be fully
understood by looking through a western lens. In America, this aspect of third-wave feminism
can characterized by the hyper-sexualized celebrity, the proud re-adoption of lip-stick, high-
heels, and cleavage, by the female public, and the wild backlash against the dumb blonde
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stereotype (Rampton). A third-wave feminist is able to embrace her own exploitation in a cool
and controlled fashion, using it to obtain respect, power, finances, or other forms of control
(Botz-Bornstein). That can easily be seen and understood in America. Shjo, though, is an
emphasis on girlishness, youth, and the ultracute, and encourages women well into their late 20s
to act submissive, weak, and innocent rather than mature, assertive, and independent (Bremner).
This remarkable disparity in behavior two strategies equally successful in their respective
countries for both attracting men and remaining socially adept is due to the conflicting ideas
regarding the value of youth and maturity in each culture.
In America and many Western societies, we push kids to grow up in a hurry,
emphasizing both physical and mental maturity as desirable attributes (Bremner). This is seen
everywhere from the TLC show Toddlers and Tiaras, where child-models compete in pageants
often dressed in clothing more appropriate for a gentlemans club, to the startling lack of contrast
between the clothing marketed for pre-teens and college students. The emphasis to mature
quickly is also apparent in phrases such as, grow up, wise up, and it is especially potent in
Bible, particularly the oft-quoted 1 Corinthians 13:11: When I was a child, I spoke like a child, I
thought like a child, I reasoned like a child. When I became a man, I gave up childish ways
(English Standard Version, Cor. 13.11). Therefore, American feminism is reclaiming the
pressure to mature physically and mentally, a highly regarded western value, and using it to
empower themselves. Third-wave feminists are attempting to desexualize this maturity by
flaunting, and then withholding, this great appeal. By doing so they create power: Only the
women themselves then have the power to consent to men desiring this sexual and sometimes
hyper-sexual maturity. Maturity, however, is not the appeal behind shjo culture.
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Shjo culture, as stated before, is grounded in fantastic, girlish aesthetics within an
exotic and longed-for world of individual fulfillment, decadence, consumption, and play
(Wakeling 133,134). Shjo styles such as kawaii or lolita emphasize childlike attributes of
women such as large eyes, a girlish frame, or as a blogger simply named Alanna puts it,
anything with the kind of innocent, helpless silliness associated with youth (Alanna). This emphasis
on the value of youth, childishness, and innocence is seen as easily in Japanese culture as
maturity is seen in Western culture, evidenced most humorously by General MacArthurs
assertion that Japan was a nation of twelve-year-olds. Its glaringly apparent in the country-
wide implementation of childish, cute characters or animals to represent serious issues or
authorities, including but not limited to warnings against the molestation of women, the
promotion of political figures, or police department mascots. It can even be seen in Japans
religious heritage, just as maturity is easily seen in Christianity. Buddhism, which has highly
influenced Japanese culture for centuries, emphasizes, cherishes, and values the innocence and
insight of a childish mind. An osh (; meaning Buddhist priest) maintaining a highly-
trafficked website called Osho Teachings has answered blog-submitted questions on the matter.
Buddha is childlike, and all children are Buddha-like, he says, and If everything goes right,
then you will become children again at the end of your life (Osho). Just as western nations value
maturity, western feminists take back and use maturity to empower themselves. In contrast, the
Japanese hold youthfulness and a child-like nature in high esteem, so it makes sense that
Japanese third-wave feminists, whether they call themselves that or not, are taking back aspects
of shjo, kawaii, and lolita in order to empower themselves rather than maturity.
However, shjo and female youth culture are rarely interpreted this way, more likely to
be seen as a manifestation of outrageous sexism (Alanna). While the root cause of the
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difficulty westerners have interpreting the positive side of shjo is likely a sprawling and
complicated one, there will undoubtedly be a connection to intensive westernization forcing the
Japanese closer to the border between being child-like (a positive Buddhist trait) and being
childish (acting like a child).
One problem with feminism in Japan and its relationship to shjo culture is the negative
stigma the term feminism holds. Similar to America, to label anyone a feminist nowadays
means branding them as man-hating femi-nazis and dooming their work to subsequent
marginalization (ConstantineInTokyo). As a result, women, though behaving quite feminist,
dont consider themselves feminist at all. There are many elements of [shjo and kawaii
culture] that are deeply feminist but often times the people who partake dont realize that or
dont want to acknowledge it, says admin of the blog titled, Feminist Lolita. Their tagline is,
feminism at its kawaiiest! and is surrounded by pink bows, roses, and hearts. There is a very
empowering element to lolita, she says, especially for wearers of the kawaii fashion. Its a
direct statement of, I like this, this is what Im going to wear, if it isnt adult enough for you or it
desexualizes me and you dont like it, then whatever, thats your issue (destr0y-something-
beautiful). Wearers of kawaii and lolita fashion, clear subsets of shjo, obviously dont believe
theyre being taken advantage of or subjugated. Every time this question was asked, this was the
answer received. It puts some of the power back in to the hands of women, the admin says, and
many academic sources agree. By removing [ourselves] as items of sexuality pointing out to
an extreme that were women, were not objects, and if our behavior is bothersome, then good
(destr0y-something-beautiful). This type of rebellious attitude is also present in many circles of
feminism, and is likely the reason for the men-hating femi-nazi stereotype. In this way, shjo
culture is connected to feminism yet again.
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Many scholars have noticed the connection between shjo and feminism, but define it
differently. Karen Nakamura and Hisako Matsuo argue that shjo is an active and dynamic way
that Japanese women can control their sexuality, and that shjo is really a redirection of sexual
energy toward stuffed animals, pink notebooks, strawberry crepes and Hello Kitty novelties
(Matsuo 148). Even so, this is similar to third-wave feminism. Feminism too changes the
direction of female sexuality, and though this change of direction is normally a withholding
rather than a redirection, the act of altering the target of sexual energy binds these two ideologies
together. They further argue that in some areas of Japan grown women can continue to explore
what they term the shjo fantasy space through things like fan-groups that follow Takarazuka,
an all-female theatre founded by the Takarazuka Revue Company with a history of a
disproportionately female fan-base (Matsuo 133). Like shjo youth culture, Takarazuka, they
assert, allows Japanese women to revert to a prepubescent stage of tomboyism, thus escaping
the immanence of their bodies and their sexuality (emphasis added; Matsuo 149). Like
feminism, fans and participants in Takarazuka escape the responsibilities that their bodies and
gender roles restrict them to within Japanese society (Matsuo 148). In this way, Takarazuka is
an adult form of entertainment performing the same function as shjo culture, and therefore
another far older and more traditional expression of the values of third-wave feminists.
In a different light, University of Queenslands Emily Wakeling has observed the
emerging wave of figurative contemporary art practices in which the figure of shjo is utilized
for a new generation of feminist critique (Wakeling 130). By participating in shjo, girls are
negating the gender stereotypes they are expected to fulfill. This is found most obviously in
contemporary shjo art, where cute shjo are often juxtaposed with sexual desire, violence, and
futuristic settings in order to taunt male objectification. Likewise, contemporary feminist art uses
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similar means to create the same anti-sexist theme. Hence, shjo and feminist art are continually
intersecting to express the same message. Hence, Wakeling asserts, Third-wave feminism is
ideally positioned as the discourse for shjo (Wakeling 139).
The similarities do not end only in a positive light, unfortunately. Something to note is
the criticism women of both cultures bear for their respective behaviors. Women displaying this
type of maturity, just as women who take part in shjo culture, are often ridiculed. While women
in America are often scorned for being slutty, whoreish, rude, and desperate, women in
Japan are often scrutinized for being infantile, selfish, superficial, or unproductive
(Wakeling 131). Take note that each of the adjectives used towards western women can be easily
connection to maturity, just as those used against Japanese women can be easily associated with
childishness. Groups using these terms against women are often not criticizing the women
themselves, but the act of taking-back the power associated with their behavior.
Many of the perceptions Americans have regarding shjo culture, particularly kawaii, are
simply incorrect. Rather than a device imposed on women for the purpose of subjugation and
exploitation, shjo culture is a marker of the development of third-wave feminism in Japan, and
therefore something to be celebrated. Its causes can be seen from the religious roots of each
respective culture to the media supported on public television. Its execution ranges from
contemporary fine art and fashion to well-established girl-only fan-clubs. By understanding these
cultural differences we can begin to appreciate the strides Japanese women have taken for
themselves, rather than marking them as strange, submissive, or failures as feminists.

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Works Cited
Alanna. "Kawaii Culture." Japanomie. N.p., 13 1 2010. Web. 9 Apr. 2013.
<http://japanomie.blogspot.com/2010/01/kawaii-culture.html>.
Botz-Bornstein, Thorsten. "Badrillard and Cuteness."International Journal of Baudrillard
Studies. 7.1 (2010): n. page. Web. 8 Apr. 2013.Botz-Bornstein
Bremner, Brian. "In Japan, Cute Conquers All."Businessweek [Tokyo] 24 6 2002, Eye On Japan
n. pag. Web. 26 Apr. 2013. <http://www.businessweek.com/stories/2002-06-24/in-japan-
cute-conquers-all>.
ConstantineInTokyo. "Absolutely Grotesque: Feminist Literature in
Japan." ConstantineInTokyo. N.p., 9 9 2010. Web. 15 April 2013.
<http://www.constantineintokyo.com/2010/09/09/grotesque-kirino-natsuo/>.
destr0y-something-beautiful. "Answers for kloperslegend."Feminist Lolita: Feminism at its
Kawaiiest!. N.p., n. d. Web. 3 Apr. 2013. <http://feministlolita.tumblr.com/>.
Matsuo, Hisako, and Karen Nakamura. "Female Masculinity and Fantasy Spaces: Transcending
Genders in the takarazuka Threatre and Japanese Popular Culture." Trans. Array Men and
Masculinities in Contemporary Japan. London: Routledge Curzon, Web. 26 Apr. 2013.
<https://webspace.yale.edu/anth254/restricted/Nakamura_Matsuo_2002_in-
Roberson.pdf>.
Osho. "Osho on Childhood Innocence Buddha is childlike, and all children are Buddha-
like." Osho Teachings. N.p., n. d. Web. 15 Apr. 2013.
<http://www.oshoteachings.com/osho-on-childhood-innocence-buddha-is-childlike-and-
all-children-are-buddha-like/>.

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Rampton, Martha. "The Three Waves of Feminism." Pacific: The Magazine of Pacific University.
Pacific University, n.d. Web. 6 Apr 2013.
Sait, Chiyo. "What is Japanese Feminism?." Trans. ArrayBroken Silence: Voices of Japanese
Feminism. . 1st ed. Berkely: 1997. 257-270. Print.
Wakeling, Emily. ""Girls are dancin'":shjo culture and feminism in contemporary Japanese
art." New Voice. 5. 130-146. Web. 6 Apr. 2013. <http://pdf.jpf-
sydney.org/newvoices/5/chapter6.pdf>.