ENGLISH INTONATIONAL PATTERNS:

an Autosegmental Metrical Approach in Optimalit Theor!

Cosme R. Martins
M.A. in Philology and Portuguese Language.
University of So Paulo (USP).
A"STRA#T
The purpose of this article is to present a few intonational patterns of the english language.
Based on the Intonational Model of Autosegental ! Metrical Theory "Ladd# $%%&' in the
fraewor( of )ptiality Theory "Prince*Solens(y# $%%+' we intend to capture soe of the
constraint ran(ing "the graar' of these intonational patterns.
The Intonational Phrase $IP%
The intonational phrase is part of the phonological hierarchy (Nespor&Vogel, !"#). This
phonological constit$ent (%P) gro$ps together the segments into sylla&les, the sylla&les into metrical
feet, the metrical feet into phonological 'or(s, the phonological 'or(s into phonological phrases,
the phonological phrases into intonational phrases an( the intonational phrases into $tterances.
Utterance U
%ntonational Phrase %P
Phonological Phrase )
Phonological *or( +
Metrical ,eet -
Sylla&le .

Phonological Representation o& 'Pitch in the Autosegmental Metrical Theor!
The term /tone0 refers to the ling$istic $tili1ation of the /f$n(amental fre2$ency0 (,3) or the
fre2$encies that emanate from the glottal imp$lses. Theses imp$lses are percei4e( &y the ear
thro$gh /pitch0 (4ariations of hight of the fre2$ential so$n(s). The lesser the (egree of opennig of
the 4ocal tract the higher 'ill &e the 4al$e of ,3.
These 4ariations of fre2$encies are then translate( &y the %ntonational Phonology (5a((, !!#) as
a se2$ence of (iscrete intonational e4ents6
) Pitch accents an(
7) ,dge tones
8ccor(ing to %ntonational 8$tosegmental 9 Metrical Theory (5a(( !"#, Pierreh$m&ert !"3)
these t'o accent types are s$fficient to (escri&e the 4ariations of ,3.
The first type of tonal e4ent (/pitch accent0) is associate( to the n$cle$s of the sylla&les an( can
also &e calle( the -nuclear accent.. This tone is in(icate( &y a star sym&ol (:) an( they can &e
-onotonal. (;:6 high tone with nuclear accent), (5:6 low tone with nuclear accent) 'hen forme(
&y one tone or -/itones. 'hen forme( &y a se2$ence of t'o tones (;:<56 high low /itone),
(5:<;6 low high /itone).
The secon( type of tonal e4ent (/edge tones0) are associate( to the &o$n(aries of the proso(ic
constit$ents an( they are $sef$l as in(icators of the /proso(y 9 synta=0 relationship. These tonal
e4ents are in(icate( &y the sym&ol (>)6 (5>6 low /oundary tone), (;>6 high /oundary tone).
8s an e=ample of a intonational phrase (%P) consi(er the phrase &elo'6
/She?s forgotten@0
Synta=6 S
(
Aet. VP
( (
she has forgotten B /she?s forgotten@0
Synta=6 C(she)N (has forgotten)VPDS
Phonology6 C( EiF)+ (GHJKLMNOP ))D%P

Qase( on the mo(el of metrical stress theory of ;ayes (!!R) 'e analyse the stress of this
intonational phrase6 (-she0s forgotten1.).
( : ) (: ! )-
STUVHJKWLMWNOP )
Notice that on the le4el of the metrical feet (-) the trochaic rythm of the phrase is not fl$ent. ,or
this to happen 'e?ll nee( to consi(er a $pper proso(ic constit$ent or the phonological phrase.
( : ! )( : ! ))
( : ) ( : ! )-
STUVHJKWLMWNOP S

8s 'e can see a&o4e the lang$age rearranges the rythm &y a phonological process calle(
/ressyla&ification0. The (omain for this phonological process is the phonological phrase ()).
This same phonological representation a&o4e can also &e sho'n this time &ase( on the proso(ic
mo(el of Nespor&Vogel (!"#)6
)
+ +
( (
- -
( (
. . . .
( ( ( (
STUVHWJKWLMWNOP S
Qase( on the 8$tosegmental 9 Metrical 8pproach of %ntonation (5a((, !!#) in the frame'orX
of Yptimality Theory (Prince&SmolensXy, !!Z) 'e no' analyse the constraint ranXing (the
grammar) for this same phrase6 (2she0s forgotten12).
Constraints6
R[SS\58Q6 resyla&ification.
TRYC;,T6 trochaic metrical feet.
UPST[P(on 7n( -)6 the sylla&le on the hea( of the secon( metrical feet ascen(s.
Input3
) EiF hGHJKLMNOP )
RESS*LA"
TRO#H+T ,PSTEP
(on the 7n( -)
(: ) ( : ! )-
CTUVHJKWLMWNOP D
( ( (
; ; 5>
:] : :

(: ! : ! )%P
( : ! )( g^ ! ))
( : ) ( NOP )-
_ CEiFs.f`. D
( (
;: 5 ;:5>
8s 'e can see a&o4e the first can(i(ate 4iolates the constraints6 R[SS\58Q an( TRYC;,T. ,or
the thir( constraint UPST[P(on 7n( -) this can(i(ate fails to ascen( the intonation (interrogati4e
phrase) on the sylla&le )g^).
The secon( can(i(ate is the a'inner can(i(atea for passing &y all the constraints 'itho$t any
4iolations.
Consi(er the ne=t phrase &elo'6
/Pa$l, calle( Mary0.
The $n(erline( 'or( is the /foc$s0. %ts p$rpose is to emphasi1e a partic$lar constit$ent
(;ayes&5ahiri !!), in this case, the o&bect (Y) of the phrase.
Synta=6 C(Pa$l)N (calle( Mary)VPDS 9 grammatical or(er6 Y(foc$s) 9 Ver& 9 S$&bect.
Phonology6 C(pcl)+ (Xcl( mdeiF))D%P
%ts nat$ral syntatic grammatical or(er is6
Synta=6 C(Mary)S (calle()V (Pa$l)YDS
Qase( on the %ntonational Mo(el of 8$tosegmental 9 Metrical Theory (5a((, !!#) in the
frame'orX of Yptimality Theory (Prince&SmolensXy, !!Z) 'e 'ill no' analyse the metrical an(
intonational grammar for the same phrase a&o4e6
/Pa$l, calle( Mary0.
C(pcl)+ (Xcl( mdeiF))D%P
Constraints6
Unary,oot(+)6 the proso(ic 'or( has an $nary foot.
[fTR8M.g5eft[(geh ())6 the left &o$n(ary of the phonological phrase is ae=trametricala.
TRYC;,T())6 ,eet are trochaic on the constit$ent of the phonological phrase.
QR[8T;iRYUP(N jj VP)6 there is a pa$se in &et'een the no$n (N) an( the 4er&al phrase (VP).
Y(foc$s)VS6 the o&bect (Y) is the afoc$sa follo'e( &y the 4er& (V) an( s$&bect (S).
AY*NST[P(on the ))6 the intonation starts (eclining on the phonological phrase.
) pcl Xcl( mdeiF )
,nar+oot
$-%
E.TRAM!
/Le&tE0ge1
2
TRO#H+T
$2%
"REATH
GRO,P
$N (( 3P%
O$&ocus%
3S
4O5N
STEP
$on the 2%

( : ) ( : : ! ))
( : ) ( : ) ( : ! )-
C(pcl)+ (Xcl( mdeiF))D%P
( ( ( (
;:> ;: ;: 5>
6: : : : :

( : ) g h ( : ! ))
( : ) ( : ) ( : ! )-
C(pcl)+ ( ( (Xcl(
( ( md.
;:> 5 ( eiF))D%P
;: (
7 5>

Y&ser4e that the first can(i(ate &y not pa$sing in &et'een the no$n (N) an( the 4er&al phrase (VP)
/QR[8T;iRYUP(N jj VP)a or in other 'or(s, in &et'een the proso(ic 'or( (+) an( the phonological
phrase ()) en(s $p 4iolating the ne=t constraint /Y(foc$s)VS0 res$lting in :SVY.
The secon( can(i(ate passes thro$gh all the constraints 'itho$t any 4iolations an( is therefore the
/'inner can(i(ate0.

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