Koha Digest # 22 (1994)

EDITORIAL

KOSOVAN ABC BOOK

by VETON SURROI

When my grandfather took his son to school, when the first Albanian schools were opened, he
had already finished some classes in Kralj's schools. However, times had changed, and young
teachers from Tirana had freely crossed the border and came to Kosova to teach the children.
Even though from that time, history opened a chapter on "swords" on the Albanian flags and
the black shirts which marched down the Kosovan streets, I believe that the generation which
started school during World War II remembers mostly the fact that lectures were in Albanian.
When they finished elementary school, the generation thought ahead - high school in
Albanian. And it dreamed: having a university in their mother tongue.

When I started school, there was no dilemma about education. 22 years after WWII and one
year after the Brioni Plenum had passed. My generation saw two strong symbols combined:
the red scarf of Tito's pioneers and the emblems of Scanderbeg which were distributed not so
hiddenly any longer, and which reached our shirts and coats. Despite these two ideological
burdens, the only thing I remember from my first class were the letters of the alphabet which,
I had anyway, learned beforehand. My generation, as it finished elementary school, was
thinking and dreaming, but not about high school and the university, but about what was it
going to do after it had accomplished all of them - in its mother tongue.

Last week, I had the opportunity to myself start a new generation to school. I don't believe
there is one child who has not been told by his/her parents that school could be endangered.
Therefore, I was not surprised by the children, who apart from "I was small and now I grew
up...", also declaimed poems on Scanderbeg's sword, the occupation and the defense of
Kosova with their own lives. I hope, at least, that since their departure to school, these
children, similar to the prior generations, will remember the fact that they had learned to read
and write in Albanian. And I face a big dilemma: until this generation ends the elementary
school, eight years must pass. I don't know any man who could say what will happen until
then.

Between the two generations, the present one and the moment when today's pupils will start
their children to school, it is a sacred obligation for all of us to develop such a society and
history, which won't ever question reading and writing in Albanian, starting from the first
grade of the elementary schools up to the university departments.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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KOSOVA

THE CARICATURE OF THE KOSOVAN WATERGATE

by DUKAGJIN GORANI/Prishtina

If nothing else, then the pictures of our prime-minister published recently in "Bujku", speak
clearly, among others, that between the government and Rugova "there was not, there is not
and there will be not anything" such as a conflict between them, "invented for ill purposes
and inflated with couloirs' insinuations".

Trusting our only daily, then we have the inclination to (even) agree with such an
ascertainment.

After a concise chronology published in our magazines regarding the caricature of Kosovan
Watergate of the Representative Office in Tirana, putting together the mosaic of all
statements (of the few) which expressed their opinion on what had happened and why has
what-has-happened really happened, seems to be a loss of time. If, related to this event, the
attention is centered on the latest acts of the political "centers" involved in it, that of the
Government and the LDK, then it is hard to conceal the mutual wish to silence this
unpleasant and totally unnecessary event. Why?

From what has been said, both conflictive parties had equal rights to the sole chair of the head
of office in Tirana. The problem is that Zogaj (the legitimate head appointed by governmental
and presidential decrees), without his knowledge, was ousted from office and replaced by
Kolaj (also legitimate head of office by presidential decree). And the fact that this agile staff
move, signed by the only institution that functions in Kosova - has not been explained to the
first character. And those who remain behind him.

How far should the "incident at the office" be treated as a deep conflict between the President
and the Government, and how much could this event be explained as a full fiasco of the
perception and application of the cadres' policy as a result of the indetermination of the
President?

However, until there are no incidents on the principles' plane; until the conflict in Tirana has
nothing to do with conceptional differences about ruling the state, between the LDK and the
Government (and seems that this is typical case)- it is hard to speak of a shocking conflict in
our modest political scene. The problems of employees fighting for posts and careers should
not be taken, by all means, as divisions between their employers. Out of all this, the "Ghandi"
policy of institutionalization in writing, the three-members Government, the press
conferences and the Undisputable institution - can keep on working towards new victories.

Taking our situation into account, there is no doubt that such a scandal, whatever nature it
might have had, represents a deep compromising before the domestic public (and to tell the
truth) the international one. Its brutality proves that such attitudes and mentality, which was
thought to have disappeared after the democratic 1990, still exist.

What could be derived as a summary of all this? The fact that a vice-chairman of a party
declares openly that the Government doesn't exist and it doesn't function, that there have been
many financial abuses, that it is not known who is head of which office of the Republic

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abroad, that the president is bountiful - and that the KIC, for the first time, has not reacted
determinedly regarding the unpleasant event. And this event really happened and it was not
exaggerated, on the contrary.

This time, with sorrow it must be ascertained that we have not long ago gone through
invented scandals, in which cases we heard not only the choirs of different branches and
sub-branches of the Party and the parties, where many press releases were published by the
Coordinating Body, satellite parties, the Central Board and of course, the KIC. Sometime ago,
different personalities were accused and condemned to be Belgrade's servants, radicals
without any orientation, independents without any responsibility, etc.

But this didn't happen this time. Even though, the incident in Tirana definitely enters the line
of the banal social events since the Kosova Albanians have institutionalized their political
life.

If the only institution which functions here is that of the President; and if for these kind of
problems, his role is decisive, and if as such he is the only competent to issue decrees about
cadres in our offices - then he should have taken a just posture, in order to evade normative
paradoxes and unnecessary scandals.

As long as the whole national policy is based on the verbal and theory planes, the ambiguity
in the statements and the indetermination in action seem not to be so acute deficiencies.
However, almost regularly, the moment of the employment of any political concept and
objective, has taken us to small misunderstandings of huge consequences.

Thus, among many important and unsolved things in the relation between the Government
and the LDK, for example its autonomy of action, the authorities over the Fund (which both
bodies claim theirs), and up to the problem of the full denial of the existence of the
Government - the incident in Tirana could be understood as a minor political problem. Or, as
the peek of the iceberg of the national determination and the political indetermination.

If the incident is perceived as a practical illustration of the indetermination to act, then what
will the political future of Kosova be, within this context and leadership?

It for such problems, which should be considered minor when compared to the actual
problems, such an undetermined attitude is taken, then, which of our objectives of national
interest could be expected to be achieved? The constitution of the Parliament? The
completion of the Government? Hardly.

It is more closer to the truth to claim that such attitudes could result only with the permanent
reduction of the efficiency in state duties, which, anyways, since long ago have been
canalized to one door, that of the President.

It is said that mistakes in politics are unforgiven.

In the case of Kosova, this is just a saying.

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KOSOVA

THE SCHOOL AND MERCY

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI/Prishtina

Maybe the Albanian teachers in Kosova will receive higher salaries in September. They were
promised an increase, i.e. that the lowest salary would be 100 DEM, or two and half times
more than last May. Despite the fact that the salaries for July and August have not been paid
yet, this promise has increased the hopes to have a successful school year.

Right now, the money is not in Kosova; and it is not even known when and how much of it
will arrive. This is the reason why the whole idea on the increment of salaries is more a
thought than practice. All depends on the activity of the government of the Republic of
Kosova, i.e. the mechanisms of raising money, from the 3% and the actions "Let's Help the
Albanian Schools". This means that the support is expected from the Albanians in the
diaspora and this is why Government adopted an act which determines the limits and the
technical procedure to gather the money. It is said that apart from the 3%, all employed
abroad should pay 150 DEM, families with refugee status 150 DEM and 10 DEM per
member of family, individuals with refugee status should pay 100 DEM, asylum-seekers 10
DEM. All enterprises should pay at least 1000 DEM.

The number of Albanian refugees or asylum seekers is big and nobody really knows what
their number is, even though the figures between 350 thousand and 500 thousand are
mentioned.

If all of them would pay what has been determined as their obligation, then there would not
be any problems for the education at all.

However, the truth resides elsewhere. None of the plans about the 3% tax collection, have
been fulfilled. Nobody really knows what is the amount to be gathered in Kosova alone.
Mehmet Hajrizi, Chairman of the Financing Council says: "The task of this Council is to
administrate the money gathered in Kosova and that coming from the Government. We can
request the increase of the income from the 3% however this doesn't mean that it will be
fulfilled. However things have changed positively this year. Last year the participation of the
Government in this Fund was 21,5%, this year it has increased to 36,4%. Speaking in
numbers, this year we have received 2 million and 94 thousand DEM, and when to this we
add the 3,66 million DEM cashed in Kosova, then the about 5,5 million DEM were under the
control of the Council."

According to the public declarations of the responsible of the Government of Kosova, the 3%
is not functioning as planned. The level of the collection is between 70-80%. However, it is
still unknown who are the "budget obligants", there is no proper list of enterprises and
Albanian businessmen who are working in Europe, therefore it can't be spoken of the real
possibilities of the Albanians living in Europe. Only mathematical operations could be tried:
if we have 130 thousand employed in Europe, which are now obliged to pay 150 DEM, then
this means that circa 19 million DEM could be gathered, or said in other words, all the needs
for education for half a year. And if we count on other donors, then there would be more
money available, to give bigger salaries. In order to achieve this task, a much better
organization as well as a higher conscience of each individual are needed. Any other attitude

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would take us to the situation when even the ministers won't pay the 3% because, as they
claim, "...only one of them has his income guaranteed by the Swiss state".

During the first six months of this year, 75% of the planned amount were collected.
Compared to last year, this amount is 28% bigger, however they were not enough to fulfill
budgetary needs. The private entrepreneurs, private shop-owners, craftsmen, taxi-drivers,
transporters and families with members employed abroad, failed to fulfil their obligations.
This year the situation has changed. Last year's "disobedient" are at the top of the donors' list.

If this money would be enough to cover the basic needs of the teachers and the rest of the
educational staff, then the slow fulfilment of the obligation wouldn't be a problem. However,
salaries of 40 DEM paid in May, or 50 DEM to be paid for June, July and August, are not
enough to even fulfil the daily needs of a family. The statistics' experts calculate that to fulfil
the basic needs of a four members' family, about 500 DEM would be needed. Is it possible to
assure such a salary to our teachers in these conditions?

Data provided by the Central Council state that in 29 municipalities, only 67% of the required
amount has been collected. Only Zhur has collected 100%, not a penny more nor less.

All other municipalities, Skënderaj, Mitrovica, Malisheva, Gllogovc, Obiliq and Podujeva
have mainly made use of additional funds, i.e. the 3%. On the other hand, a paradoxical
situation occurred with Ferizaj and Deçan, which were the only two municipalities that
collected more money than it was planned, and yet, needed assistance from the other Fund!

Hajrizi claims that 32 institutions are being financed by the Council. It provides salaries to
14.255 elementary school teachers, 3.853 high school teachers and 1000 university teachers
and other staff, as well as 395 individuals from different educational and health care
institutions. The needs for education so far were 1,2 million DEM per month. The new
proposal to double the salaries would mean that 2,4 million DEM would be required, without
forgetting that this money would be sufficient for the basic needs of the educational staff, but
not for culture, sports, health-care, publishing activities and social cases too!

The action "Let's Help the Albanian School" started on Sept.1. Reading the local press it
comes our that the action is being supported by the people, however, many things resemble an
euphoria which has often been manifested among Albanians.

When it comes to verbally support an idea, there are no problems whatsoever, however,
employing the idea to practice then causes all possible problems. For the time being,
individuals have been making donations, whilst the potential contributors are for the time
being, silent. Must this action be facultative or obligative? Based on how it was declared and
initiated, then it comes out that it is an optative. And based on how everything has functioned
until now, all obligations turned into donations, depending on the good-will of the people.
The fact that out of 14 thousand enterprises, only 3 thousand of them pay their contributions,
is explanatory enough.

Last year, Albanian teachers used to receive 40 DEM a month and had a quite good life. This
had nothing to do with the low prices, but rather with the hyper-inflation which gave all
advantages to those who received salaries in hard currency. Compared to the
Serbian-Montenegrin colleagues, their salaries were three or four times higher. However,
things have changed today. The stable dinar is making it impossible for them to even cover

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their basic needs with the 50 DEM they get. It even happens that the Serbian teachers are
more stimulated, since their lowest salary is 190 DEM. This is another reason why even if
they get 100 DEM, Albanian teachers will not be satisfied, because in the social aspect, the
increase will ease but not solve the problem. It is only a step to safeguard the Albanian
education. This quantity of DEM would be enough if Avramovic's program would fail and
hyper-inflation would start again.

MONTENEGRO

THE FORUM BROKE THE MONIST SILENCE

by NAIL DRAGA/Ulqin

Even though the monist system failed in the whole of South-Eastern Europe, the Former
Yugoslavia was still suffering the Communist system syndrome, therefore at the beginning,
the new political organization proved to be weak.

In this sense, the ones who hesitated the most were the Albanians, because since the old
system, they have always been looked upon as non-trustworthy, as destabilizing elements.
There was also a permanent anti-Albanian campaign since 1981, and this was sufficient to
place Albanians in a inferior position in the transition period.

In Montenegro, the Albanians were ignored by the authorities, and this was reflected
especially in the period of the foundation of political parties in this republic. Even though a
little bit delayed, Albanian intellectuals and individuals took the initiative to establish the
Democratic Forum of Albanians in Montenegro, on August 26, 1990, in Ulqin.

This was the first Albanian association in this Republic, established as a societal subject for
all the Albanians in Montenegro. The sole act of foundation was very important, because it
was evident that Albanians had sufficient potential to present themselves in the new pluralist
scene as all the others, and not inferior, as so far.

The result of the foundation of the Forum was the establishment of the Democratic League of
Albanians in Montenegro (DLAM) on Sept. 9, 1990, in Tuz. This act was important, because
this was the first political party of the Albanians in this republic.

The Forum had a very interesting and important role in the political and social life of the
Albanians. During this period, its efforts were concentrated on the improvement of the status
of Albanians in Montenegro. Bajram Rexha, Chairman of the Albanian Democratic Union,
says: "The Forum broke the monist monotony, defeated the fear and opened the path towards
the establishment of a political party of national character and interest. It included many
intellectuals, and gave strength to the only Albanian political party (DLAM). The Forum,
with the assistance of several independent intellectuals, elaborated the Memorandum on the
Special Status of Albanians in Montenegro (1992), which was also adopted by the DLAM
and other organizations and associations. Even though this is its most serious document, the
Forum has not the strength to proceed in its vitalization, because it is facing many obstacles."

This document was delivered to the Geneva Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, by the

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delegation of Albanians from Montenegro, which participated in this conference invited by
the organizer. For the sake of practical effectiveness, the Forum established the Council for
the Realization of the Memorandum, but the things didn't go the way they were foreseen,
because many obstacles arose, especially those coming from the Democratic League of
Albanians. In order to evade parallelism and ridiculous situations, the Council stopped
functioning. Unfortunately, the Forum did nothing to activate this Council later on. Thus, the
Forum turned from very active, to almost totally passive, just about to cease existing.

It seems as if the unsatisfactory situation of the Albanians in Montenegro has influenced upon
the Forum not even discuss whether Albanians should participate in parliamentarian elections
(1992). Unfortunately, the Forum had been misused by the DLAM, since instead of serving as
a coordinating body of all political subjects of Albanians in Montenegro, it has served as
political means of the DLAM.

What will the future of the Forum be? The Chairman of the Forum, Gjergj Gjokaj says:
"Some are of the opinion that the Forum should be comprised of independent intellectuals. If
such a form is accepted, then the Forum would be an non-party body with determined
competencies, which would be also part of the All-Albanian Intellectuals' Forum which was
established last year in Albania. On the other hand, there are initiatives to safeguard the
present platform, but on new grounds, as a inter-party organ and of other cultural, educational
associations which function in municipalities of Montenegro inhabited by Albanians. In other
words, the Forum would be organized on the principles of delegates, registered before the
competent judicial organs, etc."

Rexha thinks that "...in the future the Forum should have more members, and should gather
those intellectuals which don't want any political party but want to contribute to the Albanian
cause in culture, science, art, etc.

This will be a good attempt to show the wide public opinion that we can act where we should
and defend our identity. In one word, the Forum must be a subject which would say its word
with competence about anything in the interest of the Albanian people, to defend them and
request their realization together with the political parties in the region".

How will the Forum be organized in the future, will be found out soon, because this month its
fourth anniversary will be celebrated, and that opportunity will be taken to make some
decisions regarding its future. Its existence shouldn't be questioned, but the forms of
organization and action should be present among all Albanians in Montenegro. There are
enough people, but it is another matter whether they are motivated to act in the present
circumstances.

THE BALKANS

THE BALKANS DOMINO

by YLBER HYSA/Prishtina

In the times of new discussions on the Bosnian crisis and the "new constructive role" of the
Serbian policy, the opening of a new focus in the Balkans, between Greece and Albania,

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reminds of the dimension of crisis which could captivate the whole peninsula. This threat in
"coincidentally" followed by the border incidents between Serbia and Macedonia. Recently,
two Serbian citizens were killed by Macedonian soldiers, and the Serbian reaction came
almost immediately. The Serbian military authorities also stated that the Macedonian-Serb
border is still disputable for some 140 kms.! Such a statement upset the Macedonian officials,
taking into account that the borders in Krajina and the Bosnian Serb territories are still
opened and problematic.

"Nova Makedonija" polemizes with such a Serbian posture, considering that Serbia is
transferring the tension from the North to the South, and expecting this to especially happen
after the "Kosova issue is opened". However, the Serbian contest of 140 out of a total of 230
kms. of the border both sides share, and its first aggressive step against Macedonia when the
soldiers entered Kriva Palanka as well as by declaring these borders as the most disputable,
prove the Serbian preparedness to consider the issue of the North-Western borders as "ad
acta", in accordance to the new "constructive" policy and the concentration at the southern
part of the Peninsula. This problem gets more important considering the new tension between
Greece and Albania, and as such, puts a very important question: is the change of borders in
the Balkans aimed at, after the precedent in Bosnia, or is this just a part of the game "pull and
don't cut", which, as blackmail, is serving to keep the Balkans' status-quo!

Playing the disputing the borders card and the possibility of expanding its crisis to its south,
makes the issue "a composed mathematical equation", allowing many variations, as is the
Russian offer to mediate in the Greek-Albanian conflict. But what really frightens is the real
possible danger of a Balkan conflict which would make Bosnia look like as a less bloody
overture. And apart from the dispute of borders, the contours of new possible Balkan
North-South alliances (Serbia-Greece) and East-West (Albania-Macedonia-Bulgaria?..) could
also serve as a very important premise to present the possibility of the Balkans conflict.

The hypothetical situation of general conflicts in the Balkans could be presented in many
other unpredictable variations, which break the schemes on the development of the conflict
and even relativizes the calculations making the situation even more difficult. However,
looking upon the situation from this perspective, Greece clearly aims at the equivalence of
Kosova and "North Epirus", and its seems to be well coordinated with the Serbian allies, and
this is only a piece of the Balkans cake to be divided, which, without doubt, also includes
Macedonia.

If this Balkan domino logic is valid, then Greece should clearly calculate the profit with the
traditionally hostile neighbor - Turkey, which would then request Eastern Greece inhabited by
Turks and some islands of the Aegean. This balance of fear, based on the possible unexpected
events, relativizes the domino game, but takes us back to the basic question: How will the
Balkans look like after Bosnia?

In reality, this question contains many other questions. For example, will the precedence in
Bosnia serve as criteria to solve the problems in the Balkans, not only the territorial but also
the ethnic ones; is there a possibility to have a "solution in a package", or maybe is it the
contrary - Bosnia will get a solution which will serve as example to the neighbors not to do
the same thing.

On the other hand, Bosnia as a conflict, since the beginning, was isolated from direct
neighboring sovereign countries, which is different when compared to other neuralgic spots

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such as Kosova, Macedonia and the Greek-Macedonian border. Bosnia changed its borders by
force and this fact probably serves as orientation for the rest in the Balkans, and continues
being a living problem for the international community and the Great Powers, which, if they
don't get over with it, then will have to face the alteration of basic international regulations.
Therefore, the solutions offered between Federations and Confederacies of the stock-holding
style (51-49%), sound as euphemisms which try to cover up the created reality. It was
precisely this moment that gave the Bosnian crisis a much more complicated dimension, than
just of one regional crisis, turning it into a Balkan's experiment after the cold war and the
admittance exam for what is called the "New World order". But, Bosnia and the crisis in the
Former Yugoslavia is the "key-study" for the relations between the allies of the cold war, the
Western-Europeans and Americans and their collective defense structures, the old ones
(NATO) and new ones (WEU). Looked upon from this prism, a cynic could add that opening
of new neuralgic spots in the south of the Peninsula could serve as the next round of the "Jeux
sans Frontiers" of the Balkans!

Anyhow, the coordinated Serbian-Greek threat on the possibility to open the issue of the
borders and of something which could resemble "bellum omnem contra omnes" (the war of
everybody against everybody), seems more to be the option of constant threat with the
intention to gain better strategic positions in future negotiations, rather than and ad-hoc
activation of the surprising card which leads to immediate conflict.

Thus was the move of the Serbian soldiers entering the Macedonian territory, and thus is why
the tense relations between Greece and Albania are pending, which if doesn't cause the
conflict or alter the borders, then will have Albania preoccupied with two matters - Kosova
and its own South. The crisis in Bosnia has not ended yet, especially while expecting the
definite "yes" of the Bosnian Serbs and the lifting of the arms' embargo against Muslims. In
this context, the recent threats of Kinkel and Redman that lifting the embargo against Serbia
will be conditioned with Kosova, seem to be done mainly to remind Serbia of all its sins and
to exert more pressure on it in regard to Bosnia rather than Kosova proper. Both cases, the
announcement to open new crises in the Balkans and the threat of the Western politicians in
respect to Kosova, seem to be cards of pressure which are being used in a game which is still
played for the other parts of the Former Yugoslavia.

THE BALKANS

"I DIDN'T FLY OVER ALBANIA, FOR THERE IS NO ALBANIA"!

The Greek newspaper "Elefterotypia" interviewed the Greek pilot who flew over Saranda and
Vlora and threw propaganda pamphlets containing calls to insurrection against the Albanian
leadership and solidarity with the accused in Tirana, an adventure which was condemned by
the Government and all main political parties of Greece, while Major Vrakas is awaiting
court martial.

The voice on the other side was calm, clean and harmonic. It was the voice of the 48 years'
old Major Tomas Vrakas, who was communicating with us from Tato, where he is presently
in detention...30 hours after illegally flying over Albanian territory and having thrown
pamphlets, he is calm, he is not sorry and not very much concerned about his future.

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Only when he heard Albania mentioned, he would react monotonously, using dogmatic
expressions defending extremely nationalistic ideas. He could have been an ordinary person,
if he wouldn't have perpetrated the idiotic and dangerous act against Greek interests.

"There is no Albania, sir! There is no Northern Epirus, either! There is only subjugated
Hellenism in Epirus. There are enslaved Greeks, which I have promised to defend since I
finished school. Read some history and find out how, what you call "Albania", had been
created in 1947!..."

* Some time ago you decided to fly over Northern Epirus to throw pamphlets?

I had this idea in my mind for so many years. I am from Aghios Nikolao, and my old village
Vrakatina is half on this side, and half on that side of the border. The first time I went to the
border I was six, an elementary school pupil. Since then I thought I should do something to
assist my fatherland.

* Who else knew that you were planning to fly over Albania?

Listen, I must tell you from the beginning that there is no Albania.

* No Albania? What do you mean?

The inhabitants that lived there during the Roman Empire reached the Caucasus, as
land-keepers of the Romans. They were abandoned there, and with the expansion of Islam,
they became Islamic and in the period between 1083 and 1180 became mercenaries and
started fighting the Romans which had conquered Epirus, Kostur and Kosova. They married
Christian Greek women and thus created the Arvanits, who had their own history.

* You said it, but is this a reason to legitimate your act?

I told you I had planned it long ago. The people of Epirus needed some morale!

* Did anybody else know what you were planning. The person who printed the pamphlets
didn't ask any questions?

No one knew a thing. I was stationed in Corfu and knew how many planes I had in a
squadron. I had even studied the maps of Epirus. I needed nothing else. I took the plane, and
went where I should have, to accomplish my task.

* What did you report to tower in Corfu when you took off?

I told them I would fly over Erikusa (an island beside Corfu) and that I would be coming back
in 40 minutes.

* Were you conscious that what you were about to do was illegal?

I was concerned until I reached Epirus (Albania, remark of the newspaper). I was afraid that
my people could spot me and tell me to come back. I was flying 10 meters above sea until I
entered Epirus.

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* How long did you remain above the Albanian space?

I told you there was no Albania. There is only Greece, the roots of the soul and civilization.
Whoever is not Greek, he is barbarian...So, I remained there for over 40 minutes. In Saranda I
was greeted by a soldier who was shaking his hands. The people were running and collecting
the pamphlets.

* Do you think your act represents a large number of Greeks? Many qualified this as an
idiotic, anti-national, mad and provocative act.

I don't know whom it may represent. The important thing is that it represents me. In respect to
what the port-parole of the goverment has said, I must say that I respect the official policy but
that I also respect myself. This I owed myself, my ancestors, our history.

* What did you do as soon as you came back?

I called the Office of the Chief of Aviation Headquarters to report.

* Finally, don't you understand you harmed the national interests? There were many notes of
protest, you gave Berisha a chance...?

Who is the one responsible of filling up Athens and Greece with these people? Albanians
have broken in my home in the village twice, and stole my weapons. I just did what I had
promised myself. I reacted symbolically, without any weapons.

* If you had a military plane, would you have done the same thing?

It would be easier and more fun. Of course, I wouldn't use the machine guns(!).

******

The Greek Government and the major political parties condemned Mayor Vrakas' act, who on
Aug. 21, 1994 flew over Saranda and Vlora and threw propaganda pamphlets.

He will soon face court martial and probably be condemned.

However, the local press emphasizes that there are certain ultranationalist forces which are
willing to take arms against Albania. The fascist newspaper "Stohos" is the tribune of these
forces and their motto is: "In order to have peace in the Balkans, the Balkans should become
Greek". Several times - since the massacre of April 10 in Peshkëpi, "Elefterotypia" has
protested and has requested from the judiciary organs to start the proceedings against
"Stohos", stating that the editors of this paper have links with dangerous circles in Greece,
and whose discovery would solve many mysteries, including those referring to the
Greek-Albanian relations.

The protests of "Elefterotypia" have found no reply...

Prepared by ROBERT GORO

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EDUCATION

BEYOND THE CHAINS OF ILLUSION

by ASTRIT SALIHU/Prishtina

With the initiation of the independent Albanian classes in Kosova, attempts for the
establishment of the educational system were made by safeguarding the existing institutions
and independently reactivating them. Everything seemed to be all right, apart from the
buildings which were awaited to be vacated. However, the system and the institutions faced
an anarchy, interference of competencies and improvisations which are facing education with
the last test of its existence. The students are still attending classes in dark basements without
desks and chairs; their teachers are still surviving on assistance or charity, the school books
are minimal and do not fulfill the professional educational needs.

All of these are claimed as circumstances caused by the occupation of the Albanian education
by Serbia, and thus create conditions to omit the responsibility of the educational leaders for
the situation the Albanian education is facing now, and which can't be a result only of the
Serbian bans.

Apart from the negative repercussions from the Serbian announcement to punish any private
house which serves as school, by cutting water and electricity supply, as well as by pressing
criminal charges against the owner of the house, the chairman of the Independent Trade
Union of Education, Science and Culture (ITUESC), Agim Hyseni, states that there are also
negative repercussions because of the "lack of organization, lack of coordination and the
non-completion of the Ministry of Education". They also lead towards the creation of other
parallelism inside the system which does not function on legal foundations, but on
improvisations of individuals leading the institutions, and other educational subjects. The
created crisis in our educational system has made this year most difficult, since the beginning
of this form of organization. Hyseni says that "...this year is the turning point of our
education, and this year we will see whether it can be solved or disappears totally". According
to him, it is indispensable to establish a mandatary system and institutionalize the
responsibility in order to surpass the conditions education is facing. Finalizing this thought,
Hyseni says: "The ministers exist to either do their job or be replaced".

The main aspect of the crisis in education is its financing, concretely providing the teachers
their salaries. How serious this problem is, can be proven by the fact that since four years ago,
our education has lost over 2000 teachers. The toleration of the situation in which the teachers
survive on charity or assistance, seriously reflects itself on the quality of studies. Their
dissatisfaction is evident and just, if it is known that the assistance that is given to them is
considered to be a salary. There were even rumours that the teachers could start a general
strike. The reply of the Trade Union to this question was that the difficult conditions
influence the quality of the job they are doing, however there is no disposition to have a
strike, since for the time being, the strike is not a realistic means to fight for their rights.
However, the Independent Trade Union of the High School Education (ITUHSE) has
addressed the Union of Independent Trade Unions of Kosova (UITUK) asking for permition
to organize a strike. The petition also contained the request for increment of salaries to 500
DEM for each teacher. The ITUESC claims that these requests are not realistic, for in order to
have these kind of salaries, the Fund must have 8 million DEM a month, and that they were
not willing to make any comments regarding that request. Until now, it has been decided that

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teachers will receive between 100 and 110 DEM a month, and for the time being it is also
worked on the elaboration of social cards which would enable the teachers to get food for free
evaluated between 40 and 80 DEM a month, meaning that the average salary would be around
150 DEM.

But this income can't fulfil the basic expenses of the teachers.

There is a clear division among trade-unions, there is lack of organization and coordination,
because two totally opposite opinions can be found within the same TU. Even in the TU there
is parallelism, where the ITUHSE is working independently and not recognizing the existence
of the ITUESC!

One of the concrete steps taken by the Trade Union in the attempts to institutionalize the
responsibility, through state mechanisms, of state organs towards the educational staff. In
November 1993, ITUESC has approached the Ministry of Education with a draft collective
bargaining form which should have regulated the right of the educational staff starting from
social and health care insurance up to the salaries.

Nothing concrete has been done, and the fact that the Ministry didn't even mind to send a
reply, speaks clearly of its lack of interest to do something concretely to improve the situation
and the status of the educational staff. Hyseni again claims that "...not having signed the
collective contract by the Ministry of Education is main proof that the ministry itself is not
institutionalized nor completed, and at the same time is evading the responsibility for
providing the teachers their salaries in these conditions".

Anyways, the burdens of the educational system and the non-respect of the state norms and
regulations could easily break down on the backs of the over 300 thousand Albanian students.
The citizens are also not fulfilling their obligations, and with their ignorance have allowed
their children to attend school, without having assured any conditions for the "normal"
functioning of the system. All of this put together means that at one stage in the future, we
could easily write or speak about "...an Albanian educational system we used to have, but..."

The chains of the Serbian regime are bearable, compared to the chains of the illusion that in
this way we will be able to preserve the Albanian education.

INTERVIEW

MIHAILO MIHAJLOV

A NEW CONFEDERATIVE BALKAN

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI/Shkup

Mihailo Mihajlov is one of the best connoisseur of the former Soviet Union and the USA.
Apart from his education, his origin avails him this: he is son of Russian emigrants who had
come to the Yugoslav Kingdom after the October Revolution. In the sixties, he became
famous because of his dissident activity. In Zadar, in times when he was an instructor at the
Faculty of Philosophy, he tried to publish the first independent newspaper and establish

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another political party, the Socialis. The reply was quick and effective: he was imprisoned,
and after Milovan Djilas, became Tito's second dissident.

KOHA: Several years have passed since the fall of the Berlin Wall. How do you look upon
this historic event from this distance in time?

MIHAJLOV: First of all, totalitarian Communism fell down , and many thought it would
happen, but not so abruptly. And precisely because this happened, we have this chaos
reigning in all former Communist states, especially the multi-national ones, take former
USSR or former Yugoslavia. Regarding the Yugoslav situation, I must say that in 1978 I was
interviewed by Newsweek, and there I had described what was to happen in former
Yugoslavia. Unfortunately, I was an excellent forecaster. The title of the interview was "We'll
have war in Bosnia". All of it could have been expected and the reasons are the following: the
Communist system, the totalitarism, by destroying the civil society, has destroyed many other
things. There were no independent and citizens' associations; the whole society, in essence,
was under the control of the Party, of one ideology. The only thing that the Party couldn't
undo was the national appertaining. The moment the system broke-down, when the monopoly
of the Communist party disappeared, the national element was the only thing that had
survived and exposed itself through the creation of a nationalistic ideology which was
immediately used by the remaining Communist structures.

As if people were forgetting that the first one to use such a symbiosis of Communism and
Nationalism was not Milosevic, but Ceausescu, who didn't even allow the Army of the
Warsaw Pact to cross Rumanian territories, thus continuing his Communist dictatorship. This
was later done by Milosevic, and we have almost the same process in any of the states of the
former USSR and Yugoslavia: the former structures have changed the ideology, but haven't
changed the monopoly.

KOHA: What is you opinion about the situation in and around Bosnia. How will this end?

MIHAJLOV: Bosnia? I am afraid that in fact, this is only the beginning, and that there is no
light and the end of the tunnel. Nothing has been solved. As long as the nationalists have the
monopolies in their environments, Serbia, Croatia, etc., there is no way out. The ethnic
division of Bosnia is impossible. In reality, new borders in the Balkans must be made in order
to have this division take place. The West, the international community, for the time being,
offer no solution. They are attempting to stop bloodshed even at the price of the ethnic
division in a new apartheid which, again, is impossible. The posture of the international
community is contradictory: on one hand it supports the principle of self-determination of
people under the totally contradictory principle of safeguarding the borders, because if the
first principle is recognized, then none of the borders in Easter Europe today, will remain as
they are.

The international community is not succeeding in its attempts to solve the problem, therefore
it is trying to concentrate only on Bosnia, however what about the Croat Krajina, where war
could be reactivated, or even Sandzak and Kosova where it could spread. Personally, I look
upon this with a lot of pessimism, for I don't even see a theoretical solution to this. The ethnic
division of Bosnia is impossible until the issue of the self-determination of the people and the
issue of the borders is not solved.

KOHA: What do you think of Milosevic's role, is there any chances for him to become

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"peacemaker"?

MIHAJLOV: You know, I think that the end of the war is so far that, until then, many things
can change even ten times. Milosevic is doing all he can to keep the power, this is clear. The
same way he used nationalism to come to power, tomorrow he can use the pacifist or
Communist ideas to keep his power. From this point of view, he can become anything.
However, it is hard to believe that he will be able to keep the power for long. You see, in the
middle of Belgrade populist dictatorship rules, which is a new phenomenon. Milosevic
controls the radio and TV and several authoritative newspapers, and at the same time it allows
some opposition magazines and media to exist: Vreme, NIN, Borba, Studio B, Radio B-92. In
such a Belgrade, 70% of the electorate votes for the opposition. In the rest of Serbia,its the
contrary, because he has the monopoly. This proves that no dictatorship can stand if it doesn't
have the full control over the media. Milosevic presents himself now as a "peace-lover", but
he depends on war, of the war inciting policy. He came and consolidated his power as the
protector of the Serbian issue, starting in Kosova, and later he was promoted to the protector
of the Serbian people from the Vatican plot. It is the same as when war between Iran and Iraq
took place. Eight years of senseless war, in which the ideas of Homeini and Saddam were
reinforced, their power became stronger. In the former Yugoslavia, war only strengthened the
power of Milosevic and Tudjman, therefore I doubt there will be peace, for if peace comes,
Milosevic will not be able to keep the power much to longer.

KOHA: According to you, which is the genesis of the Kosova problem and do you see any
solution ahead?

MIHAJLOV: I have been relatively well acquainted with the problem of Kosova, because
while in prison I have spent much of my time with Albanians. I am an old friend of Adem
Demaçi. We were in the same prison in Pozarevac. I have written many things about Kosova,
and when it was possible, I advocated the recognition of Kosova as a republic within the
Yugoslav federation. I even thought that this could strengthen Yugoslavia, especially in times
of Enver Hoxha, when it was obvious that independent Kosova, the Republic of Kosova,
would not voluntarily unite to Enver Hoxha's Albania. Now the situation has changed. First,
Yugoslavia doesn't exist; second, Enver Hoxha is dead.

Honestly, if the democratization of the whole region doesn't occur, I don't see how will
Kosova's problem be solved. An eventual insurrection would be terrible. I am convinced that
everything can be solved within the framework of the solution of the whole Balkan's crises.
Recently I have written in Washington Post about the Balkans Confederation, which for the
time being can be only a dream, but which could be realized in the next years. In theory, there
is a possibility to create a Confederation of the Balkans democratic people, which, because
they are so mixed, could unite. I hope that in this path, the problem of Kosova will be solved
too. For the time being I see no other solution. Naturally, a military option would be more
tragic than in Bosnia. Until Milosevic and his nationalistic movement are in power, there can
be no peaceful solution. Therefore, the solution will come in the future, in times when the
issue of the right to self-determination is defined, be in at least in theory, on the level of the
whole Balkan's problem.

KOHA: There have been many rumors on the possible conversations between the Albanian
and Serb parties. Whilst Rugova insists on conversations in the presence of the mediator,
Belgrade claims that Kosova is its internal affair!

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MIHAJLOV: I think that even if the Serbian authorities would start negotiations, they will be
vague, for they will do this only to prove that they want peace, conscious that they have no
ideological and political prospects to solve anything. I think that until the situation is not
changed in Serbia, any dialogue with Milosevic's regime will bring nothing. Apart from the
reasons of propaganda, I see no other reason for any negotiations.

KOHA: What do you think about the role of the international community regarding Kosova?

MIHAJLOV: As I said previously, it is contradicting itself by supporting two contradictory

principles. On one hand it claims that Kosova must remain part of this crippled Yugoslavia
and on the other hand it would be satisfied if Kosova gets an autonomy similar to the one it
had since 1974. The international community seems to be interested not to have much
problems in the Balkans, to stop the war and prevent others from starting, without having in
mind any durable solution.

KOHA: You mentioned the possibility of the expansion of war to Sandzak and Kosova...

MIHAJLOV: Unfortunately, one nationalism incites another nationalism. Usually, there are a
few extreme nationalists, but when it comes to inciting war, you don't need to many people.
As far as I know, there must be nationalists in Kosova who consider this to be the proper
moment for the Albanians to detach from Serbia. On the other hand, I think that for the time
being Milosevic is not interested to have a conflict in Kosova. This doesn't mean that he will
not do that tomorrow, if he sees his power endangered once the situation in Bosnia has
calmed down. He will need the nationalist euphoria to start something in Kosova, for he has
the means to do it.

KOHA: As a person well acquainted with the Eastern world, how do you evaluate this first
period of post-Communism in former Communist states?

MIHAJLOV: Communism fell rapidly and unexpectedly, and thus there were no movements
in any countries, excluding Poland, that could replace the rulers. There was no civil society.
Of course nationalism was used by the ruling structures to keep the power. In the chaos
created, I fear that the former Soviet-Union has taken the path of the former Yugoslavia,
because what is happening now in there, already happened in Yugoslavia 3-4 years ago. The
worst, is the lack of a creating idea, which goes beyond the national. In principle, in
democratic societies, the national manifests itself in culture. In America we have Albanian,
Russian, etc. magazines, theatres... I want to say when the national appears in culture, it is not
dangerous, but it is fully positive. When the national is always linked to the territories, that it
becomes bloody. I will refer to Victor Hugo, who wrote a piece on the German-French
dispute about some territories in the 19th century. He said that if we step deep in the past,
then it will come out that this territory in fact belongs to a tribe of monkeys which used to be
there before humanity. The problems of territories and nations have not been solved, not even
in theory, because the people are so mixed that the maps of all the world should be changed,
and eventually create a new Balkan. The solution is in the creation of the democratic civil
societies where the national will manifest in culture. Therefore, I personally am of the opinion
that the Balkans problem will be solved through a creation of a Balkan confederation.

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