Visual Anthropology, 18: 19-45,2005 2 ' ^ D f l ^

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ISSN: 0894-9468 print/1545-59211 online ft\ Taylor . Francis Croup
DOI:L(l,1l)80/l>894946l)59()90(K)34
Visualizing Emptiness
Dimitri Morteltvans
How can one create more by showing less? That is the central question in this article.
Through a visual approach, we will look at emptiness as a generator of standing,
exclusiveness, luxury sign value. One of the guiding cultural mechanisms of creating
exclusiveness is the use of horror vacui, the fear of the empty. Using bt)th psychological
tiieory and civilization theory, the article connects the concept of emptiness and horror
vacui to the creation of exclusiveness, of luxury. This theoretical argumentation is then
confronted with a visual research on the use of emptiness in show windows. It shows
that luxury boutiques or shops selling predominantly luxury products use emptiness
in their shop windows in order to create a luxurious and exclusive atmosphere.
INTRODUCTION
How can one create more by showing less? That is the central question in this
article. Through a visual approach, we will look at emptiness as a generator of
standing, exclusiveness, luxury sign value. Central in the answer to this question
is the principle of horror vacui, the fear of the empty.
First, we will discuss the concept of horror vacui on a theoretical basis. Where
does the principle come from and why is it connected to luxury and exclusiveness?
Next, we will present the results of research that tries to find the use of the
principle in shop windows. This research included a combined quantitative and
qualitative study on clothing shops in Antwerp and Brussels. With this research,
we will try to classify shops on a scale of prestige while trying to link this scale to
visual research data.
EMPTINESS AS A FORM OF DISTINCTION
Background from Philosophy and Arts
The link between the luxury signified and the use of emptiness is not evident. We
need to dig deeper into the possible explanation that couples emptiness to luxury.
The origin of the link can be found in both psychology and sociology. The basic
principle behind the connection of emptiness and luxury is called horror vacui, the
fear of emptiness [Gombrich 1970: 80].
MoRTELMANs IS (7 sociologist at Antwerp University, Belgium. He wrote his Ph.D. on the
visualization of luxury based on a sociosemiotic analysis of print advertisements. His eurrent
research focuses on gift-<^iving, shopping behavior and youth, and work-life balance strategies in
young families. He teaches qualitative and Ljuantitative research methods. E-mail: dimitri.
inortelmans@ua.ac.be
19
20 D. Mortelmans
The concept of horror vacui is derived from art theory. It is the urge to fill all
empty space with all kinds of details. However, the term itself is much older than
modern art theory. Originally, the fear of the void was described by Aristotle who
categorically denied the possibility of a vacuum. He argued that a vacuum could
not exist because nature always tries to resist its creation. Nature has an inherent
horror vacui. The principle of filling up the void comes from his cosmology. Tlie
Aristotelian cosmos is enclosed, finite, and full. The assumption of fullness leads to
the claim that all empty spaces refill automatically IBerryman 1997; Anonymous
1991]. Philosophy has followed this line of argument for ages. Nevertheless, the
principle was heavily debated.' The debate was silenced after the experiment of
the Magdeburg hemispheres (1654). This experiment proved that a vacuum could
be created in two hemispheres.
In the twentieth century, the void was picked up again by artists and art critics
in writing on the emerging of abstract art movements. Wassily Kandinsky, for
example, has written on emptiness and its aesthetic power IKandinsky 1955; 19821.
Others have theorized the aesthetics of abstract and minimal art IDomecq 19951 or
criticized its self-claimed transcendentalism [Hauschildt 1994; Hughes 1997;
Kuspit 1998].
Horror Vacui as a Social and Psychological Phenomenon
The principle of horror vacui touches more domains than art theory or philosophy.
In psychology, the principle is related to the human instinct to decorate. One of the
differences between man and animal is our capacity to decorate things: "When we
see primitives decorate themselves, it occurs to us that they do it mainly to
resemble animals, whether they use feathers, colorful paints, or masks. But, no
matter how their behavior may resemble that of animals, the distinction is vast
and crucial because it involves the meaning of the word 'ornamentation'; viz., an
intentional emphasis is given to an object, whether it be a man or an inert thing, by
enriching addition" [Prinzhorn 1995: 20].
One feels an inner urge to cultivate one's surroundings. Some say this urge is
more prominent in primitive groups or in periods of great decadence. Even in our
time, where instinct to decorate is largely suppressed, we find some traces of the
instinct in the habit of writing on walls in public toilets or scribbling on writing
pads [Read 1964: 22-23]. Psychology gives the principle of horror vacni a rather
artistic color. This meaning of the term has survived in art theory: the urge
to complete a certain decoration with increasing detail. However, it does not
give a satisfying explanation of the link between this horror vacni principle and
the luxury signified in our sample. Therefore, we need a more sociological
explanation.
To connect emptiness to luxury, we need to relate liorror vacui to a social phe-
nomenon. In order to do so, we will use the civilization theory of Norbert Elias
119821. According to this theory, the increasing differentiation of societal functions
leads to the formation of more stable political organs acquiring the monopoly of
force." Connected to this process of state formation is a psychological evolution
creating diverse mechanisms of self-control:
Visualizing Emptiness 21
Through the interdependence of larger groups ot people and the exclusion of physical vio-
lence from them, a social apparatus is established in which the constraints between people
are lastingly transformed into self-constraints. These self-constraints, a function of the per-
ceptual hindsight and foresight instilled in the individual from childhood in accordance
with his integration in extensive chains of action, have partly the form of conscious self-
control and partly that of automatic habit. [Elias 1982: 242-2431
Elias describes several domaii\s in which the civilizational process changes
human behavior, all being some restraints on the human instincts or lusts: eating
(with knife and fork), sleeping (not naked), spitting, personal hygiene [Elias 1978].
One of the most striking results from his study was the stratified division of self-
control. New forms of self-control originate first in higher classes and descend
slowly into the lower classes. Self-constraints are instrunients with which the higher
class confirms its superiority [Elias 1982]. Although quantity remains a sign of
power and wealth, austerity penetrated on several domains as a sign of distinction.
Letting oneself go is no longer tolerated. Slowly this evolution permeates society. We
all use a knife and fork when we eat, we all wash overselves and we are all dressed
in public. Nevertheless, the principle of constraining one's human instincts remains
a distinctive sign. Tlie power to control oneself remains a sign of excellence.^
According to psychological theory, horror vacni is also a human instinct. We show
an instinctive reaction towards voicis by decorating them, by filling up the gaps. If
we follow Elias' theory, it must be so that the natural urge to fill in empty spaces is
controlled by the civilizing process. If this is true, the higher classes will develop
some sort of amor vacui. The "empty" becomes a sign of cultivation and good taste.
The amor vacui in higher classes shows that Elias' civilization theory goes further
than taking note of etiquette. Restraining oneself both physically and mentally
makes the principle of amor vacui into a mark of distinction. Tliose who have the
power to overcome their own horror vacui instinct can distinguish themselves.
In earlier research, we have found the use of emptiness to be an important
element in the construction of a luxury sign value in advertisements [e.g.,
Mortelmans 1998a; 1998b]. In advertisements, the principle of horror vacni is used
by presentation of empty space. Eigure 1 gives an example. The Parker fountain-
pen is promoted with an absolute minimum of elements. No models are used, no
special backgrounds or spectacular catchwords. Only a black rectangle on a white
background. Except for the fountain pen itself, the page is nearly empty. The result
is not only an enlarged focus on the product but an additional distinctive atmo-
sphere that is created around the fountain pen.
The Void in Shop Windows
The research presented in this article deals with the use of emptiness in shops and
more particularly in shop windows. There are two main reasons why we decided to
study the shop windows. Eirst, we started from our research results in advertising.
If emptiness is used to create a luxury sign value in advertisements, it could be an
isolated phenomenon. As we argued earlier, the theory of both Norbert Elias and
Pierre Bourdieu indicates that the principle of horror vacui is more widespread than
a mere promotional technique in advertising. Controlling one's fear of the void is
22 D. Mortelmans
hunk atin lui ,^'t7;(A win ii if ii lucriiici.' wrMiiii
Parker klasse
Figure 7 Tlie use of horror vitciii in advertisements. The caption of this advertisement reads:
"Parker Top-class".
rooted more deeply in our culture. Therefore, we wanted to look at ways in which
luxury companies use emptiness in places other than advertisement campaigns.
Several possible subjects of research are evident. First, we could repeat the socio-
semiotic content analysis we did on advertisements, on a sample of luxury catalogs
and brochures. If emptiness is a visual technique in print advertisements, it could
be hypothesized that the same results will apply to the catalog from a luxury
company. Although this first line of research was interesting, we decided to focus
on a second alternative. If emptiness is a sign of luxury, it does not only appear in
similar sources of information, hke catalog. It could also be applied on the different
selling points of luxury products. According to Jean-Louis Dumas-Hermes, man-
ager of Hermes, the luxury boutique needs to be part of the package of a luxury
item: "The smell itself of the shop one enters is already a package of the product"
[Dumas-Hermes 1991: 311. Just as an advertisement or a catalog can communicate a
sign of distinction, the design of a shop is an integral part of the construction of a
luxury signified. The whole interior design must fit the brand: "the black, the white.
Visualizing Emptiness 23
the beige, the added gold for Chanel; the natural wood for Louis Vuitton; the 'grey
Dior' and the Louis XTV style for the brand-institution" ICharrueau 1991: 138,
author's translationl. If emptiness is indeed used to construct a luxury sign value, it
should be visible both in the interior design of a boutique and in the shop window.
The interior design of shops is important to create an atmosphere in which the
consumer is invited to buy. The shop window is the exterior face of the boutique. It
is the connection between the private sphere inside the boutique and the public
sphere outside: the shop window links both worlds. It needs to persuade the
consumer to enter the private world of luxury. Therefore, it is hypothesized that
shop windows are an important generator of luxury sign value. Of course, the
dressing of a window is not the only element in the creation of the standing of a
specific shop. It might even be of lesser importance than the neighborhood or the
brand names that are solidly in the shop. Nevertheless, shop windows are an
exterior-directed form of communication that cannot be neglected.
The second reason for studying shop windows and their relation to the use of
emptiness is a derived one. Both in sociology and in cultural studies, there is a
growing literature on consumer culttire and shopping behavior [e.g.. Brown and
Turley 1997; Featherstone 1991]. Although the research interests are diverse, there
is a substantial interest in "spheres of consumption in general" [Hetherington 1992]
and in the shopping mall in particular [e.g.. Miller ct ni 1998]. The mall is seen as
one of the central spaces of consumption [Hetherington 1992] of our late modern
consumer society: "the shopping mall is symbolic of the global dissemination of
late capitalist economies, [,..] the mall endows consumerism with almost reli-
gious-like qualities" [Miles 1998: 59]. Although the shopping mall receives much
attention in both the theoretical and the empirical domains, little attention goes to
design aspects of the different shops within these malls. Mark Gottdiener, for
example, discusses the design of the mall as a well-structured whole. The central
point in his analysis concerns the functionality of the mall:
The purpose of a mall is to sell consumer goods. The function of mall design, therefore is to
disguise the instrumental exchange relation between producer and consumer, which is
always more to the former's benefit in capitalist society, and to present cognitively an inte-
grated facade which facilitates consumption acts by the stimulation of consumer fantasies.
Thus, the mall, taken as a whole, is a sign in itself, since it connotates something other than
its principal instrumental function. [Gottdiener 1995: 86]
His analysis then concentrates on the different constructions in the mall that
serve this essential functionality. Shop windows and the different techniques of
window dressing are only marginally mentioned. Although this article will con-
centrate on shopping streets rather than malls, we think that shop windows
deserve more attention than they have received until now. If malls are presented
as well-constructed environments to promote shopping, the sanie analysis applies
to window dressing. More importantly, shop windows are thresholds of con-
sumption. They are the capitalist sirens, seducing potential consumers to enter
the inner sanctum. Even though we concentrate here on the principle of horror
vacui, our analysis will, at the same time, give a more detailed insight into the
construction of the seductiveness of shop windows.
24 D. Mortelmans
METHODOLOGY
As outlined before, our study aims to look at the connection between the use of the
void and the prestige of a certain shop. To do so, we have used a combination of
quantitative and qualitative research methods.''
Quantitative Research Method
On the one hand, we want to classify all shops on a scale of prestige. In order to
relate window dressing styles to the luxurious character of the shop, we need
some criterion to classify the shops as luxurious. Concerning luxury, consumer
price is an often used but highly debated criterion. When defining luxury, there is
some consensus that expensiveness is an important factor. However, the question
is whether or not the price is an inherent quality of a luxury product. In a French
study on industrial and financial strategies in the luxury industry, the authors
state that "luxury is no longer a product that costs six times more than a com-
parable product" [transl. from Corsani and Giuseppe 1992: 13]. A mere mass-
consumption object with a high price is not considered luxury. Several definitions
of luxury have been developed, many of which excluded the expensive
characteristics. Properties that are considered more crucial include scarcity, addi-
tional value or high quality standards IMortelmans 1997]. All these characteristics
might give an accurate description of the exclusiveness of a product, but,
empirically, they are hard to test. If we take quality as an example this becomes
more apparent. Our research is Umited to clothing shops (see further). Conse-
quently, we need to assess the quality of the clothes presented in the shop win-
dows. It is obvious that this is a nonsensical option: this is why we once more end
up with the easiest indicator, of luxury pricing. Although prices are imperfect
indicators of the luxurious character of consumer goods, they are not completely
unrelated to the phenomenon. If we ]ook at the different characteristics that are
presented as luxury essentials, we can see that they all lead to a higher price. If a
luxury product has a higher quality, it is produced with superior raw materials.
These commodities are more expensive or need more sophisticated treatment (e.g.,
silk versus cotton). The increase in manufacturing costs leads to a higher consumer
price. The same goes for other characteristics like exclusive distribution channels
or special designs. Although price setting is much more complicated than sum-
ming up production costs ILebas et al. 1990: 48], we can state that luxury products
usually are more expensive than other, comparable products. We decided to base
the classification of the shops in our sample on the prices of the different articles
that were presented in the shop window.
We used a predefined coding scheme for obtaining our quantitative data. First,
we determined which part of the shop window was inventoried. We did not
inventory all shop windows completely. One of the significant elements in our
research was the comparison of the total number of clothing items presented in a
shop window to the type of shop. If a luxury shop uses emptiness as a technique,
it could be hypothesized that only a few objects would be shown. If this is the case,
we need to compare the number of items shown in all shop windows, assuming
that we actually can compare tbem. Therefore we have worked with a limiting
Visualizing Emptiness 25
rule. We estimated that the average shop window^ takes up a length of five to ten
meters, i.e., one or two big windows. However, several big chains store take up
much more than that. In those cases, we limited the inventory to two or three
windows. The decision about the number of windows was left to the encoder but
the total space inventoried could not surpass ten meters.""
Second, all objects in the shop window were inventoried. A distinction v^'as
made between decorative elements in the window and the actual products.
Decorative elements were merely listed. They do not play an important role in the
quantitative analysis. The listed elements are only supportive elements for the
qualitative analysis (see further). Three characteristics of the actual products were
written down: price, type of clothing and place in the shop window. The price was
measured in Belgian Francs, even if some shops already presented the price in
Euros" next to the Belgian Francs. All clothes were categorized into 30 raw cate-
gories. The encoders categorized the clothes in the shop windows in one of these
categories. They were instructed to use the 30 predefined codes but when they
obser\'ed clothes that did not perfectly fit the coding scheme they could deviate
from it. All deviations could be recoded afterwards to the original code book. The
last quantitative information that was retrieved from the shop window was the
place of the clothes in the window. Three different places were distinguished.
Clothes could be worn by window dummies. He on the ground or hang on
coathooks. This information enabled a more detailed analysis of the number of
clothes in different parts of a shop window.
Qualitative Research Method
The quantitative information we collected was primarily aimed at classifying the
different shops using their consumer prices on a prestige scale. Other quantitative
indicators, like the number of clothes in a shop window, could give an indication
of the use of eniptiness in shops, but tltis is a rather raw indicator. It does not tell
anything about the general style of the shop window in which the emptiness
might be used. In order to get a more vahd impression of the use of emptiness, we
simultaneously gathered qualitative, visual data. Each shop that was inventoried
quantitatively was also photographed. In this way, we could analyze the exterior
image a shop is presenting, in more detail.
The analysis of the visual data was done with a grounded theory approach
[Glaser and Strauss 1967; Strauss and Corbin 1994, 1998]. Suchar described a
detailed data collection method for visual sociologists based on the principles of
grounded theory ISuchar 1997]. Since our quantitative data collecting method was
bound to shops, we did not completely follow his collecting principles. As we
have said, we took only one photograph of each shop. Next, we used the software
program Atlas-ti to code and analyze the data. Atlas-ti is written for both textual
and visual data analysis based on grounded theory IMuhr 1991]. During the
categorization process, we ran through the photographs while coding al] elements
in the shop windows that appeared as possible aspects of importance. This process
of open coding"^ was finished by regrouping the codes*^ [Strauss and Corbin 1990].
Then codes were brought together in a coherent codebook, and we coded the
26 D. Mortelmans
whole sample again with these codes. The subsequent analysis tried to identify
groups of shop windows, using the codes as a guideline.
Sample
Since comparability was a central research requisite, a restricted sample was
necessary. We wanted only one product category in our sample, If we want to
compare luxury shop windows with nonluxury windows, we need to compare the
same category; otherwise, the kind of merchandise might influence the dressing of
the shop window. Dressing a window of a toy store can be done quite differently
from dressing the window of a shoe shop. We decided to reduce the scope of the
research to clothes shops. The main reason for choosing clothes as our research
focus was the wide availability of clothes shops both in the lower and the higher
market segment. They range from exclusive boutiques to bulk sales. Another
reason for choosing clothes is the way of selling. If we had chosen watches as our
focus, we would have had enormous problems to find shop windows displaying
watches. The bulk sale watches are found mostly in supermarkets while luxurious
watches are sold at a jeweler's. In either case, comparing shop windows for these
products would be impossible.
We tried to include the widest possible range of clothes shops in our sample;
therefore the sample was drawn in different shopping streets. We preferred
researching shopping streets instead of malls for legal reasons. In Belgium, one is
allowed to take photographs on the street. Inside shops and buildings however,
the owner needs to give permission. It is unclear whether or not shopping malls
are considered a public space. In order to avoid some prohibitions to photo-
graphing, shopping streets were selected as our research area. We selected five
different shopping streets. The first three are known as exclusive shopping streets:
Waterloo Avenue and Louisa Avenue in Brussels and Schuttershofstraat in
Antwerp. This resulted in 64 shops (50 in Brussels and 14 in Antwerp). The fourth
shopping street (the Meir) is also located in Antwerp and is the main shopping
street of that city. It is a typical middle-class street with big chain stores and few or
no small boutiques. A total of 36 shops was inventoried in this street. The last
street (Abdijstraat) in the sample is located in one of Antwerp's poorer districts. It
is a dilapidated street with several so-called one-dollar-shops and a lot of empty
shop-premises. If chain stores are present, they specialize in cheap mass bulk sales.
We analyzed 25 shops in this street. In total, our sample consists of 125 shops in
five different shopping streets in Antwerp and Brussels. Their shop windows
contained a total of 2845 clothing items.'^
RESULTS
We divided our results into two different sections. First, we will give the results of
our quantitative analysis. This analysis will present the classification of all the
shops on a continuum of prestige. Second, we will do a qualitative visual analysis
of the photographs of all shops. The aim of this research is two-fold. On the one
Visualizing Emptiness 27
hand, we tried to construct a typology of shop windows. On the other hand, we
tried to link the use of emptiness in these shop windows to the exclusiveness of
the shop.
Classifying Shops
As indicated before, the consumer prices of the articles presented in the shop
windows are used as indicators for luxury. This simple starting point generates
several derived problems. First, some shops do not use any price tags in their shop
windows. These shops are presenting their clothes without any reference to prices.
Strictly speaking, we should not include these shops in our classification. Since we
will elaborate this classification, on the basis of prices, we have no data to use in
placing these shops. Of course, the omission of prices is a sign of exclusiveness in
itself. The technique has a deterrent function. A shop window with no price tags
communicates an implicit invitation to enter the shop without any monetary
limits. It is an invitation to judge the presented clothes for their aesthetic value. If
one likes the clothes, one can enter and buy them without knowing the prices
beforehand. Of course, such a strategy is useful only if the prices of the presented
articles are high. Without referring to the principle of horror vacui, we see a new
example of the power of self-constraint. A shop gains in prestige because those
who enter there have the power^ to suppress their curiosity about the price of a
commodity. For this reason, we decided to place all the shops that have no price
tags in their shop windows at the right-hand side of our continuum (i.e., the most
exclusive shops). In total, 17 shops (13.6%) were in this group IFigure 2], Among
these shops, there are Belgian haute couture boutiques like Lieve Van Gorp or
brands hke Chanel or Boss. Even though the connection between the absence of
price tags and the exclusiveness of a certain shop is a theoretical one, it seems to
give reliable results in our research.^^
The second problem we encountered by taking prices as indicators of exclu-
siveness was the nonncomparability within shop windows. A naive method of
classifying shops could take the mean of all consumer prices in a certain shop
window. This method neglects the inherent qualities of the clothes within the
shop windows. A three-piece suit is more expensive than a shirt, no matter where
you buy it. However, if a certain shop window has several shirts and only one
suit, it could have a lower mean than a shop with several suits; even if this second
shop sells its suits cheap. Therefore, we standardized the prices for each product
category by calculating z-scores. With a mean of zero, positive z-score prices
indicate n:\ore expensive pieces of a certain clothing category. Negative z-scores
are given to the cheaper clothes. In such manner, each price is standardized within
a certain clothing category. In order to classify all shops on the basis of their
prices, we averaged the z-scores of all the products in the shop window. This
results in the intended purpose. If a shop is expensive compared to others, its
shop window may be supposed to contain clothes that have higher prices for each
of the product categories. If that is the case, the average of the z-scores will be
high. On the contrary, if a shop has a low average of standardized consumer
prices, it means that the standardized clothing prices were low compared to
28 D. Mortelmans
other shops. Figure 2 gives an overview of the mean z-scores of all the shops in
our sample.
The figure shows a gradual increase in consumer prices from fhe left-hand side
of the curve. This indicates a rather marginal difference between these shops.' "^ On
the other hand, the right-hand side shows an exponential-like shape. Prices on tliis
side increase rapid]y. Several luxury houses are located in this segment: Giorgio
Armani, Francis Ferent, and Gianni Versace, for examp]e. Figure 2 shows that we
have created a continuous prestige-scale, based on the consumer prices of the
clothes presented in the shop windows. We wil] come back to this sca]e later.
Classification of Shop Windows
The central research hypothesis of this article was to look at whether or not shops
use emptiness in their shop windows to create an image of exclusiveness. The use
of emptiness, however, is not an isolated sign, A showroom is a composite whole
of both the shop window and the general shop design. The visual research
material allowed us to classify shops according to their shop windows and the
design techniques used in them.
The qualitative analysis of the visual data revealed five main types of shops
and shop windows. As we were analyzing our data, it became clear that shop
rrwan zscoros
Figure 2 Mean z-scores of all clothing categories for each shop. The x-axis contains all 107 shops in
our sample Ihat showed price tags in their shop window. In the graph, they were arranged in the
order of their mean z-score. On the x-axis oniy a few shop names appear due to the limited space
available in the graph. Since these names give an indication of the classification of the shops, we
decided to keep them in the graph.
Visualizing Emptiness 29
windows are tightly connected to the type of clothes shop. Table 1 gives an
overview of the five main types of shop window we found in our sample.
The first category consists of bulk sales shops. Clothes are sold in large quan-
tities, at knock-down prices. Next, we have a group of middle-class clothing
shops. In our sample, this group consisted mainly of large chains store with a
very typical way of window dressing. If we go to higher middle-class shops and
top-class luxury shops, we enter the world of smaller boutiques. The variation in
window dressing is much greater here. Consequently, we distinguished between
three different types.
Bulk Sales
The first type of shops is termed "bulk sales." The key characteristics of this type
are abundance and price-oriented design. Everything is oriented towards the
communication of cheapness. Because several shops are competing in the same
shopping street, the passer-by needs to be convinced that this is the cheapest shop
of all. The most often seen technique to achieve this is the hand-written price tag.
All clothes have large price tags that are readable from the streets. Figure 3 is a
large bulk sales shop where price tags are predominant in the shop window. All
price tags were made in a fluorescent yellow color.
A second characteristic that reappears in the bulk sales is the crowdedness of the
shops; as if bulk sale shops fight the horror vacui by all means. Emptiness is banned
to the extreme by filling the shop window completely, with dummies and clothes
IFigure 31. There is no room for a special design. Additionally, the threshold of the
shop window is bridged by breaking down the classic borders of the shop design.
The shop interior is brought to the outside. The window itself loses its commu-
nicationat function. The consumer is invited to touch and feel the goods. In this
respect, the bulk sales shops resemble a (Third World) marketplace, where
everything is brought close to the consumer; vegetables can be tasted, the smell of
fresh bread is everywhere. The consumer walks and consuines in a private sphere
as soon as he enters the market. Westem shopping patterns have unlinked this
privateness with shops and shop windows. Although we will see further that
some shop windows try to hnk both spheres again, there exists a separation
between the public and the private sphere. The shops in Figures 4 and 5 break this
separation by putting their clothes back on the streets as in marketplaces.
With the entrance of the merchandise right onto the street, the impression of
abimdance becomes even more apparent. The impression one tries to give is not only
a picture of cheap goods but also of a multitude of goods. In Figure 4, more than a
hundered jeans are piled up. The Boxer shop in Figure 5 surpasses this number
several times. The horror vacui is suppressed maximally: all emptiness is banned.
Chjin Stores
The second group of shops with a similar design of shop windows are chain
stores. By chain stores we mean clothing shops belonging to a larger chain of
stores. The same clothes are distributed widely in similar shops. It is difficult to
determine whether or not a certain shop belongs to a larger group of shops and
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32 D. Mortelmans
Figure 4 Bulk sales shop (Antwerp, Abdijstraat).
when this group is large enough to be called a real chain. Since this discussion is a
rather restricted one, it is not quite to the point here. What we call a chain store in
our typology does not necessarily correspond to the technical definition of chain
stores. Chain stores in this typology are defined as shops giving an impression of
mass production, based on a rather uniform pattem of window design.
The impression of working on a large scale is totally different from bulk sales
shops. The impression of cheapness and abundance is suppressed. Large chain
shops do not overcrowd their shop windows. On the other hand, they also avoid
the use of too much emptiness (see further). The impression of middle-class pri-
cing is created in the shop design itself. The brand name is predominantly present
in front of the shop. Contrary to bulk sales shops where sometimes shops don't
even have a name [Figure 4], the brand name is prominent here. Further, these
shops are big. The biggest chain stores have two or three floors connected with
escalators. On the outside, large windows enhance the department store-like
feeling of the shop (Figure 6).
Figure 5 Boxer (A)itwcrp, Abdijstraat).
:5
u
=1,
33
34 D. Mortelmans
All shop windows of chain stores are very alike, not only within chains but also
between different chains. At a certain moment in our data collection, we saw the
dressing of a shop window of a particular chain store (Etam in Antwerp). The
store personnel had emptied the window and were working on a new design,
based on a predesigned scheme. One of the employees had a briefing on paper,
and she was instructing her colleagues on how the window needed to be dressed.
By accident, we came across the same company in Brussels a few days later and
the shop window was designed almost identically.
The main reason, however, we have included the chain store as a separate
category of window dressing styles is that our data showed a large subgroup of
stores with a similar design. The emphasis on the brand name and the large
windows were only two characteristics of these shops. When we look at the shop
window itself, it is striking that several aspects recur. One of the recurring ele-
ments is the use of large posters. As we have said, large chain stores do not
overload their shop windows. Tliere are several dummies (three or more for each
window) in the window, showing the newest collection. Often, additional shelves
are used to present clothes. All this looks well-balanced but it does not give the
impression of emptiness. The main reason for that is the use of large photographs
of models in the stores. The photographs give the impression that they are cut out
of a fashion catalog [Figure 7], The shop window of the chain store is designed as
an enlarged, real-life advertisement for itself. Therefore, store chains as a group
give a similar, mass media-like message through their shop windows.
Next to the large posters, the use of seasonal themes in the shop window
enhances the commercial picture we have sketched. Since our data were collected
in June, the main recurring theme was summer and vacation. The metaphors used
most frequently to express the idea of summer and vacation were palms or sail-
boards. To underline the themes, the posters often featured beach scenes with
models walking along the beach. Also, separate catchwords referred to the
upcoming holiday season. Although all shops were selling their summer collec-
tions, only chain stores regularly referred to this. As was stated before, bulk
purchase shops merely concentrate on prices and large sales. But smaller bou-
tiques or exclusive luxury boutiques also did not predominantly use the seasonal
theme (see further).
Boutiques
As soon as the size of the shop decreases, a clothing shop can be described as a
boutique. Boutiques are ground-floor shops with a limited collection of clothes
usually restricted to one sex. Large chain stores sell clothes for both men and
women (often also for children); boutiques are smaller and more specialized.
Almost half of our sample (58 of 125 shops, 46%) can be described as a boutique.
As a consec]uence, there is a much larger diversity in this group.
A first group we will not further discuss in detail, consists of boutiques with a
pattern equivalent to those of chain stores. They belong to a smaller chain or a
more specialized chain within the fashion market. These shops are indeed smaller
and have a few characteristics of the boutiques we will discuss further. Their
dominant image however is one of a brand-oriented and highly popularized shop.
Visualizing Emptiness 35
Figure 7 Springfield (Antwerp, Meir).
This results in the use of large posters or sailboards, only on a smaller surface.
Although these shops are both technically and economically boutiques, we classify
them in the chain store category. Besides this group, we can discern three groups
of boutiques: first, boutiques using modern and artful design m their shop win-
dow; second, boutiques where the interior of the shop itself becomes part of the
shop window, and third, boutiques in which emptiness prevails.
Firsl Type: Art and Modern Design. Some boutiques try to distinguish themselves
with art and design. Although such decor might exist elsewhere, we did not find
any modern painting or sculptures in our sample. The most prominent type of
design used includes abstract objects and forms. Hardly any figurative objects
are used in this type. The impression of the shop window is one of soberness
and distinction. The amor vacui enters the shop window but it does not prevail
as we will see in the last type. Dummies and other window elements still have
an important place. Sometimes the dummies as such are the subject of design.
36 D. Mortelmans
Figure 8 Olivier Strelli (Antwerp, Keyserlci).
In Figure 8 the dummies form a composition in themselves. Here, the shop
designer went further than merely dressing some dummies. He created an isolated
composition with an artistically-minded undertone. In this shop window, we also
see one of the rare exceptions in the use of person-like dummies. The women in
the composition have a head and a face. In boutiques, dummies are usually
decapitated. Only torso and legs are used, without a head. The personalized
dummy is used more frequently in bulk purchase shops.
One of the particular elements of the boutique as such is the entrance-way.
Chain stores all have large glass entrance doors. Boutiques are more likely to have
a regular door with a doorhandle and a doorpost. In addition, about half of the
boutiques do not leave their doors open: there is a deliberately created border
between the shop and the outside world. An interested consumer can't just walk
in and out; entering a boutique requires an explicit action of the consumer.
Moreover, it is not just the act of grabbing the doorhandle and pushing the door.
The door closes again behind the consunier, giving the impression that he is more
than a flaneur (Bauman) who passes by.
Second Type: Blurring the Threshold between Public and Private Spheres. The sec-
ond type of boutique is the first one where emptiness is used as a technique on its
own. It is characterized by the transparency of the shop window. The window
itself is rather empty; the number of clothing items is limited, as is the number
of dummies. The main characteristic of the second type is transparency. It is a type
that has been described earlier by the French semiotician Ana Claudia Alves de
Oliveira [19961. The shop window does not have a background. There are some
objects in the shop window but the shop itself is visible in the background. The
shop window ceases to exist: it becomes integrated with the shop itself. The shop
window is a bridge between the public sphere outside and the private sphere of
the shop vanishes. Both spheres make direct contact. The outsider can look and
judge the activities inside the shop.
Most shops without a clearly distinct shop window do not reduce only the shop
window to a minimum. The interior design of the shop itself also is an utterance of
Visualizing Emptiness 37
what we called amor vacui: large rooms with only a few racks. The shop window of
Natan [Figure 9] is reduced to a small platform with two dummies. Further, the
window gives a vision of the interior design. Inside the shop there are only a few
racks on the right side of the shop and a cash desk in the middle of the room.
Further, the shop is nearly empty. There is no decoration on the walls and the
height of the shop combined with a large unused surface inside the shop gives an
impression of emptiness.
The sign of amor vacui in this type is not created in the shop window itself.
Because of the transparency of the shop window, the empty space inside the shop
is brought to the fore. In the last type of boutique, the emptiness is created in the
shop window itself.
Third Type: .^lnor vacui as a Sign of Distinction. The last type of boutique has a lot
in common with both types described earlier. This type does not use glass doors or
humanized dummies. It does not have large windows but rather tall and straight
ones. The crucial difference however is the use of emptiness in the shop window
itself. The interior world of the shop and the exterior world are separated by the
shop window. There is no or hardly any direct connection between both sides.
Unlike the previous type, the shop window is used as a separation. The interior
of the shop is not visible from the street.
As with the interior design of the Natan shop, backgrounds in this type are
monotonally colored. The most dominant color is white, but some shops use other
light-colored shades. The prototype of the last type of shop window can be found
in Figure 10. The shop window of Gianni Versace suppresses all superfluous
material. Each window contains only one dummy and a white background. The
impression of emptiness is enhanced by the tall windows. The background behind
the dummies is limited to the height of the dummies. In this way, the profundity of
the shop is added to the upper side of the window, as becomes visible at the right
side of the photograph. All redundant elements are left out and what remains is a
well-balanced equilibrium between showing a collection and leaving the shop
window completely empty.
Figure 9 Natan (Antwerp, Schuttershofstraat).
fc
I
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b
Visualizing Emptiness 39
Shop Window Design and Prestige. In this last section, we want to combine the
quantitative and the quaUtative analysis. The qualitative typology we constructed
by analyzing our visual data does not tell us anything about the prestige of a cer-
tain shop. It is quite possible that shop design has little or nothhig to do with the
prestige of a shop. Therefore we need to link the quantitative typology to the pres-
tige scale we constructed earlier with consumer prices. In an intuitive way, we can
expect a correlation between the use of emptiness and the prestige of a shop. The
Pearson's correlation of the prestige scale and the total number of objects in the
shop window is .25 (Probability /-teat = 0.009). Although the number of objects
tells nothing about the design of a shop, there is a negative correlation with prestige.
A more accurate way of looking at the design of a shop and its place on the
prestige scale is given in Figure 11. Here we have transposed the qualitative
typology in scores where bulk sales stores have the lowest score and the third type
of boutique has the highest score.'^ Important to notice is that we added all shops to
the graph this time. As was explained before, a necessary condition for the con-
struction of the prestige scale was the presence of price tags. In Figure 11, we added
the shops that did not show any price tags at the right side of the graph. They were
added to the graph in no particular order. It is important to include these shops,
since it was hypothesized that the omission of prices was in itself a sign of luxury.
If we look at Figure 11, there are several conclusions to make. First, bulk sales
shops are located in the lower parts of the scale. Their trademark is low prices, and
therefore they score very low on the prestige scale. Since we did not include any
second-hand shops in the sample, it is difficult to judge whether or not these shops
are the absolute lower limit of clothes shops. Next to the bulk sales shops we see a
large group of chain stores clustering together. This is the part where the z-scores
Figure 11 Prestige scale and shop window design.
40 D. Mortelmans
are rising very slowly, indicating that the prices of large chain stores are very
similar. They operate in the same market segment, and therefore they use similar
pricing categories. This category is not only coherent in its prices, it is equally
coherent in its window dressing. Most shops here showed the previously descri-
bed design of large posters and seasonal themes. Even if each brand uses its own
accents, the main structure is very much the same.
This uniformity no longer applies once we enter the world of the boutique. Since
the use of emptiness as a sign of luxury was the starting, point in our research, we
expected to see a reflection of the use of emptiness on the prestige scale. If we take
the last three categories from our typology, there is indeed a correlation with the
prestige scale. Window dressing techniques we identified as Boutique 1, 2 or 5 are
occurring at the higher end of the prestige scale. Also shops that are not using price
tags are all using these types of window dressing. However, we cannot clearly
distinguish any of the three types of window dressing along the prestige scale. Only
the third type with an absolute stress on emptiness seems to occur more regularly at
the higher end of the scale. A possible explanation for this result is the existence of
different signifiers of prestige in window dressing. Here art, design, transparent
windows and emptiness can be used to construct prestigious shop windows.
In conclusion, we want to draw attention to two outliers from Figure 11. Since
shops are free to dress their window as they like, they can easily adopt styles from
others. At the left side of the prestige scale there is one shop using the transparency
technique in its shop window. The shop window (from Mexx) is shown in Figure
12. It was a surprise that it appeared so low in the prestige scale. When studying the
quantitative data more closely, it appeared that they did not use price tags on their
models. The reason they appeared so low was that three t-shirts had prices on
them. Therefore, they appeared in the prestige scale at a rather low level. A second
Figure 12 Mexx (Antwerp, Meir}.
Visualizing Emptiness 41
Figure 13 Boss (Antwerp, Meir).
outlier is situated at the right side of the scale where a shop without price tags uses
chain store techniques in its shop window. The shop was identified as a Boss store,
which was an even bigger surprise. If we look at Figure 13, we can see that Boss is
indeed using chain store techniques in its shop window. They do not present price
tags, but they do use large posters and several dummies and shelves in their store
window. Possibly, Boss tried to adapt its store to the general view of the shopping
street (Meir in Antwerp). Nevertheless, it is one of the most striking examples of a
shop in the higher range of the prestige scale using a deviant design.
CONCLUSION
Shop windows are part of the packaging of a consumer gooci. They need to
convey the image a brand wants to create for itself. But there is more to shop
windows than a mere commercial function. If we look at the shop windows we
have researched and their connection to the urban network they come from, there
is a connection. Shops group together in neighborhoods or in certain streets
because they belong to the same category. This results in a highly similar
appearance of shops along the shopping street. Waterloo Avenue in Brussels, with
all its boutiques, has a more or less coherent look, which contrasts highly with the
Abdijstraat in Antwerp. In this sense, we could also say that the shop window is
the package of a neighborhood. The type of shop and the layout of shop windows
give much information to visual sociologists about the condition of the
neighborhood.
In our research, we concentrated on horror vacui as one of the discriminating
factors to classify shop windows. The typology we constructed shows that shops
and shop windows can be classified in more or less homogeneous groups. Some
groups are clearly related to the use of or the fight against the principle of horror
vacui. The self-constraint of one's inherent fear of the void seems to create
standing. However, we need to place the use of emptiness in shop windows in a
42 D. Mortelmans
broader perspective. As Stuart Hall argued, the meaning of visual culture in
general or images in particular is never fixed [Hall 19971. Images and artifacts are
not only polysemous, their meaning is often ephemeral [Attfield 2000]. Bour-
dieu's theory clearly showed that this polysemy is class-bound. Moreover, dif-
ferent classes not only have different tastes but also different histories of
perception. Classes have specific ways of perceiving their surroundings [Lowe
1982]. This observation points to one of the weaknesses in the above presented
analysis. The visual analysis showed some evidence of the role of horror vacui in
distinction processes. However, the analysis that was performed used an etic
perspective [Silverman 1994]. The styles of window dressing were constructed
with a visual analysis from the researchers' perspective. No confrontation of
these data has been made with the actual viewers of these shop windows, nor
with the shop window designers themselves. Such an approach departs from an
emic approach. In this way, the visual material of the shop windows can be used
to check whether the fear of the void indeed leads to perceptions of distinc-
tiveness as Elias' theory indicated. It can also reveal more detailed information
about the rationale behind the process. Is horror vacui indeed an acceptable
explanation of the connection between emptiness and exclusivity, or might there
be other processes at work?
The present results should therefore be seen as sensitizing concepts [B[umer 1969].
The use of emptiness, art and modern design or transparency in the creation of
distinction can serve future research in exploring the relation between visual
material (like advertisements) or graphic design (as in shop windows) and stra-
tification processes.
NOTES
1. Besides the philosophical debates on the principle of horror I'aciii, several physicists (e.g.,
Pascal) tried to prove experimentally the existence of a void.
2. Elias treats the state formation in the transition from medieval feudalism to the nation
states in the Renaissance.
3. In his Distinction, Bourdieu 11994] gives several examples of differences in aesthetic taste
as well as how differences in uses and habits differ on several courts. He illustrates the
working of the amor vacui principle in several domains.
4. The data collection was done in June 1999 by the author and a colleague on the Faculty
of Social and Political Sciences at Antwerp University. The author wants to thank Sofie
Damen for her help in the data collection of the research. Both the coding and the
analysis were done by the author himself.
5. If a limiting decision needed to be made, the encoder always took the left side of the
entrance door. This additional rule was imposed to prevent a content-based decision
(e.g., taking only empty windows). The left-criterion followed the reasoning that large
stores have their entrance in fhe middle of the shop, hi this fashion, the shop design
itself usually suggested which part of the shop window needed to be inventoried.
6. One Euro equals 40.3399 Belgian Francs (1.32 U.S. in 2004).
7. In order to reduce bias, it is recommended [Suchar 19971 to use phrases from text as codes
{ill I'ivo coding). Since we worked with visual material it was not pctssible to code this way.
8. Atlas-ti provides a separate tool for organizing the open coding: the Network Editor.
This too! allows the researcher to link and unlink different codes in a graphic network.
Visualizing Emptiness 43
9. All clothes in the shop window were inventoried, independently of the presence of a
price-tag. If three trousers were piled with only one price-tag, for example, the encoders
were instructed to write down tliree separate trousers with this price. If no price-tags
were shown, they were instructed to inventory the clothes in the shop window.
K). In this case, power refers strongly to monetary power, to the capacity to buy.
11. Of course, the reliability of this connection lies in the fact that we suppose that shops
from Boss or Chanel are exclusive ones.
12. Only at the very beginning of the curve is there a little leap. The first two shops (called
Jeffry and Boxer) at the very beginning of the curve have extremely low clotliing prices.
Both shops are located in the shopping street Abdijstraat, which is in a poorer district of
Antwerp.
13. The main purpose of giving scores was to create an easily readable graph. Therefore, the
scores for bulk sales shops and large chain stores were low (1 and 1.5) while the scores
for the three types of boutiques were high (4, 4.5, and 5). Tlie dotted line in the middle
of the graph was also added manually for readabihty.
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