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The Story of the Mormons:

From the Date of their Origin to the Year 1901

by William Alexander Linn

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THE STORY OF THE MORMONS: FROM THE DATE OF THEIR ORIGIN TO THE
YEAR 1901

by WILLIAM ALEXANDER LINN

PREFACE

No chapter of American history has remained so long unwritten as

that which tells the story of the Mormons. There are many books
on the subject, histories written under the auspices of the
Mormon church, which are hopelessly biased as well as incomplete;
more trustworthy works which cover only certain periods; and
books in the nature of "exposures by former members of the
church, which the Mormons attack as untruthful, and which rest,
in the minds of the general reader, under a suspicion of personal
bias. Mormonism, therefore, to-day suggests to most persons only
one doctrine--polygamy--and only one leader--Brigham Young, who
made his name familiar to the present generations. Joseph Smith,
Jr., is known, where known at all, only in the most general way
as the founder of the sect, while the real originator of the
whole scheme for a new church and of its doctrines and
government, Sidney Rigdon, is known to few persons even by name.

The object of the present work is to present a consecutive

history of the Mormons, from the day of their origin to the
present writing, and as a secular, not as a religious, narrative.
The search has been for facts, not for moral deductions, except
as these present themselves in the course of the story. Since the
usual weapon which the heads of the Mormon church use to meet
anything unfavorable regarding their organization or leaders is a
general denial, this narrative has been made to rest largely on
Mormon sources of information. It has been possible to follow
this plan a long way because many of the original Mormons left
sketches that have been preserved. Thus we have Mother Smith's
picture of her family and of the early days of the church; the
Prophet's own account of the revelation to him of the golden
plates, of his followers' early experiences, and of his own
doings, almost day by day, to the date of his death, written with
an egotist's appreciation of his own part in the play; other
autobiographies, like Parley P. Pratt's and Lorenzo Snow's; and,
finally, the periodicals which the church issued in Ohio, in
Missouri, in Illinois, and in England, and the official reports
of the discourses preached in Utah,--all showing up, as in a
mirror, the character of the persons who gave this Church of
Latter Day Saints its being and its growth.

In regard to no period of Mormon history is there such a lack of

accurate information as concerning that which covers their moves
to Ohio, thence to Missouri, thence to Illinois, and thence to
Utah. Their own excuse for all these moves is covered by the one
word "persecution" (meaning persecution on account of their
religious belief), and so little has the non-Mormon world known
about the subject that this explanation has scarcely been
challenged. Much space is given to these early migrations, as in
this way alone can a knowledge be acquired of the real character
of the constituency built up by Smith in Ohio, and led by him
from place to place until his death, and then to Utah by Brigham
Young.

Any study of the aims and objects of the Mormon leaders must rest
on the Mormon Bible ("Book of Mormon") and on the "Doctrine and
Covenants," the latter consisting principally of the
"revelations" which directed the organization of the church and
its secular movements. In these alone are spread out the original
purpose of the migration to Missouri and the instructions of
Smith to his followers regarding their assumed rights to the
territory they were to occupy; and without a knowledge of these
"revelations" no fair judgment can be formed of the justness of
the objections of the people of Missouri and Illinois to their
new neighbors. If the fraudulent character of the alleged
revelation to Smith of golden plates can be established, the
foundation of the whole church scheme crumbles. If Rigdon's
connection with Smith in the preparation of the Bible by the use
of the "Spaulding manuscript" can be proved, the fraud itself is
established. Considerable of the evidence on this point herein
brought together is presented at least in new shape, and an
adequate sketch of Sidney Rigdon is given for the first time. The
probable service of Joachim's "Everlasting Gospel," as suggesting
the story of the revelation of the plates, has been hitherto
overlooked.

A few words with regard to some of the sources of information

quoted:

"Biographical Sketches of Joseph Smith and his Progenitors for

Many Generations" ("Mother Smith's History," as this book has
been generally called) was first published in 1853 by the Mormon
press in Liverpool, with a preface by Orson Pratt recommending
it; and the Millennial Star (Vol. XV, p. 682) said of it: "Being
written by Lucy Smith, the mother of the Prophet, and mostly
under his inspiration, will be ample guarantee for the
authenticity of the narrative.... Altogether the work is one of
the most interesting that has appeared in this latter
dispensation." Brigham Young, however, saw how many of its
statements told against the church, and in a letter to the
Millennial Star (Vol. XVII, p. 298), dated January 31, 1858, he
declared that it contained "many mistakes," and said that "should
it ever be deemed best to publish these sketches, it will not be
done until after they are carefully corrected." The preface to
the edition of 1890, published by the Reorganized Church at
Plano, Illinois, says that Young ordered the suppression of the
first edition, and that "under this order large numbers were
destroyed, few being preserved, some of which fell into the hands
of those now with the Reorganized Church. For this destruction we
see no adequate reason. "James J. Strang, in a note to his
pamphlet, "Prophetic Controversy," says that Mrs. Corey (to whom
the pamphlet is addressed) "wrote the history of the Smiths
called 'Mother Smith's History.'" Mrs. Smith was herself quite
incapable of putting her recollections into literary shape.
The autobiography of Joseph Smith, Jr., under the title "History
of Joseph Smith," began as a supplement to Volume XIV of the
Millennial Star, and ran through successive volumes to Volume
XXIV. The matter in the supplement and in the earlier numbers was
revised and largely written by Rigdon. The preparation of the
work began after he and Smith settled in Nauvoo, Illinois. In his
last years Smith rid himself almost entirely of Rigdon's counsel,
and the part of the autobiography then written takes the form of
a diary which unmasks Smith's character as no one else could do.
Most of the correspondence and official documents relating to the
troubles in Missouri and Illinois are incorporated in this
work.

Of the greatest value to the historian are the volumes of the

Mormon publications issued at Kirtland, Ohio; Independence,
Missouri; Nauvoo, Illinois; and Liverpool, England. The first of
these, Evening and Morning Star (a monthly, twenty-four numbers),
started at Independence and transferred to Kirtland, covers the
period from June, 1832, to September, 1834; its successor, the
Latter Day Saints' Messenger and Advocate, was issued at Kirtland
from 1834 to 1837. This was followed by the Elders' journal,
which was transferred from Kirtland to Far West, Missouri, and
was discontinued when the Saints were compelled to leave that
state. Times and Seasons was published at Nauvoo from 1839 to
1845. Files of these publications are very scarce, the volumes of
the Times and Seasons having been suppressed, so far as possible,
by Brigham Young's order. The publication of the Millennial Star
was begun in Liverpool in May, 1840, and is still continued. The
early volumes contain the official epistles of the heads of the
church to their followers, Smith's autobiography, correspondence
describing the early migrations and the experiences in Utah, and
much other valuable material, the authenticity of which cannot be
disputed by the Mormons. In the Journal of Discourses (issued
primarily for circulation in Europe) are found official reports
of the principal discourses (or sermons) delivered in Salt Lake
City during Young's regime. Without this official sponsor for the
correctness of these reports, many of them would doubtless be
disputed by the Mormons of to-day.

The earliest non-Mormon source of original information quoted is

"Mormonism Unveiled," by E. D. Howe (Painesville, Ohio, 1834).
Mr. Howe, after a newspaper experience in New York State, founded
the Cleveland (Ohio) Herald in 1819, and later the Painesville
(Ohio) Telegraph. Living near the scene of the Mormon activity in
Ohio when they moved to that state, and desiring to ascertain the
character of the men who were proclaiming a new Bible and a new
church, he sent agents to secure such information among the
Smiths' old acquaintances in New York and Pennsylvania, and made
inquiries on kindred subjects, like the "Spaulding manuscript."
His book was the first serious blow that Smith and his associates
encountered, and their wrath against it and its author was
fierce.

Pomeroy Tucker, the author of "Origin and Progress of the

Mormons" (New York, 1867), was personally acquainted with the
Smiths and with Harris and Cowdery before and after the
appearance of the Mormon Bible. He read a good deal of the proof
of the original edition of that book as it was going through the
press, and was present during many of the negotiations with
Grandin about its publication. His testimony in regard to early
matters connected with the church is important.

Two non-Mormons who had an early view of the church in Utah and
who put their observations in book form were B. G. Ferris ("Utah
and the Mormons," New York, 1854 and 1856) and Lieutenant J. W.
Gunnison of the United States Topographical Engineers ("The
Mormons," Philadelphia, 1856). Both of these works contain
interesting pictures of life in Utah in those early days.

There are three comprehensive histories of Utah,--H. H.

Bancroft's "History of Utah" (p. 889), Tullidge's "History of
Salt Lake City" (p. 886), and Orson F. Whitney's "History of
Utah," in four volumes, three of which, dated respectively March,
1892, April, 1893, and January, 1898, have been issued. The
Reorganized Church has also published a "History of the Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints" in three volumes. While
Bancroft's work professes to be written from a secular
standpoint, it is really a church production, the preparation of
the text having been confided to Mormon hands. "We furnished Mr.
Bancroft with his material," said a prominent Mormon church
officer to me. Its plan is to give the Mormon view in the text,
and to refer the reader for the other side to a mass of
undigested notes, and its principal value to the student consists
in its references to other authorities. Its general tone may be
seen in its declaration that those who have joined the church to
expose its secrets are "the most contemptible of all"; that those
who have joined it honestly and, discovering what company they
have got into, have given the information to the world, would far
better have gone their way and said nothing about it; and, as to
polygamy, that "those who waxed the hottest against" the practice
"are not as a rule the purest of our people" (p. 361); and that
the Edmunds Law of 1882 "capped the climax of absurdity" (p.
683).

Tullidge wrote his history after he had taken part in the "New
Movement." In it he brought together a great deal of information,
including the text of important papers, which is necessary to an
understanding of the growth and struggles of the church. The work
was censored by a committee appointed by the Mormon
authorities.

Bishop Whitney's history presents the pro-Mormon view of the

church throughout. It is therefore wholly untrustworthy as a
guide to opinion on the subjects treated, but, like Tullidge's,
it supplies a good deal of material which is useful to the
student who is prepared to estimate its statements at their true
value.

The acquisition by the New York Public Library of the Berrian

collection of books, early newspapers, and pamphlets on
Mormonism, with the additions constantly made to this collection,
places within the reach of the student all the material that is
necessary for the formation of the fairest judgment on the
subject.
W. A. L. HACKENSACK, N. J., 1901.

CONTENTS

BOOK I. THE MORMON ORIGIN

CHAPTER I. FACILITY OF HUMAN BELIEF: The Real Miracle of Mormon

Success--Effrontery of the Leaders' Professions--Attractiveness
of Religious Beliefs to Man--Wherein the World does not make
Progress--The Anglo-Saxon Appetite for Religious Novelties

CHAPTER II. THE SMITH FAMILY: Solomon Mack and his Autobiography
--Religious Characteristics of the Prophet's Mother--The Family
Life in Vermont--Early Occupations in New York State--Pictures of
the Prophet as a Youth--Recollections of the Smiths by their New
York Neighbors

CHAPTER III. HOW JOSEPH SMITH BECAME A MONEY-DIGGER: His Use of a

Divining Rod--His First Introduction to Crystal-gazing--Peeping
after Hidden Treasure--How Joseph obtained his own "Peek-stone"--
Methods of Midnight Money-digging

CHAPTER IV. FIRST ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE GOLDEN BIBLE: Variations in

the Early Descriptions--Joseph's Acquaintance with the Hales--His
Elopement and Marriage--What he told a Neighbor about the Origin
of his Bible Discovery--Early Anecdotes about the Book

CHAPTER V. THE DIFFERENT ACCOUNTS OF THE REVELATION OF THE BIBLE:

The Versions about the Spanish Guardian--Important Statement by
the Prophet's Father--The Later Account in the Prophet's
Autobiography--The Angel Visitor and the Acquisition of the
Plates--Mother Smith's Version

CHAPTER VI. TRANSLATION AND PUBLICATION OF THE BIBLE: Martin

Harris's Connection with the Work--Smith's Removal to
Pennsylvania --How the Translation was carried on--Harris's Visit
to Professor Anthon--The Professor's Account of his Visit--The
Lost Pages--The Prophet's Predicament and his Method of
Escape--Oliver Cowdery as an Assistant Translator--Introduction
of the Whitmers--The Printing and Proof--reading of the New
Bible--Recollections of Survivors

CHAPTER VII. THE SPAULDING MANUSCRIPT: Solomon Spaulding's

Career--History of "The Manuscript Found"--Statements by Members
of the Author's Family--Testimony of Spaulding's Ohio Neighbors
about the Resemblance of his Story to the Book of Mormon--The
Manuscript found in the Sandwich Islands

CHAPTER VIII. SIDNEY RIGDON: His Biography--Connection with the

Campbells--Efficient Church Work in Ohio--His Jealousy of his
Church Leaders--Disciples' Beliefs and Mormon Doctrines--
Intimations about a New Bible--Rigdon's First Connection with
Smith--The Rigdon-Smith Translation of the Scriptures--Rigdon's
Conversion to Mormonism

CHAPTER IX. "THE EVERLASTING GOSPEL": Probable Origin of the Idea

of a Bible on Plates--Cyril's Gift from an Angel and Joachim's
Use of it--Where Rigdon could have obtained the Idea Prominence
of the "Everlasting Gospel" in Mormon Writings

CHAPTER X. THE WITNESSES TO THE PLATES: Text of the Two

"Testimonies"--The Prophet's Explanation of the First--Early
Reputation and Subsequent History of the Signers--The Truth about
the Kinderhook Plates and Rafinesque's Glyphs

CHAPTER XI. THE MORMON BIBLE: Some of its Errors and

Absurdities--Facsimile of the First Edition Title-page--The
Historical Narrative of the Book--Its Lack of Literary
Style--Appropriated Chapters of the Scriptures--Specimen
Anachronisms

CHAPTER XII. ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH: Smith's Ordination by

John the Baptist--The First Baptisms--Early Branches of the
Church--The Revelation about Church Officers--Cowdery's Ambition
and How it was Repressed--Smith's Title as Seer, Translator, and
Prophet--His Arrest and Release--Arrival of Parley P. Platt and
Rigdon in Palmyra--The Command to remove to Ohio

CHAPTER XIII. THE MORMONS' BELIEFS AND DOCTRINES--CHURCH

GOVERNMENT: Long Years of Apostasy--Origin of the Name "Mormon"
--Original Titles of the Church--Belief in a Speedy Millennium--
The Future Possession of the Earth--Smith's Revelations and how
they were obtained--The First Published Editions--Counterfeit
Revealers--What is Taught of God--Brigham Young's Adam Sermon--
Baptism for the Dead--The Church Officers

BOOK II. IN OHIO

CHAPTER I. THE FIRST CONVERTS AT KIRTLAND: Original Missionaries

sent out to the Lamanites--Organization of a Church in Ohio--
Effect of Rigdon's Conversion--General Interest in the New Bible
and Prophet--How Men of Education came to believe in Mormonism--
Result of the Upturning of Religious Belief

CHAPTER II. WILD VAGARIES OF THE CONVERTS: Convulsions and

Commissions--Common Religious Excitements of those Days--
Description of the "Jerks"--Smith's Repressing Influence

CHAPTER III. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH: The Appointment of Elders--

Beginning of the Proselyting System--Smith's Power Entrenched--
His Temporal Provision--Repression of Rigdon--The Tarring and
Feathering of Smith and Rigdon--Treatment of the Mormons and of
Other New Denominations compared--Rigdon's Punishment

CHAPTER IV. GIFTS OF TONGUES AND MIRACLES: How Persons "Spoke in

Tongues"--Seeing the Lord Face to Face--Early Use of Miracles--
The Story of the "Book of Abraham"--The Prophet as a Translator
of Greek and Egyptian.

CHAPTER V. SMITH'S OHIO BUSINESS ENTERPRISES: Young's Picture of

the Prophet's Experience as a Retail Merchant--The Land
Speculation--Laying out of the City--Building of the Temple--
Consecration of Property--How the Leaders looked out for
themselves--Amusing Explanation of Section III of the "Doctrine
and Covenants"--The Story of the Kirtland Bank--The Church View
of its Responsibility for the Currency--The Business Crash and
Smith's Flight to Missouri

CHAPTER VI. LAST DAYS AT KIRTLAND: Pictures of the Prophet--

Accusations against Church Leaders in Missouri--Serious Charge
against the Prophet--W. W, Phelps's Rebellion--Smith's
Description of Leading Lights of the Church--Charges concerning
Smith's Morality--The Church accused of practising Polygamy--A
Lively Fight at a Church Service--Smith's and Rigdon's Defence of
their Conduct--The Later History of Kirtland

BOOK III. IN MISSOURI

CHAPTER I. THE DIRECTIONS TO THE SAINTS ABOUT THEIR ZION: Western

Missouri in the Early Days--Pioneer Farming and Home-making--The
Trip of the Four Mormon Missionaries--Direction about the
Gathering of the Elect--How they were to possess the Land of
Promise--Their Appropriation of the Good Things purchased of
their Enemies

CHAPTER II. SMITH'S FIRST VISITS TO MISSOURI: Founding the City

of Zion and the Temple--Marvellous Stories that were told--
Dissatisfaction of Some of the Prophet's Companions

CHAPTER III.THE EXPULSION FROM JACKSON COUNTY: Rapid Influx of

Mormons--Result of the Publication of the Revelations--First
Friction with their Non-Mormon Neighbors--Manifesto of the
Mormons' Opponents--Their Big Mass Meeting--Demands on the
Mormons--Destruction of the Star Printing-office--The Mormons'
Agreement to leave--Smith's Advice to his Flock--Repudiation of
the Mormon Agreement and Renewal of Hostilities--The Battle at
Big Blue--Evacuation of the County--March of the Army of Zion--An
Inglorious Finale

CHAPTER IV. FRUITLESS NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE JACKSON COUNTY

PEOPLE: A Fair Offer Rejected--The Mormon Counter Propositions--
Governor Dunklin on the Situation

CHAPTER V. IN CLAY, CALDWELL, AND DAVIESS COUNTIES: Welcome of

the Mormons by New Neighbors--Effect of their Claims about
Possessing the Land--Ordered out of Clay County--Founding of Far
West--A Welcome to Smith and Rigdon

CHAPTER VI. RADICAL DISSENSIONS IN THE CHURCH: Trial of Phelps

and Whitmer--Conviction of Oliver Cowdery on Serious Charges--
Expulsion of Leading Members--Origin of the Danites--Suggested by
the Prophet at Kirtland--The Danite Constitution and Oath--Origin
of the Tithing System

CHAPTER VII. BEGINNING OF ACTIVE HOSTILITIES: Result of Smith's

Domineering Course--Jealousy caused by the Scattering of the
Saints--Founding of Adam-ondi-Ahman--Rigdon's Famous Salt
Sermon--Open Defiance of the Non-Mormons--The Mormons in
Politics--An Election Day Row--Arrests and Threats

CHAPTER VIII. A STATE OF CIVIL WAR: Calling out of the Militia--

Proposed Expulsion of the Mormons from Carroll County--The Siege
of De Witt--The Prophet's Defiance--Work of his "Fur Company"--
Gentile Retaliation--The Battle of Crooked River--The Massacre at
Hawn's Mills--Governor Boggs's "Order of Extermination"

CHAPTER IX. THE FINAL EXPULSION FROM THE STATE: General Lucas's
Terms to the Mormons--Surrender of Far West and Arrest of Mormon
Leaders--General Clark's Address to the Mormons--His Report to
the Governor--General Wilson's Picture of Adam-ondi-Ahman--Fate
of the Mormon Prisoners--Testimony at their Trial--Smith's
Escape--Migration to Illinois

BOOK IV. IN ILLINOIS

CHAPTER I. THE RECEPTION OF THE MORMONS: Incidents in the Early

History of the State--Defiant Lawlessness--Politicians the First
to Welcome the Newcomers--Landowners Among their First Friends

CHAPTER II. THE SETTLEMENT OF NAUVOO: Smith's Leadership

Illustrated--The Land Purchases--A Reconciliation of Conflicting
Revelations--Smith's Financiering--Shameful Misrepresentation to
Immigrants

CHAPTER III. THE BUILDING UP OF THE CITY: Unhealthfulness of its

Site--Rapid Growth of the Place--Early Pictures of it--Foreign
Proselyting--Why England was a Good Field--Method of Work there--
The Employment of Miracles--How the Converts were Sent Over

CHAPTER IV. THE NAUVOO CITY GOVERNMENT: Dr. Galland's

Suggestions--An Important Revelation--Church Buildings Ordered--
Subserviency of the Legislature--Dr. John C. Bennett's Efficient
Aid--Authority granted to the City Government--The Nauvoo Legion
--Bennett's Welcome--The Temple and How it was Constructed

CHAPTER V. THE MORMONS IN POLITICS: Smith's Decree against Van

Buren--How the Prophet swung the Mormon Vote back to the
Democrats--The Attempted Assassination of Governor Boggs--Smith's
Arrest and What Resulted from it--Defeat of a Whig Candidate by a
Revelation

CHAPTER VI. SMITH A CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

His Letter to Clay and Calhoun--Their Replies and Smith's Abusive
Wrath--The Prophet's Views on National Politics--Reform Measures
that He Proposed--His Nomination by the Church Paper--Experiences
of Missionaries sent out to Work Up his Campaign

CHAPTER VII. SOCIAL CONDITIONS IN NAUVOO: Character of its

Population--Treatment of Immigrant Converts--Some Disreputable
Gentile Neighbors--The Complaints of Mormon Stealings--
Significant Admissions--Mormon Protection against Outsiders--The
Whittlers

CHAPTER VIII. SMITH'S PICTURE OF HIMSELF AS AUTOCRAT: Glances at

his Autobiography--Difficulties Connected with the Building
Enterprises--A Plain Warning to Discontented Workmen--Trouble
with Rigdon--Pressed by his Creditors--Transaction with Remick--
Currency Law passed by his City Council--How Smith regarded
himself as a Prophet--His Latest Prophecies

CHAPTER IX. SMITH'S FALLING OUT WITH BENNETT AND HIGBEE:

Bennett's Expulsion and the Explanations concerning it--His
Attacks on his Late Companions--Charges against Nauvoo Morality--
The Case of Nancy Rigdon--The Higbee Incident

CHAPTER X. THE INSTITUTION OF POLYGAMY: An Examination of its

Origin--Its Conflict with the Teachings of the Mormon Bible and
Revelations--Early Loosening of the Marriage View under Smith--
Proof of the Practice of Polygamy in Nauvoo--Testimony of Eliza
R. Snow--How her Brother Lorenzo shook off his Bachelorhood--John
B. Lee as a Polygamist--Ebenezer Robinson's Statement--Objects of
"The Holy Order"--The Writing of the Revelation about Polygamy--
Its First Public Announcement--Sidney Rigdon's Innocence in the
Matter

CHAPTER XI. PUBLIC ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DOCTRINE OF POLYGAMY: Text

of the Revelation--Orson Pratt's Presentation of it--The Doctrine
of Sealing--Necessity of Sealing as a Means of Salvation--Attempt
to show that Christ was a Polygamist

CHAPTER XII. THE SUPPRESSION OF THE EXPOSITOR: Dr. Foster and the
Laws--Rebellion against Smith's Teachings--Leading Features of
the Expositor--Trial of the Paper and its Editors before the City
Council--Destruction of the Press and Type--Smith's Proclamation

CHAPTER XIII. UPRISING OF THE NON-MORMONS: Resolutions Adopted at

Warsaw--Organizing and Arming of the People--Action of Governor
Ford--Smith's Arrest--Departure of the Prisoners for Carthage

CHAPTER XIV. THE MURDER OF THE PROPHET: Legal Proceedings after

his Arrival in Carthage--The Governor and the Militia--The
Carthage Jail and its Guards--Action of the Warsaw Regiment--The
Attack on the Jail and the Killing of the Prophet and his
Brother--Funeral Services in Nauvoo--Final Resting-place of the
Bodies--Result of Indictments of the Alleged Murderers--Review of
the Prophet's Character

CHAPTER XV. AFTER SMITH'S DEATH: The People in a Panic--The

Mormon Leaders for Peace--The Future Government of the Church--
Brigham Young's Victory--Rigdon's Trial before the High Council--
Verdict Against Him--His Church in Pennsylvania--His Ambition to
be the Head of a Distinct Church--A Visit from Heavenly
Messengers--His Last Days

CHAPTER XVI. RIVALRIES OVER THE SUCCESSION: The Claim of the

Prophet's Eldest Son--Trouble caused by the Prophet's Widow--The
Reorganized Church--Strang's Church in Wisconsin--Lyman Wight's
Colony in Texas

CHAPTER XVII. BRIGHAM YOUNG: His Early Years--His Initiation into

the Mormon Church--Fidelity to the Prophet--Embarrassments of his
Position as Head of the Church--His View about Revelations--Plan
for Home Mission Work--His Election as President

CHAPTER XVIII. RENEWED TROUBLE FOR THE MORMONS: More Charges of

Stealing--Significant Admission by Young--Business Plight of
Nauvoo--More Politics--Defiant Attitude of Mormon Leaders--An
Editor's View of Legal Rights--Stories about the Danites--Brother
William on Brigham Young--The "Burnings"--Sheriff Backenstos's
Proclamations--Lieutenant Worrell's Murder--Mormon Retaliation--
Appointment of the Douglas-Hardin Commission

CHAPTER XIX. THE EXPULSION OF THE MORMONS: General Hardin's

Proclamation--County Meetings of Non-Mormons--Their Ultimatum--
The Commission's Negotiations--Non-Mormon Convention at
Carthage--The Agreement for the Mormon Evacuation

CHAPTER XX. THE EVACUATION OF NAUVOO: Major Warren as a Peace

Preserver--The Mormons' Disposition of their Property--Departure
of the Leaders hastened by Indictments--Arrival of New Citizens--
Continued Hostility of the Non-Mormons--"The Last Mormon War"--
Panic in Nauvoo--Plan for a March on the Mormon City--Fruitless
Negotiations for a Compromise--The Advance against the City--The
Battle and its Results--Terms of Peace--The Final Evacuation
CHAPTER XXI. NAUVOO AFTER THE EXODUS: Arrival of Governor Ford--
The Final Work on the Temple--The "Endowment" Ceremony and Oath--
Futile Efforts to sell the Temple--Its Destruction by Fire and
Wind--The Nauvoo of To-day

BOOK V. THE MIGRATION TO UTAH

CHAPTER I. PREPARATIONS FOR THE LONG MARCH: Uncertainty of their

Destination--Explanations to the People--Disposition of Real and
Personal Property--Collection of Draft Animals--Activity in Wagon
and Tent Making--The Old Charge of Counterfeiting--Pecuniary
Sacrifices of the Mormons in Illinois

CHAPTER II. FROM THE MISSISSIPPI TO THE MISSOURI: The First

Crossings of the River--Camp Arrangements--Sufferings from the
Cold--The Story of the Westward March--Motley Make-up of the
Procession--Expedients for obtaining Supplies--Terrible
Sufferings of the Expelled Remnant--Privations at Mt. Pisgah

CHAPTER III. THE MORMON BATTALION: Extravagant Claims Regarding

it Disproved--General Kearney's Invitation--Source of the Initial
Suggestion--How the Mormons profited by the Organization--The
March to California--Colonel Thomas L. Kane's Visit to the
Missouri--His Intimate Relations with the Mormon Church

CHAPTER IV. THE CAMPS ON THE MISSOURI: Friendly Welcome of the

Mormons by the Indians--The Site of Winter Quarters--Busy Scenes
on the River Bank--Sickness and Death--The Building of a
Temporary City

CHAPTER V. THE PIONEER TRIP ACROSS THE PLAINS: Early Views of the
Unexplored West--The First White Visitors to that Country--
Organization of the Pioneer Mormon Band--Rules observed on the
March--Successful Buffalo Hunting--An Indian Alarm--Dearth of
Forage--Post-offices of the Plains--A Profitable Ferry

CHAPTER VI. FROM THE ROCKIES TO SALT LAKE VALLEY: No Definite

Stopping-place in View--Advice received on the Way--The Mormon
Expedition to California by Way of Cape Horn--Brannan's Fall from
Grace--Westward from Green River--Advance Explorers through a
Canon--First View of Great Salt Lake Valley--Irrigation and Crop
Planting begun
CHAPTER VII. THE FOLLOWING COMPANIES: Their Leaders and Make-up
--Young's Return Trip--Last Days on the Missouri--Scheme for a
Permanent Settlement in Iowa--Westward March of Large Companies

BOOK VI. IN UTAH

CHAPTER I. THE FOUNDING OF SALT LAKE CITY: Utah's First White

Explorers--First Mormon Services in the Valley--Young's View of
the Right to the Land--The First Buildings--Laying out the
City--Early Crop Disappointment--Discomforts of the First
Winter-- Primitive Dwelling-places--The Visitation of
Crickets--Glowing Accounts sent to England

CHAPTER II. PROGRESS OF THE SETTLEMENT: Schools and Manufactures

--How the City appeared in 1849--Sufferings during the Winter of
1908--Immigration checked by the Lack of Food--Aid supplied by
the California Goldseekers--Danger of a Mormon Exodus--Young's
Rebuke to his Gold-seeking Followers--The Crop Failure of 1855
and the Famine of the Following Winter--The Tabernacle and Temple

CHAPTER III. THE FOREIGN IMMIGRATION TO UTAH: The Commercial

joint Stock Company Scandal--Deceptive Statements made to Foreign
Converts--John Taylor's Address to the Saints in Great Britain--
Petition to Queen Victoria--Mormon Duplicity illustrated--Young's
Advice to Emigrants--Glowing Pictures of Salt Lake Valley--The
Perpetual Emigrating Fund--Details of the Emigration System

CHAPTER IV. THE HAND-CART TRAGEDY: Young's Scheme for Economy--

His Responsibility for the Hand-cart Experiment--Details of the
Arrangement--Delays at Iowa City--Unheeded Warnings--Privations
by the Way--Early Lack of Provisions--Suffering caused by
Insufficient Clothing--Deaths of the Old and Infirm--Horrors of
the Camps in the Mountains--Frozen Corpses found at Daybreak--
Sufferings of a Party at Devil's Gate--Young's Attempt to shift
the Responsibility

CHAPTER V. EARLY POLITICAL HISTORY: The Aim at Independence--

First Local Government--Adoption of a Constitution for the State
of Deseret--Babbitt's Application for Admission as a Delegate--
Memorial opposing his Claim--His Rejection--The Territorial
Government

CHAPTER VI. BRIGHAM YOUNG'S DESPOTISM: Causes that contributed to

its Success--Helplessness of the New-comers from Europe--
Influence of Superstition--Young's Treatment of the Gladdenites--
His Appropriation of Property Laws passed by the Mormon
Legislature--Bishops as Ward Magistrates--A Mormon Currency and
Alphabet--What Emigrants to California learned about Mormon
Justice

CHAPTER VII. THE "REFORMATION": Young's Disclosures about the

Character of his Flock--The Stealing from One Another--The Threat
about "Laying Judgment to the Line"--Plain Declarations about the
taking of Human Lives--First Steps of the "Reformation"--An
Inquisition and Catechism--An Embarrassing Confession--Warning to
those who would leave the Valley

CHAPTER VIII. SOME CHURCH-INSPIRED MURDERS: The Story of the

Parrishes--Carrying out of a Cold-blooded Plot--Judge
Cradlebaugh's Effort to convict the Murderers--The Tragedy of the
Aikin Party--The Story of Frederick Loba's Escape

CHAPTER IX. BLOOD ATONEMENT: Early Intimations concerning it--

Jedediah M. Grant's Explanation of Human Sacrifices--Brigham
Young's Definition of "Laying Judgment to the Line"--Two of the
Sacrifices described--"The Affair at San Pete"

CHAPTER X. TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT: Brigham Young the First

Governor--Colonel Kane's Part in his Appointment--Kane's False
Statements to President Fillmore--Welcome to the Non-Mormon
Officers--Their Early Information about Young's
Influence--Pioneer Anniversary Speeches--Judge Brocchus's Offence
to the Mormons-- Young's Threatening and Abusive Reply--The
Judge's Alarm about his Personal Safety--Return of the Non-Mormon
Federal Officers to Washington--Young's Defence

CHAPTER XI. MORMON TREATMENT OF FEDERAL OFFICERS: A Territorial

Election Law--Why Colonel Steptoe declined the Governorship--
Young's Assertion of his Authority--His Reappointment--Two Bad
Judicial Appointments--Judge Stiles's Trouble about the
Marshals-- Burning of his Books and Papers--How Judge Drummond's
Attempt at Independence was foiled--The Mormon View of Land
Titles--Hostile Attitude toward the Government Surveyors--Reports
of the Indian Agents

CHAPTER XII. THE MORMON "WAR": What the Federal Authorities had
learned about Mormonism--Declaration of the Republican National
Convention of 1856--Striking Speech by Stephen A. Douglas--
Alfred Cumming appointed Governor with a New Set of Judges--
Statement in the President's Message--Employment of a Military
Force--The Kimball Mail Contract--Organization of the Troops--
General Harney's Letter of Instruction--Threats against the
Advancing Foe--Mobilization of the Nauvoo Legion--Captain Van
Vliet's Mission to Salt Lake City--Young's Defiance of the
Government--His Proclamation to the Citizens of Utah--"General"
Wells's Order to his Officers--Capture and Burning of a
Government Train--Colonel Alexander's Futile March--Colonel
Johnston's Advance from Fort Laramie--Harrowing Experience of
Lieutenant Colonel Cooke's Command

CHAPTER XIII. THE MORMON PURPOSE: Correspondence between Colonel

Alexander and Brigham Young--Illustration of Young's Vituperative
Powers--John Taylor's Threat--Incendiary Teachings in Salt Lake
City--A Warning to Saints who would Desert--The Army's Winter
Camp --Proclamation by Governor Cumming--Judge Eckles's
Court--Futile Preparations at Washington

CHAPTER XIV. COLONEL KANE'S MISSION: His Wily Proposition to

President Buchanan--His Credentials from the President--Arrival
in California under an Assumed Name--Visit to Camp Scott--General
Johnston ignored--Reasons why both the Government and the Mormons
desired Peace--Kane's Success with Governor Cumming--The
Governor's Departure for Salt Lake City--Deceptions practiced on
him in Echo Canon--His Reception in the City--Playing into Mormon
Hands--The Governor's Introduction to the People--Exodus of
Mormons begun
CHAPTER XV. THE PEACE COMMISSION: President Buchanan's
Volte-face--A Proclamation of Pardon--Instructions to Two Peace
Commissioners--Chagrin of the Military--Governor Cumming's
Misrepresentations--Conferences between the Commissioners and
Young--Brother Dunbar's Singing of "Zion"--Young's Method of
Surrender--Judge Eckles on Plural Marriages--The Terms made with
the Mormons--March of the Federal Troops to the Deserted City--
Return of the Mormons to their Homes

CHAPTER XVI. THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE: Circumstances

Indicative of Mormon Official Responsibility--The Make-up of the
Arkansas Party--Motives for Mormon Hostility to them--Parley P.
Pratt's Shooting in Arkansas--Refusal of Food Supplies to the
Party after leaving Salt Lake City--Their Plight before they were
attacked--Successful Measures for Defence--Disarrangement of the
Mormon Plans--John D. Lee's Treacherous Mission--Pitiless
Slaughter of Men, Women, and Children--Testimony given at Lee's
Trial--The Plundering of the Dead--Lee's Account of the Planning
of the Massacre--Responsibility of High Church Officers--Lee's
Report to Brigham Young and Brigham's Instructions to him--The
Disclosures by "Argus"--Lee's Execution and Last Words

CHAPTER XVII. AFTER THE "WAR": Judge Cradlebaugh's Attempts to

enforce the Law--Investigation of the Mountain Meadows Massacre--
Governor Cumming's Objections to the Use of Troops to assist the
Court--A Washington Decision in Favor of Young's Authority--The
Story of a Counterfeit Plate--Five Thousand Men under Arms to
protect Young from Arrest--Sudden Departure of Cumming--Governor
Dawson's Brief Term--His Shocking Treatment at Mormon Hands--
Governor Harding's Administration--The Morrisite Tragedy

CHAPTER XVIII. ATTITUDE OF THE MORMONS DURING THE SOUTHERN

REBELLION: Press and Pulpit Utterances--Arrival of Colonel
Connor's Force--His March through Salt Lake City to Camp Douglas
--Governor Harding's Plain Message to the Legislature--Mormon
Retaliation--The Governor and Two Judges requested to leave the
Territory--Their Spirited Replies--How Young escaped Arrest by
Colonel Connor's Force--Another Yielding to Mormon Power at
Washington

CHAPTER XIX. EASTERN VISITORS To SALT LAKE CITY: Schuyler

Colfax's Interviews with Young--Samuel Bowles's Praise of the
Mormons and his Speedy Correction of his Views--Repudiation of
Colfax's Plan to drop Polygamy--Two more Utah Murders--Colfax's
Second Visit

CHAPTER XX. GENTILE IRRUPTION AND MORMON SCHISM: Young's Jealousy

of Gentile Merchants--Organization of the Zion Cooperative
Mercantile Institution--Inception of the "New Movement"--Its
Leaders and Objects--The Peep o' Day and the Utah Magazine--
Articles that aroused Young's Hostility--Visit of the Prophet's
Sons to Salt Lake City--Trial and Excommunication of Godbe and
Harrison--Results of the "New Movement".

CHAPTER XXI. THE LAST YEARS OF BRIGHAM YOUNG: New Governors--

Shaffer's Rebuke to the Nauvoo Legion--Conflict with the New
Judges--Brigham Young and Others indicted--Young's Temporary
Imprisonment--A Supreme Court Decision in Favor of the Mormon
Marshal and Attorney--Outside Influences affecting Utah Affairs--
Grant's Special Message to Congress--Failure of the Frelinghuysen
Bill in the House--Signing of the Poland Bill--Ann Eliza Young's
Suit for Divorce--The Later Governors

CHAPTER XXII. BRIGHAM YOUNG'S DEATH: His Character--Explanation

of his Dictatorial Power--Exaggerated Views of his Executive
Ability--Overestimations by Contemporaries--Young's Wealth and
how he acquired it--His Revenue from Divorces--Unrestrained
Control of the Church Property--His Will--Suit against his
Executors--List of his Wives--His Houses in Salt Lake City

CHAPTER XXIII. SOCIAL ASPECTS OF POLYGAMY: Varied Provisions for

Plural Wives--Home Accommodations of the Leaders--Horace
Greeley's Observation about Woman's Place in Utah--Meaus of
overcoming Female Jealousy--Young and Grant on the Unhappiness of
Mormon Wives--Acceptance of Fanatical Teachings by Women--Kimball
on a Fair Division of the Converts--Church Influence in Behalf of
Plural Marriages--A Prussian Convert's Dilemma--President
Cleveland on the Evils of Polygamy

CHAPTER XXIV. THE FIGHT AGAINST POLYGAMY: First Measures

introduced in Congress--The Act of 1862--The Cullom Bill of 1869
--Its Failure in the Senate--The United States Supreme Court
Decision regarding Polygamy--Conviction of John Miles--Appeal of
Women of Salt Lake City to Mrs. Hayes and the Women of the United
States--President Hayes's Drastic Recommendation to Congress--
Recommendations of Presidents Garfield and Arthur--Passage of the
Edmunds Bill--Its Provisions--The Edmunds-Tucker Amendment--
Appointment of the Utah Commission--Determined Opposition of the
Mormon Church--Placing their Flags at Half Mast--Convictions
under the New Law--Leaders in Hiding or in Exile--Mormon Honors
for those who took their Punishment--Congress asked to
disfranchise All Polygamists--The Mormon Church brought to Bay--
Woodruff's Famous Proclamation--How it was explained to the
Church--The Roberts Case and the Vetoed Act of 1901--How
Statehood came

CHAPTER XXV. THE MORMONISM OF TO-DAY: Future Place of the Church

in American History--Main Points of the Mormon Political Policy--
Unbroken Power of the Priesthood--Fidelity of the Younger
Members--Extension of the Membership over Adjoining
States--Mission Work at Home and Abroad--Decreased Foreign
Membership--Effect of False Promises to Converts--The Settlements
in Canada and Mexico --Polygamy still a Living Doctrine--Reasons
for its Hold on the Church--Its Appeal to the Female
Members--Importance of a Federal Constitutional Amendment
forbidding Polygamous Marriages--Scope of the Mormon Political
Ambition

THE STORY OF THE MORMONS

BOOK I. THE MORMON ORIGIN

CHAPTER I. FACILITY OF HUMAN BELIEF

Summing up his observations of the Mormons as he found them in
Utah while secretary of the territory, five years after their
removal to the Great Salt Lake valley, B. G. Ferris wrote, "The
real miracle [of their success] consists in so large a body of
men and women, in a civilized land, and in the nineteenth
century, being brought under, governed, and controlled by such
gross religious imposture. "This statement presents, in concise
form, the general view of the surprising features of the success
of the Mormon leaders, in forming, augmenting, and keeping
together their flock; but it is a mistaken view. To accept it
would be to concede that, in a highly civilized nation like ours,
and in so late a century, the acceptance of religious beliefs
which, to the nonbelievers, seem gross superstitions, is so
unusual that it may be classed with the miraculous. Investigation
easily disproves this.

It is true that the effrontery which has characterized Mormonism

from the start has been most daring. Its founder, a lad of low
birth, very limited education, and uncertain morals; its
beginnings so near burlesque that they drew down upon its
originators the scoff of their neighbors,--the organization
increased its membership as it was driven from one state to
another, building up at last in an untried wilderness a
population that has steadily augmented its wealth and numbers;
doggedly defending its right to practise its peculiar beliefs and
obey only the officers of the church, even when its course in
this respect has brought it in conflict with the government of
the United States. Professing only a desire to be let alone, it
promulgated in polygamy a doctrine that was in conflict with the
moral sentiment of the Christian world, making its practice not
only a privilege, but a part of the religious duty of its
members. When, in recent years, Congress legislated against this
practice, the church fought for its peculiar institution to the
last, its leading members accepting exile and imprisonment; and
only the certainty of continued exclusion from the rights of
citizenship, and the hopelessness of securing the long-desired
prize of statehood for Utah, finally induced the church to bow to
the inevitable, and to announce a form of release for its members
from the duty of marrying more wives than one. Aside from this
concession, the Mormon church is to-day as autocratic in its hold
on its members, as aggressive in its proselyting, and as earnest
in maintaining its individual religious and political power, as
it has been in any previous time in its history.

In its material aspects we must concede to the Mormon church

organization a remarkable success; to Joseph Smith, Jr., a
leadership which would brook no rival; to Brigham Young the
maintenance of an autocratic authority which enabled him to hold
together and enlarge his church far beyond the limits that would
have been deemed possible when they set out across the plains
with all their possessions in their wagons. But it is no more
surprising that the Mormons succeeded in establishing their
church in the United States than it would have been if they had
been equally successful in South America; no more surprising that
this success should have been won in the nineteenth century than
it would have been to record it in the twelfth.
In studying questions of this kind, we are, in the first place,
entirely too apt to ignore the fact that man, while comparatively
a "superior being," is in simple fact one species of the animals
that are found upon the earth; and that, as a species, he has
traits which distinguish him characteristically just as certain
well-known traits characterize those animals that we designate as
"lower." If a traveller from the Sun should print his
observations of the inhabitants of the different planets, he
would have to say of those of the Earth something like this: "One
of Man's leading traits is what is known as belief. He is a
credulous creature, and is especially susceptible to appeals to
his credulity in regard to matters affecting his existence after
death." Whatever explanation we may accept of the origin of the
conception by this animal of his soul-existence, and of the
evolution of shadowy beliefs into religious systems, we must
concede that Man is possessed of a tendency to worship something,
--a recognition, at least, of a higher power with which it
behooves him to be on friendly terms,--and so long as the
absolute correctness of any one belief or doctrine cannot be
actually proved to him, he is constantly ready to inquire into,
and perhaps give credence to, new doctrines that are presented
for his consideration. The acceptance by Man of novelties in the
way of religions is a characteristic that has marked his species
ever since its record has been preserved. According to Max
Matter, "every religion began simply as a matter of reason, and
from this drifted into a superstition"; that is, into what
non-believers in the new doctrine characterize as a superstition.
Whenever one of these driftings has found a lodgement, there has
been planted a new sect. There has never been a year in the
Christian era when there have not been believers ready to accept
any doctrine offered to them in the name of religion. As
Shakespeare expresses it, in the words of Bassanio:--

"In religion, What damned error but some sober brow Will bless
it, and approve it with a text, Hiding the grossness with fair
ornament?"

In glancing at the cause of this unchanged susceptibility to

religious credulity--unchanged while the world has been making
such strides in the acquisition of exact information--we may find
a summing up of the situation in Macaulay's blunt declaration
that "natural theology is not a progressive science; a Christian
of the fifth century with a Bible is on a par with a Christian of
the nineteenth century with a Bible. The "orthodox" believer in
that Bible can only seek a better understanding of it by studying
it himself and accepting the deductions of other students.
Nothing, as the centuries have passed, has been added to his
definite knowledge of his God or his own future existence. When,
therefore, some one, like a Swedenborg or a Joseph Smith, appears
with an announcement of an addition to the information on this
subject, obtained by direct revelation from on high, he supplies
one of the greatest desiderata that man is conscious of, and we
ought, perhaps, to wonder that his followers are not so numerous,
but so few. Progress in medical science would no longer permit
any body like the College of the Physicians of London to
recognize curative value in the skull of a person who had met
with a violent death, as it did in the seventeenth century; but
the physician of the seventeenth century with a pharmacopoeia was
not "on a par with" a physician of the nineteenth century with a
pharmacopoeia.

Nor has man changed in his mental susceptibilities as the

centuries have advanced. It is a failure to recognize this fact
which leads observers like Ferris to find it so marvellous that a
belief like Mormonism should succeed in the nineteenth century.
Draper's studies of man's intellectual development led him to
declare that "man has ever been the same in his modes of thought
and motives of action, "and to assert his purpose to" judge past
occurrences in the same way as those of our own time."* So
Macaulay refused to accept the doctrine that "the world is
constantly becoming more and more enlightened, "asserting that
"the human mind, instead of marching, merely marks time. "Nothing
offers stronger confirmation of the correctness of these views
than the history of religious beliefs, and the teachings
connected therewith since the death of Christ.

* "Intellectual Development of Europe," Vol. II, Chap. 3.

The chain of these beliefs and teachings--including in the list

only those which offer the boldest challenge to a sane man's
credulity--is uninterrupted down to our own day. A few of them
may be mentioned by way of illustration. In one century we find
Spanish priests demanding the suppression of the opera on the
ground that this form of entertainment caused a drought, and a
Pope issuing a bull against men and women having sexual
intercourse with fiends. In another, we find an English tailor,
unsuccessfully, allotting endless torments to all who would not
accept his declaration that God was only six feet in height, at
the same time that George Fox, who was successful in establishing
the Quaker sect, denounced as unchristian adoration of Janus and
Woden, any mention of a month as January or a day as Wednesday.
Luther, the Protestant pioneer, believed that he had personal
conferences with the devil; Wesley, the founder of Methodism,
declared that "the giving up of (belief) in witchcraft is, in
effect, giving up the Bible. "Education and mental training have
had no influence in shaping the declarations of the leaders of
new religious sects.* The learned scientist, Swedenborg, told of
seeing the Virgin Mary dressed in blue satin, and of spirits
wearing hats, just as confidently as the ignorant Joseph Smith,
Jr., described his angel as "a tall, slim, well-built, handsome
man, with a bright pillar upon his head."

* "The splendid gifts which make a seer are usually found among
those whom society calls 'common or unclean.' These brutish
beings are the chosen vessels in whom God has poured the elixirs
which amaze humanity. Such beings have furnished the prophets,
the St. Peters, the hermits of history." BALZAC, in "Cousin
Pons."

The readiness with which even believers so strictly taught as are

the Jews can be led astray by the announcement of a new teacher
divinely inspired, is illustrated in the stories of their many
false Messiahs. One illustration of this--from the pen of
Zangwill --may be given:--
"From all the lands of the Exile, crowds of the devout came to do
him homage and tender allegiance--Turkish Jews with red fez or
saffron-yellow turban; Jerusalem Jews in striped cotton gowns and
soft felt hats; Polish Jews with foxskin caps and long caftans;
sallow German Jews, gigantic Russian Jews, highbred Spanish Jews;
and with them often their wives and daughters-- Jerusalem
Jewesses with blue shirts and head-veils, Egyptian Jewesses with
sweeping robes and black head-shawls, Jewesses from Ashdod and
Gaza, with white visors fringed with gold coins; Polish Jewesses
with glossy wigs; Syrian Jewesses with eyelashes black as though
lined with kohl; fat Jewesses from Tunis, with clinging breeches
interwoven with gold and silver."

This homage to a man who turned Turk, and became a doorkeeper of

the Sultan, to save himself from torture and death!

Savagery and civilization meet on this plane of religious

credulity. The Indians of Canada believed not more implicitly in
the demons who howled all over the Isles of Demons, than did the
early French sailors and the priests whose protection the latter
asked. The Jesuit priests of the seventeenth century accepted,
and impressed upon their white followers in New France, belief in
miracles which made a greater demand on credulity than did any of
the exactions of the Indian medicine man. That the head of a
white man, which the Iroquois carried to their village, spoke to
them and scolded them for their perfidy, "found believers among
the most intelligent men of the colony, "just as did the story of
the conversion of a sick Huguenot immigrant, with whose gruel a
Mother secretly mixed a little of the powdered bone of a Jesuit
martyr.* And French Canada is to-day as "orthodox" in its belief
in miracles as was the Canada of the seventeenth century. The
church of St. Anne de Beaupre, below Quebec, attracts thousands
annually, and is piled with the crutches which the miraculously
cured have cast aside. Masses were said in 1899 in the church of
Notre Dame de Bonsecours at Montreal, at the expense of a pilots'
association, to ward off wrecks in the treacherous St. Lawrence;
and in the near-by provinces there were religious processions to
check the attacks of caterpillars in the orchards.

* Parkman's "Old Regime in Canada."

Nor need we go to Catholic Quebec for modern illustrations of

this kind of faith. "Bareheaded people stood out upon the corner
in East 113th Street yesterday afternoon, "said a New York City
newspaper of December 18, 1898, "because they were unable to get
into the church of Our Lady Queen of Angels, where a relic of St.
Anthony of Padua was exposed for veneration. "Describing a
service in the church of St. Jean Baptiste in East 77th Street,
New York, where a relic alleged to be a piece of a bone of the
mother of the Virgin was exposed, a newspaper of that city, on
July 24th, 1901, said: "There were five hundred persons, by
actual count, in and around the crypt chapel of St. Anne when
afternoon service stopped the rush of the sick and crippled at
4.30 o'clock yesterday. There were many more at the 8 o'clock
evening Mass. What did these people seek at the shrine? Only the
favor of St. Anne and a kiss and touch of the casket that, by
church authority, contains bone of her body. "France has to-day
its Grotto of Lourdes, Wales its St. Winefride's Well, Mexico its
"wonder-working doll" that makes the sick well and the childless
mothers, and Moscow its "wonder-working picture of the Mother of
God," before which the Czar prostrates himself.

Not in recent years has the appetite for some novelty on which to
fasten belief been more manifest in the United States than it was
at the close of the nineteenth century. Old beliefs found new
teachers, and promulgators of new ideas found followers.
Instructors in Brahminism attracted considerable attention. A
"Chapter of the College of Divine Sciences and Realization"
instituted a revival of Druid sun-adoration on the shores of Lake
Michigan. An organization has been formed of believers in the
One-Over-At-Acre, a Persian who claimed to be the forerunner of
the Millennium, and in whom, as Christ, it is said that more than
three thousand persons in this country believe. We have among us
also Jaorelites, who believe in the near date of the end of the
world, and that they must make their ascent to heaven from a
mountain in Scotland. The hold which the form of belief called
Christian Science has obtained upon people of education and
culture needs only be referred to. Along with this have come the
"divine healers," gaining patients in circles where it would be
thought impossible for them to obtain even consideration, and one
of them securing a clientage in a Western city which has enabled
him to establish there a church of his own.

In fact, instead of finding in enlightened countries like the

United States and England a poor field for the dissemination of
new beliefs, the whole school of revealers find there their best
opportunities. Discussing this susceptibility, Aliene Gorren, in
her "Anglo-Saxons and Others," reaches this conclusion: "Nowhere
are so many persons of sound intelligence in all practical
affairs so easily led to follow after crazy seers and seeresses
as in England and the United States. The truth is that the mind
of man refuses to be shut out absolutely from the world of the
higher abstractions, and that, if it may not make its way thither
under proper guidance, it will set off even at the tail of the
first ragged street procession that passes."

The "real miracle" in Mormonism, then,--the wonderful feature of

its success,--is to be sought, not in the fact that it has been
able to attract believers in a new prophet, and to find them at
this date and in this country, but in its success in establishing
and keeping together in a republic like ours a membership who
acknowledge its supreme authority in politics as well as in
religion, and who form a distinct organization which does not
conceal its purpose to rule over the whole nation. Had Mormonism
confined itself to its religious teachings, and been preached
only to those who sought its instruction, instead of beating up
the world for recruits and conveying them to its home, the Mormon
church would probably to-day be attracting as little attention as
do the Harmonists of Pennsylvania.

CHAPTER II. THE SMITH FAMILY

Among the families who settled in Ontario County, New York, in
1816, was that of one Joseph Smith. It consisted of himself, his
wife, and nine children. The fourth of these children, Joseph
Smith, Jr., became the Mormon prophet.

The Smiths are said to have been of Scotch ancestry. It was the
mother, however, who exercised the larger influence on her son's
life, and she has left very minute details of her own and her
father's family.* Her father, Solomon Mack, was a native of Lyme,
Connecticut. The daughter Lucy, who became Mrs. Joseph Smith,
Sr., was born in Gilsum, Cheshire County, New Hampshire, on July
8, 1776. Mr. Mack was remembered as a feeble old man, who rode
around the country on horseback, using a woman's saddle, and
selling his own autobiography. The "tramp" of those early days
often offered an autobiography, or what passed for one, and, as
books were then rare, if he could say that it contained an
account of actual adventures in the recent wars, he was certain
to find purchasers.

* "Biographical Sketches of Joseph Smith and his Progenitors for

Many Generations," Lucy Smith.

One of the few copies of this book in existence lies before me.
It was printed at the author's expense about the year 1810. It is
wholly without interest as a narrative, telling of the poverty of
his parents, how he was bound, when four years old, to a farmer
who gave him no education and worked him like a slave; gives some
of his experiences in the campaigns against the French and
Indians in northern New York and in the war of the Revolution,
when he was in turn teamster, sutler, and privateer; describes
with minute detail many ordinary illnesses and accidents that
befell him; and closes with a recital of his religious awakening,
which was deferred until his seventy-sixth year, while he was
suffering with rheumatism. At that time it seemed to him that he
several times "saw a bright light in a dark night," and thought
he heard a voice calling to him. Twenty-two of the forty-eight
duodecimo pages that the book contains are devoted to hymns
"composed," the title-page says, "on the death of several of his
relatives," not all by himself. One of these may be quoted
entire:--

"My friends, I am on the ocean, So sweetly do I sail; Jesus is my

portion, He's given me a pleasant gale.

"The bruises sore, In harbor soon I'll be, And see my redeemer
there That died for you and me."

Mrs. Smith's family seem to have had a natural tendency to belief

in revelations. Her eldest brother, Jason, became a "Seeker"; the
"Seekers" of that day believed that the devout of their times
could, through prayer and faith, secure the "gifts" of the Gospel
which were granted to the ancient apostles.* He was one of the
early believers in faith-cure, and was, we are told, himself
cured by that means in 1835. One of Lucy's sisters had a
miraculous recovery from illness. After being an invalid for two
years she was "borne away to the world of spirits, "where she saw
the Saviour and received a message from Him for her earthly
friends.

* A sect called "Seekers," who arose in 1645, taught, like the

Mormons, that the Scriptures are defective, the true church lost,
and miracles necessary to faith.

Lucy herself came very exactly under the description given by

Ruth McEnery Stuart of one of her negro characters: "Duke's
mother was of the slighter intelligences, and hence much given to
convictions. Knowing few things, she 'believed in' a great many."
Lucy Smith had neither education nor natural intelligence that
would interfere with such "beliefs" as came to her from family
tradition, from her own literal interpretations of the Bible, or
from the workings of her imagination. She tells us that after her
marriage, when very ill, she made a covenant with God that she
would serve him if her recovery was granted; thereupon she heard
a voice giving her assurance that her prayer would be answered,
and she was better the next morning. Later, when anxious for the
safety of her husband's soul, she prayed in a grove (most of the
early Mormons' prayers were made in the woods), and saw a vision
indicating his coming conversion; later still, in Vermont, a
daughter was restored to health by her parent's prayers.

According to Mrs. Smith's account of their life in Vermont, they

were married on January 24, 1796, at Tunbridge, but soon moved to
Randolph, where Smith was engaged in "merchandise, "keeping a
store. Learning of the demand for crystallized ginseng in China,
he invested money in that product and made a shipment, but it
proved unprofitable, and, having in this way lost most of his
money, they moved back to a farm at Tunbridge. Thence they moved
to Royalton, and in a few months to Sharon, where, on December
23, 1805, Joseph Smith, Jr., their fourth child, was born.* Again
they moved to Tunbridge, and then back to Royalton (all these
places in Vermont). From there they went to Lebanon, New
Hampshire, thence to Norwich, Vermont, still "farming" without
success, until, after three years of crop failure, they decided
to move to New York State, arriving there in the summer of 1816.

* There is equally good authority for placing the house in which

Smith was born across the line in Royalton.

Less prejudiced testimony gives an even less favorable view than

this of the elder Smith's business career in Vermont. Judge
Daniel Woodward, of the county court of Windsor, Vermont, near
whose father's farm the Smiths lived, says that the elder Smith
while living there was a hunter for Captain Kidd's treasure, and
that" he also became implicated with one Jack Downing in
counterfeiting money, but turned state's evidence and escaped the
penalty."* He had in earlier life been a Universalist, but
afterward became a Methodist. His spiritual welfare gave his wife
much concern, but although he had "two visions "while living in
Vermont, she did not accept his change of heart. She admits,
however, that after their removal to New York her husband obeyed
the scriptural injunction, "your old men shall dream dreams," and
she mentions several of these dreams, the latest in 1819, giving
the particulars of some of them. One sample of these will
suffice. The dreamer found himself in a beautiful garden, with
wide walks and a main walk running through the centre." On each
side of this was a richly carved seat, and on each seat were
placed six wooden images, each of which was the size of a very
large man. When I came to the first image on the right side it
arose, bowed to me with much deference. I then turned to the one
which sat opposite to me, on the left side, and it arose and
bowed to me in the same manner as the first. I continued turning
first to the right and then to the left until the whole twelve
had made the obeisance, after which I was entirely healed (of a
lameness from which he then was suffering). I then asked my guide
the meaning of all this, but I awoke before I received an
answer."

* Historical Magazine, 1870.

A similar wakefulness always manifested itself at the critical

moment in these dreams. What the world lost by this insomnia of
the dreamer the world will never know.

The Smiths' first residence in New York State was in the village
of Palmyra. There the father displayed a sign, "Cake and Beer
Shop, "selling" gingerbread, pies, boiled eggs, root beer, and
other like notions, "and he and his sons did odd jobs, gardening,
harvesting, and well-digging, when they could get them.*

* Tucker's "Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism," p. 12.

They were very poor, and Mrs. Smith added to their income by
painting oilcloth table covers. After a residence of three years
and a half in Palmyra, the family took possession of a piece of
land two miles south of that place, on the border of Manchester.
They had no title to it, but as the owners were nonresident
minors they were not disturbed. There they put up a little log
house, with two rooms on the ground floor and two in the attic,
which sheltered them all. Later, the elder Smith contracted to
buy the property and erected a farmhouse on it; but he never
completed his title to it.

While classing themselves as farmers, the Smiths were regarded by

their neighbors as shiftless and untrustworthy. They sold
cordwood, vegetables, brooms of their own manufacture, and maple
sugar, continuing to vend cakes in the village when any special
occasion attracted a crowd. It may be remarked here that, while
Ontario County, New York, was regarded as "out West" by seaboard
and New England people in 1830, its population was then almost as
large as it is to-day (having 40,288 inhabitants according to the
census of 1830 and 48,453 according to the census of 1890). The
father and several of the boys could not read, and a good deal of
the time of the younger sons was spent in hunting, fishing, and
lounging around the village.

The son Joseph did not rise above the social standing of his
brothers. The best that a Mormon biographer, Orson Pratt, could
say of him as a youth was that "He could read without much
difficulty, and write a very imperfect hand, and had a very
limited understanding of the elementary rules of arithmetic.
These were his highest and only attainments, while the rest of
those branches so universally taught in the common schools
throughout the United States were entirely unknown to him."* He
was "Joe Smith" to every one. Among the younger people he served
as a butt for jokes, and we are told that the boys who bought the
cakes that he peddled used to pay him in pewter twoshilling
pieces, and that when he called at the Palmyra Register office
for his father's weekly paper, the youngsters in the press room
thought it fun to blacken his face with the ink balls.

* "Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism," p. 16.

Here are two pictures of the young man drawn by persons who saw
him constantly in the days of his vagabondage. The first is from
Mr. Tucker's book:--

"At this period in the life and career of Joseph Smith, Jr., or
'Joe Smith,' as he was universally named, and the Smith family,
they were popularly regarded as an illiterate, whiskey-drinking,
shiftless, irreligious race of people--the first named, the chief
subject of this biography, being unanimously voted the laziest
and most worthless of the generation. From the age of twelve to
twenty years he is distinctly remembered as a dull-eyed,
flaxenhaired, prevaricating boy noted only for his indolent and
vagabondish character, and his habits of exaggeration and
untruthfulness. Taciturnity was among his characteristic
idiosyncrasies, and he seldom spoke to any one outside of his
intimate associates, except when first addressed by another; and
then, by reason of his extravagancies of statement, his word was
received with the least confidence by those who knew him best. He
could utter the most palpable exaggeration or marvellous
absurdity with the utmost apparent gravity. He nevertheless
evidenced the rapid development of a thinking, plodding,
evilbrewing mental composition--largely given to inventions of
low cunning, schemes of mischief and deception, and false and
mysterious pretensions. In his moral phrenology the professor
might have marked the organ of secretiveness as very large, and
that of conscientiousness omitted. He was, however, proverbially
good natured, very rarely, if ever, indulging in any combative
spirit toward any one, whatever might be the provocation, and yet
was never known to laugh. Albeit, he seemed to be the pride of
his indulgent father, who has been heard to boast of him as the
'genus of the family,' quoting his own expression."*

* "Remarkable Visions."

The second (drawn a little later) is by Daniel Hendrix, a

resident of Palmyra, New York, at the time of which he speaks,
and an assistant in setting the type and reading the proof of the
Mormon Bible:--

"Every one knew him as Joe Smith. He had lived in Palmyra a few
years previous to my going there from Rochester. Joe was the most
ragged, lazy fellow in the place, and that is saying a good deal.
He was about twenty-five years old. I can see him now in my
mind's eye, with his torn and patched trousers held to his form
by a pair of suspenders made out of sheeting, with his calico
shirt as dirty and black as the earth, and his uncombed hair
sticking through the holes in his old battered hat. In winter I
used to pity him, for his shoes were so old and worn out that he
must have suffered in the snow and slush; yet Joe had a jovial,
easy, don't-care way about him that made him a lot of warm
friends. He was a good talker, and would have made a fine stump
speaker if he had had the training. He was known among the young
men I associated with as a romancer of the first water. I never
knew so ignorant a man as Joe was to have such a fertile
imagination. He never could tell a common occurrence in his daily
life without embellishing the story with his imagination; yet I
remember that he was grieved one day when old Parson Reed told
Joe that he was going to hell for his lying habits."*

* San Jacinto, California, letter of February 2, 1897, to the St.

Louis Globe-Democrat.

To this testimony may be added the following declarations,

published in 1833, the year in which a mob drove the Mormons out
of Jackson County, Missouri. The first was signed by eleven of
the most prominent citizens of Manchester, New York, and the
second by sixty-two residents of Palmyra:--

"We, the undersigned, being personally acquainted with the family

of Joseph Smith, Sr., with whom the Gold Bible, so called,
originated, state: That they were not only a lazy, indolent set
of men, but also intemperate, and their word was not to be
depended upon; and that we are truly glad to dispense with their
society."

"We, the undersigned, have been acquainted with the Smith family
for a number of years, while they resided near this place, and we
have no hesitation in saying that we consider them destitute of
that moral character which ought to entitle them to the
confidence of any community. They were particularly famous for
visionary projects; spent much of their time in digging for money
which they pretended was hid in the earth, and to this day large
excavations may be seen in the earth, not far from their
residence, where they used to spend their time in digging for
hidden treasures. Joseph Smith, Sr., and his son Joseph were, in
particular, considered entirely destitute of moral character, and
addicted to vicious habits."*

* Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 261.

Finally may be quoted the following affidavit of Parley Chase:--

"Manchester, New York, December 2, 1833. I was acquainted with

the family of Joseph Smith, Sr., both before and since they
became Mormons, and feel free to state that not one of the male
members of the Smith family were entitled to any credit
whatsoever. They were lazy, intemperate, and worthless men, very
much addicted to lying. In this they frequently boasted their
skill. Digging for money was their principal employment. In
regard to their Gold Bible speculation, they scarcely ever told
two stories alike. The Mormon Bible is said to be a revelation
from God, through Joseph Smith, Jr., his Prophet, and this same
Joseph Smith, Jr., to my knowledge, bore the reputation among his
neighbors of being a liar."*

* Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 248.

The preposterousness of the claims of such a fellow as Smith to

prophetic powers and divinely revealed information were so
apparent to his local acquaintances that they gave them little
attention. One of these has remarked to me in recent years that
if they had had any idea of the acceptance of Joe's professions
by a permanent church, they would have put on record a much
fuller description of him and his family.

CHAPTER III. HOW JOSEPH SMITH BECAME A MONEY-DIGGER

The elder Smith, as we have seen, was known as a money-digger

while a resident of Vermont. Of course that subject as a matter
of conversation in his family, and his sons were a character to
share in his belief in the existence of hidden treasure. The
territory around Palmyra was as good ground for their
explorations as any in Vermont, and they soon let their neighbors
know of a possibility of riches that lay within their reach.

The father, while a resident of Vermont, also claimed ability to

locate an underground stream of water over which would be a good
site for a well, by means of a forked hazel switch,* and in this
way doubtless increased the demand for his services as a
well-digger, but we have no testimonials to his success. The son
Joseph, while still a young lad, professed to have his father's
gift in this respect, and he soon added to his accomplishments
the power to locate hidden riches, and in this way began his
career as a money-digger, which was so intimately connected with
his professions as a prophet.

* The so-called "divining rod" has received a good deal of

attention from persons engaged in psychical research. Vol. XIII,
Part II, of the "Proceedings of the Society Of Psychical
Research" is devoted to a discussion of the subject by Professor
W. F. Barrett of the Royal College of Science for Ireland, in
Dublin, and in March, 1890, a commission was appointed in France
to study the matter.

Writers on the origin of the Mormon Bible, and the gradual

development of Smith the Prophet from Smith the village loafer
and money-seeker, have left their readers unsatisfied on many
points. Many of these obscurities will be removed by a very
careful examination of Joseph's occupations and declarations
during the years immediately preceding the announcement of the
revelation and delivery to him of the golden plates.

The deciding event in Joe's career was a trip to Susquehanna

County, Pennsylvania, when he was a lad. It can be shown that it
was there that he obtained an idea of vision-seeing nearly ten
years before the date he gives in his autobiography as that of
the delivery to him of the golden plates containing the Book of
Mormon, and it was there probably that, in some way, he later
formed the acquaintance of Sidney Rigdon. It can also be shown
that the original version of his vision differed radically from
the one presented, after the lapse of another ten years spent
under Rigdon's tutelage, in his autobiography. Each of these
points is of great incidental value in establishing Rigdon's
connection with the conception of a new Bible, and the manner of
its presentation to the public. Later Mormon authorities have
shown a dislike to concede that Joe was a money-digger, but the
fact is admitted both in his mother's history of him and by
himself. His own statement about it is as follows:--

"In the month of October, 1825, I hired with an old gentleman by

the name of Josiah Stoal, who lived in Chenango County, State of
New York. He had heard something of a silver mine having been
opened by the Spaniards in Harmony, Susquehanna County, State of
Pennsylvania, and had, previous to my hiring with him, been
digging in order, if possible, to discover the mine. After I went
to live with him he took me, among the rest of his hands, to dig
for the silver mine, at which I continued to work for nearly a
month, without success in our undertaking, and finally I
prevailed with the old gentleman to cease digging for it. Hence
arose the very prevalent story of my having been a moneydigger."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, Supt., p. 6.

Mother Smith's account says, however, that Stoal "came for Joseph
on account of having heard that he possessed certain keys by
which he could discern things invisible to the natural eye"; thus
showing that he had a reputation as a "gazer" before that date.
It was such discrepancies as these which led Brigham Young to
endeavor to suppress the mother's narrative.

The "gazing" which Joe took up is one of the oldest--perhaps the

oldest--form of alleged human divination, and has been called
"mirror-gazing," "crystal-gazing," "crystal vision," and the
like. Its practice dates back certainly three thousand years,
having been noted in all ages, and among nations uncivilized as
well as civilized. Some students of the subject connect with such
divination Joseph's silver cup "whereby indeed he divineth"
(Genesis xliv. 5). Others, long before the days of Smith and
Rigdon, advanced the theory that the Urim and Thummim were clear
crystals intended for "gazing" purposes. One writer remarks of
the practice, "Aeschylus refers it to Prometheus, Cicero to the
Assyrians and Etruscans, Zoroaster to Ahriman, Varro to the
Persian Magi, and a very large class of authors, from the
Christian Fathers and Schoolmen downward, to the devil."* An act
of James I (1736), against witchcraft in England, made it a crime
to pretend to discover property "by any occult or crafty science.
"As indicating the universal knowledge of "gazing," it may be
further noted that Varro mentions its practice among the Romans
and Pausanias among the Greeks. It was known to the ancient
Peruvians. It is practised to-day by East Indians, Africans
(including Egyptians), Maoris, Siberians, by Australian,
Polynesian, and Zulu savages, by many of the tribes of American
Indians, and by persons of the highest culture in Europe and
America.** Andrew Lang's collection of testimony about visions
seen in crystals by English women in 1897 might seem convincing
to any one who has not had experience in weighing testimony in
regard to spiritualistic manifestations, or brought this
testimony alongside of that in behalf of the "occult phenomena"
of Adept Brothers presented by Sinnett.***

* Recent Experiments in Crystal Vision," Vol. V, "Proceedings of

the Society for Psychical Research."

** Lang's "The Making of Religion," Chap. V.

*** "The Occult World."

"Gazers" use different methods. Some look into water contained in

a vessel, some into a drop of blood, some into ink, some into a
round opaque stone, some into mirrors, and many into some form of
crystal or a glass ball. Indeed, the "gazer" seems to be quite
independent as to the medium of his sight-seeing, so long as he
has the "power." This "power" is put also to a great variety of
uses. Australian savages depend on it to foretell the outcome of
an attack on their enemies; Apaches resort to it to discover the
whereabouts of things lost or stolen; and Malagasies, Zulus, and
Siberians" to see what will happen. "Perhaps its most general use
has been to discover lost objects, and in this practice the seers
"have very often been children, as we shall see was the case in
the exhibition which gave Joe Smith his first idea on the
subject. In the experiments cited by Lang, the seers usually saw
distant persons or scenes, and he records his belief that
"experiments have proved beyond doubt that a fair percentage of
people, sane and healthy, can see vivid landscapes, and figures
of persons in motion, in glass balls and other vehicles."

It can easily be imagined how interested any member of the Smith

family would have been in an exhibition like that of a
"crystal-gazer," and we are able to trace very consecutively
Joe's first introduction to the practice, and the use he made of
the hint thus given.

Emily C. Blackman, in the appendix to her "History of Susquehanna

County, Pennsylvania" (1873), supplies the needed important
information about Joe's visits to Pennsylvania in the years
preceding the announcement of his Bible. She says that it is
uncertain when he arrived at Harmony (now Oakland), "but it is
certain he was here in 1825 and later. "A very circumstantial
account of Joe's first introduction to a "peep-stone" is given in
a statement by J. B. Buck in this appendix. He says:--

"Joe Smith was here lumbering soon after my marriage, which was
in 1818, some years before he took to 'peeping', and before
diggings were commenced under his direction. These were ideas he
gained later. The stone which he afterward used was in the
possession of Jack Belcher of Gibson, who obtained it while at
Salina, N. Y., engaged in drawing salt. Belcher bought it because
it was said to be a 'seeing-stone.' I have often seen it. It was
a green stone, with brown irregular spots on it. It was a little
longer than a goose's egg, and about the same thickness. When he
brought it home and covered it with a hat, Belcher's little boy
was one of the first to look into the hat, and as he did so, he
said he saw a candle. The second time he looked in he exclaimed,
'I've found my hatchet' (it had been lost two years), and
immediately ran for it to the spot shown him through the stone,
and it was there. The boy was soon beset by neighbors far and
near to reveal to them hidden things, and he succeeded
marvellously. Joe Smith, conceiving the idea of making a fortune
through a similar process of 'seeing,' bought the stone of
Belcher, and then began his operations in directing where hidden
treasures could be found. His first diggings were near Capt.
Buck's sawmill, at Red Rock; but because the followers broke the
rule of silence, 'the enchantment removed the deposit.'"

One of many stories of Joe's treasure-digging, current in that

neighborhood, Miss Blackman narrates. Learning from a strolling
Indian of a place where treasure was said to be buried, Joe
induced a farmer named Harper to join him in digging for it and
to spend a considerable sum of money in the enterprise. "After
digging a great hole, that is still to be seen, "the story
continues, "Harper got discouraged, and was about abandoning the
enterprise. Joe now declared to Harper that there was an
'enchantment' about the place that was removing the treasure
farther off; that Harper must get a perfectly white dog (some
said a black one), and sprinkle his blood over the ground, and
that would prevent the 'enchantment' from removing the treasure.
Search was made all over the country, but no perfectly white dog
could be found. "Then Joe said a white sheep would do as well;
but when this was sacrificed and failed, he said "The Almighty
was displeased with him for attempting to palm off on Him a white
sheep for a white dog. This informant describes Joe at that time
as "an imaginative enthusiast, constitutionally opposed to work,
and a general favorite with the ladies."

In confirmation of this, R. C. Doud asserted that "in 1822 he was

employed, with thirteen others, by Oliver Harper to dig for gold
under Joe's direction on Joseph McKune's land, and that Joe had
begun operations the year previous."

F. G. Mather obtained substantially the same particulars of Joe's

digging in connection with Harper from the widow of Joseph McKune
about the year 1879, and he said that the owner of the farm at
that time "for a number of years had been engaged in filling the
holes with stone to protect his cattle, but the boys still use
the northeast hole as a swimming pond in the summer."*

* Lippincott's Magazine, August, 1880.

Confirmation of the important parts of these statements has been

furnished by Joseph's father. When the reports of the discovery
of a new Bible first gained local currency (in 1830), Fayette
Lapham decided to visit the Smith family, and learn what he could
on the subject. He found the elder Smith very communicative, and
he wrote out a report of his conversation with him, "as near as I
can repeat his words, "he says, and it was printed in the
Historical Magazine for May, 1870. Father Smith made no
concealment of his belief in witchcraft and other things
supernatural, as well as in the existence of a vast amount of
buried treasure. What he said of Joe's initiation into
"crystal-gazing" Mr. Lapham thus records:--

"His son Joseph, whom he called the illiterate,* when he was

about fourteen years of age, happened to be where a man was
looking into a dark stone, and telling people therefrom where to
dig for money and other things. Joseph requested the privilege of
looking into the stone, which he did by putting his face into the
hat where the stone was. It proved to be not the right stone for
him; but he could see some things, and among them he saw the
stone, and where it was, in which he could see whatever he wished
to see.... The place where he saw the stone was not far from
their house, and under pretence of digging a well, they found
water and the stone at a depth of twenty or twenty-two feet.
After this, Joseph spent about two years looking into this stone,
telling fortunes, where to find lost things, and where to dig for
money and other hidden treasures."

* Joe's mother, describing Joe's descriptions to the family, at

their evening fireside, of the angel's revelations concerning the
golden plates, says (p. 84): "All giving the most profound
attention to a boy eighteen years of age, who had never read the
Bible through in his life; he seemed much less inclined to the
perusal of books than any of the rest of our children."

If further confirmation of Joe's early knowledge on this subject

is required, we may cite the Rev. John A. Clark, D.D., who,
writing in 1840 after careful local research, said: "Long before
the idea of a golden Bible entered their [the Smiths'] minds, in
their excursions for money-digging.... Joe used to be usually
their guide, putting into a hat a peculiar stone he had, through
which he looked to decide where they should begin to dig."*

* "Gleanings by the Way" (1842), p. 225.

We come now to the history of Joe's own "peek-stone" (as the

family generally called it), that which his father says he
discovered by using the one that he first saw. Willard Chase, of
Manchester, New York, near Palmyra, employed Joe and his brother
Alvin some time in the year 1822 (as he fixed the date in his
affidavit)* to assist him in digging a well. "After digging about
twenty feet below the surface of the earth, "he says, "we
discovered a singularly appearing stone which excited my
curiosity. I brought it to the top of the well, and as we were
examining it, Joseph put it into his hat and then his face into
the top of the hat. It has been said by Smith that he brought the
stone from the well, but this is false. There was no one in the
well but myself. The next morning he came to me and wished to
obtain the stone, alleging that he could see in it; but I told
him I did not wish to part with it on account of its being a
curiosity, but would lend it. After obtaining the stone, he began
to publish abroad what wonders he could discover by looking in
it, and made so much disturbance among the credulous part of the
community that I ordered the stone to be returned to me again. He
had it in his possession about two years. "Joseph's brother Hyrum
borrowed the stone some time in 1825, and Mr. Chase was unable to
recover it afterward. Tucker describes it as resembling a child's
foot in shape, and "of a whitish, glassy appearance, though
opaque."**

* Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 240.

** Tucker closes his chapter about this stone with the

declaration "that the origin [of Mormonism] is traceable to the
insignificant little stone found in the digging of Mr. Chase's
well in 1822." Tucker was evidently ignorant both of Joe's
previous experience with "crystal-gazing" in Pennsylvania and of
"crystal-gazing" itself.

The Smiths at once began turning Chase's stone to their own

financial account, but no one at the time heard that it was
giving them any information about revealed religion. For pay they
offered to disclose by means of it the location of stolen
property and of buried money. There seemed to be no limit to the
exaggeration of their professions. They would point out the
precise spot beneath which lay kegs, barrels, and even hogsheads
of gold and silver in the shape of coin, bars, images,
candlesticks, etc., and they even asserted that all the hills
thereabout were the work of human bands, and that Joe, by using
his "peek-stone," could see the caverns beneath them.* Persons
can always be found to give at least enough credence to such
professions to desire to test them. It was so in this case. Joe
not only secured small sums on the promise of discovering lost
articles, but he raised money to enable him to dig for larger
treasure which he was to locate by means of the stone. A Palmyra
man, for instance, paid seventy-five cents to be sent by him on a
fool's errand to look for some stolen cloth.

* William Stafford's affidavit, Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," p.

237.

Certain ceremonies were always connected with these money-digging

operations. Midnight was the favorite hour, a full moon was
helpful, and Good Friday was the best date. Joe would sometimes
stand by, directing the digging with a wand. The utmost silence
was necessary to success. More than once, when the digging proved
a failure, Joe explained to his associates that, just as the
deposit was about to be reached, some one, tempted by the devil,
spoke, causing the wished-for riches to disappear. Such an
explanation of his failures was by no means original with Smith,
the serious results of an untimely spoken word having been long
associated with divers magic performances. Joe even tried on his
New York victims the Pennsylvania device of requiring the
sacrifice of a black sheep to overcome the evil spirit that
guarded the treasure. William Stafford opportunely owned such an
animal, and, as he puts it, "to gratify my curiosity, "he let the
Smiths have it. But some new "mistake in the process" again
resulted in disappointment. "This, I believe," remarks the
contributor of the sheep, "is the only time they ever made
money-digging a profitable business. "The Smiths ate the sheep.

These money-seeking enterprises were continued from 1820 to 1827

(the year of the delivery to Smith of the golden plates). This
period covers the years in which Joe, in his autobiography,
confesses that he "displayed the corruption of human nature. "He
explains that his father's family were poor, and that they worked
where they could find employment to their taste; "sometimes we
were at home and sometimes abroad. "Some of these trips took them
to Pennsylvania, and the stories of Joe's "gazing" accomplishment
may have reached Sidney Rigdon, and brought about their first
interview. Susquehanna County was more thinly settled than the
region around Palmyra, and Joe found persons who were ready to
credit him with various "gifts"; and stories are still current
there of his professed ability to perform miracles, to pray the
frost away from a cornfield, and the like.*

* Lippincott's Magazine, August, 1880.

CHAPTER IV. FIRST ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE GOLDEN BIBLE

Just when Smith's attention was originally diverted from the

discovery of buried money to the discovery of a buried Bible
engraved on gold plates remains one of the unexplained points in
his history. He was so much of a romancer that his own statements
at the time, which were carefully collected by Howe, are
contradictory. The description given of the buried volume itself
changed from time to time, giving strength in this way to the
theory that Rigdon was attracted to Smith by the rumor of his
discovery, and afterward gave it shape. First the book was
announced to be a secular history, says Dr. Clark; then a gold
Bible; then golden plates engraved; and later metallic plates,
stereotyped or embossed with golden letters.* Daniel Hendrix's
recollection was that for the first few months Joe did not claim
the plates any new revelation or religious significance, but
simply that they were a historical record of an ancient people.
This would indicate that he had possession of the "Spaulding
Manuscript" before it received any theological additions.

* "Gleanings by the Way," p. 229.

The account of the revelation of the book by an angel, which is

accepted by the Mormons, is the one elaborated in Smith's
autobiography, and was not written until 1838, when it was
prepared under the direction of Rigdon (or by him). Before
examining this later version of the story, we may follow a little
farther Joe's local history at the time.

While the Smiths were conducting their operations in

Pennsylvania, and Joseph was "displaying the corruption of human
nature, "they boarded for a time in the family of Isaac Hale, who
is described as a "distinguished hunter, a zealous member of the
Methodist church, "and (as later testified to by two judges of
the Court of Common Pleas of Susquehanna County)" a man of
excellent moral character and of undoubted veracity."* Mr. Hale
had three daughters, and Joe received enough encouragement to his
addresses to Emma to induce him to ask her father's consent to
their marriage. This consent was flatly refused. Mr. Hale made a
statement in 1834, covering his knowledge of Smith and the origin
of the Mormon Bible.** When he became acquainted with the future
prophet, in 1825, Joe was employed by the so-called "money-
diggers," using his "peek-stone." Among the reasons which Mr.
Hale gave for refusing consent to the marriage was that Smith was
a stranger and followed a business which he could not approve.

* Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 266.

** Ibid., p. 262.

Joe thereupon induced Emma to consent to an elopement, and they

were married on January 18, 1827, by a justice of the peace, just
across the line in New York State. Not daring to return to the
house of his father-in-law, Joe took his wife to his own home,
near Palmyra, New York, where for some months he worked again
with his father.

In the following August Joe hired a neighbor named Peter Ingersol

to go with him to Pennsylvania to bring from there some household
effects belonging to Emma. Of this trip Ingersol said, in an
affidavit made in 1833:--

"When we arrived at Mr. Hale's in Harmony, Pa., from which place

he had taken his wife, a scene presented itself truly affecting.
His father-in-law addressed Joseph in a flood of tears: 'You have
stolen my daughter and married her. I had much rather have
followed her to her grave. You spend your time in digging for
money--pretend to see in a stone, and thus try to deceive
people.' Joseph wept and acknowledged that he could not see in a
stone now nor never could, and that his former pretensions in
that respect were false. He then promised to give up his old
habits of digging for money and looking into stones. Mr. Hale
told Joseph, if he would move to Pennsylvania and work for a
living, he would assist him in getting into business. Joseph
acceded to this proposition, then returned with Joseph and his
wife to Manchester....

"Joseph told me on his return that he intended to keep the

promise which he had made to his father-in-law; 'but,' said he,
it will he hard for me, for they [his family] will all oppose, as
they want me to look in the stone for them to dig money'; and in
fact it was as he predicted. They urged him day after day to
resume his old practice of looking in the stone. He seemed much
perplexed as to the course he should pursue. In this dilemma he
made me his confidant, and told me what daily transpired in the
family of Smiths.

"One day he came and greeted me with joyful countenance. Upon

asking the cause of his unusual happiness, he replied in the
following language: 'As I was passing yesterday across the woods,
after a heavy shower of rain, I found in a hollow some beautiful
white sand that had been washed up by the water. I took off my
frock and tied up several quarts of it, and then went home. On
entering the house I found the family at the table eating dinner.
They were all anxious to know the contents of my frock. At that
moment I happened to think about a history found in Canada,
called a Golden Bible;* so I very gravely told them it was the
Golden Bible. To my surprise they were credulous enough to
believe what I said. Accordingly I told them I had received a
commandment to let no one see it, for, says I, no man can see it
with the natural eye and live. However, I offered to take out the
book and show it to them, but they refused to see it and left the
room. 'Now,' said Joe, 'I have got the d--d fools fixed and will
carry out the fun.' Notwithstanding he told me he had no such
book and believed there never was such book, he told me he
actually went to Willard Chase, to get him to make a chest in
which he might deposit the Golden Bible. But as Chase would not
do it, he made the box himself of clapboards, and put it into a
pillow-case, and allowed people only to lift it and feel of it
through the case."**

* The most careful inquiries bring no information that any such

story was ever current in Canada.

** Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 234.

In line with this statement of Joe to Ingersol is a statement

which somewhat later he made to his brother-in-law, Alva Hale,
that "this 'peeking' was all d--d nonsense; that he intended to
quit the business and labor for a livelihood."*

* Ibid., p. 268.

Joe's family were quite ready to accept his statement of his

discovery of golden plates for more reasons than one. They saw in
it, in the first place, a means of pecuniary gain. Abigail Harris
in a statement (dated "11th mo., 28th, 1833") of a talk she had
with Joe's father and mother at Martin Harris's house, said:--

"They [the Smiths] said the plates Joe then had in possession
were but an introduction to the Gold Bible; that all of them upon
which the Bible was written were so heavy that it would take four
stout men to load them into a cart; that Joseph had also
discerned by looking through his stone the vessel in which the
gold was melted from which the plates were made, and also the
machine with which they were rolled; he also discovered in the
bottom of the vessel three balls of gold, each as large as his
fist. The old lady said also that after the book was translated,
the plates were to be publicly exhibited, admission 25 cts."*

* Ibid, p. 253.

But aside from this pecuniary view, the idea of a new Bible would
have been eagerly accepted by a woman like Mrs. Smith, and a mere
intimation by Joe of such a discovery would have given him, in
her, an instigator to the carrying out of the plot. It is said
that she had predicted that she was to be the mother of a
prophet. She tells us that although, in Vermont, she was a
diligent church attendant, she found all preachers
unsatisfactory, and that she reached the conclusion that "there
was not on earth the religion she sought. "Joe, in his
description of his state of mind just before the first visit of
the angel who told him about the plates, describes himself as
distracted by the "war and tumult of opinions. "He doubtless
heard this subject talked of by his mother in the home circle,
but none of his acquaintances at the time had any reason to think
that he was laboring under such mental distress.

The second person in the neighborhood whom Joe approached about

his discovery was Willard Chase, in whose well the "peek-stone"
was found. Mr. Chase in his statement (given at length by Howe)
says that Joe applied to him, soon after the above quoted
conversation with Ingersol, to make a chest in which to lock up
his Gold Book, offering Chase an interest in it as compensation.
He told Chase that the discovery of the book was due to the
"peek-stone," making no allusion whatever to an angel's visit. He
and Chase could not come to terms, and Joe accordingly made a box
in which what he asserted were the plates were placed.

Reports of Joe's discovery soon gained currency in the

neighborhood through the family's account of it, and neighbors
who had accompanied them on the money-seeking expeditions came to
hear about the new Bible, and to request permission to see it.
Joe warded off these requests by reiterating that no man but him
could look upon it and live. "Conflicting stories were afterward
told," says Tucker, "in regard to the manner of keeping the book
in concealment and safety, which are not worth repeating, further
than to mention that the first place of secretion was said to be
under a heavy hearthstone in the Smith family mansion."

Joe's mother and Parley P. Pratt tell of determined efforts of

mobs and individuals to secure possession of the plates; but
their statements cannot be taken seriously, and are contradicted
by Tucker from personal knowledge. Tucker relates that two local
wags, William T. Hussey and Azel Vandruver, intimate
acquaintances of Smith, on asking for a sight of the book and
hearing Joe's usual excuse, declared their readiness to risk
their lives if that were the price of the privilege. Smith was
not to be persuaded, but, the story continues, "they were
permitted to go to the chest with its owner, and see WHERE the
thing was, and observe its shape and size, concealed under a
piece of thick canvas. Smith, with his accustomed solemnity of
demeanor, positively persisting in his refusal to uncover it,
Hussey became impetuous, and (suiting his action to his word)
ejaculated, 'Egad, I'll see the critter, live or die,' and
stripping off the canvas, a large tile brick was exhibited. But
Smith's fertile imagination was equal to the emergency. He
claimed that his friends had been sold by a trick of his."*

* "Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism," p. 31.

Mother Smith, in her book, gives an account of proceedings in

court brought by the wife of Martin Harris to protect her
husband's property from Smith, on the plea that Smith was
deceiving him in alleging the existence of golden plates; and she
relates how one witness testified that Joe told him that "the box
which he had contained nothing but sand, "that a second witness
swore that Joe told him, "it was nothing but a box of lead, "and
that a third witness declared that Joe had told him "there was
nothing at all in the box. "When Joe had once started the story
of his discovery, he elaborated it in his usual way. "I
distinctly remember, "says Daniel Hendrix," his sitting on some
boxes in the store and telling a knot of men, who did not believe
a word they heard, all about his vision and his find. But Joe
went into such minute and careful details about the size, weight,
and beauty of the carvings on the golden tablets, and strange
characters and the ancient adornments, that I confess he made
some of the smartest men in Palmyra rub their eyes in wonder."

CHAPTER V. THE DIFFERENT ACCOUNTS OF THE REVELATION OF THE BIBLE

The precise date when Joe's attention was first called to the
possibility of changing the story about his alleged golden plates
so that they would serve as the basis for a new Bible such as was
finally produced, and as a means of making him a prophet, cannot
be ascertained. That some directing mind gave the final shape to
the scheme is shown by the difference between the first accounts
of his discovery by means of the stone, and the one provided in
his autobiography. We have also evidence that the story of a
direct revelation by an angel came some time later than the
version which Joe gave first to his acquaintances in
Pennsylvania.

James T. Cobb of Salt Lake City, who has given much time to
investigating matters connected with early Mormon history,
received a letter under date of April 23, 1879, from Hiel and
Joseph Lewis, sons of the Rev. Nathaniel Lewis, of Harmony,
Pennsylvania, and relatives of Joseph's father-in-law, in which
they gave the story of the finding of the plates as told in their
hearing by Joe to their father, when he was translating them.
This statement, in effect, was that he dreamed of an iron box
containing gold plates curiously engraved, which he must
translate into a book; that twice when he attempted to secure the
plates he was knocked down, and when he asked why he could not
have them, "he saw a man standing over the spot who, to him,
appeared like a Spaniard, having a long beard down over his
breast, with his throat cut from ear to ear and the blood
streaming down, who told him that he could not get it alone." (He
then narrated how he got the box in company with Emma.) In all
this narrative there was not one word about visions of God, or of
angels, or heavenly revelations; all his information was by that
dream and that bleeding ghost. The heavenly visions and messages
of angels, etc., contained in the Mormon books were
afterthoughts, revised to order."

In direct confirmation of this we have the following account of

the disclosure of the buried articles as given by Joe's father to
Fayette Lapham when the Bible was first published:--

"Soon after joining the church he [Joseph] had a very singular

dream.... A very large, tall man appeared to him dressed in an
ancient suit of clothes, and the clothes were bloody. This man
told him of a buried treasure, and gave him directions by means
of which he could find the place. In the course of a year Smith
did find it, and, visiting it by night, "I by some supernatural
power" was enabled to overturn a huge boulder under which was a
square block of masonry, in the centre of which were the articles
as described. Taking up the first article, he saw others below;
laying down the first, he endeavored to secure the others; but,
before he could get hold of them, the one he had taken up slid
back to the place he had taken it from, and, to his great
surprise and terror, the rock immediately fell back to its former
place, nearly crushing him [Joseph] in its descent. (While trying
in vain to raise the rock again with levers, Joseph felt
something strike him on the breast, a third blow knocking him
down; and as he lay on the ground he saw the tall man, who told
him that the delivery of the articles would be deferred a year
because Joseph had not strictly followed the directions given to
him. The heedless Joseph allowed himself to forget the date fixed
for his next visit, and when he went to the place again, the tall
man appeared and told him that, because of his lack of
punctuality, he would have to wait still another year before the
hidden articles would be confided to him. "Come in one year from
this time, and bring your oldest brother with you," said the
guardian of the treasures, "then you may have them. "Before the
date named arrived, the elder brother had died, and Joseph
decided that his wife was the proper person to accompany him. Mr.
Lapham's report proceeds as follows:--

"At the expiration of the year he [Joseph] procured a horse and

light wagon, with a chest and pillowcase, and proceeded
punctually with his wife to find the hidden treasure. When they
had gone as far as they could with the wagon, Joseph took the
pillow-case and started for the rock. Upon passing a fence a host
of devils began to screech and to scream, and make all sorts of
hideous yells, for the purpose of terrifying him and preventing
the attainment of his object; but Joseph was courageous and
pursued his way in spite of them. Arriving at the stone, he again
lifted it with the aid of superhuman power, as at first, and
secured the first or uppermost article, this time putting it
carefully into the pillow-case before laying it down. He now
attempted to secure the remainder; but just then the same old man
appeared, and said to him that the time had not yet arrived for
their exhibition to the world, but that when the proper time came
he should have them and exhibit them, with the one he had now
secured; until that time arrived, no one must be allowed to touch
the one he had in his possession; for if they did, they would be
knocked down by some superhuman power. Joseph ascertained that
the remaining articles were a gold hilt and chain, and a gold
ball with two pointers. The hilt and chain had once been part of
a sword of unusual size; but the blade had rusted away and become
useless. Joseph then turned the rock back, took the article in
the pillow-case, and returned to the wagon. The devils, with more
hideous yells than before, followed him to the fence; as he was
getting over the fence, one of the devils struck him a blow on
the side, where a black and blue spot remained three or four
days; but Joseph persevered and brought the article safely home.
"I weighed it," said Mr. Smith, Sr., "and it weighed 30 pounds.
In answer to our question as to what it was that Joseph had thus
obtained, he said it consisted of a set of gold plates, about six
inches wide and nine or ten inches long. They were in the form of
a book."*

* Historical Magazine, May, 1870.

We may now contrast these early accounts of the disclosure with

the version given in the Prophet's autobiography (written, be it
remembered, in Nauvoo in 1838), the one accepted by all orthodox
Mormons. One of its striking features will be found to be the
transformation of the Spaniard-with-his-throat-cut into a
messenger from Heaven.*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, Supt.

It was, according to this later account, when he was in his

fifteenth year, and when his father's family were "proselyted to
the Presbyterian church," that he became puzzled by the divergent
opinions he heard from different pulpits. One day, while reading
the epistle of James (not a common habit of his, as his mother
would testify), Joseph was struck by the words, "If any of you
lack wisdom, let him ask of God. "Reflecting on this injunction,
he retired to the woods" on the morning of a beautiful clear day
early in the spring of 1820, and there he for the first time
uttered a spoken prayer. "As soon as he began praying he was
overcome by some power, and "thick darkness" gathered around him.
Just when he was ready to give himself up as lost, he managed to
call on God for deliverance, whereupon he saw a pillar of light
descending upon him, and two personages of indescribable glory
standing in the air above him, one of whom, calling him by name,
said to the other, "This is my beloved Son, hear him."
Straightway Joseph, not forgetting the main object of his going
to the woods, asked the two personages: "which of all the sects
was right. "He was told that all were wrong, and that he must
join none of them; that all creeds were an abomination, and that
all professors were corrupt. He came to himself lying on his
back.

The effect on the boy of this startling manifestation was not

radically beneficial, as he himself concedes. "Forbidden to join
any other religious sects of the day, of tender years, "and badly
treated by persons who should have been his friends, he admits
that in the next three years he "frequently fell into many
foolish errors, and displayed the weakness of youth and the
corruption of human nature, which, I am sorry to say, led me into
diverse temptations, to the gratification of many appetites
offensive in the sight of God. "It was during this period that he
was most active in the use of his "peek-stone."

On the night of September 21, 1823, to proceed with his own

account, when again praying to God for the forgiveness of his
sins, the room became light, and a person clothed in a robe of
exquisite whiteness, and having "a countenance truly like
lightning, "called him by name, and said that his visitor was a
messenger sent from God, and that his name was Nephi. This was a
mistake on the part of somebody, because the visitor's real name
was Moroni, who hid the plates where they were deposited. Smith
continues:--

"He said there was a book deposited, written upon golden plates,
giving an account of the former inhabitants of this continent and
the source from whence they sprang. He also said that the fulness
of the Everlasting Gospel was contained in it, as delivered by
the Saviour to the ancient inhabitants. Also, there were two
stones in silver bows (and these stones, fastened to a
breastplate, constituted what is called the Urim and Thummim)
deposited with the plates; and the possession and use of these
stones was what constituted seers in ancient or former times, and
that God had prepared them for the purpose of translating the
book."

The messenger then made some liberal quotations from the

prophecies of the Old Testament (changing them to suit his
purpose), and ended by commanding Smith, when he got the plates,
at a future date, to show them only to those as commanded, lest
he be destroyed. Then he ascended into heaven. The next day the
messenger appeared again, and directed Joseph to tell his father
of the commandment which he had received. When he had done so,
his father told him to go as directed. He knew the place (ever
since known locally as "Mormon Hill") as soon as he arrived
there, and his narrative proceeds as follows:--

"Convenient to the village of Manchester, Ontario Co., N. Y.,

stands a hill of considerable size, and the most elevated of any
in the neighborhood. On the west side of this hill, not far from
the top, under a stone of considerable size, lay the plates,
deposited in a stone box; this stone was thick and rounded in the
middle on the upper side, and thinner toward the edges, so that
the middle part of it was visible above the ground, but the edge
all round was covered with earth. Having removed the earth and
obtained a lever, which I got fixed under the edge of the stone,
and with a little exertion raised it up, I looked in, and there,
indeed, did I behold the plates, the Urim and Thummim and
breastplate, as stated by the messenger. The box in which they
lay was formed by laying stones together in a kind of cement. In
the bottom of the box were laid two stones crosswise of the box,
and on these stones lay the plates and the other things with
them. I made an attempt to take them out, but was forbidden by
the messenger. I was again informed that the time for bringing
them out had not yet arrived, neither would till four years from
that time; but he told me that I should come to that place
precisely one year from that time, and that he would there meet
with me, and that I should continue to do so until the time
should come for obtaining the plates".

Mother Smith gives an explanation of Joe's failure to secure the

plates on this occasion, which he omits: "As he was taking them,
the unhappy thought darted through his mind that probably there
was something else in the box besides the plates, which would be
of pecuniary advantage to him.... Joseph was overcome by the
power of darkness, and forgot the injunction that was laid upon
him. "The mistakes which the Deity made in Joe's character
constantly suggest to the lay reader the query why the Urim and
Thummim were not turned on Joe.
On September 22, 1827, when Joe visited the hill (following his
own story again), the same messenger delivered to him the plates,
the Urim and Thummim and the breastplate, with the warning that
if he "let them go carelessly" he would be "cut off", and a
charge to keep them until the messenger called for them.

Mother Smith's story of the securing of the plates is to the

effect that about midnight of September 21 Joseph and his wife
drove away from his father's house with a horse and wagon
belonging to a Mr. Knight. He returned after breakfast the next
morning, bringing with him the Urim and Thummim, which he showed
to her, and which she describes as "two smooth, three-cornered
diamonds set in glass, and the glasses were set in silver bows
that were connected with each other in much the same way as
old-fashioned spectacles. "She says that she also saw the
breastplate through a handkerchief, and that it "was concave on
one side and convex on the other, and extended from the neck
downward as far as the stomach of a man of extraordinary size. It
had four straps of the same material for the purpose of fastening
it to the breast.... The whole plate was worth at least $500."
The spectacles and breastplate seem to have been more familiar to
Mother Smith than to any other of Joseph's contemporaries and
witnesses.

The substitution of the spectacles called Urim and Thummim for

the "peek-stone" was doubtless an idea of the associate in the
plot, who supplied the theological material found in the Golden
Bible. Tucker considers the "spectacle pretension" an
afterthought of some one when the scheme of translating the
plates into a Bible was evolved, as "it was not heard of outside
of the Smith family for a considerable period subsequent to the
first story."* This is confirmed by the elder Smith's early
account of the discovery. It would be very natural that Rigdon,
with his Bible knowledge, should substitute the more respectable
Urim and Thummim for the "peek-stone" of ill-repute, as the
medium of translation.

* "Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism," p. 33.

The Urim and Thummim were the articles named by the Lord to Moses
in His description of the priestly garments of Aaron. The Bible
leaves them without description;* and the following verses
contain all that is said of them: Exodus xxviii. 30; Leviticus
viii. 8; Numbers xxvii. 21; Deuteronomy xxxiii. 8; Samuel xxviii.
6; Ezra ii. 63; Nehemiah vii. 65. Only a pretence of using
spectacles in the work of translating was kept up, later
descriptions of the process by Joe's associates referring
constantly to the employment of the stone.

* "The Hebrew words are generally considered to be plurales

excellentoe, denoting light (that is, revelation) and truth....
There are two principal opinions respecting the Urim and Thummim.
One is that these words simply denote the four rows of precious
stones in the breastplate of the high priest, and are so called
from their brilliancy and perfection; which stones, in answer to
an appeal to God in difficult cases, indicated His mind and will
by some supernatural appearance.... The other principal opinion
is that the Urim and Thummim were two small oracular images
similar to the Teraphim, personifying revelation and truth, which
were placed in the cavity or pouch formed by the folds of the
breastplate, and which uttered oracles by a voice.... We incline
to Mr. Mede's opinion that the Urim and Thummim were 'things well
known to the patriarchs' as divinely appointed means of inquiries
of the Lord, suited to an infantile state of religion.
"Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature," Kitto and Alexander,
editors.

Joe says that while the plates were in his possession

"multitudes" tried to get them away from him, but that he
succeeded in keeping them until they were translated, and then
delivered them again to the messenger, who still retains them.
Mother Smith tells a graphic story of attempts to get the plates
away from her son, and says that when he first received them he
hid them until the next day in a rotten birch log, bringing them
home wrapped in his linen frock under his arm.* Later, she says,
he hid them in a hole dug in the hearth of their house, and again
in a pile of flax in a cooper shop; Willard Chase's daughter
almost found them once by means of a peek-stone of her own.

* Elder Hyde in his "Mormonism" estimates that "from the

description given of them the plates must have weighed nearly two
hundred pounds."

Mother Smith says that Joseph told all the family of his vision
the evening of the day he told his father, charging them to keep
it secret, and she adds:--

"From that time forth Joseph continued to receive instructions

from the Lord, and we continued to get the children together
every evening for the purpose of listening while he gave us a
relation of the same. I presume our family presented an aspect as
singular as any that ever lived upon the face of the earth--all
seated in a circle, father, mother, sons, and daughters, and
giving the most profound attention to a boy eighteen years old,
who had never read the Bible through in his life.... We were now
confirmed in the opinion that God was about to bring to light
something upon which we could stay our mind, or that would give
us a more perfect knowledge of the plan of salvation and the
redemption of the human family."

CHAPTER VI. TRANSLATION AND PUBLICATION OF THE BIBLE

The only one of his New York neighbors who seems to have taken a
practical interest in Joe's alleged discovery was a farmer named
Martin Harris, who lived a little north of Palmyra. Harris was a
religious enthusiast, who had been a Quaker (as his wife was
still), a Universalist, a Baptist, and a Presbyterian, and whose
sanity it would have been difficult to establish in a surrogate's
court. The Rev. Dr. Clark, who knew him intimately, says, "He had
always been a firm believer in dreams, visions, and ghosts."
*Howe describes him as often declaring that he had talked with
Jesus Christ, angels, and the devil, and saying that "Christ was
the handsomest man he ever saw, and the devil looked like a
jackass, with very short, smooth hair similar to that of a mouse.
"Daniel Hendrix relates that as he and Harris were riding to the
village one evening, and he remarked on the beauty of the moon,
Harris replied that if his companion could only see it as he had,
he might well call it beautiful, explaining that he had actually
visited the moon, and adding that it "was only the faithful who
were permitted to visit the celestial regions." Jesse Townsend, a
resident of Palmyra, in a letter written in 1833, describes him
as a visionary fanatic, unhappily married, who "is considered
here to this day a brute in his domestic relations, a fool and a
dupe to Smith in religion, and an unlearned, conceited hypocrite
generally. "His wife, in an affidavit printed in Howe's book (p.
255), says: "He has whipped, kicked, and turned me out of the
house." Harris, like Joe's mother, was a constant reader of and a
literal believer in the Bible. Tucker says that he "could
probably repeat from memory every text from the Bible, giving the
chapter and verse in each case. "This seems to be an
exaggeration.

* "Gleanings by the Way."

Mother Smith's account of Harris's early connection with the

Bible enterprise says that her husband told Harris of the
existence of the plates two or three years before Joe got
possession of them; that when Joe secured them he asked her to go
and tell Harris that he wanted to see him on the subject, an
errand not to her liking, because "Mr. Harris's wife was a very
peculiar woman, "that is, she did not share in her husband's
superstition. Mrs. Smith did not succeed in seeing Harris, but he
soon afterward voluntarily offered Joe fifty dollars "for the
purpose of helping Mr. Smith do the Lord's work. "As Harris was
very "close" in money matters, it is probable that Joe offered
him a partnership in the scheme at the start. Harris seems to
have placed much faith in the selling quality of the new Bible.
He is said to have replied to his wife's early declaration of
disbelief in it: "What if it is a lie. If you will let me alone I
will make money out of it."* The Rev. Ezra Booth said: "Harris
informed me [after his removal to Ohio] that he went to the place
where Joseph resided [in Pennsylvania], and Joseph had given it
[the translation] up on account of the opposition of his wife and
others; and he told Joseph, 'I have not come down here for
nothing, and we will go on with it.'"**

* Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 254.

** Ibid., p. 182.

Just at this time Joe was preparing to move to the neighborhood

of Harmony, Pennsylvania, having made a trip there after his
marriage, during which, Mr. Hale's affidavit says, "Smith stated
to me that he had given up what he called 'glass-looking,' and
that he expected to work hard for a living and was willing to do
so. "Smith's brother-in-law Alva, in accordance with arrangements
then made, went to Palmyra and helped move his effects to a house
near Mr. Hale's. Joe acknowledges that Harris's gift or loan of
fifty dollars enabled him to meet the expenses of moving.

Parley P. Pratt, in a statement published by him in London in

1854, set forth that Smith was driven to Pennsylvania from
Palmyra through fear of his life, and that he took the plates
with him concealed in a barrel of beans, thus eluding the efforts
of persons who tried to secure them by means of a search warrant.
Tucker says that this story rests only on the sending of a
constable after Smith by a man to whom he owed a small debt. The
great interest manifested in the plates in the neighborhood of
Palmyra existed only in Mormon imagination developed in later
years.

According to some accounts, all the work of what was called

"translating" the writing on the plates into what became the
"Book of Mormon" was done at Joe's home in New York State, and
most of it in a cave, but this was not the case. Smith himself
says: "Immediately after my arrival [in Pennsylvania] I commenced
copying the characters off the plates. I copied a considerable
number of them, and by means of the Urim and Thummim I translated
some of them, which I did between the time I arrived, at the
house of my wife's father in the month of December (1827) and the
February following.

A clear description of the work of translating as carried on in

Pennsylvania is given in the affidavit made by Smith's
father-in-law, Isaac Hale, in 1834.* He says that soon after
Joe's removal to his neighborhood with his wife, he (Hale) was
shown a box such as is used for the shipment of window glass, and
was told that it contained the "book of plates"; he was allowed
to lift it, but not to look into it. Joe told him that the first
person who would be allowed to see the plates would be a young
child .** The affidavit continues:--

* Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 264.

** Joe's early announcement was that his first-born child was to

have this power, but the child was born dead. This was one of the
earliest of Joe's mistakes in prophesying.

"About this time Martin Harris made his appearance upon the
stage, and Smith began to interpret the characters, or
hieroglyphics, which he said were engraven upon the plates, while
Harris wrote down the interpretation. It was said that Harris
wrote down 116 pages and lost them. Soon after this happened,
Martin Harris informed me that he must have a GREATER WITNESS,
and said that he had talked with Joseph about it. Joseph informed
him that be could not, or durst not, show him the plates, but
that he [Joseph] would go into the woods where the book of plates
was, and that after he came back Harris should follow his track
in the snow, and find the book and examine it for himself. Harris
informed me that he followed Smith's directions, and could not
find the plates and was still dissatisfied.
"The next day after this happened I went to the house where
Joseph Smith, Jr., lived, and where he and Harris were engaged in
their translation of the book. Each of them had a written piece
of paper which they were comparing, and some of the words were, I
my servant seeketh a greater witness, but no greater witness can
be given him.... I inquired whose words they were, and was
informed by Joseph or Emma (I rather think it was the former),
that they were the words of Jesus Christ. I told them that I
considered the whole of it a delusion, and advised them to
abandon it. The manner in which he pretended to read and
interpret was the same as when he looked for the moneydiggers,
with the stone in his hat and his hat over his face, while the
book of plates was at the same time hid in the woods.

"After this, Martin Harris went away, and Oliver Cowdery came and
wrote for Smith, while he interpreted as above described.

"Joseph Smith, Jr., resided near me for some time after this, and
I had a good opportunity of becoming acquainted with him, and
somewhat acquainted with his associates; and I conscientiously
believe, from the facts I have detailed, and from many other
circumstances which I do not deem it necessary to relate, that
the whole Book of Mormon (so-called) is a silly fabrication of
falsehood and wickedness, got up for speculation, and with a
design to dupe the credulous and unwary."

Harris's natural shrewdness in a measure overcame his fanaticism,

and he continued to press Smith for a sight of the plates. Smith
thereupon made one of the first uses of those "revelations" which
played so important a part in his future career, and he announced
one (Section 5, "Doctrine and Covenants"*), in which "I, the
Lord" declared to Smith that the latter had entered into a
covenant with Him not to show the plates to any one except as the
Lord commanded him. Harris finally demanded of Smith at least a
specimen of the writing on the plates for submission to experts
in such subjects. As Harris was the only man of means interested
in this scheme of publication, Joe supplied him with a paper
containing some characters which he said were copied from one of
the plates. This paper increased Harris's belief in the reality
of Joe's discovery, but he sought further advice before opening
his purse. Dr. Clark describes a call Harris made on him early
one morning, greatly excited, requesting a private interview. On
hearing his story, Dr. Clark advised him that the scheme was a
hoax, devised to extort money from him, but Harris showed the
slip of paper containing the mysterious characters, and was not
to be persuaded.

* All references to the "Book of Doctrine and Covenants" refer to

the sections and verses of the Salt Lake city edition of 1890.

Seeking confirmation, however, Harris made a trip to New York

City in order to submit the characters to experts there. Among
others, he called on Professor Charles Anthon. His interview with
Professor Anthon has been a cause of many and conflicting
statements, some Mormons misrepresenting it for their own
purposes and others explaining away the professor's accounts of
it. The following statement was written by Professor Anthon in
reply to an inquiry by E. D. Howe:--

"NEW YORK, February 17, 1834.

"DEAR SIR: I received your favor of the 9th, and lose no time in
making a reply. The whole story about my pronouncing the Mormon
inscription to be 'reformed Egyptian hieroglyphics' is perfectly
false. Some years ago a plain, apparently simple-hearted farmer
called on me with a note from Dr. Mitchell, of our city, now
dead, requesting me to decypher, if possible, the paper which the
farmer would hand me, and which Dr. M. confessed he had been
unable to understand. Upon examining the paper in question, I
soon came to the conclusion that it was all a trick--perhaps a
hoax. When I asked the person who brought it how he obtained the
writing, he gave me, as far as I can recollect, the following
account: A 'gold book' consisting of a number of plates fastened
together in the shape of a book by wires of the same metal, had
been dug up in the northern part of the state of New York, and
along with the book an enormous pair of 'spectacles'! These
spectacles were so large that, if a person attempted to look
through them, his two eyes would have to be turned toward one of
the glasses merely, the spectacles in question being altogether
too large for the breadth of the human face. Whoever examined the
plates through the spectacles, was enabled, not only to read
them, but fully to understand their meaning. All this knowledge,
however, was confined to a young man who had the trunk containing
the book and spectacles in his sole possession. This young man
was placed behind a curtain in the garret of a farmhouse, and
being thus concealed from view, put on the spectacles
occasionally, or rather, looked through one of the glasses,
decyphered the characters in the book, and, having committed some
of them to paper, handed copies from behind the curtain to those
who stood on the outside. Not a word, however, was said about the
plates being decyphered 'by the gift of God.' Everything in this
way was effected by the large pair of spectacles. The farmer
added that he had been requested to contribute a sum of money
toward the publication of the 'golden book,' the contents of
which would, as he had been assured, produce an entire change in
the world, and save it from ruin. So urgent had been these
solicitations, that he intended selling his farm, and handing
over the amount received to those who wished to publish the
plates. As a last precautionary step, however, he had resolved to
come to New York, and obtain the opinion of the learned about the
meaning of the paper which he had brought with him, and which had
been given him as part of the contents of the book, although no
translation had been furnished at the time by the young man with
the spectacles. On hearing this odd story, I changed my opinion
about the paper, and, instead of viewing it any longer as a hoax
upon the learned, I began to regard it as a part of a scheme to
cheat the farmer of his money, and I communicated my suspicions
to him, warning him to beware of rogues. He requested an opinion
from me in writing, which, of course, I declined giving, and he
then took his leave, carrying his paper with him.

"This paper was in fact a singular scrawl. It consisted of all

kinds of crooked characters, disposed in columns, and had
evidently been prepared by some person who had before him at the
time a book containing various alphabets. Greek and Hebrew
letters, crosses and flourishes, Roman letters inverted, or
placed sideways, were arranged and placed in perpendicular
columns; and the whole ended in a rude delineation of a circle,
divided into various compartments, decked with various strange
marks, and evidently copied after the Mexican Calendar, given by
Humbolt, but copied in such a way as not to betray the source
whence it was, derived. I am thus particular as to the contents
of the paper, inasmuch as I have frequently conversed with my
friends on the subject since the Mormonite excitement began, and
well remember that the paper contained anything else but
'Egyptian Hieroglyphics.'

"Some time after, the farmer paid me a second visit. He brought

with him the golden book in print, and offered it to me for sale.
I declined purchasing. He then asked permission to leave the book
with me for examination. I declined receiving it, although his
manner was strangely urgent. I adverted once more to the roguery
which had been, in my opinion, practised upon him, and asked him
what had become of the gold plates. He informed me that they were
in a trunk with the large pair of spectacles. I advised him to go
to a magistrate, and have the trunk examined. He said 'the curse
of God' would come upon him should he do this. On my pressing
him, however, to pursue the course which I had recommended, he
told me he would open the trunk if I would take 'the curse of
God' upon myself. I replied I would do so with the greatest
willingness, and would incur every risk of that nature provided I
could only extricate him from the grasp of the rogues. He then
left me.

"I have thus given you a full statement of all that I know
respecting the origin of Mormonism, and must beg you, as a
personal favor, to publish this letter immediately, should you
find my name mentioned again by these wretched fanatics. Yours
respectfully,

"CHARLES ANTHON."*

* "Mormonism Unveiled," pp. 270-272. A letter from Professor

Anthon to the Rev. Dr. Coit, rector of Trinity Church, New
Rochelle, New York, dated April 3, 1841, containing practically
the same statement, will be found in Clark's" "Gleanings by the
Way," pp. 233-238.

While Mormon speakers quoted Anthon as vouching for the

mysterious writing, their writers were more cautious. P. P.
Pratt, in his "Voice of Warning" (1837), said that Professor
Anthon was unable to decipher the characters, "but he presumed
that if the original records could be brought, he could assist in
translating them. Orson Pratt, in his "Remarkable Visions"
(1848), saw in the Professor's failure only a verification of
Isaiah xxix. 11 and 12:--

"And the vision of all is become unto you as the words of a book
that is sealed, which men deliver to one that is learned, saying,
Read this, I pray thee: and he saith, I cannot, for it is sealed:
and the book is delivered to him that is not learned, saying,
Read this, I pray thee: and he saith, I am not learned."
John D. Lee, in his "Mormonism Unveiled," mentions the generally
used excuse of the Mormons for the professor's failure to
translate the writing, namely, that Anthon told Harris that "they
were written in a sealed language, unknown to the present age.
"Smith, in his autobiography, quotes Harris's account of his
interview as follows:--

"I went to New York City and presented the characters which had
been translated, with the translation thereof, to Prof. Anthon, a
man quite celebrated for his literary attainments. Prof. Anthon
stated that the translation was correct, more so than any he had
before seen translated from the Egyptian. I then showed him those
which were not yet translated, and he said they were Egyptian,
Chaldaic, Assyriac, and Arabic, and he said they were the true
characters."

Harris declared that the professor gave him a certificate to this

effect, but took it back and tore it up when told that an angel
of God had revealed the plates to Joe, saying that "there were no
such things as ministering angels. "This account by Harris of his
interview with Professor Anthon will assist the reader in
estimating the value of Harris's future testimony as to the
existence of the plates.

Harris's trip to New York City was not entirely satisfactory to

him, and, as Smith himself relates, "He began to tease me to give
him liberty to carry the writings home and show them, and desired
of me that I would enquire of the Lord through the Urim and
Thummim if he might not do so. "Smith complied with this request,
but the permission was twice refused; the third time it was
granted, but on condition that Harris would show the manuscript
translation to only five persons, who were named, one of them
being his wife.

In including Mrs. Harris in this list, the Lord made one of the
greatest mistakes into which he ever fell in using Joe as a
mouthpiece. Mrs. Harris's Quaker belief had led her from the
start to protest against the Bible scheme, and to warn her
husband against the Smith family, and she vigorously opposed his
investment of any money in the publication of the book. On the
occasion of his first visit to Joe in Pennsylvania, according to
Mother Smith, Mrs. Harris was determined to accompany him, and he
had to depart without her knowledge; and when he went the second
time, she did accompany him, and she ransacked the house to find
the "record" (as the plates are often called in the Smiths'
writings).

When Harris returned home with the translated pages which Joe
intrusted to him (in July, 1828), he showed them to his family
and to others, who tried in vain to convince him that he was a
dupe. Mrs. Harris decided on a more practical course. Getting
possession of the papers, where Harris had deposited them for
safe keeping, she refused to restore them to him. What eventually
became of them is uncertain, one report being that she afterward
burned them.

This should have caused nothing more serious in the way of delay
than the time required to retranslate these pages; for certainly
a well-equipped Divinity, who was revealing a new Bible to
mankind, and supplying so powerful a means of translation as the
Urim and Thummim, could empower the translator to repeat the
words first written. Indeed, the descriptions of the method of
translation given afterward by Smith's confederates would seem to
prove that there could have been but one version of any
translation of the plates, no matter how many times repeated.
Thus, Harris described the translating as follows:--

"By aid of the seer stone [no mention of the magic spectacles]
sentences would appear and were read by the prophet and written
by Martin, and, when finished, he would say 'written'; and if
correctly written, that sentence would disappear, and another
appear in its place; but if not written correctly, it remained
until corrected, so that the translation was just as it was
engraven on the plates, precisely in the language then used."*

* Elder Edward Stevenson in the Deseret News (quoted in Reynold's

"Mystery of the Manuscript Fund," p. 91).

David Whitmer, in an account of this process written in his later

years, said:--

"Joseph would put the seer stone into a hat [more testimony
against the use of the spectacles] and put his face in the hat,
drawing it closely around his face to exclude the light; and in
the darkness the spiritual light would shine. A piece of
something resembling parchment would appear, and on that appeared
the writing. One character at a time would appear, and under it
was the translation in English. Brother Joseph would read off the
English to O. Cowdery, who was his principal scribe, and when it
was written down and repeated to brother Joseph to see if it were
correct, then it would disappear and another character with the
interpretation would appear."*

* "Address to Believers in the Book of Mormon."

But to Joseph the matter of reproducing the lost pages of the

translation did not seem simple. When Harris's return to
Pennsylvania was delayed, Joe became anxious and went to Palmyra
to learn what delayed him, and there he heard of Mrs. Harris's
theft of the pages. His mother reports him as saying in
announcing it, "my God, all is lost! all is lost!" Why the
situation was as serious to a sham translator as it would have
been simple to an honest one is easily understood. Whenever Smith
offered a second translation of the missing pages which differed
from the first, a comparison of them with the latter would
furnish proof positive of the fraudulent character of his
pretensions.

All the partners in the business had to share in the punishment

for what had occurred. The Smiths lost all faith in Harris. Joe
says that Harris broke his pledge about showing the translation
only to five persons, and Mother Smith says that because of this
offence "a dense fog spread itself over his fields and blighted
his wheat. "When Joe returned to Pennsylvania an angel appeared
to him, his mother says, and ordered him to give up the Urim and
Thummim, promising, however, to restore them if he was humble and
penitent, and "if so, it will be on the 22d of September."* Here
may be noted one of those failures of mother and son to agree in
their narratives which was excuse enough for Brigham Young to try
to suppress the mother's book. Joe mentions a "revelation" dated
July, 1828 (Sec. 3, "Doctrine and Covenants"), in which Harris
was called "a wicked man, "and which told Smith that he had lost
his privileges for a season, and he adds, "After I had obtained
the above revelation, both the plates and the Urim and Thummim
were taken from me again, BUT IN A FEW DAYS they were returned to
me."**

* "Biographical Sketches," by Lucy Smith, p. 125.

** Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, p. 8.

For some ten months after this the work of translation was
discontinued, although Mother Smith says that when she and his
father visited the prophet in Pennsylvania two months after his
return, the first thing they saw was "a red morocco trunk lying
on Emma's bureau which, Joseph shortly informed me, contained the
Urim and Thummim and the plates." Mrs. Harris's act had evidently
thrown the whole machinery of translation out of gear, and Joe
had to await instructions from his human adviser before a plan of
procedure could be announced. During this period (in which Joe
says he worked on his father's farm), says Tucker, "the stranger
[supposed to be Rigdon] had again been at Smith's, and the
prophet had been away from home, maybe to repay the former's
visits."*

* "Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism," p. 48.

Two matters were decided on in these consultations, viz., that no

attempt would be made to retranslate the lost pages, and that a
second copy of all the rest of the manuscript should be prepared,
to guard against a similar perplexity in case of the loss of
later pages. The proof of the latter statement I find in the fact
that a second copy did exist. Ebenezer Robinson, who was a
leading man in the church from the time of its establishment in
Ohio until Smith's death, says in his recollections that, when
the people assembled on October 2, 1841, to lay the corner-stone
of Nauvoo House, Smith said he had a document to put into the
corner-stone, and Robinson went with him to his house to procure
it. Robinson's story proceeds as follows:--

"He got a manuscript copy of the Book of Mormon, and brought it

into the room where we were standing, and said, 'I will examine
to see if it is all here'; and as he did so I stood near him, at
his left side, and saw distinctly the writing as he turned up the
pages until he hastily went through the book and satisfied
himself that it was all there, when he said, 'I have had trouble
enough with this thing'; which remark struck me with amazement,
as I looked upon it as a sacred treasure."

Robinson says that the manuscript was written on foolscap paper

and most of it in Oliver Cowdery's handwriting. He explains that
two copies were necessary, "as the printer who printed the first
edition of the book had to have a copy, as they would not put the
original copy into his hands for fear of its being altered. This
accounts for David Whitmer having a copy and Joseph Smith having
one."*

* The Return, Vol- II, p. 314. Ebenezer Robinson, a printer,

joined the Mormons at Kirtland, followed Smith to Missouri, and
went with the flock to Nauvoo, where he and the prophet's
brother, Don Carlos, established the Times and Seasons. When the
doctrine of polygamy was announced to him and his wife, they
rejected it, and he followed Rigdon to Pennsylvania when Rigdon
was turned out by Young. In later years he was engaged in
business enterprises in Iowa, and was a resident of Davis City
when David Whitmer announced the organization of his church in
Missouri, and, not accepting the view of the prophet entertained
by his descendants in the Reorganized Church, Robinson accepted
baptism from Whitmer. The Return was started by him in January,
1889, and continued until his death, in its second year. His
reminiscences of early Mormon experiences, which were a feature
of the publication, are of value.

Major Bideman, who married the prophet's widow, partly completed

and occupied Nauvoo House after the departure of the Mormons for
Utah, and some years later he took out the cornerstone and opened
it, but found the manuscript so ruined by moisture that only a
little was legible.

In regard to the missing pages, it was decided to announce a

revelation, which is dated May, 1829 (Sec. 10, "Doctrine and
Covenants"), stating that the lost pages had got into the hands
of wicked men, that "Satan has put it into their hearts to alter
the words which you have caused to be written, or which you have
translated, "in accordance with a plan of the devil to destroy
Smith's work. He was directed therefore to translate from the
plates of Nephi, which contained a "more particular account" than
the Book of Lehi from which the original translation was made.

When Smith began translating again, Harris was not reemployed,

but Emma, the prophet's wife, acted as his scribe until April 15,
1829, when a new personage appeared upon the scene. This was
Oliver Cowdery.

Cowdery was a blacksmith by trade, but gave up that occupation,

and, while Joe was translating in Pennsylvania, secured the place
of teacher in the district where the Smiths lived, and boarded
with them. They told him of the new Bible, and, according to
Joe's later account, Cowdery for himself received a revelation of
its divine character, went to Pennsylvania, and from that time
was intimately connected with Joe in the translation and
publication of the book.

In explanation of the change of plan necessarily adopted in the

translation, the following preface appeared in the first edition
of the book, but was dropped later:--

"TO THE READER.

"As many false reports have been circulated respecting the
following work, and also many unlawful measures taken by evil
designing persons to destroy me, and also the work, I would
inform you that I translated, by the gift and power of God, and
caused to be written, one hundred and sixteen pages, the which I
took from the book of Lehi, which was an account abridged from
the plates of Lehi, by the hand of Mormon; which said account,
some person or persons have stolen and kept from me,
notwithstanding my utmost efforts to recover it again--and being
commanded of the Lord that I should not translate the same over
again, for Satan had put it into their hearts to tempt the Lord
their God, by altering the words; that they did read contrary
from that which I translated and caused to be written; and if I
should bring forth the same words again, or, in other words, if I
should translate the same over again, they would publish that
which they had stolen, and Satan would stir up the hearts of this
generation, that they might not receive this work, but behold,
the Lord said unto me, I will not suffer that Satan shall
accomplish his evil design in this thing; therefore thou shalt
translate from the plates of Nephi until ye come to that which ye
have translated, which ye have retained; and behold, ye shall
publish it as the record of Nephi; and thus I will confound those
who have altered my words. I will not suffer that they shall
destroy my work; yea, I will show unto them that my wisdom is
greater than the cunning of the Devil. Wherefore, to be obedient
unto the commandments of God, I have, through His grace and
mercy, accomplished that which He hath commanded me respecting
this thing. I would also inform you that the plates of which hath
been spoken, were found in the township of Manchester, Ontario
County, New York. --THE AUTHOR."

In June, 1829, Smith accepted an invitation to change his

residence to the house of Peter Whitmer, who, with his sons,
David, John, and Peter, Jr., lived at Fayette, Seneca County, New
York, the Whitmers promising his board free and their assistance
in the work of translation. There, Smith says, they resided
"until the translation was finished and the copyright secured."

As five of the Whitmers were "witnesses" to the existence of the

plates, and David continued to be a person of influence in Mormon
circles throughout his long life, information about them is of
value. The prophet's mother again comes to our aid, although her
account conflicts with her son's. The prophet says that David
Whitmer brought the invitation to take up quarters at his
father's, and volunteered the offer of free board and assistance.
Mother Smith says that one day, as Joe was translating the
plates, he came, in the midst of the words of the Holy Writ, to a
commandment to write at once to David Whitmer, requesting him to
come immediately and take the prophet and Cowdery to his house,"
as an evildesigning people were seeking to take away his
[Joseph's] life in order to prevent the work of God from going
forth to the world. "When the letter arrived, David's father told
him that, as they had wheat sown that would require two days'
harrowing, and a quantity of plaster to spread, he could not go
"unless he could get a witness from God that it was absolutely
necessary. "In answer to his inquiry of the Lord on the subject,
David was told to go as soon as his wheat was harrowed in.
Setting to work, he found that at the end of the first day the
two days' harrowing had been completed, and, on going out the
next morning to spread the plaster, he found that work done also,
and his sister told him she had seen three unknown men at work in
the field the day before: so that the task had been accomplished
by "an exhibition of supernatural power."*

* "Biographical Sketches," Lucy Smith, p. 135.

The translation being ready for the press, in June, 1829 (I

follow Tucker's account of the printing of the work), Joseph, his
brother Hyrum, Cowdery, and Harris asked Egbert B. Grandin,
publisher of the Wayne Sentinel at Palmyra, to give them an
estimate of the cost of printing an edition of three thousand
copies, with Harris as security for the payment. Grandin told
them he did not want to undertake the job at any price, and he
tried to persuade Harris not to invest his money in the scheme,
assuring him that it was fraudulent. Application was next made to
Thurlow Weed, then the publisher of the Anti-Masonic Inquirer, at
Rochester, New York. "After reading a few chapters," says Mr.
Weed, "it seemed such a jumble of unintelligent absurdities that
we refused the work, advising Harris not to mortgage his farm and
"beggar his family." Finally, Smith and his associates obtained
from Elihu F. Marshall, a Rochester publisher, a definite bid for
the work, and with this they applied again to Grandin, explaining
that it would be much more convenient for them to have the
printing done at home, and pointing out to him that he might as
well take the job, as his refusal would not prevent the
publication of the book. This argument had weight with him, and
he made a definite contract to print and bind five thousand
copies for the sum of $3000, a mortgage on Harris's farm to be
given him as security. Mrs. Harris had persisted in her refusal
to be in any way a party to the scheme, and she and her husband
had finally made a legal separation, with a division of the
property, after she had entered a complaint against Joe, charging
him with getting money from her husband on fraudulent
representation. At the hearing on this complaint, Harris denied
that he had ever contributed a dollar to Joe at the latter's
persuasion.

Tucker, who did much of the proof-reading of the new Bible,

comparing it with the manuscript copy, says that, when the
printing began, Smith and his associates watched the manuscript
with the greatest vigilance, bringing to the office every morning
as much as the printers could set up during the day, and taking
it away in the evening, forbidding also any alteration. The
foreman, John H. Gilbert, found the manuscript so poorly prepared
as regards grammatical construction, spelling, punctuation, etc.,
that he told them that some corrections must be made, and to this
they finally consented.

Daniel Hendrix, in his recollections, says in confirmation of

this:--

"I helped to read proof on many pages of the book, and at odd
times set some type.... The penmanship of the copy furnished was
good, but the grammar, spelling and punctuation were done by John
H. Gilbert, who was chief compositor in the office. I have heard
him swear many a time at the syntax and orthography of Cowdery,
and declare that he would not set another line of the type. There
were no paragraphs, no punctuation and no capitals. All that was
done in the printing office, and what a time there used to be in
straightening sentences out, too. During the printing of the book
I remember that Joe Smith kept in the background."

The following letter is in reply to an inquiry addressed by me to

Albert Chandler, the only survivor, I think, of the men who
helped issue the first edition of Smith's book:--

"COLDWATER, MICH., Dec. 22, 1898.

"My recollections of Joseph Smith, Jr. and of the first steps

taken in regard to his Bible have never been printed. At the time
of the printing of the Mormon Bible by Egbert B. Grandin of the
Sentinel I was an apprentice in the bookbindery connected with
the Sentinel office. I helped to collate and stitch the Gold
Bible, and soon after this was completed, I changed from
book-binding to printing. I learned my trade in the Sentinel
office.

"My recollections of the early history of the Mormon Bible are

vivid to-day. I knew personally Oliver Cowdery, who translated
the Bible, Martin Harris, who mortgaged his farm to procure the
printing, and Joseph Smith Jr., but slightly. What I knew of him
was from hearsay, principally from Martin Harris, who believed
fully in him. Mr. Tucker's 'Origin, Rise, and Progress of
Mormonism' is the fullest account I have ever seen. I doubt if I
can add anything to that history.

"The whole history is shrouded in the deepest mystery. Joseph

Smith Jr., who read through the wonderful spectacles, pretended
to give the scribe the exact reading of the plates, even to
spelling, in which Smith was woefully deficient. Martin Harris
was permitted to be in the room with the scribe, and would try
the knowledge of Smith, as he told me, saying that Smith could
not spell the word February, when his eyes were off the
spectacles through which he pretended to work. This ignorance of
Smith was proof positive to him that Smith was dependent on the
spectacles for the contents of the Bible. Smith and the plates
containing the original of the Mormon Bible were hid from view of
the scribe and Martin Harris by a screen.

"I should think that Martin Harris, after becoming a convert,

gave up his entire time to advertising the Bible to his neighbors
and the public generally in the vicinity of Palmyra. He would
call public meetings and address them himself. He was
enthusiastic, and went so far as to say that God, through the
Latter Day Saints, was to rule the world. I heard him make this
statement, that there would never be another President of the
United States elected; that soon all temporal and spiritual power
would be given over to the prophet Joseph Smith and the Latter
Day Saints. His extravagant statements were the laughing stock of
the people of Palmyra. His stories were hissed at, universally.
To give you an idea of Mr. Harris's superstitions, he told me
that he saw the devil, in all his hideousness, on the road, just
before dark, near his farm, a little north of Palmyra. You can
see that Harris was a fit subject to carry out the scheme of
organizing a new religion.

"The absolute secrecy of the whole inception and publication of

the Mormon Bible stopped positive knowledge. We only knew what
Joseph Smith would permit Martin Harris to publish, in reference
to the whole thing.

"The issuing of the Book of Mormon scarcely made a ripple of

excitement in Palmyra.

ALBERT CHANDLER."*

* Mr. Chandler moved to Michigan in 1835, and has been connected

with several newspapers in that state, editing the Kalamazoo
Gazette, and founding and publishing the Coldwater Sentinel. He
was elected the first mayor of Coldwater, serving several terms.
He was in his eighty-fifth year when the above letter was
written.

The book was published early in 1830. On paper the sale of the
first edition showed a profit of $3250 at $1.25 a volume, that
being the lowest price to be asked on pain of death, according to
a "special revelation" received by Smith. By the original
agreement Harris was to have the exclusive control of the sale of
the book. But it did not sell. The local community took it no
more seriously than they did Joe himself and his family. The
printer demanded his pay as the work progressed, and it became
necessary for Smith to spur Harris on by announcing a revelation
(Sec. 19, "Doctrine and Covenants"), saying, "I command thee that
thou shalt not covet thine own property, but impart it freely to
the printing of the Book of Mormon. "Harris accordingly disposed
of his share of the farm and paid Grandin.

To make the book "go," Smith now received a revelation which

permitted his father, soon to be elevated to the title of
Patriarch, to sell it on commission, and Smith, Sr., made
expeditions through the country, taking in pay for any copies
sold such farm produce or "store goods" as he could use in his
own family. How much he "cut" the revealed price of the book in
these trades is not known, but in one instance, when arrested in
Palmyra for a debt of $5.63, he, under pledge of secrecy, offered
seven of the Bibles in settlement, and the creditor, knowing that
the old man had no better assets, accepted the offer as a joke.*

* "Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism," Tucker, p. 63.

CHAPTER VII. THE SPAULDING MANUSCRIPT

The history of the Mormon Bible has been brought uninterruptedly

to this point in order that the reader may be able to follow
clearly each step that had led up to its publication. It is now
necessary to give attention to two subjects intimately connected
with the origin of this book, viz., the use made of what is known
as the "Spaulding manuscript," in supplying the historical part
of the work, and Sidney Rigdon's share in its production.

The most careful student of the career of Joseph Smith, Jr., and
of his family and his associates, up to the year 1827, will fail
to find any ground for the belief that he alone, or simply with
their assistance, was capable of composing the Book of Mormon,
crude in every sense as that work is. We must therefore accept,
as do the Mormons, the statement that the text was divinely
revealed to Smith, or must look for some directing hand behind
the scene, which supplied the historical part and applied the
theological. The "Spaulding manuscript" is believed to have
furnished the basis of the historical part of the work.

Solomon Spaulding, born in Ashford, Connecticut, in 1761, was

graduated from Dartmouth College in 1785, studied divinity, and
for some years had charge of a church. His own family described
him as a peculiar man, given to historical researches, and
evidently of rather unstable disposition. He gave up preaching,
conducted an academy at Cherry Valley, New York, and later moved
to Conneaut, Ohio, where in 1812 he had an interest in an iron
foundry. His attention was there attracted to the ancient mounds
in that vicinity, and he set some of his men to work exploring
one of them. "I vividly remember how excited he became," says his
daughter,when he heard that they had exhumed some human bones,
portions of gigantic skeletons, and various relics. "From these
discoveries he got the idea of writing a fanciful history of the
ancient races of this country.

The title he chose for his book was "The Manuscript Found." He
considered this work a great literary production, counted on
being able to pay his debts from the proceeds of its sale, and
was accustomed to read selections from the manuscript to his
neighbors with evident pride. The impression that such a
production would be likely to make on the author's neighbors in
that frontier region and in those early days, when books were
scarce and authors almost unknown, can with difficulty be
realized now. Barrett Wendell, speaking of the days of Bryant's
early work, says:--

"Ours was a new country...deeply and sensitively aware that it

lacked a literature. Whoever produced writings which could be
pronounced adorable was accordingly regarded by his fellow
citizens as a public benefactor, a great public figure, a
personage of whom the nation could be proud."* This feeling lends
weight to the testimony of Mr. Spaulding's neighbors, who in
later years gave outlines of his work.

* "Literary History of America."

In order to find a publisher Mr. Spaulding moved with his family

to Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. A printer named Patterson spoke well
of the manuscript to its author, but no one was found willing to
publish it. The Spauldings afterward moved to Amity,
Pennsylvania, where Mr. Spaulding died in 1816. His widow and
only child went to live with Mrs. Spaulding's brother, W. H.
Sabine, at Onondaga Valley, New York, taking their effects with
them. These included an old trunk containing Mr. Spaulding's
papers. "There were sermons and other papers," says his daughter,
"and I saw a manuscript about an inch thick, closely written,
tied up with some stories my father had written for me, one of
which he called 'The Frogs of Windham.' On the outside of this
manuscript were written the words 'Manuscript Found.' I did not
read it, but looked through it, and had it in my hands many
times, and saw the names I had heard at Conneaut, when my father
read it to his friends. "Mrs. Spaulding next went to her father's
house in Connecticut, leaving her personal property at her
brother's. She married a Mr. Davison in 1820, and the old trunk
was sent to her at her new home in Hartwick, Otsego County, New
York. The daughter was married to a Mr. McKinstry in 1828, and
her mother afterward made her home with her at Monson,
Massachusetts, most of the time until her death in 1844.

When the newly announced Mormon Bible began to be talked about in

Ohio, there were immediate declarations in Spaulding's old
neighborhood of a striking similarity between the Bible story and
the story that Spaulding used to read to his acquaintances there,
and these became positive assertions after the Mormons had held a
meeting at Conneaut. The opinion was confidently expressed there
that, if the manuscript could be found and published, it would
put an end to the Mormon pretence.

About the year 1834 Mrs. Davison received a visit at Monson from
D. P. Hurlbut, a man who had gone over to the Mormons from the
Methodist church, and had apostatized and been expelled. He
represented that he had been sent by a committee to secure "The
Manuscript Found" in order that it might be compared with the
Mormon Bible. As he brought a letter from her brother, Mrs.
Davison, with considerable reluctance, gave him an introduction
to George Clark, in whose house at Hartwick she had left the old
trunk, directing Mr. Clark to let Hurlbut have the manuscript,
receiving his verbal pledge to return it. He obtained a
manuscript from this trunk, but did not keep his pledge.*

* Condensed from an affidavit by Mrs. McKinstry, dated April 3,

1880, in Scribner's Magazine for August, 1880.

The Boston Recorder published in May, 1839, a detailed statement

by Mrs. Davison concerning her knowledge of "The Manuscript
Found." After giving an account of the writing of the story, her
statement continued as follows:--

"Here [in Pittsburg] Mr. Spaulding found a friend and

acquaintance in the person of Mr. Patterson, who was very much
pleased with it, and borrowed it for perusal. He retained it for
a long time, and informed Mr. Spaulding that, if he would make
out a title-page and preface, he would publish it, as it might be
a source of profit. This Mr. Spaulding refused to do. Sidney
Rigdon, who has figured so largely in the history of the Mormons,
was at that time connected with the printing office of Mr.
Patterson, as is well known in that region, and, as Rigdon
himself has frequently stated, became acquainted with Mr.
Spaulding's manuscript and copied it. It was a matter of
notoriety and interest to all connected with the printing
establishment. At length the manuscript was returned to its
author, and soon after we removed to Amity where Mr. Spaulding
deceased in 1816. The manuscript then fell into my hands, and was
carefully preserved."

This statement stirred up the Mormons greatly, and they at once

pronounced the letter a forgery, securing from Mrs. Davison a
statement in which she said that she did not write it. This was
met with a counter statement by the Rev. D. R. Austin that it was
made up from notes of a conversation with her, and was correct.
In confirmation of this the Quincy [Massachusetts] Whig printed a
letter from John Haven of Holliston, Massachusetts, giving a
report of a conversation between his son Jesse and Mrs. Davison
concerning this letter, in which she stated that the letter was
substantially correct, and that some of the names used in the
Mormon Bible were like those in her husband's story. Rigdon
himself, in a letter addressed to the Boston Journal, under date
of May 27, 1839, denied all knowledge of Spaulding, and declared
that there was no printer named Patterson in Pittsburg during his
residence there, although he knew a Robert Patterson who had
owned a printing-office in that city. The larger part of his
letter is a coarse attack on Hurlbut and also on E. D. Howe, the
author of "Mormonism Unveiled, "whose whole family he charged
with scandalous immoralities." If the use of Spaulding's story in
the preparation of the Mormon Bible could be proved by nothing
but this letter of Mrs. Davison, the demonstration would be weak;
but this is only one link in the chain.

Howe, in his painstaking efforts to obtain all probable

information about the Mormon origin from original sources,
secured the affidavits of eight of Spaulding's acquaintances in
Ohio, giving their recollections of the "Manuscript Found."*
Spaulding's brother, John, testified that he heard many passages
of the manuscript read and, describing it, he said:--

* Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," pp. 278-287.

"It was an historical romance of the first settlers of America,

endeavoring to show that the American Indians are the descendants
of the Jews, or the lost tribe. It gave a detailed account of
their journey from Jerusalem, by land and sea, till they arrived
in America, under the command of Nephi and Lehi. They afterwards
had quarrels and contentions, and separated into two distinct
nations, one of which he denominated Nephites, and the other
Lamanites. Cruel and bloody Wars ensued, in which great
multitudes were slain.... I have recently read the "Book of
Mormon," and to my great surprise I find nearly the same
historical matter, names, etc., as they were in my brother's
writings. I well remember that he wrote in the old style, and
commenced about every sentence with 'and it came to pass,' or
'now it came to pass,' the same as in the 'Book of Mormon,' and,
according to the best of my recollection and belief, it is the
same as my brother Solomon wrote, with the exception of the
religious matter."

John Spaulding's wife testified that she had no doubt that the
historical part of the Bible and the manuscript were the same,
and she well recalled such phrases as "it came to pass."

Mr. Spaulding's business partner at Conneaut, Henry Lake,

testified that Spaulding read the manuscript to him many hours,
that the story running through it and the Bible was the same, and
he recalls this circumstance: "One time, when he was reading to
me the tragic account of Laban, I pointed out to him what I
considered an inconsistency, which he promised to correct, but by
referring to the 'Book of Mormon,' I find that it stands there
just as he read it to me then.... I well recollect telling Mr.
Spaulding that the so frequent use of the words 'and it came to
pass,' 'now it came to pass,' rendered it ridiculous."

John N. Miller, an employee of Spaulding in Ohio, and a boarder

in his family for several months, testified that Spaulding had
written more than one book or pamphlet, that he had heard the
author read from the "Manuscript Found," that he recalled the
story running through it, and added: "I have recently examined
the 'Book of Mormon,' and find in it the writings of Solomon
Spaulding, from beginning to end, but mixed up with Scripture and
other religious matter which I did not meet with in the
'Manuscript Found'.... The names of Nephi, Lehi, Moroni, and in
fact all the principal names, are brought fresh to my
recollection by the 'Gold Bible.'"

Practically identical testimony was given by the four other

neighbors. Important additions to this testimony have been made
in later years. A statement by Joseph Miller of Amity,
Pennsylvania, a man of standing in that community, was published
in the Pittsburg Telegraph of February 6, 1879. Mr. Miller said
that he was well acquainted with Spaulding when he lived at
Amity, and heard him read most of the "Manuscript Found," and had
read the Mormon Bible in late years to compare the two. "On
hearing read, "he says," the account from the book of the battle
between the Amlicites (Book of Alma), in which the soldiers of
one army had placed a red mark on their foreheads to distinguish
them from their enemies, it seemed to reproduce in my mind, not
only the narration, but the very words as they had been impressed
on my mind by the reading of Spaulding's manuscript.... The
longer I live, the more firmly I am convinced that Spaulding's
manuscript was appropriated and largely used in getting up the `
Book of Mormon."

Redick McKee, a resident of Amity, Pennsylvania, when Spaulding

lived there, and later a resident of Washington, D. C., in a
letter to the Washington [Pennsylvania] Reporter, of April 21,
1869, stated that he heard Spaulding read from his manuscript,
and added: "I have an indistinct recollection of the passage
referred to by Mr. Miller about the Amlicites making a cross with
red paint on their foreheads to distinguish them from enemies in
battle."

The Rev. Abner Judson, of Canton, Ohio, wrote for the Washington
County, Pennsylvania, Historical Society, under date of December
20, 1880, an account of his recollections of the Spaulding
manuscript, and it was printed in the Washington [Pennsylvania]
Reporter of January 7, 1881. Spaulding read a large part of his
manuscript to Mr. Judson's father before the author moved to
Pittsburg, and the son, confined to the house with a lameness,
heard the reading and the accompanying conversations. He says:
"He wrote it in the Bible style. 'And it came to pass,' occurred
so often that some called him 'Old Come-to-pass.' The 'Book of
Mormons' follows the romance too closely to be a stranger ....
When it was brought to Conneaut and read there in public, old
Esquire Wright heard it and exclaimed, "Old Come-to-pass' has
come to life again."*

* Fuller extracts from the testimony of these later witnesses

will be found in Robert Patterson's pamphlet, "Who wrote the Book
of Mormon," reprinted from the "History of Washington County,
Pa."

The testimony of so many witnesses, so specific in its details,

seems to prove the identity of Spaulding's story and the story
running through the Mormon Bible. The late President James H.
Fairchild of Oberlin, Ohio, whose pamphlet on the subject we
shall next examine, admits that "if we could accept without
misgiving the testimony of the eight witnesses brought forward in
Howe's book, we should be obliged to accept the fact of another
manuscript" (than the one which President Fairchild secured); but
he thinks there is some doubt about the effect on the memory of
these witnesses of the lapse of years and the reading of the new
Bible before they recalled the original story. It must be
remembered, however, that this resemblance was recalled as soon
as they heard the story of the new Bible, and there seems no
ground on which to trace a theory that it was the Bible which
originated in their minds the story ascribed to the manuscript.

The defenders of the Mormon Bible as an original work received

great comfort some fifteen years ago by the announcement that the
original manuscript of Spaulding's "Manuscript Found" had been
discovered in the Sandwich Islands and brought to this country,
and that its narrative bore no resemblance to the Bible story.
The history of this second manuscript is as follows: E. D. Howe
sold his printing establishment at Painesville, Ohio, to L. L.
Rice, who was an antislavery editor there for many years. Mr.
Rice afterward moved to the Sandwich Islands, and there he was
requested by President Fairchild to look over his old papers to
see if he could not find some antislavery matter that would be of
value to the Oberlin College library. One result of his search
was an old manuscript bearing the following certificate: 'The
writings of Solomon Spaulding,' proved by Aaron Wright, Oliver
Smith, John N. Miller and others. The testimonies of the above
gentlemen are now in my possession.

"D. P. HURLBUT."

President Fairchild in a paper on this subject which has been

published* gives a description of this manuscript (it has been
printed by the Reorganized Church at Lamoni, Iowa), which shows
that it bears no resemblance to the Bible story. But the
assumption that this proves that the Bible story is original
fails immediately in view of the fact that Mr. Howe made no
concealment of his possession of this second manuscript. Hurlbut
was in Howe's service when he asked Mrs. Davison for an order for
the manuscript, and he gave to Howe, as the result of his visit,
the manuscript which Rice gave to President Fairchild. Howe in
his book (p. 288) describes this manuscript substantially as does
President Fairchild, saying:--

* "Manuscript of Solomon Spaulding and the 'Book of Mormon,'"

Tract No. 77, Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland,
Ohio.

"This is a romance, purporting to have been translated from the

Latin, found on twenty-four rolls of parchment in a cave on the
banks of Conneaut Creek, but written in a modern style, and
giving a fabulous account of a ship's being drlven upon the
American coast, while proceeding from Rome to Britain, a short
time pious to the Christian era, this country then being
inhabited by the Indians."*

* Howe says in his book, "The fact that Spaulding in the latter
part of his life inclined to infidelity is established by a
letter in his handwriting now in our possession. "This letter was
given by Rice with the other manuscript to President Fairchild
(who reproduces it), thus adding to the proof that the Rice
manuscript is the one Hurlbut delivered to Howe.

Mr. Howe adds this important statement:--

"This old manuscript has been shown to several of the foregoing

witnesses, who recognize it as Spaulding's, he having told them
that he had altered his first plan of writing, by going further
back with dates, and writing in the old scripture style, in order
that it might appear more ancient. They say that it bears no
resemblance to the 'Manuscript Found.'"

If Howe had considered this manuscript of the least importance as

invalidating the testimony showing the resemblance between the
"Manuscript Found" and the Mormon Bible, he would have destroyed
it (if he was the malignant falsifier the Mormons represented him
to be), and not have first described it in his book; and then
left it to be found by any future owner of his effects. Its
rediscovery has been accepted, however, even by some non-Mormons,
as proof that the Mormon Bible is an original production.*

* Preface to "The Mormon Prophet," Lily Dugall.

Mrs. Ellen E. Dickenson, a great-niece of Spaulding, who has

painstakingly investigated the history of the much-discussed
manuscript, visited D. P. Hurlbut at his home near Gibsonburg,
Ohio, in 1880 (he died in 1882), taking with her Oscar Kellogg, a
lawyer, as a witness to the interview.* She says that her visit
excited him greatly. He told of getting a manuscript for Mr. Howe
at Hartwick, and said he thought it was burned with other of Mr.
Howe's papers. When asked, "Was it Spaulding's manuscript that
was burned?" he replied: "Mrs. Davison thought it was; but when I
just peeked into it, here and there, and saw the names Mormon,
Moroni, Lamanite, Lephi, I thought it was all nonsense. Why, if
it had been the real one, I could have sold it for $3000;** but I
just gave it to Howe because it was of no account. "During the
interview his wife was present, and when Mrs. Dickenson pressed
him with the question, "Do you know where the 'Manuscript Found'
is at the present time?" Mrs. Hurlbut went up to him and said,
"Tell her what you know." She got no satisfactory answer, but he
afterward forwarded to her an affidavit saying that he had
obtained of Mrs. Davison a manuscript supposing it to be
Spaulding's "Manuscript Found," adding: "I did not examine the
manuscript until after I got home, when upon examination I found
it to contain nothing of the kind, but being a manuscript upon an
entirely different subject. This manuscript I left with E. D.
Howe."

With this presentation of the evidence showing the similarity

between Spaulding's story and the Mormon Bible narrative, we may
next examine the grounds for believing that Sidney Rigdon was
connected with the production of the Bible.

* A full account of this interview is given in her book, "New

Light on Mormonism" (1885).

** There have been surmises that Hurlbut also found the

"Manuscript Found" in the trunk and sold this to the Mormons. He
sent a specific denial of this charge to Robert Patterson in
1879.

CHAPTER VIII. SIDNEY RIGDON

The man who had more to do with founding the Mormon church than
Joseph Smith, Jr., even if we exclude any share in the production
of the Mormon Bible, and yet who is unknown even by name to most
persons to whom the names of Joseph Smith and Brigham Young are
familiar, was Sidney Rigdon. Elder John Hyde, Jr., was well
within the truth when he wrote: "The compiling genius of
Mormonism was Sidney Rigdon. Smith had boisterous impetuosity but
no foresight. Polygamy was not the result of his policy but of
his passions. Sidney gave point, direction, and apparent
consistency to the Mormon system of theology. He invented its
forms and the manner of its arguments.... Had it not been for the
accession of these two men [Rigdon and Parley P. Pratt] Smith
would have been lost, and his schemes frustrated and abandoned."*

* "Mormonism: Its Leaders and Designs" (1857). Hyde, an

Englishman, joined the Mormons in that country when a lad and
began to preach almost at once. He sailed for this country in
1853 and joined the brethren in Salt Lake City. Brigham Young's
rule upset his faith, and he abandoned the belief in 1854. Even
H. H. Bancroft concedes him to have been "an able and honest man,
sober and sincere."

Rigdon (according to the sketch of him presented in Smith's

autobiography,* which he doubtless wrote) was born in St. Clair
township, Allegheny County, Pennsylvania, on February 19, 1793.
His father was a farmer, and he lived on the farm, receiving only
a limited education, until he was twenty-six years old. He then
connected himself with the Baptist church, and received a license
to preach. Selecting Ohio as his field, he continued his work in
rural districts in that state until 1821, when he accepted a call
to a small Baptist church in Pittsburg.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, Supt.

Twenty years before the publication of the Mormon Bible, Thomas

and Alexander Campbell, Scotchmen, had founded a congregation in
Washington County, Pennsylvania, out of which grew the religious
denomination known as Disciples of Christ, or Campbellites, whose
communicants in the United States numbered 871,017 in the year
1890. The fundamental principle of their teaching was that every
doctrine of belief, or maxim of duty, must rest upon the
authority of Scripture, expressed or implied, all human creeds
being rejected. The Campbells (who had been first Presbyterians
and then Baptists) were wonderful orators and convincing debaters
out of the pulpit, and they drew to themselves many of the most
eloquent exhorters in what was then the western border of the
United States. Among their allies was another Scotchman, Walter
Scott, a musician and schoolteacher by profession, who assisted
them in their newspaper work and became a noted evangelist in
their denomination. During a visit to Pittsburg in 1823, Scott
made Rigdon's acquaintance, and a little later the flocks to
which each preached were united. In August, 1824, Rigdon
announced his withdrawal from his church. Regarding his
withdrawal the sketch in Smith's autobiography says:--

"After he had been in that place [Pittsburg] some time, his mind
was troubled and much perplexed with the idea that the doctrines
maintained by that society were not altogether in accordance with
the Scriptures. This thing continued to agitate his mind more and
more, and his reflections on these occasions were particularly
trying; for, according to his view of the word of God, no other
church with whom he could associate, or that he was acquainted
with, was right; consequently, if he was to disavow the doctrine
of the church with whom he was then associated, he knew of no
other way of obtaining a living, except by manual labor, and at
that time he had a wife and three children to support."

For two years after he gave up his church connection he worked as

a journeyman tanner. This is all the information obtainable about
this part of his life. We next find him preaching at Bainbridge,
Ohio, as an undenominational exhorter, but following the general
views of the Campbells, advising his hearers to reject their
creeds and rest their belief solely on the Bible.

In June, 1826, Rigdon received a call to a Baptist church at

Mentor, Ohio, whose congregation he had pleased when he preached
the funeral sermon of his predecessor. His labors were not
confined, however, to this congregation. We find him acting as
the "stated" minister of a Disciples' church organized at Mantua,
Ohio, in 1827, preaching with Thomas Campbell at Shalersville,
Ohio, in 1828, and thus extending the influence he had acquired
as early as 1820, when Alexander Campbell called him "the great
orator of the Mahoning Association". In 1828 he visited his old
associate Scott, was further confirmed in his faith in the
Disciples' belief, and, taking his brother-in-law Bentley back
with him, they began revival work at Mentor, which led to the
conversion of more than fifty of their hearers. They held
services at Kirtland, Ohio, with equal success, and the story of
this awakening was the main subject of discussion in all the
neighborhood round about. The sketch of Rigdon in Smith's
autobiography closes with this tribute to his power as a
preacher: "The churches where he preached were no longer large
enough to contain the vast assemblies. No longer did he follow
the old beaten track, ...but dared to enter on new grounds,
...threw new light on the sacred volume, ...proved to a
demonstration the literal fulfilment of prophecy ...and the reign
of Christ with his Saints on the earth in the Millennium."

In tracing Rigdon's connection with Smith's enterprise, attention

must be carefully paid both to Rigdon's personal characteristics,
and to the resemblance between the doctrines he had taught in the
pulpit and those that appear in the Mormon Bible.

Rigdon's mental and religious temperament was just of the

character to be attracted by a novelty in religious belief. He,
with his brother-in-law, Adamson Bentley, visited Alexander
Campbell in 1821, and spent a whole night in religious
discussion. When they parted the next day, Rigdon declared that
"if he had within the last year promulgated one error, he had a
thousand," and Mr. Campbell, in his account of the interview,
remarked, "I found it expedient to caution them not to begin to
pull down anything they had builded until they had reviewed,
again and again, what they had heard; not even then rashly and
without much consideration."*

* Millennial Harbinger, 1848, p. 523.

A leading member of the church at Mantua has written, "Sidney

Rigdon preached for us, and, notwithstanding his extravagantly
wild freaks, he was held in high repute by many."*

* "Early History of the Disciples' Church in the Western

Reserve," by A: S. Hayden (1876), p. 239.

An important church discussion occurred at Warren, Ohio, in 1828.

Following out the idea of the literal interpretation of the
Scriptures taught in the Disciples' church, Rigdon sprung on the
meeting an argument in favor of a community of goods, holding
that the apostles established this system at Jerusalem, and that
the modern church, which rested on their example, must follow
them. Alexander Campbell, who was present, at once controverted
this position, showing that the apostles, as narrated in Acts,
"sold their possessions" instead of combining them for a profit,
and citing Bible texts to prove that no "community system"
existed in the early church. This argument carried the meeting,
and Rigdon left the assemblage, embittered against Campbell
beyond forgiveness. To a brother in Warren, on his way home, he
declared, "I have done as much in this reformation as Campbell or
Scott, and yet they get all the honor of it. "This claim is set
forth specifically in the sketch of Rigdon in Smith's
autobiography. Referring to Rigdon and Alexander Campbell, this
statement is there made:--

"After they had separated from the different churches, these

gentlemen were on terms of the greatest friendship, and
frequently met together to discuss the subject of religion, being
yet undetermined respecting the principles of the doctrine of
Christ or what course to pursue. However, from this connection
sprung up a new church in the world, known by the name of
'Campbellites'; they call themselves 'Disciples.' The reason why
they were called Campbellites was in consequence of Mr.
Campbell's periodical, above mentioned [the Christian Baptist],
and it being the means through which they communicated their
sentiments to the world; other than this, Mr. Campbell was no
more the originator of the sect than Elder Rigdon."

Rigdon's bitterness against the Campbells and his old church more
than once manifested itself in his later writings. For instance,
in an article in the Messenger and Advocate (Kirtland), of June,
1837, he said: "One thing has been done by the coming forth of
the Book of Mormon. It has puked the Campbellites effectually; no
emetic could have done so half as well.... The Book of Mormon has
revealed the secrets of Campbellism and unfolded the end of the
system. "In this jealousy of the Campbells, and the discomfiture
as a leader which he received at their hands, we find a
sufficient object for Rigdon's desertion of his old church
associations and desire to build up something, the discovery of
which he could claim, and the government of which he could
control.

To understand the strength of the argument that the doctrinal

teachings of the Mormon Bible were the work of a Disciples'
preacher rather than of the ne'er-do-well Smith, it is only
necessary to examine the teachings of the Disciples' church in
Ohio at that time. The investigator will be startled by the
resemblance between what was then taught to and believed by
Disciples' congregations and the leading beliefs of the Mormon
Bible. In the following examples of this the illustrations of
Disciples' beliefs and teachings are taken from Hayden's "Early
History of the Disciples' Church in the Western Reserve."

The literal interpretation of the Scriptures, on which the Mormon

defenders of their faith so largely depend,--as for explanations
of modern revelations, miracles, and signs,--was preached to so
extreme a point by Ohio Disciples that Alexander Campbell had to
combat them in his Millennial Harbinger. An outcome of this
literal interpretation was a belief in a speedy millennium,
another fundamental belief of the early Mormon church. "The hope
of the millennial glory," says Hayden, "was based on many
passages of the Holy Scriptures.... Millennial hymns were learned
and sung with a joyful fervor.... It is surprising even now, as
memory returns to gather up these interesting remains of that
mighty work, to recall the thorough and extensive knowledge which
the convert quickly obtained. Nebuchadnezzar's vision... many
portions of the Revelation were so thoroughly studied that they
became the staple of the common talk." Rigdon's old Pittsburg
friend, Scott, in his report as evangelist to the church
association at Warren in 1828, said: "Individuals eminently
skilled in the word of God, the history of the world, and the
progress of human improvements see reasons to expect great
changes, much greater than have yet occurred, and which shall
give to political society and to the church a different, a very
different, complexion from what many anticipate. The
millennium--the millennium described in the Scriptures--will
doubtless be a wonder, a terrible wonder, to all."

Disciples' preachers understood that they spoke directly for God,

just as Smith assumed to do in his "revelations." Referring to
the preaching of Rigdon and Bentley, after a visit to Scott in
March, 1828, Hayden says, "They spoke with authority, for the
word which they delivered was not theirs, but that of Jesus
Christ." The Disciples, like the Mormons, at that time looked for
the return of the Jews to Jerusalem. Scott* was an enthusiastic
preacher of this. "The fourteenth chapter of Zechariah," says
Hayden, "was brought forward in proof--all considered as
literal-- that the most marvellous and stupendous physical and
climatic changes were to be wrought in Palestine; and that Jesus
Christ the Messiah was to reign literally in Jerusalem, and in
Mount Zion, and before his ancients, gloriously."

* "In a letter to Dr. Richardson, written in 1830, he [Scott]

says the book of Elias Smith on the prophecies is the only
sensible work on that subject he had seen. He thinks this and
Crowley on the Apocalypse all the student of the Bible wants. He
strongly commends Smith's book to the doctor. This seems to be
the origin of millennial views among us. Rigdon, who always
caught and proclaimed the last word that fell from the lips of
Scott or Campbell, seized these views (about the millennium and
the Jews) and, with the wildness of his extravagant nature,
heralded them everywhere."--"Early History of the Disciples'
Church in the Western Reserve," p. 186.

Campbell taught that "creeds are but statements, with few

exceptions, of doctrinal opinion or speculators' views of
philosophical or dogmatic subjects, and tended to confusion,
disunion, and weakness." Orson Pratt, in his "Divine Authenticity
of the Book of Mormon," thus stated the early Mormon view on the
same subject: "If any man or council, without the aid of
immediate revelation, shall undertake to decide upon such
subjects, and prescribe 'articles of faith' or 'creeds' to govern
the belief or views of others, there will be thousands of
well-meaning people who will not have confidence in the
productions of these fallible men, and, therefore, frame creeds
of their own.... In this way contentions arise."

Finally, attention may be directed to the emphatic declarations

of the Disciples' doctrine of baptism in the Mormon Bible:--

"Ye shall go down and stand in the water, and in my name shall ye
baptize them.... And then shall ye immerse them in the water, and
come forth again out of the water."--3 Nephi Xi. 23, 26.

"I know that it is solemn mockery before God that ye should

baptize little children.... He that supposeth that little
children need baptism is in the gall of bitterness and in the
bond of iniquity; for he hath neither faith, hope, nor charity;
wherefore, should he be cut off while in the thought, he must go
down to hell. For awful is the wickedness to suppose that God
saveth one child because of baptism, and the other must perish
because he hath no baptism."--Moroni viii. 9, x�, 15.

There are but three conclusions possible from all this: that the
Mormon Bible was a work of inspiration, and that the agreement of
its doctrines with Disciples' belief only proves the correctness
of the latter; that Smith, in writing his doctrinal views, hit on
the Disciples' tenets by chance (he had had no opportunity
whatever to study them); or, finally, that some Disciple, learned
in the church, supplied these doctrines to him.

Advancing another step in the examination of Rigdon's connection

with the scheme, we find that even the idea of a new Bible was
common belief among the Ohio Disciples who listened to Scott's
teaching. Describing Scott's preaching in the winter of
1827-1828, Hayden says:--

"He contended ably for the restoration of the true, original

apostolic order which would restore to the church the ancient
gospel as preached by the apostles. The interest became an
excitement; ...the air was thick with rumors of a 'new religion,'
a 'new Bible.'"

Next we may cite two witnesses to show that Rigdon had a

knowledge of Smith's Bible in advance of its publication. His
brother-in-law, Bentley, in a letter to Walter Scott dated
January 22, 1841, said, "I know that Sidney Rigdon told me there
was a book coming out, the manuscript of which had been found
engraved on gold plates, as much as two years before the Mormon
book made its appearance or had been heard of by me."*

* Millennial Harbinger, 1844, p. 39. The Rev. Alexander Campbell

testified that this conversation took place in his presence.

One of the elders of the Disciples' church was Darwin Atwater, a

farmer, who afterward occupied the pulpit, and of whom Hayden
says, "The uniformity of his life, his undeviating devotion, his
high and consistent manliness and superiority of judgment, gave
him an undisputed preeminence in the church." In a letter to
Hayden, dated April 26, 1873, Mr. Atwater said of Rigdon: "For a
few months before his professed conversion to Mormonism it was
noticed that his wild extravagant propensities had been more
marked. That he knew before the coming of the Book of Mormon is
to me certain from what he said during the first of his visits at
my father's, some years before. He gave a wonderful description
of the mounds and other antiquities found in some parts of
America, and said that they must have been made by the
aborigines. He said there was a book to be published containing
an account of those things. He spoke of these in his eloquent,
enthusiastic style, as being a thing most extraordinary. Though a
youth then, I took him to task for expending so much enthusiasm
on such a subject instead of things of the Gospel. In all my
intercourse with him afterward he never spoke of antiquities, or
of the wonderful book that should give account of them, till the
Book of Mormon really was published. He must have thought I was
not the man to reveal that to."*

* "Early History of the Disciples' Church in the Western

Reserve," p. 239.

Dr. Storm Rosa, a leading physician of Ohio, in, a letter to the

Rev. John Hall of Ashtabula, written in 1841, said: "In the early
part of the year 1830 I was in company with Sidney Rigdon, and
rode with him on horseback for a few miles.... He remarked to me
that it was time for a new religion to spring up; that mankind
were all right and ready for it."*

* "Gleanings by the Way," p. 315.

Having thus established the identity of the story running through

the Spaulding manuscript and the historical part of the Mormon
Bible, the agreement of the doctrinal part of the latter with
what was taught at the time by Rigdon and his fellow-workers in
Ohio, and Rigdon's previous knowledge of the coming book, we are
brought to the query: How did the Spaulding manuscript become
incorporated in the Mormon Bible?

It could have been so incorporated in two ways: either by coming

into the possession of Rigdon and being by him copied and placed
in Smith's hands for "translation," with the theological parts
added;* or by coming into possession of Smith in his wanderings
around the neighborhood of Hartwick, and being shown by him to
Rigdon. Every aspect of this matter has been discussed by Mormon
and non-Mormon writers, and it can only be said that definite
proof is lacking. Mormon disputants set forth that Spaulding
moved from Pittsburg to Amity in 1814, and that Rigdon's first
visit to Pittsburg occurred in 1822. On the other hand, evidence
is offered that Rigdon was a "hanger around" Patterson's
printing-office, where Spaulding offered his manuscript, before
the year 1816, and the Rev. John Winter, M.D., who taught school
in Pittsburg when Rigdon preached there, and knew him well,
recalled that Rigdon showed him a large manuscript which he said
a Presbyterian minister named Spaulding had brought to the city
for publication. Dr. Winter's daughter wrote to Robert Patterson
on April 5, 1881: "I have frequently heard my father speak of
Rigdon having Spaulding's manuscript, and that he had gotten it
from the printers to read it as a curiosity; as such he showed it
to father, and at that time Rigdon had no intention of making the
use of it that he afterward did." Mrs. Ellen E. Dickenson, in a
report of a talk with General and Mrs. Garfield on the subject at
Mentor, Ohio, in 1880, reports Mrs. Garfield as saying "that her
father told her that Rigdon in his youth lived in that
neighborhood, and made mysterious journeys to Pittsburg."*** She
also quotes a statement by Mrs. Garfield's** father, Z. Rudolph,
"that during the winter previous to the appearance of the Book of
Mormon, Rigdon was in the habit of spending weeks away from his
home, going no one knew where."**** Tucker says that in the
summer of 1827 "a mysterious stranger appears at Smith's
residence, and holds private interviews with the far-famed
money-digger.... It was observed by some of Smith's nearest
neighbors that his visits were frequently repeated." Again, when
the persons interested in the publication of the Bible were so
alarmed by the abstraction of pages of the translation by Mrs.
Harris, "the reappearance of the mysterious stranger at Smith's
was," he says, "the subject of inquiry and conjecture by
observers from whom was withheld all explanation of his identity
or purpose."*****

* "Rigdon has not been in full fellowship with Smith for more
than a year. He has been in his turn cast aside by Joe to make
room for some new dupe or knave who, perhaps, has come with more
money. He has never been deceived by Joe. I have no doubt that
Rigdon was the originator of the system, and, fearing for its
success, put Joe forward as a sort of fool in the play."--Letter
from a resident near Nauvoo, quoted in the postscript to
Caswall's "City of the Mormons". (1843)

** For a collection of evidence on this subject, see Patterson's

"Who Wrote the Mormon Bible?"

**(Scribner's Magazine, October, 1881.

*** "New Light on Mormonism," p. 252.

***** "Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism," pp. 28, 46.

In a historical inquiry of this kind, it is more important to

establish the fact that a certain thing WAS DONE than to prove
just HOW or WHEN it was done. The entire narrative of the steps
leading up to the announcement of a new Bible, including Smith's
first introduction to the use of a "peek-stone" and his original
employment of it, the changes made in the original version of the
announcement to him of buried plates, and the final production of
a book, partly historical and partly theological, shows that
there was behind Smith some directing mind, and the only one of
his associates in the first few years of the church's history who
could have done the work required was Sidney Rigdon.

President Fairchild, in his paper on the Spaulding manuscript

already referred to, while admitting that "it is perhaps
impossible at this day to prove or disprove the Spaulding
theory," finds any argument against the assumption that Rigdon
supplied the doctrinal part of the new Bible, in the view that "a
man as self-reliant and smart as Rigdon, with a superabundant
gift of tongue and every form of utterance, would never have
accepted the servile task of mere interpolation; "there could
have been no motive to it." This only shows that President
Fairchild wrote without knowledge of the whole subject, with
ignorance of the motives which did exist for Rigdon's conduct,
and without means of acquainting himself with Rigdon's history
during his association with Smith. Some of his motives we have
already ascertained: We shall find that, almost from the
beginning of their removal to Ohio, Smith held him in a
subjection which can be explained only on the theory that Rigdon,
the prominent churchman, had placed himself completely in the
power of the unprincipled Smith, and that, instead of exhibiting
self-reliance, he accepted insult after insult until, just before
Smith's death, he was practically without influence in the
church; and when the time came to elect Smith's successor, he was
turned out-of-doors by Brigham Young with the taunting words,
"Brother Sidney says he will tell our secrets, but I would say, `
'O don't, Brother Sidney! Don't tell our secrets--O don't.' But
if he tells our secrets we will tell his. Tit for tat! President
Fairchild's argument that several of the original leaders of the
fanaticism must have been "adequate to the task" of supplying the
doctrinal part of the book, only furnishes additional proof of
his ignorance of early Mormon history, and his further assumption
that "it is difficult--almost impossible--to believe that the
religious sentiments of the Book of Mormon were wrought into
interpolation" brings him into direct conflict, as we shall see,
with Professor Whitsitt,* amuch better equipped student of the
subject.

* Post, pp. 92. 93.

If it should be questioned whether a man of Rigdon's church

connection would deliberately plan such a fraudulent scheme as
the production of the Mormon Bible, the inquiry may be easily
satisfied. One of the first tasks which Smith and Rigdon
undertook, as soon as Rigdon openly joined Smith in New York
State, was the preparation of what they called a new translation
of the Scriptures. This work was undertaken in conformity with a
"revelation" to Smith and Rigdon, dated December, 1830 (Sec. 35,
"Doctrine and Covenants") in which Sidney was told, "And a
commandment I give unto thee, that thou shalt write for him; and
the Scriptures shall be given, even as they are in mine own
bosom, to the salvation of mine own elect. The "translating" was
completed in Ohio, and the manuscript, according to Smith, "was
sealed up, no more to be opened till it arrived in Zion."* This
work was at first kept as a great secret, and Smith and Rigdon
moved to the house of a resident of Hiram township, Portage
County, Ohio, thirty miles from Kirtland, in September, 1831, to
carry it on; but the secret soon got out. The preface to the
edition of the book published at Plano, Illinois, in 1867, under
the title, "The Holy Scriptures translated and corrected by the
Spirit of Revelation, by Joseph Smith, Jr., the Seer," says that
the manuscript remained in the hands of the prophet's widow from
the time of his death until 1866, when it was delivered to a
committee of the Reorganized Mormon conference for publication.
Some of its chapters were known to Mormon readers earlier, since
Corrill gives the twenty-fourth chapter of Matthew in his
historical sketch, which was dated 1839.

* Millenial Star, Vol. XIV, p. 361.

The professed object of the translation was to restore the

Scriptures to their original purity and beauty, the Mormon Bible
declaring that "many plain and precious parts" had been taken
from them. The real object, however, was to add to the sacred
writings a prediction of Joseph Smith's coming as a prophet,
which would increase his authority and support the pretensions of
the new Bible. That this was Rigdon's scheme is apparent from the
fact that it was announced as soon as he visited Smith, and was
carried on under his direction, and that the manuscript
translation was all in his handwriting.*

* Wyl's "Mormon Portraits," p.124.

Extended parts of the translation do not differ at all from the

King James version, and many of the changes are verbal and
inconsequential. Rigdon's object appears in the changes made in
the fiftieth chapter of Genesis, and the twenty-ninth chapter of
Isaiah. In the King James version the fiftieth chapter of Genesis
contains twenty-six verses, and ends with the words, "So Joseph
died, being an hundred and ten years old; and they embalmed him,
and he was put in a coffin in Eygpt." In the Smith-Rigdon version
this chapter contains thirty-eight verses, the addition
representing Joseph as telling his brethren that a branch of his
people shall be carried into a far country and that a seer shall
be given to them, "and that seer will I bless, and they that seek
to destroy him shall be confounded; for this promise I give unto
you; for I will remember you from generation to generation; and
his name shall be called Joseph. And he shall have judgment, and
shall write the word of the Lord."

The twenty-ninth chapter of Isaiah is similarly expanded from

twenty-four short to thirty-two long verses. Verses eleven and
twelve of the King James version read:--

"And the vision of all is become unto you as the words of a book
that is sealed, which men deliver to one that is learned, saying,
Read this, I pray thee: and he saith, I cannot; for it is sealed.

"And the book is delivered to him that is not learned, saying,

Read this, I pray thee: and he saith, I am not learned."

The Smith-Rigdon version expands this as follows:-- "11. And it

shall come to pass, that the Lord God shall bring forth unto you
the words of a book; and they shall be the words of them which
have slumbered.

"12. And behold, the book shall be sealed; and in the book shall
be a revelation from God, from the beginning of the world to the
ending thereof.

"13. Wherefore, because of the things which are sealed up, the
things which are sealed shall not be delivered in the day of the
wickedness and abominations of the people. Wherefore, the book
shall be kept from them.

"14. But the book shall be delivered unto a man, and he shall
deliver the words of the book, which are the words of those who
have slumbered in the dust; and he shall deliver these words unto
another, but the words that are sealed he shall not deliver,
neither shall he deliver the book.

"15. For the book shall be sealed by the power of God, and the
revelation which was sealed shall be kept in the book until the
own due time of the Lord, that they may come forth; for, behold,
they reveal all things from the foundation of the world unto the
end thereof."
No one will question that a Rigdon who would palm off such a
fraudulent work as this upon the men who looked to him as a
religious teacher would hesitate to suggest to Smith the scheme
for a new Bible. During the work of translation, as we learn from
Smith's autobiography, the translators saw a wonderful vision, in
which they "beheld the glory of the Son on the right hand of the
Father," and holy angels, and the glory of the worlds,
terrestrial and celestial. Soon after this they received an
explanation from heaven of some obscure texts in Revelation.
Thus, the sea of glass (iv. 6) "is the earth in its sanctified,
immortal, and eternal state"; by the little book which was eaten
by John (chapter x) "we are to understand that it was a mission
and an ordinance for him to gather the tribes of Israel."

It may be added that this translation is discarded by the modern

Mormon church in Utah. The Deseret Evening News, the church organ
at Salt Lake City, said on February 21, 1900:--

"The translation of the Bible, referred to by our correspondents,

has not been adopted by this church as authoritative. It is
understood that the Prophet Joseph intended before its
publication to subject the manuscript to an entire examination,
for such revision as might be deemed necessary. Be that as it
may, the work has not been published under the auspices of this
church, and is, therefore, not held out as a guide. For the
present, the version of the scriptures commonly known as King
James's translation is used, and the living oracles are the
expounders of the written word."

We may anticipate the course of our narrative in order to show

how much confirmation of Rigdon's connection with the whole
Mormon scheme is furnished by the circumstances attending the
first open announcement of his acceptance of the Mormon
literature and faith. We are first introduced to Parley P. Pratt,
sometime tin peddler, and a lay preacher to rural congregations
in Ohio when occasion offered. Pratt in his autobiography tells
of the joy with which he heard Rigdon preach, at his home in
Ohio, doctrines of repentance and baptism which were the "ancient
gospel" that he (Pratt) had "discovered years before, but could
find no one to minister in"; of a society for worship which he
and others organized; of his decision, acting under the influence
of the Gospel and prophecies "as they had been opened to him," to
abandon the home he had built up, and to set out on a mission
"for the Gospel's sake"; and of a trip to New York State, where
he was shown the Mormon Bible. "As I read," he says, "the spirit
of the Lord was upon me, and I knew and comprehended that the
book was true."

Pratt was at once commissioned, "by revelation and the laying on

of hands," to preach the new Gospel, and was sent, also by
"revelation" (Sec. 32, "Doctrine and Covenants"), along with
Cowdery, Z. Peterson, and Peter Whitmer, Jr., "into the
wilderness among the Lamanites." Pratt and Cowdery went direct to
Rigdon's house in Mentor, where they stayed a week. Pratt's own
account says: "We called on Mr. Rigdon, my former friend and
instructor in the Reformed Baptist Society. He received us
cordially, and entertained us with hospitality."*
* "Autobiography of P. P. Pratt," p. 49.

In Smith's autobiography it is stated that Rigdon's visitors

presented the Mormon Bible to him as a revelation from God, and
what followed is thus described:--

"This being the first time he had ever heard of or seen the Book
of Mormon, he felt very much prejudiced at the assertion, and
replied that 'he had one Bible which he believed was a revelation
from God, and with which he pretended to have some acquaintance;
but with respect to the book they had presented him, he must say
HE HAD SOME CONSIDERABLE DOUBT' Upon which they expressed a
desire to investigate the subject and argue the matter; but he
replied, 'No, young gentlemen, you must not argue with me on the
subject. But I will read your book, and see what claim it has
upon my faith, and will endeavor to ascertain whether it be a
revelation from God or not'. After some further conversation on
the subject, they expressed a desire to lay the subject before
the people, and requested the privilege of preaching in Elder
Rigdon's church, TO WHICH HE READILY CONSENTED. The appointment
was accordingly published, and a large and respectable
congregation assembled. Oliver Cowdery and Parley P. Pratt
severally addressed the meeting. At the conclusion Elder Rigdon
arose and stated to the congregation that the information they
that evening had received was of an extraordinary character, and
certainly demanded their most serious consideration; and, as the
apostle advised his brethren 'to prove all things and hold fast
that which is good,' so he would exhort his brethren to do
likewise, and give the matter a careful investigation, and NOT
TURN AGAINST IT, WITHOUT BEING FULLY CONVINCED OF ITS BEING AN
IMPOSITION, LEST THEY SHOULD POSSIBLY RESIST THE TRUTH."

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, p. 47.

Accepting this as a correct report of what occurred (and we may

consider it from Rigdon's pen), we find a clergyman who was a
fellow-worker with men like Campbell and Scott expressing only
"considerable doubt" of the inspiration of a book presented to
him as a new Bible, "readily consenting" to the use of his church
by the sponsors for this book, and, at the close of their
arguments, warning his people against rejecting it too readily
"lest they resist the truth"! Unless all these are misstatements,
there seems to be little necessity of further proof that Rigdon
was prepared in advance for the reception of the Mormon Bible.

After this came the announcement of the conversion and baptism by

the Mormon missionaries of a "family" of seventeen persons living
in some sort of a "community" system, between Mentor and
Kirtland. Rigdon, who had merely explained to his neighbors that
his visitors were "on a curious mission," expressed disapproval
of this at first, and took Cowdery to task for asserting that his
own conversion to the new belief was due to a visit from an
angel. But, two days later, Rigdon himself received an angel's
visit, and the next Sunday, with his wife, was baptized into the
new faith.
Rigdon, of course, had to answer many inquiries on his return to
Ohio from a visit to Smith which soon followed his conversion,
but his policy was indignant reticence whenever pressed to any
decisive point. To an old acquaintance who, after talking the
matter over with him at his house, remarked that the Koran of
Mohammed stood on as good evidence as the Bible of Smith, Rigdon
replied: "Sir, you have insulted me in my own house. I command
silence. If people come to see us and cannot treat us civilly,
they can walk out of the door as soon as they please."* Thomas
Campbell sent a long letter to Rigdon under date of February 4,
1831, in which he addressed him as "for many years not only a
courteous and benevolent friend, but a beloved brother and
fellow-laborer in the Gospel--but alas! how changed, how fallen."
Accepting a recent offer of Rigdon in one of his sermons to give
his reasons for his new belief, Mr. Campbell offered to meet him
in public discussion, even outlining the argument he would offer,
under nine headings, that Rigdon might be prepared to refute it,
proposing to take his stand on the sufficiency of the Holy
Scriptures, Smith's bad character, the absurdities of the Mormon
Bible and of the alleged miraculous "gifts," and the objections
to the "common property" plan and the rebaptizing of believers.
Rigdon, after glancing over a few lines of this letter, threw it
into the fire unanswered.**

* "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 112.

** Ibid., p. 116-123.

CHAPTER IX. "THE EVERLASTING GOSPEL"

Having presented the evidence which shows that the historical

part of the Mormon Bible was supplied by the Spaulding
manuscript, we may now pay attention to other evidence, which
indicates that the entire conception of a revelation of golden
plates by an angel was not even original, and also that its
suggestor was Rigdon. This is a subject which has been overlooked
by investigators of the Mormon Bible.

That the idea of the revelation as described by Smith in his

autobiography was not original is shown by the fact that a
similar divine message, engraved on plates, was announced to have
been received from an angel nearly six hundred years before the
alleged visit of an angel to Smith. These original plates were
described as of copper, and the recipient was a monk named Cyril,
from whom their contents passed into the possession of the Abbot
Joachim, whose "Everlasting Gospel," founded thereon, was offered
to the church as supplanting the New Testament, just as the New
Testament had supplanted the Old, and caused so serious a schism
that Pope Alexander IV took the severest measures against it.*

* Draper's "Intellectual Development of Europe," Vol. II, Chap.

III. For an exhaustive essay on the "Everlasting Gospel," by
Renan, see Revue des Deux Mondes, June, 1866. For John of Parma's
part in the Gospel, see "Histoire Litteraire de la France"
(1842), Vol. XX, p. 24.
The evidence that the history of the "Everlasting Gospel" of the
thirteenth century supplied the idea of the Mormon Bible lies not
only in the resemblance between the celestial announcement of
both, but in the fact that both were declared to have the same
important purport--as a forerunner of the end of the world --and
that the name "Everlasting Gospel" was adopted and constantly
used in connection with their message by the original leaders in
the Mormon church.

If it is asked, How could Rigdon become acquainted with the story

of the original "Everlasting Gospel," the answer is that it was
just such subjects that would most attract his attention, and
that his studies had led him into directions where the story of
Cyril's plates would probably have been mentioned. He was a
student of every subject out of which he could evolve a sect,
from the time of his Pittsburg pastorate. Hepworth Dixon said,
"He knew the writings of Maham, Gates, and Boyle, writings in
which love and marriage are considered in relation to Gospel
liberty and the future life."* H. H. Bancroft, noting his
appointment as Professor of Church History in Nauvoo University,
speaks of him as "versed in history, belles-lettres, and
oratory."** Mrs. James A. Garfield told Mrs. Dickenson that
Rigdon taught her father Latin and Greek.*** David Whitmer, who
was so intimately acquainted with the early history of the
church, testified: "Rigdon was a thorough biblical scholar, a man
of fine education and a powerful orator."**** A writer,
describing Rigdon while the church was at Nauvoo, said, "There is
no divine in the West more learned in biblical literature and the
history of the world than he."***** All this indicates that a
knowledge of the earlier "Everlasting Gospel" was easily within
Rigdon's reach. We may even surmise the exact source of this
knowledge. Mosheim's "Ecclesiastical History, Ancient and Modern"
was at his disposal. Editions of it had appeared in London in
1765, 1768, 1774, 1782, 1790, 1806, 1810, and 1826, and among the
abridgments was one published in Philadelphia in 1812. In this
work he could have read as follows:--

"About the commencement of this [the thirteenth] century there

were handed about in Italy several pretended prophecies of the
famous Joachim, abbot of Sora in Calabria, whom the multitude
revered as a person divinely inspired, and equal to the most
illustrious prophets of ancient times. The greatest part of these
predictions were contained in a certain book entitled, 'The
Everlasting Gospel,' and which was also commonly called the Book
of Joachim. This Joachim, whether a real or fictitious person we
shall not pretend to determine, among many other future events,
foretold the destruction of the Church of Rome, whose corruptions
he censured with the greatest severity, and the promulgation of a
new and more perfect gospel in the age of the Holy Ghost, by a
set of poor and austere ministers, whom God was to raise up and
employ for that purpose."

* "Spiritual Wives," p. 62.

** "Utah," p. 146.
*** Scribner's Magazine, October, 1881.

**** "Address to All Believers in Christ;" p. 35.

***** Letter in the New York Herald.

Here is a perfect outline of the scheme presented by the original

Mormons, with Joseph as the divinely inspired prophet, and an
"Everlasting Gospel," the gift of an angel, promulgated by poor
men like the travelling Mormon elders.

The original suggestion of an "Everlasting Gospel" is found in

Revelation xiv. 6 and 7:--

"And I saw another angel fly in the midst of heaven, having the
everlasting gospel to preach unto them that dwell on the earth,
and to every nation, and kindred, and tongue, and people, "Saying
with a loud voice, Fear God, and give glory to him; for the hour
of his judgment is come: and worship him that made heaven, and
earth, and the sea, and the fountains of water."** "Bisping
(after Gerlach) takes Rev. xiv. 6-11 to foretell that three great
events at the end of the last world-week are immediately to
precede Christ's second advent (1) the announcement of the
'eternal' Gospel to the whole world (Matt. xxiv. 14); (2)the Fall
of Babylon; (3)a warning to all who worship the beast.... Burger
says this vision can denote nothing but a last admonition and
summons to conversion shortly before the end."--Note in
"Commentary by Bishops and Other Clergy of the Anglican Church."

This was the angel of Cyril; this the announcement of those

"latter days" from which the Mormon church, on Rigdon's motion,
soon took its name.

That Rigdon's attention had been attracted to an "Everlasting

Gospel" is proved by the constant references made to it in
writings of which he had at least the supervision, from the very
beginning of the church. Thus, when he preached his first sermon
before a Mormon audience--on the occasion of his visit to Smith
at Palmyra in 1830--he took as his text a part of the version of
Revelation xiv. which he had put into the Mormon Bible (1 Nephi
xiii. 40), and in his sermon, as reported by Tucker, who heard
it, holding the Scriptures in one hand and the Mormon Bible in
the other, he said, "that they were inseparably necessary to
complete the everlasting gospel of the Saviour Jesus Christ." In
the account, in Smith's autobiography, of the first description
of the buried book given to Smith by the angel, its two features
are named separately, first, "an account of the former
inhabitants of this continent," and then "the fulness of the
Everlasting Gospel. "That Rigdon never lost sight of the
importance, in his view, of an "Everlasting Gospel" may be seen
from the following quotation from one of his articles in his
Pittsburg organ, the Messenger and Advocate, of June 15, 1845,
after his expulsion from Nauvoo: "It is a strict observance of
the principles of the fulness of the Everlasting Gospel of Jesus
Christ, as contained in the Bible, Book of Mormon, and Book of
Covenants, which alone will insure a man an inheritance in the
kingdom of our God."
The importance attached to the "Everlasting Gospel" by the
founders of the church is seen further in the references to it in
the "Book of Doctrine and Covenants," which it is not necessary
to cite,* and further in a pamphlet by Elder Moses of New York
(1842), entitled "A Treatise on the Fulness of the Everlasting
Gospel, setting forth its First Principles, Promises, and
Blessings," in which he argued that the appearance of the angel
to Smith was in direct line with the Scriptural teaching, and
that the last days were near.

* For examples see Sec. 68, 1; Sec. 101, 22; Sec. 124, 88.

CHAPTER X. THE WITNESSES TO THE PLATES

In his accounts to his neighbors of the revelation to him of the

golden plates on which the "record" was written, Smith always
declared that no person but him could look on those plates and
live. But when the printed book came out, it, like all subsequent
editions to this day, was preceded by the following
"testimonies":--

"THE TESTIMONY OF THREE WITNESSES

"Be it known unto all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people unto
whom this work shall come, that we through the grace of God the
Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, have seen the plates which
contain this record, which is a record of the people of Nephi,
and also of the Lamanites, their brethren, and also the people of
Jared, who came from the tower of which hath been spoken; and we
also know that they have been translated by the gift and power of
God, for his voice hath declared it unto us; wherefore we know of
a surety that the work is true. And we also testify that we have
seen the engravings which are upon the plates; and they have been
shewn unto us by the power of God, and not of man. And we declare
with words of soberness, that an angel of God came down from
heaven, and he brought and laid before our eyes, that we beheld
and saw the plates, and the engravings thereon; and we know that
it is by the grace of God the Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ,
that we beheld and bear record that these things are true; and it
is marvellous in our eyes, nevertheless the voice of the Lord
commanded us that we should bear record of it; wherefore, to be
obedient unto the commandments of God, we bear testimony of these
things. And we know that if we are faithful in Christ, we shall
rid our garments of the blood of all men, and be found spotless
before the judgment-seat of Christ, and shall dwell with him
eternally in the heavens. And the honour be to the Father, and to
the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, which is one God. Amen.

"OLIVER COWDERY,DAVID WHITMER, MARTIN HARRIS.

"AND ALSO THE TESTIMONY OF THE EIGHT WITNESSES

"Be it known unto all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people unto
whom this work shall come, that Joseph Smith, Jun., the
translator of this work, has shewn unto us the plates of which
hath been spoken, which have the appearance of gold; and as many
of the leaves as the said Smith has translated we did handle with
our hands; and we also saw the engravings thereon, all of which
has the appearance of ancient work, and of curious workmanship.
And this we bear record with words of soberness, that the said
Smith has shewn unto us, for we have seen and hefted, and know of
a surety that the said Smith has got the plates of which we have
spoken. And we give our names unto the world, to witness unto the
world that which we have seen; and we lie not, God bearing
witness of it.

"CHRISTIAN WHITMER, HIRAM PAGE, JACOB WHITMER, JOSEPH SMITH,

SEN., PETER WHITMER, JUN., HYRUM SMITH, JOHN WHITMER, SAMUEL H.
SMITH."

In judging of the value of this testimony, we may first inquire,

what the prophet has to say about it, and may then look into the
character and qualification of the witnesses.

We find a sufficiently full explanation of Testimony No. 1 in

Smith's autobiography and in his "revelations." Nothing could be
more natural than that such men as the prophet was dealing with
should demand a sight of any plates from which he might be
translating. Others besides Harris made such a demand, and Smith
repeated the warning that to look on them was death. This might
satisfy members of his own family, but it did not quiet his
scribes, and he tells us that Cowdery, David Whitmer, and Harris
"teased me so much" (these are his own words) that he gave out a
"revelation" in March, 1829 (Sec. 5, "Doctrine and Covenants"),
in which the Lord was represented as saying that the prophet had
no power over the plates except as He granted it, but that to his
testimony would be added "the testimony of three of my servants,
whom I shall call and ordain, unto whom I will show these things,
"adding," and to none else will I grant this power, to receive
this same testimony among this generation. "The Lord was
distrustful of Harris, and commanded him not to be talkative on
the subject, but to say nothing about it except, "I have seen
them, and they have been shown unto me by the power of God."

Smith's own account of the showing of the plates to these three

witnesses is so luminous that it may be quoted. After going out
into the woods, they had to stand Harris off by himself because
of his evil influence. Then:--

"We knelt down again, and had not been many minutes engaged in
prayer when presently we beheld a light above us in the air of
exceeding brightness; and behold an angel stood before us. In his
hands he held the plates which we had been praying for these to
have a view of; he turned over the leaves one by one, so that we
could see them and discover the engravings thereon distinctly. He
then addressed himself to David Whitmer and said, 'David, blessed
is the Lord and he that keeps his commandments'; when immediately
afterward we heard a voice from out of the bright light above us
saying, 'These plates have been revealed by the power of God, and
they have been translated by the power of God. The translation of
them is correct, and I command you to bear record of what you now
see and hear.'
"I now left David and Oliver, and went into pursuit of Martin
Harris, whom I found at a considerable distance, fervently
engaged in prayer. He soon told me, however, that he had not yet
prevailed with the Lord, and earnestly requested me to join him
in prayer, that he might also realize the same blessings which we
had just received. We accordingly joined in prayer, and
immediately obtained our desires; for before we had yet finished,
the same vision was opened to our view, AT LEAST IT WAS AGAIN TO
ME [Joe thus refuses to vouch for Harris's declaration on the
subject]; and I once more beheld and heard the same things;
whilst, at the same moment, Martin Harris cried out, apparently
in ecstasy of joy, 'Tis enough, mine eyes hath beheld,' and,
jumping up, he shouted 'Hosannah,' blessing God, and otherwise
rejoiced exceedingly."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, Supt., p. 19.

If this story taxes the credulity of the reader, his doubts about
the value of this "testimony" will increase when he traces the
history of the three witnesses. Surely, if any three men in the
church should remain steadfast, mighty pillars of support for the
prophet in his future troubles, it should be these chosen
witnesses to the actual existence of the golden plates. Yet every
one of them became an apostate, and every one of them was loaded
with all the opprobrium that the church could pile upon him.

Cowdery's reputation was locally bad at the time. "I was

personally acquainted with Oliver Cowdery," said Danforth Booth,
an old resident of Palmyra, in 1880. "He was a pettifogger; their
(the Smiths') cat-paw to do their dirty work."* Smith's trouble
with him, which began during the work of translating, continued,
and Smith found it necessary to say openly in a "revelation"
given out in Ohio in 1831 (Sec. 69), when preparations were
making for a trip of some of the brethren to Missouri, "It is not
wisdom in me that he should be intrusted with the commandments
and the monies which he shall carry unto the land of Zion, except
one go with him who will be true and faithful."

* Among affidavits on file in the county clerk's office at

Canandaigua, New York.

By the time Smith took his final departure to Missouri, Cowdery

and David and John Whitmer had lost caste entirely, and in June,
1838, they fled to escape the Danites at Far West. The letter of
warning addressed to them and signed by more than eighty Mormons,
giving them three days in which to depart, contained the
following accusations:--

"After Oliver Cowdery had been taken by a state warrant for

stealing, and the stolen property found in the house of William
W. Phelps; in which nefarious transaction John Whitmer had also
participated. Oliver Cowdery stole the property, conveyed it to
John Whitmer, and John Whitmer to William W. Phelps; and then the
officers of law found it. While in the hands of an officer, and
under an arrest for this vile transaction, and, if possible, to
hide your shame from the world like criminals (which, indeed, you
were), you appealed to our beloved brethren, President Joseph
Smith Jr. and Sidney Rigdon, men whose characters you had
endeavored to destroy by every artifice you could invent, not
even the basest lying excepted....

"The Saints in Kirtland having elected Oliver Cowdery to a

justice of the peace, he used the power of that office to take
their most sacred rights from them, and that contrary to law. He
supported a parcel of blacklegs, and in disturbing the worship of
the Saints; and when the men whom the church had chosen to
preside over their meetings endeavored to put the house to order,
he helped (and by the authority of his justice's office too)
these wretches to continue their confusion; and threatened the
church with a prosecution for trying to put them out of the
house; and issued writs against the Saints for endeavoring to
sustain their rights; and bound themselves under heavy bonds to
appear before his honor; and required bonds which were both
inhuman and unlawful; and one of these was the venerable father,
who had been appointed by the church to preside--a man of upwards
of seventy years of age, and notorious for his peaceable habits.

"Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer and Lyman E. Johnson, united with

a gang of counterfeiters, thieves, liars and blacklegs of the
deepest dye, to deceive, cheat and defraud the Saints out of
their property, by every art and stratagem which wickedness could
invent; using the influence of the vilest persecutions to bring
vexatious lawsuits, villainous prosecutions, and even stealing
not excepted.... During the full career of Oliver Cowdery and
David Whitmer's bogus money business, it got abroad into the
world that they were engaged in it, and several gentlemen were
preparing to commence a prosecution against Cowdery; he finding
it out, took with him Lyman E. Johnson, and fled to Far West with
their families; Cowdery stealing property and bringing it with
him, which has been, within a few weeks past, obtained by the
owner by means of a search warrant, and he was saved from the
penitentiary by the influence of two influential men of the
place. He also brought notes with him upon which he had received
pay, and made an attempt to sell them to Mr. Arthur of Clay
County."*

* "Documents in Relation to the Disturbances with the Mormons,"

Missouri Legislature (1841), p. 103.

Rigdon, who was the author of this arraignment, realizing that

the enemies of the church would not fail to make use of this
aspersion of the character of the witnesses, attempted to "hedge"
by saying, in the same document, "We wish to remind you that
Oliver Cowdery and David Whitmer were among the principal of
those who were the means of gathering us to this place by their
testimony which they gave concerning the plates of the Book of
Mormon, that they were shown to them by an angel; which testimony
we believe now as much as before you had so scandalously
disgraced it." Could affrontery go to greater lengths?

Cowdery and David Whitmer fled to Richmond, Missouri, where

Whitmer lived until his death in January, 1888. Cowdery went to
Tiffin, Ohio, where, after failing to obtain a position as an
editor because of his Mormon reputation, he practised law. While
living there he renounced his Mormon views, joined the Methodist
church, and became superintendent of a Sunday-school. Later he
moved to Wisconsin, but, after being defeated for the legislature
there, he recanted his Methodist belief, and rejoined the Saints
while they were at Council Bluffs, in October, 1848, after the
main body had left for Salt Lake Valley. He addressed a meeting
there by invitation, testifying to the truth of the Book of
Mormon, and the mission of Smith as a prophet, and saying that he
wanted to be rebaptized into the church, not as a leader, but
simply as a member.* He did not, however, go to Utah with the
Saints, but returned to his old friend Whitmer in Missouri, and
died there in 1850. It has been stated that he offered to give a
full renunciation of the Mormon faith when he united with the
Methodists at Tiffin, if required, but asked to be excused from
doing so on the ground that it would invite criticism and bring
him into contempt.** One of his Tiffin acquaintances afterward
testified that Cowdery confessed to him that, when he signed the
"testimony," he "was not one of the best men in the world," using
his own expression.*** The Mormons were always grateful to him
for his silence under their persecutions, and the Millennial
Star, in a notice of his death, expressed satisfaction that in
the days of his apostasy "he never, in a single instance, cast
the least doubt on his former testimony," adding, "May he rest in
peace, to come forth in the morning of the first resurrection
into eternal life, is the earnest desire of all Saints."

* Millennial Star, Vol. XI, p.14.

** "Naked Truths about Mormonism," A. B. Demming, Oakland,

California, 1888.

*** "Gregg's History of Hancock County, Illinois," p. 257.

The Whitmers were a Dutch family, known among their neighbors as

believers in witches and in the miraculous generally, as has been
shown in Mother Smith's account of their sending for Joseph. A
"revelation" to the three witnesses which first promised them a
view of the plates (Sec. 17) told them, "It is BY YOUR FAITH you
shall obtain a view of them," and directed them to testify
concerning the plates, "that my servant Joseph Smith, Jr., may
not be destroyed." One of the converts who joined the Mormons at
Kirtland, Ohio, testified in later years that David Whitmer
confessed to her that he never actually saw the plates,
explaining his testimony thus: "Suppose that you had a friend
whose character was such that you knew it impossible that he
could lie; then, if he described a city to you which you had
never seen, could you not, by the eye of faith, see the city just
as he described it?"*

* Mrs. Dickenson's "New Light on Mormonism."

The Mormons have found consolation in the fact that Whitmer

continued to affirm his belief in the authenticity of the Mormon
Bible to the day of his death. He declared, however, that Smith
and Young had led the flock astray, and, after the open
announcement of polygamy in Utah, he announced a church of his
own, called "The Church of Christ," refusing to affiliate even
with the Reorganized Church because of the latter's adherence to
Smith. In his "Address to Believers in the Book of Mormon, "a
pamphlet issued in his eighty-second year, he said, "Now, in 1849
the Lord saw fit to manifest unto John Whitmer, Oliver Cowdery
and myself nearly all the remaining errors of doctrine into which
we had been led by the heads of the church." The reader from all
this can form an estimate of the trustworthiness of the second
witness on such a subject.

We have already learned a great deal about Martin Harris's mental

equipment. A lawyer of standing in Palmyra told Dr. Clark that,
after Harris had signed the "testimony," he pressed him with the
question: "Did you see the plates with your natural eyes, just as
you see this pencil case in my hand? Now say yes or no." Harris
replied (in corroboration of Joe's misgiving at the time): "Why,
I did not see them as I do that pencil case, yet I saw them with
the eye of faith. I saw them just as distinctly as I see anything
around me--though at the time they were covered over with a
cloth."*

* "Gleanings by the Way."

Harris followed Smith to Ohio and then to Missouri, but was ever
a trouble to him, although Smith always found his money useful.
In 1831, in Missouri, it required a "revelation" (Sec. 58) to
spur him to "lay his monies before the Bishop." As his money grew
scarcer, he received less and less recognition from the Mormon
leaders, and was finally expelled from the church. Smith thus
referred to him in the Elders' Journal, July, 1837, one of his
publications in Ohio: "There are negroes who wear white skins as
well as black ones, granny Parish, and others who acted as
lackeys, such as Martin Harris."

Harris did not appear on the scene during the stay of the Mormons
in Illinois, having joined the Shakers and lived with them a year
or two. When Strang claimed the leadership of the church after
Smith's death, Harris gave him his support, and was sent by him
with others to England in 1846 to do missionary work. His arrival
there was made the occasion of an attack on him by the Millennial
Star, which, among other things, said:--

"We do not feel to warn the Saints against him, for his own
unbridled tongue will soon show out specimens of folly enough to
give any person a true index to the character of the man; but if
the Saints wish to know what the Lord hath said of him, they may
turn to the 178th page of the Book of Doctrine and Covenants, and
the person there called a WICKED MAN is no other than Martin
Harris, and he owned to it then, but probably might not now. It
is not the first time the Lord chose a wicked man as a witness.
Also on page 193, read the whole revelation given to him, and ask
yourselves if the Lord ever talked in that way to a good man.
Every one can see that he must have been a wicked man."*

*Vol. VIII, p. 123.

Harris visited Palmyra in 1858. He then said that his property
was all gone, that he had declined a restoration to the Mormon
church, but that he continued to believe in Mormonism. He thought
better of his declination, however, and sought a reunion with the
church in Utah in 1870. His backslidings had carried him so far
that the church authorities told him it would be necessary for
him to be rebaptized. This he consented to with some reluctance,
after, as he said, "he had seen his father seeking his aid. He
saw his father at the foot of a ladder, striving to get up to
him, and he went down to him, taking him by the hand, and helped
him up."* He settled in Cache County, Utah, where he died on July
10, 1875, in his ninety-third year. "He bore his testimony to the
truth and divinity of the Book of Mormon a short time before he
departed," wrote his son to an inquirer, "and the last words he
uttered, when he could not speak the sentence, were 'Book,'
'Book,' 'Book.'"

* For an account of Harris's Utah experience, see Millennial

Star, Vol. XLVIII, pp.357-389.

The precarious character of Smith's original partners in the

Bible business is further illustrated by his statement that, in
the summer of 1830, Cowdery sent him word that he had discovered
an error in one of Smith's "revelations,"* and that the Whitmer
family agreed with him on the subject. Smith was as determined in
opposing this questioning of his divine authority as he always
was in stemming any opposition to his leadership, and he made
them all acknowledge their error. Again, when Smith returned to
Fayette from Harmony, in August, 1830 (more than a year after the
plates were shown to the witnesses), he found that "Satan had
been lying in wait," and that Hiram Page, of the second list of
witnesses, had been obtaining revelations through a "peek-stone"
of his own, and that, what was more serious, Cowdery and the
Whitmer family believed in them. The result of this was an
immediate "revelation" (Sec. 28) directing Cowdery to go and
preach the Gospel to the Lamanites (Indians) on the western
border, and to take along with him Hiram Page, and tell him that
the things he had written by means of the "peek-stone" were not
of the Lord.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, p. 36.

Neither Smith's autobiography nor the "Book of Doctrine and

Covenants" contains any explanation of the second "testimony."
The list of persons who signed it, however, leaves little doubt
that the prophet yielded to their "teasing" as he did to that of
the original three. The first four signers were members of the
Whitmer family. Hiram Page was a root-doctor by calling, and a
son-in-law of Peter Whitmer, Sr. The three Smiths were the
prophet's father and two of his brothers.*

* Christian Whitmer died in Clay County, Missouri, November 27,

1835; Jacob died in Richmond County, April 21, 1866; Peter died
in Clay County, September 22, 1836; Hiram Page died on a farm in
Ray County, August 12, 1852.

The favorite Mormon reply to any question as to the value of

these "testimonies" is the challenge, "Is there a person on the
earth who can prove that these eleven witnesses did not see the
plates?" Curiously, the prophet himself can be cited to prove
this, in the words of the revelation granting a sight of the
plates to the first three, which said, "And to none else will I
grant this power, to receive this same testimony among this
generation." A footnote to this declaration in the "Doctrine and
Covenants" offers, as an explanation of Testimony No. 2; the
statement that others "may receive a knowledge by other
manifestations." This is well meant but transparent.

Mother Smith in later years added herself to these witnesses. She

said to the Rev. Henry Caswall, in Nauvoo, in 1842, "I have
myself seen and handled the golden plates." Mr. Caswall adds:--

"While the old woman was thus delivering herself, I fixed my eyes
steadily upon her. She faltered and seemed unwilling to meet my
glances, but gradually recovered her self-possession. The
melancholy thought entered my mind that this poor old creature
was not simply a dupe of her son's knavery, but that she had
taken an active part in the deception."

Two matters have been cited by Mormon authorities to show that

there was nothing so very unusual in the discovery of buried
plates containing engraved letters. Announcement was made in 1843
of the discovery near Kinderhook, Illinois, of six plates similar
to those described by Smith. The story, as published in the Times
and Seasons, with a certificate signed by nine local residents,
set forth that a merchant of the place, named Robert Wiley, while
digging in a mound, after finding ashes and human bones, came to
"a bundle that consisted of six plates of brass, of a bell shape,
each having a hole near the small end, and a ring through them
all"; and that, when cleared of rust, they were found to be
"completely covered with characters that none as yet have been
able to read." Hyde, accepting this story, printed a facsimile of
one of these plates on the cover of his book, and seems to rest
on Wiley's statement his belief that "Smith did have plates of
some kind." Stenhouse,* who believed that Smith and his witnesses
did not perpetrate in the new Bible an intentional fraud, but
thought they had visions and "revelations," referring to the
Kinderhook plates, says that they were "actually and
unquestionably discovered by one Mr. R. Wiley." Smith himself,
after no one else could read the writing on them, declared that
he had translated them, and found them to be a history of a
descendant of Ham.**

* T. B. H. Stenhouse, a Scotchman, was converted to the Mormon

belief in 1846, performed diligent missionary work in Europe, and
was for three years president of the Swiss and Italian missions.
Joining the brethren in Utah with his wife, he was persuaded to
take a second wife. Not long afterward he joined in the protest
against Young's dictatorial course which was known as the "New
Movement," and was expelled from the church. His "Rocky Mountain
Saints" (1873) contains so much valuable information connected
with the history of the church that it has been largely drawn on
by E. W. Tullidge in his "History of Salt Lake City and Its
Founders," which is accepted by the church.

**Millennial Star, January 15, 1859, where cuts of the plates

(here produced) are given.

But the true story of the Kinderhook plates was disclosed by an

affidavit made by W. Fulgate of Mound Station, Brown County,
Illinois, before Jay Brown, Justice of the Peace, on June 30,
1879. In this he stated that the plates were "a humbug, gotten up
by Robert Wiley, Bridge Whitton, and myself. Whitton (who was a
blacksmith) cut the plates out of some pieces of copper Wiley and
I made the hieroglyphics by making impressions on beeswax and
filling them with acid, and putting it on the plates. When they
were finished, we put them together with rust made of nitric
acid, old iron and lead, and bound them with a piece of hoop
iron, covering them completely with the rust." He describes the
burial of the plates and their digging up, among the spectators
of the latter being two Mormon elders, Marsh and Sharp. Sharp
declared that the Lord had directed them to witness the digging.
The plates were borrowed and shown to Smith, and were finally
given to one "Professor" McDowell of St. Louis, for his museum.*

* Wyl's "Mormon Portraits," p. 207. The secretary of the Missouri

Historical Society writes me that McDowell's museum disappeared
some years ago, most of its contents being lost or stolen, and
the fate of the Kinderhook plates cannot be ascertained.

In attacking Professor Anthon's statement concerning the alleged

hieroglyphics shown to him by Harris, Orson Pratt, in his "Divine
Authenticity of the Book of Mormon," thought that he found
substantial support for Smith's hieroglyphics in the fact that
"Two years after the Book of Mormon appeared in print, Professor
Rafinesque, in his Atlantic journal for 1832, gave to the public
a facsimile of American glyphs,* found in Mexico. They are
arranged in columns.... By an inspection of the facsimile of
these forty-six elementary glyphs, we find all the particulars
which Professor Anthon ascribes to the characters which he says
'a plain-looking countryman' presented to him. "These" elementary
glyphs "of Rafinesque are some of the characters found on the
famous "Tablet of the Cross" in the ruins of Palenque, Mexico,
since so fully described by Stevens. A facsimile of the entire
Tablet may be found on page 355, Vol. IV, Bancroft's "Native
Races of the Pacific States." Rafinesque selected these
characters from the Tablet, and arranged them in columns
alongside of other ancient writings, in order to sustain his
argument that they resembled an old Libyan alphabet. Rafinesque
was a voluminous writer both on archaeological and botanical
subjects, but wholly untrustworthy. Of his Atlantic Journal (of
which only eight numbers appeared) his biographer, R. E. Call,
says that it had "absolutely no scientific value." Professor Asa
Gray, in a review of his botanical writings in Silliman's
Journal, Vol. XL, No. 2, 1841, said, "He assumes thirty to one
hundred years as the average time required for the production of
a new species, and five hundred to one thousand for a new genus."
Professor Gray refers to a paper which Rafinesque sent to the
editor of a scientific journal describing twelve new species of
thunder and lightning. He was very fond of inventing names, and
his designation of Palenque as Otolum was only an illustration of
this. So much for the "elementary glyphs."

* "Glyph: A pictograph or word carved in a compact distinct

figure."--"Standard Dictionary.

CHAPTER XI. THE MORMON BIBLE

The Mormon Bible,* both in a literary and a theological sense, is

just such a production as would be expected to result from
handing over to Smith and his fellow-"translators" a mass of
Spaulding's material and new doctrinal matter for collation and
copying. Not one of these men possessed any literary skill or
accurate acquaintance with the Scriptures. David Whitmer, in an
interview in Missouri in his later years, said, "So illiterate
was Joseph at that time that he didn't know that Jerusalem was a
walled city, and he was utterly unable to pronounce many of the
names that the magic power of the Urim and Thummim revealed."
Chronology, grammar, geography, and Bible history were alike
ignored in the work. An effort was made to correct some of these
errors in the early days of the church, and Smith speaks of doing
some of this work himself at Nauvoo. An edition issued there in
1842 contains on the title-page the words, "Carefully revised by
the translator." Such corrections have continued to the present
day, and a comparison of the latest Salt Lake edition with the
first has shown more than three thousand changes.

* The title of this Bible is "The Book of Mormon"; but as one of

its subdivisions is a Book of Mormon, I use the title "Mormon
Bible," both to avoid confusion and for convenience.

The person who for any reason undertakes the reading of this book
sets before himself a tedious task. Even the orthodox Mormons
have found this to be true, and their Bible has played a very
much less considerable part in the church worship than Smith's
"revelations" and the discourses of their preachers. Referring to
Orson Pratt's* labored writings on this Bible, Stenhouse says,
"Of the hundreds of thousands of witnesses to whom God has
revealed the truth of the 'Book of Mormon,' Pratt knows full well
that comparatively few indeed have ever read that book, know
little or nothing intelligently of its contents, and take little
interest in it."** An examination of its contents is useful,
therefore, rather as a means of proving the fraudulent character
of its pretension to divine revelation than as a means of
ascertaining what the members of the Mormon church are taught.

* Orson Pratt was a clerk in a store in Hiram, Ohio, when he was

converted to Mormonism. He seems to have been a natural student,
and he rose to prominence in the church, being one of the first
to expound and defend the Mormon Bible and doctrines, holding a
professorship in Nauvoo University, publishing works on the
higher mathematics, and becoming one of the Twelve Apostles.
** "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 553.

The following page(omitted in this etext) presents a facsimile of

the title-page of the first edition of this Bible. The editions
of to-day substitute "Translated by Joseph Smith, Jun.," for "By
Joseph Smith, junior, author and proprietor."

The first edition contains 588 duodecimo pages, and is divided

into 15 books which are named as follows: "First Book of Nephi,
his reign and ministry," 7 chapters; "Second Book of Nephi," 15
chapters; "Book of Jacob, the Brother of Nephi," 5 chapters;
"Book of Enos," 1 chapter; "Book of Jarom," 1 chapter; "Book of
Omni," 1 chapter; "Words of Mormon," 1 chapter; "Book of Mosiah,"
13 chapters; "Book of Alma, a Son of Alma," 30 chapters; "Book of
Helaman," 5 chapters; "Third Book of Nephi, the Son of Nephi,
which was the son of Helaman," 14 chapters; "Fourth Book of
Nephi, which is the Son of Nephi, one of the Disciples of Jesus
Christ," 1 chapter; "Book of Mormon," 4 chapters; "Book of
Ether," 6 chapters; "Book of Moroni," 10 chapters. The chapters
in the first edition were not divided into verses, that work,
with the preparation of the very complete footnote references in
the later editions, having been performed by Orson Pratt.

The historical narrative that runs through the book is so

disjointedly arranged, mixed up with doctrinal parts, and
repeated, that it is not easy to unravel it. The following
summary of it is contained in a letter to Colonel John Wentworth
of Chicago, signed by Joseph Smith, Jr., which was printed in
Wentworth's Chicago newspaper and also in the Mormon Times and
Seasons of March 1, 1842:--

"The history of America is unfolded from its first settlement by

a colony that came from the Tower of Babel at the confusion of
languages, to the beginning of the 5th century of the Christian
era. We are informed by these records that America in ancient
times has been inhabited by two distinct races of people. The
first were called Jaredites, and came directly from the Tower of
Babel. The second race came directly from the city of Jerusalem
about 600 years before Christ. They were principally Israelites
of the descendants of Joseph. The Jaredites were destroyed about
the time that the Israelites came from Jerusalem, who succeeded
them in the inhabitance of the country. The principal nation of
the second race fell in battle toward the close of the fourth
century. The remnant are the Indians that now inhabit this
country."

This history purports to have been handed down, on metallic

plates, from one historian to another, beginning with Nephi, from
the time of the departure from Jerusalem. Finally (4 Nephi i. 48,
49*), the people being wicked, Ammaron, by direction of the Holy
Ghost, hid these sacred records "that they might come again unto
the remnant of the house of Jacob."

* All references to the Mormon Bible by chapter and verse refer

to Salt Lake City edition of 1888.
To bring the story down to a comparatively recent date, and
account for the finding of the plates by Smith, the Book of
Mormon was written by the "author." This subdivision is an
abridgment of the previous records. It relates that Mormon, a
descendant of Nephi, when ten years old, was told by Ammaron
that, when about twenty-four years old, he should go to the place
where the records were hidden, take only the plates of Nephi, and
engrave on them all the things he had observed concerning the
people. The next year Mormon was taken by his father, whose name
also was Mormon, to the land of Zarahemla, which had become
covered with buildings and very populous, but the people were
warlike and wicked. Mormon in time, "seeing that the Lamanites
were about to overthrow the land," took the records from their
hiding place. He himself accepted the command of the armies of
the Nephites, but they were defeated with great slaughter, the
Lamanites laying waste their cities and driving them northward.

Finally Mormon sent a letter to the king of the Lamanites, asking

that the Nephites might gather their people "unto the land of
Cumorah, by a hill which was called Cumorah, and there we would
give them battle." There, in the year 384 A.D., Mormon "made this
record out of the plates of Nephi, and hid up in the hill Cumorah
all the records which have been entrusted to me by the hand of
the Lord, save it were those few plates which I gave unto my son
Moroni."* This hill, according to the Mormon teaching, is the
hill near Palmyra, New York, where Smith found the plates, just
as Mormon had deposited them.

* Hyde gives a list of twenty-four additional plates mentioned in

this Bible which must still await digging up in the hill near
Palmyra.

In the battle which took place there the Nephites were

practically annihilated, and all the fugitives were killed except
Moroni, the son of Mormon, who undertook the completion of the
"record." Moroni excuses the briefness of his narrative by
explaining that he had not room in the plates, "and ore have I
none" (to make others). What he adds is in the nature of a
defence of the revealed character of the Mormon Bible and of
Smith's character as a prophet. Those, for instance, who say that
there are no longer "revelations, nor prophecies, nor gifts, nor
healing, nor speaking with tongues," are told that they know not
the Gospel of Christ and do not understand the Scriptures. An
effort is made to forestall criticism of the "mistakes" that are
conceded in the title-page dedication by saying, "Condemn me not
because of mine imperfection, neither my father, because of his
imperfection, neither them who have written before him" (Book of
Mormon ix. 31).

Evidently foreseeing that it would be asked why these "records,"

written by Jews and their descendants, were not in Hebrew, Mormon
adds (chap. ix. 32, 33):--

"And now behold, we have written this record according to our

knowledge, in the characters which are called among us the
reformed Egyptian, being handed down and altered by us, according
to our manner of speech.

"And if our plates had been sufficiently large, we should have

written in Hebrew; but the Hebrew hath been altered by us also;
and if we could have written in Hebrew, behold, ye would have had
no imperfection in our record."

Few parts of this mythical Bible approached nearer to the

burlesque than this excuse for having descendants of the Jews
write in "reformed Egyptian."

The secular story of the ancient races running through this Bible
is so confused by the introduction of new matter by the "author"*
and by repetitions that it is puzzling to pick it out. The Book
of Ether was somewhat puzzling even to the early Mormons, and we
find Parley P. Pratt, in his analysis of it, printed in London in
1854, saying, "Ether SEEMS to have been a lineal descendant of
Jared."

*Professor Whitsitt, of the Southern Baptist Theological

Seminary, Louisville, Kentucky, in his article on Mormonism in
"The Concise Dictionary of Religious Knowledge, and Gazetteer"
(New York, 1891), divides the Mormon Bible into three sections,
viz.: the first thirteen books, presented as the works of Mormon;
the Book of Ether, with which Mormon had no connection; and the
fifteenth book," which was sent forth by the editor under the
name of Moroni. "He thus explains his view of the "editing" that
was done in the preparation of the work for publication:--

"The editor undertook to rewrite and recast the whole of the

abridgment (of Nephi's previous history), but his industry failed
him at the close of the Book of Omni. The first six books that he
had rewritten were given the names of the small plates.... The
book called the 'Words of Mormon' in the original work stood at
the beginning, as a sort of preface to the entire abridgment of
Mormon; but when the editor had rewritten the first six books, he
felt that these were properly his own performance, and the 'Words
of Mormon' were assigned a position just in front of the Book of
Mosiah, when the abstract of Mormon took its real
commencement....

"The question may now be raised as to who was the editor of the
Book of Mormon.... In its theological positions and coloring the
Book of Mormon is a volume of Disciple theology (this does not
include the later polygamous doctrine and other gross Mormon
errors). This conclusion is capable of demonstration beyond any
reasonable question. Let notice also be taken of the fact that
the Book of Mormon bears traces of two several redactions. It
contains, in the first redaction, that type of doctrine which the
Disciples held and proclaimed prior to November 18, 1827, when
they had not yet formally embraced what is commonly considered to
be the tenet of baptismal remission. It also contains the type of
doctrine which the Disciples have been defending since November
18, 1827, under the name of the ancient Gospel, of which the
tenet of socalled baptismal remission is a leading feature. All
authorities agree that Mr. Smith obtained possession of the work
on September 22, 1827, a period of nearly two months before the
Disciples concluded to embrace this tenet. The editor felt that
the Book of Mormon would be sadly incomplete if this notion were
not included. Accordingly, he found means to communicate with Mr.
Smith, and, regaining possession of certain portions of the
manuscript, to insert the new item.... Rigdon was the only
Disciple minister who vigorously and continuously demanded that
his brethren should adopt the additional points that have been
indicated."

Very concisely, this Bible story of the most ancient race that
came to America, the Jaredites, may be thus stated:--

This race, being righteous, were not punished by the Lord at

Babel, but were led to the ocean, where they constructed a vessel
by direction of the Lord, in which they sailed to North America.
According to the Book of Ether, there were eight of these
vessels, and that they were remarkable craft needs only the
description given of them to show: "They were built after a
manner that they were exceeding tight, even that they would hold
water like unto a dish; and the bottom thereof was tight like
unto a dish; and the sides thereof were tight like unto a dish;
and the ends thereof were peaked; and the top thereof was tight
like unto a dish; and the length thereof was the length of a
tree; and the door thereof, when it was shut, was tight like unto
a dish" (Book of Ether ii. 17). This description certainly
establishes the general resemblance of these barges to some kind
of a dish, but the rather careless comparison of their length
simply to that of a "tree" leaves this detail of construction
uncertain.

Just before they embarked in these vessels, a brother of Jared

went up on Mount Shelem, where the Lord touched sixteen small
stones that he had taken up with him, two of which were the Urim
and Thummim, by means of which Smith translated the plates. These
stones lighted up the vessels on their trip across the ocean.
Jared's brother was told by the spirit on the mount, "Behold, I
am Jesus Christ. "A footnote in the modern edition of this Bible
kindly explains that Jared's brother "saw the preexistent spirit
of Jesus."

When they landed (somewhere on the Isthmus of Darien), the Lord

commanded Nephi to make "plates of ore," on which should be
engraved the record of the people. This was the origin of Smith's
plates. In time this people divided themselves, under the
leadership of two of Lehi's sons--Nephi and Laman--into Nephites
and Lamanites (with subdivisions). The Lamanites, in the course
of two hundred years, had become dark in color and "wild and
ferocious, and a bloodthirsty people; full of idolatry and
filthiness; feeding upon beasts of prey; dwelling in tents and
wandering about in the wilderness, with a short skin girdle about
their loins, and their heads shaven; and their skill was in the
bow and the cimeter and the ax" (Enos i, 2o). The Nephites, on
the other hand, tilled the land and raised flocks. Between the
two tribes wars waged, the Nephites became wicked, and in the
course of 320 years the worst of them were destroyed (Book of
Alma).

Then the Lord commanded those who would hearken to his voice to
depart with him to the wilderness, and they journeyed until they
came to the land of Zarahemla, which a footnote to the modern
edition explains "is supposed to have been north of the head
waters of the river Magdalena, its northern boundary being a few
days' journey south of the Isthmus" (of Darien). There they found
the people of Zarahemla, who had left Jerusalem when Zedekiah was
carried captive into Babylon. New teachers arose who taught the
people righteousness, and one of them, named Alma, led a company
to a place which was called Mormon, "where was a fountain of pure
water, and there Alma baptized the people. The Book of Alma, the
longest in this Bible, is largely an account of the secular
affairs of the inhabitants, with stories of great battles, a
prediction of the coming of Christ, and an account of a great
migration northward, and the building of ships that sailed in the
same direction.

Nephi describes the appearance of Christ to the people of the

western continent, preceded by a star, earthquakes, etc. On the
day of His appearance they heard "a small voice" out of heaven,
saying, "Behold my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased, in
whom I have glorified my name; hear ye him." Then Christ appeared
and spoke to them, generally in the language of the New Testament
(repeating, for instance, the Sermon on the Mount*), and
afterward ascended into heaven in a cloud. The expulsion of the
Nephites northward, and their final destruction, in what is now
New York State, followed in the course of the next 384 years.

* In the Mormon version of this sermon the words, "If thy right
eye offend thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee," and "If thy
right hand offend thee, cut it off and cast it from thee," are
lacking. The Deseret Evening News of February 21, 1900, in
explaining this omission, says that the report by Mormon of the
"discourse delivered by Jesus Christ to the Nephites on this
continent after his resurrection from the dead... may not be full
and complete."

There is throughout the book an imitation of the style of the

Holy Scriptures. Verse after verse begins with the words "and it
came to pass," as Spaulding's Ohio neighbors recalled that his
story did. The following extract, from 1 Nephi, chap. viii, will
give an illustration of the literary style of a large part of the
work:--

"1.. And it came to pass that we had gathered together all manner
of seeds of every kind, both of grain of every kind, and also of
the seeds of fruit of every kind.

"2. And it came to pass that while my father tarried in the

wilderness, he spake unto us, saying, Behold, I have dreamed a
dream; or in other words, I have seen a vision.

"3. And behold, because of the thing which I have seen, I have
reason to rejoice in the Lord, because of Nephi and also of Sam;
for I have reason to suppose that they, and also many of their
seed, will be saved.

"4. But behold, Laman and Lemuel, I fear exceedingly because of

you; for behold, methought I saw in my dream, a dark and dreary
wilderness.

"5. And it came to pass that I saw a man, and he was dressed in a
white robe; and he came and stood before me.

"6. And it came to pass that he spake unto me, and bade me follow
him.

"7. And it came to pass that as I followed him, I beheld myself

that I was in a dark and dreary waste.

"8. And after I had travelled for the space of many hours in
darkness, I began to pray unto the Lord that he would have mercy
on me, according to the multitude of his tender mercies.

"9. And it came to pass after I had prayed unto the Lord, I
beheld a large and spacious field.

"10. And it came to pass that I beheld a tree, whose fruit was
desirable to make one happy.

"11. And it came to pass that I did go forth, and partake of the
fruit thereof; and I beheld that it was most sweet, above all
that I ever before tasted. Yea, and I beheld that the fruit
thereof was white, to exceed all the whiteness that I had ever
seen."

Whole chapters of the Scriptures are incorporated word for word.

In the first edition some of these were appropriated without any
credit; in the Utah editions they are credited. Beside these,
Hyde counted 298 direct quotations from the New Testament, verses
or sentences, between pages 2 to 428, covering the years from 600
B.C. to Christ's birth. Thus, Nephi relates that his father, more
than two thousand years before the King James edition of the
Bible was translated, in announcing the coming of John the
Baptist, used these words, "Yea, even he should go forth and cry
in the wilderness, prepare ye the way of the Lord, and make his
paths straight; for there standeth one among you whom ye know
not; and he is mightier than I, whose shoe's latchet I am not
worthy to unloose" (1 Nephi x. 8). In Mosiah v. 8, King Benjamin
is represented as saying, 124 years before Christ was born, "I
would that you should take upon you the name of Christ as there
is no other name given whereby salvation cometh."

The first Nephi represents John as baptizing in Bethabara (the

spelling is Beathabry in the Utah edition), and Alma announces
(vii. 10) that "the Son of God shall be born of Mary AT
JERUSALEM." Shakespeare is proved a plagiarist by comparing his
words with those of the second Nephi, who, speaking twenty-two
hundred years before Shakespeare was born, said (2 Nephi i. 14),
"Hear the words of a trembling parent, whose limbs you must soon
lay down in the cold and silent grave, from whence no traveller
can return."

The chapters of the Scriptures appropriated bodily, and the

places where they may be found, are as follows:--
 First Edition Utah Edition

Isaiah xlviii and xlix pp. 52 to 56 1 Nephi, ch. xx, xxi Isaiah 1
and li ...pp. 76 2 Nephi, ch. vii Isaiah lii .... . pp. 498 3
Nephi, ch. xx Isaiah liv .... . pp. 501, 502 3 Nephi, ch. xx
Isaiah ii to xiv . . pp. 86 to 101 2 Nephi, ch. xii to xxiv
Malachi iii, iv ... pp. 503 to 505 3 Nephi, ch. xxiv, xxv Matthew
v, vi, vii . .pp. 479 to 483 3 Nephi, ch. xii to xix 1
Corinthians xiii ... pp. 580 Moroni, ch. vii

Among the many anachronisms to be found in the book may be

mentioned the giving to Laban of a sword with a blade "of the
most precious steel" (1 Nephi iv. 9), centuries before the use of
steel is elsewhere recorded. and the possession of a compass by
the Jaredites when they sailed across the ocean (Alma xxxvii.
38), long before the invention of such an instrument. The ease
with which such an error could be explained is shown in the
anecdote related of a Utah Mormon who, when told that the compass
was not known in Bible times, responded by quoting Acts xxviii.
13, where Paul says, "And from thence we fetched a compass." When
Nephi and his family landed in Central America" there were beasts
in the forest of every kind, both the cow, and the ox, and the
ass, and the horse" (ix Nephi xviii. 25). If Nephi does not
prevaricate, there must have been a fatal plague among these
animals in later years, for horses, cows, and asses were unknown
in America until after its discovery by Europeans. Moroni, in the
Book of Ether (ix. 18, 19), is still more generous, adding to the
possessions of the Jaredites sheep and swine* and elephants and
"cureloms and cumoms." Neither sheep nor swine are indigenous to
America; but the prophet is safe as regards the "cureloms and
cumoms," which are animals of his own creation.

* "And," it is added, "many other kinds of animals which were

useful for the use of man, "thus ignoring the Hebrew antipathy to
pork.

The book is full of incidental proofs of the fraudulent

profession that it is an original translation. For instance, in
incorporating 1 Corinthians iii. 4, in the Book of Moroni, the
phrase "is not easily provoked" is retained, as in the King James
edition. But the word "easily" is not found in any Greek
manuscript of this verse, and it is dropped in the Revised
Version of 1881.

Stenhouse calls attention to many phrases in this Bible which

were peculiar to the revival preachers of those days, like
Rigdon, such as "Have ye spiritually been born of God?" "If ye
have experienced a change of heart."

The first edition was full of grammatical errors and amusing

phrases. Thus we are told, in Ether xv. 31, that when Coriantumr
smote off the head of Shiz, the latter "raised upon his hands and
fell." Among other examples from the first edition may be quoted:
"and I sayeth"; "all things which are good cometh of God";
"neither doth his angels"; and "hath miracles ceased." We find in
Helaman ix. 6, "He being stabbed by his brother by a garb of
secrecy." This remains uncorrected.
Alexander Campbell, noting the mixture of doctrines in the book,
says, "He [the author] decides all the great controversies
discussed in New York in the last ten years, infant baptism, the
Trinity, regeneration, repentance, justification, the fall of
man, the atonement, transubstantiation, fasting, penance, church
government, the call to the ministry, the general resurrection,
eternal punishment, who may baptize, and even the questions of
Freemasonry, republican government and the rights of man."*

* "Delusions: an Analysis of the Book of Mormon" (1832). An

exhaustive examination of this Bible will be found in the "Braden
and Kelley Public Discussion."

Such is the book which is accepted to this day as an inspired

work by the thousands of persons who constitute the Mormon
church. This acceptance has always been rightfully recognized as
fundamentally necessary to the Mormon faith. Orson Pratt
declared, "The nature of the message in the Book of Mormon is
such that, if true, none can be saved who reject it, and, if
false, none can be saved who receive it." Brigham Young told the
Conference at Nauvoo in October, 1844, that "Every spirit that
confesses that Joseph Smith is a prophet, that he lived and died
a prophet, and that the Book of Mormon is true, is of God, and
every spirit that does not is of Anti-Christ." There is no
modification of this view in the Mormon church of to-day.

CHAPTER XII. ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH

The director of the steps taken to announce to the world a new

Bible and a new church realized, of course, that there must be
priests, under some name, to receive members and to dispense its
blessing. No person openly connected with Smith in the work of
translation had been a clergyman. Accordingly, on May 15, 1829
(still following the prophet's own account), while Smith and
Cowdery were yet busy with the work of translation, they went
into the woods to ask the Lord for fuller information about the
baptism mentioned in the plates. There a messenger from heaven,
who, it was learned, was John the Baptist, appeared to them in a
cloud of light, "and having laid his hands on us, he ordained us,
saying unto us, 'Upon you, my fellow servants, in the name of
Messiah, I confer the priesthood of Aaron, which holds the keys
of the ministering angels, and of the Gospel of repentance, and
of baptism by immersion for the remission of sins.'" The
messenger also informed them that "the power of laying on of
hands for the gift of the Holy Ghost" would be conferred on them
later, through Peter, James, and John, "who held the keys of the
priesthood of Melchisedec"; but he directed Smith to baptize
Cowdery, and Cowdery then to perform the same office for Smith.
This they did at once, and as soon as Cowdery came out of the
water he "stood up and prophesied many things" (which the prophet
prudently omitted to record). The divine authority thus
conferred, according to Orson Pratt, exceeds that of the bishops
of the Roman church, because it came direct from heaven, and not
through a succession of popes and bishops.*
* Orson Pratt, in his "Questions and Answers on Doctrine" in his
Washington newspaper, the Seer (p. 205), thus defined the Mormon
view of the Roman Catholic church:--

Q."Is the Roman Catholic Church the Church of Christ?" A."No, for
she has no inspired priesthood or officers."

Q."After the Church of Christ fled from earth to heaven what was
left?" A."A set of wicked apostates, murderers and idolaters,"
etc.

Q."Who founded the Roman Catholic Church?" A."The devil, through

the medium of the apostates, who subverted the whole order of God
by denying immediate revelation, and substituting in place
thereof tradition and ancient revelations as a sufficient rule of
faith and practice."

Smith and Cowdery at once began telling of the power conferred

upon them, and giving their relatives and friends an opportunity
to become members of the new church. Smith's brother Samuel was
the first convert won over, Cowdery baptizing him. His brother
Hyrum came next,* and then one J. Knight, Sr., of Colesville, New
York.** Each new convert was made the subject of a "revelation,"
each of which began, "A great and marvelous work is about to come
forth among the children of men." Hyrum Smith, and David and
Peter Whitmer, Jr., were baptized in Seneca Lake in June, and
"from this time forth," says Smith, "many became believers and
were baptized, while we continued to instruct and persuade as
many as applied for information."

* Hyrum wanted to start in to preach at once, and a "revelation"

was necessary to inform him: "You need not suppose you are called
to preach until you are called.... Keep my commandments; hold
your peace" (Sec.11).

** Colesville is the township in Broome County of which

Harpursville is the voting place. Smith organized his converts
there about two miles north of Harpursville.

By April 6, 1830, branches of the new church had been established

at Fayette, Manchester, and Colesville, New York, with some
seventy members in all, it has been stated. Section 20 of the
"Doctrine and Covenants" names April 6, 1830, as the date on
which the church was "regularly organized and established,
agreeable to the laws of our country." This date has been
incorrectly given as that on which the first step was taken to
form a church organization. What was done then was to organize in
a form which, they hoped, would give the church a standing as a
legal body.* The meeting was held at the house of Peter Whitmer.
Smith, who, it was revealed, should be the first elder, ordained
Cowdery, and Cowdery subsequently ordained Smith. The sacrament
was then administered, and the new elders laid their hands on the
others present.

* Whitmer's "Address to Believers in the Book of Mormon."

"The revelation" (Sec. 20) on the form of church government is
dated April, 1830, at least six months before Rigdon's name was
first associated with the scheme by the visit of Cowdery and his
companions to Ohio. If the date is correct, it shows that Rigdon
had forwarded this "revelation" to Smith for promulgation, for
Rigdon was unquestionably the originator of the system of church
government. David Whitmer has explained, "Rigdon would expound
the Old Testament Scriptures of the Bible and Book of Mormon, in
his way, to Joseph, concerning the priesthood, high priests,
etc., and would persuade Brother Joseph to inquire of the Lord
about this doctrine and about that doctrine, and of course a
revelation would always come just as they desired it."*

* Whitmer's "Address to Believers in the Book of Mormon."

The "revelation" now announced defined the duty of elders,

priests, teachers, deacons, and members of the Church of Christ.
An apostle was an elder, and it was his calling to baptize,
ordain, administer the sacrament, confirm, preach, and take the
lead in all meetings. A priest's duty was to preach, baptize,
administer the sacrament, and visit members at their houses.
Teachers and deacons could not baptize, administer the sacrament,
or lay on hands, but were to preach and invite all to join the
church. The elders were directed to meet in conference once in
three months, and there was to be a High Council, or general
conference of the church, by which should be ordained every
President of the high priesthood, bishop, high counsellor, and
high priest.

Smith's leadership had, before this, begun to manifest itself. He

had, in a generous mood, originally intended to share with others
the honor of receiving "revelations," the first of these in the
"Book of Doctrine and Covenants," saying, "I the Lord also gave
commandments to others, that they should proclaim these things to
the world." In the original publication of these "revelations,"
under the title "Book of Commandments," we find such headings as,
"A revelation given to Oliver," "A revelation given to Hyrum,"
etc. These headings are all changed in the modern edition to
read, "Given through Joseph the Seer," etc.

Cowdery was the first of his associates to seek an open share in

the divine work. Smith was so pleased with his new scribe when
they first met at Harmony, Pennsylvania, that he at once received
a "revelation" which incited Cowdery to ask for a division of
power. Cowdery was told (Sec. 6), "And behold, I grant unto you a
gift, if you desire of me, to translate even as my servant
Joseph. "Cowdery's desire manifested itself immediately, and
Joseph almost as quickly became conscious that he had committed
himself too soon. Accordingly, in another "revelation," dated the
same month of April, 1829 (Sec. 8), he attempted to cajole Oliver
by telling him about a "gift of Aaron" which he possessed, and
which was a remarkable gift in itself, adding, "Do not ask for
that which you ought not." But Cowdery naturally clung to his
promised gift, and kept on asking, and he had to be told right
away in still another "revelation" (Sec. 9), that he had not
understood, but that he must not murmur, since his work was to
write for Joseph. If he was in doubt about a subject, he was
advised to "study it out in your mind"; and if it was right, the
Lord promised, "I will cause that your bosom shall burn within
you"; but if it was not right, "you shall have a stupor of
thought, that shall cause you to forget the thing which is
wrong." To assist him until he became accustomed to discriminate
between this burning feeling and this stupor, the Lord told him
very plainly, "It is not expedient that you should translate
now." That all this rankled in Cowdery's heart was shown by his
attempt to revise one of Smith's "revelations," and the support
he gave to Hiram Page's "gazing."

Cowdery continued to annoy the prophet, and Smith decided to get

rid of him. Accordingly in July, 1830, came a "revelation,"
originally announced as given direct to Joseph's wife Emma,
instructing her to act as her husband's scribe, "that I may send
my servant Oliver Cowdery whithersoever I will." This occurred on
a trip the Smiths had made to Harmony. On their return to
Fayette, Smith found Cowdery still persistent, and he accordingly
gave out a "revelation" to him, telling him again that he must
not "write by way of commandment," inasmuch as Smith was at the
head of the church, and directing him to "go unto the Lamanites
(Indians) and preach my Gospel unto them." This was the first
mention of the westward movement of the church which shaped all
its later history.

A "revelation" in June, 1829 (Sec. 18), had directed the

appointment of the twelve apostles, whom Cowdery and David
Whitmer were to select. The organized members now began to
inquire who was their leader, and Smith, in a "revelation" dated
April 6, 1830 (Sec. 21), addressed to himself, announced: "Behold
there shall be a record kept among you, and in it thou shalt be
called a seer, a translator, a prophet, an apostle of Jesus
Christ, an elder of the church through the will of God the
Father, and the grace of your Lord Jesus Christ"; and the church
was directed in these words, "For his word ye shall receive, as
if from mine own mouth, in all patience and faith." Thus was
established an authority which Smith defended until the day of
his death, and before which all who questioned it went down.

Some of the few persons who at this time expressed a willingness

to join the new church showed a repugnance to being baptized at
his hands, and pleaded previous baptism as an excuse for evading
it. But Smith's tyrannical power manifested itself at once, and
he straightway announced a "revelation" (Sec. 22), in which the
Lord declared, "All old covenants have I caused to be done away
in this thing, and this is a new and everlasting covenant, even
that which was from the beginning."

Five days after the formal organization, the first sermon to the
Mormon church was preached in the Whitmer house by Oliver
Cowdery, Smith probably concluding that it would be wiser to
confine himself to the receipt of "revelations" rather than to
essay pulpit oratory too soon. Six additional persons were then
baptized. Soon after this the first Mormon miracle was
performed--the casting out of a devil from a young man named,
Newel Knight.
The first conference of the organized church was held at Fayette,
New York, in June, 1830, with about thirty members present. In
recent "revelations" the prophet had informed his father and his
brothers Hyrum and Samuel that their calling was "to exhortation
and to strengthen the church," so that they were provided for in
the new fold.

The region in New York State where the Smiths had lived and were
well known was not favorable ground for their labors as church
officers, conducting baptisms and administering the sacrament.
When they dammed a small stream in order to secure a pool for an
announced baptism, the dam was destroyed during the night. A
Presbyterian sister-in-law of Knight, from whom a devil had been
cast, announced her conversion to Smith's church, and, when she
would not listen to the persuasions of her pastor, the latter
obtained legal authority from her parents and carried her away by
force. She succeeded, however, in securing the wished-for
baptism. All this stirred up public feeling against Smith, and he
was arrested on a charge of disorderly conduct.

At the trial testimony was offered to show that he had obtained a

horse and a yoke of oxen from his dupes, on the statement that a
"revelation" had informed him that he was to have them, and that
he had behaved improperly toward the daughters of one of these
men. But the parties interested all testified in his favor, and
the prosecution failed. He was immediately rearrested on a
warrant and removed to Colesville, amid the jeers of the people
in attendance. Knight was subpoenaed to tell about the miracle
performed on him, and Smith's old character of a money-digger was
ventilated; but the court found nothing on which to hold him.
Mormon writers have dilated on these "persecutions", but the
outcome of the hearings indicated fair treatment of the accused
by the arbiters of the law, and the indignation shown toward him
and his associates by their neighbors was not greater than the
conduct of such men in assuming priestly rights might evoke in
any similar community.

Smith returned to his home in Pennsylvania after this, and

endeavored to secure the cooperation of his father-in-law in his
church plans, but without avail. It was four years later that Mr.
Hale put on record his opinion of his son-in-law already quoted.
Failing to find other support in Harmony, and perceiving much
public feeling against him, Smith prepared for his return to New
York by receiving a "revelation" (Sec.20) which directed him to
return to the churches organized in that state after he had sold
his crops. "They shall support thee", declared the "revelation";
but if they receive thee not I shall send upon them a cursing
instead of a blessing". For Smith's protection the Lord further
declared: "Whosoever shall lay their hand upon you by violence ye
shall command to be smitten in my name, and behold, I will smite
them according to your words, IN MINE OWN DUE TIME. And whosoever
shall go to law with thee shall be cursed by the law." This
threat, it will be noted, was safeguarded by not requiring
immediate fulfillment.

Smith returned to Fayette in September, and continued church work

thereabouts in company with his brothers and John and David
Whitmer.

Meanwhile Parley P. Pratt had made his visit to Palmyra and

returned to Ohio, and in the early winter Rigdon set out to make
his first open visit to Smith, arriving in December. Martin
Harris, on the ground that Rigdon was a regularly authorized
clergyman, tried to obtain the use of one of the churches of the
town for him, but had to content himself with the third-story
hall of the Young Men's Association. There Rigdon preached a
sermon to a small audience, principally of non-Mormons, annoucing
himself as a "messenger of God". The audience regarded the sermon
as blasphemous, and no further attempt was made to secure this
room for Mormon meetings. Rigdon, however, while in conference
with Smith, preached and baptized the neighborhood, and Smith and
Harris tried their powers as preachers in barns and under a tree
in the open air.

A well-authenticated story of the manner in which one of the

Palmyra Mormons received his call to preach is told by Tucker*
and verified by the principal actor. Among the first baptized in
New York State were Calvin Stoddard and his wife (Smith's sister)
of Macedon. Stoddard told his neighbors of wonderful things he
had seen in the sky, and about his duty to preach. One night,
Steven S. Harding, a young man who was visiting the place, went
with a companion to Stoddard's house, and awakening him with
knocks on the door, proclaimed in measured tones that the angel
of the Lord commanded him to "go forth among the people and
preach the Gospel of Nephi." Then they ran home and went to bed.
Stoddard took the call in all earnestness, and went about the
next day repeating to his neighbors the words of the "celestial
messenger," describing the roaring thunder and the musical sounds
of the angel's wings that accompanied the words. Young Harding,
who participated in this joke, became Governor of Utah in 1862,
and incurred the bitter enmity of Brigham Yound and the church by
denouncing polygamy, and asserting his own civil authority.**

* "Origin, Rise and Progress of Mormonism," pp. 80, 285

**Stoddard and Smith had a quarrel over a lot in Kirtland in

1835, and Smith knocked down his brother-in-law and was indicted
for assault and battery, but was acquitted on the ground of
self-defence.

AS a result of Smith's and Rigdon's conferences came a

"revelation" to them both (Sec. 35), delivered as in the name of
Jesus Christ, defining somewhat Rigdon's position. How nearly it
met his demands cannot be learned, but it certainly granted him
no more authority than Smith was willing to concede. It told him
that he should do great things, conferring the Holy Ghost by the
laying on of hands, as did the apostles of old, and promising to
show miracles, signs, and wonders unto all believers. He was told
that Joseph had received the "keys of the mysteries of those
things that have been sealed," and was directed to "watch over
him that his faith fail not." This "revelation" ordered the
retranslation of the Scriptures.

The most important result of Rigdon's visit to Smith was a

decision to move the church to Ohio. This decision was
promulgated in the form of "revelations" dated December, 1830,
and January, 1831, which set forth (Secs. 37, 38):--

"And that ye might escape the power of the enemy, and be gathered
unto me a righteous people, without spot and blameless:

"Wherefore, for this cause I give unto you the commandment that
ye should go to the Ohio; and there I will give unto you my law;
and there you shall be endowed with power from on high; and from
thence whomsoever I will shall go forth among all nations, and it
shall be told them what they shall do; for I have a great work
laid up in store, for Israel shall be saved.... And they that
have farms that cannot be sold, let them be left or rented as
seemeth them good."

A sufficient reason for the removal was the failure to secure

converts where Smith was known, and the ready acceptance of the
new belief among Rigdon's Ohio people. The Rev. Dr. Clark says,
"You might as well go down in the crater of Vesuvius and attempt
to build an icehouse amid its molten and boiling lava, as to
convince any inhabitant in either of these towns [Palmyra or
Manchester] that Joe Smith's pretensions are not the most gross
and egregious falsehood."*

* "Gleanings by the Way."

The Rev. Jesse Townsend of Palmyra, in a reply to a letter of

inquiry about the Mormons, dated December 24, 1833 (quoted in
full by Tucker), says: "All the Mormons have left this part of
the state, and so palpable is their imposture that nothing is
here said or thought of the subject, except when inquiries from
abroad are occasionally made concerning them. I know of no one
now living in this section of the country that ever gave them
credence."

CHAPTER XIII. THE MORMONS' BELIEFS AND DOCTRINES--CHURCH

GOVERNMENT

The Mormons teach that, for fourteen hundred years to the time of
Smith's "revelations," there had been "a general and awful
apostasy from the religion of the New Testament, so that all the
known world have been left for centuries without the Church of
Christ among them; without a priesthood authorized of God to
administer ordinances; that every one of the churches has
perverted the Gospel."* As illustrations of this perversion are
cited the doing away of immersion for the remission of sins by
most churches, of the laying on of hands for the gift of the Holy
Ghost, and of the miraculous gifts and powers of the Holy Spirit.
The new church presented a modern prophet, who was in direct
communication with God and possessed power to work miracles, and
who taught from a Golden Bible which says that whoever asserts
that there are no longer "revelations, nor prophecies, nor gifts,
nor healing, nor speaking with tongues and the interpretation of
tongues,... knoweth not the Gospel of Christ" (Book of Mormon ix.
7, 8).

* Orson Pratt's "Remarkable Visions," No. 6.

It is impossible to decide whether the name "Mormon" was used by

Spaulding in his "Manuscript Found," or was introduced by Rigdon.
It is first encountered in the Mormon Bible in the Book of Mosiah
xviii. 4, as the name of a place where there was a fountain in
which Alma baptized those whom his admonition led to repentance.
Next it occurs in 3 Nephi v. 20: "I am Mormon, and a pure
descendant of Lehi." This Mormon was selected by the "author" of
the Bible to stand sponsor for the condensation of the "records"
of his ancestors which Smith unearthed. It was discovered very
soon after the organization of the Mormon church was announced
that the word was of Greek derivation, uopuw or uopuwv <Greek>
meaning bugbear, hobgoblin. In the form of "mormo" it is
Anglicized with the same meaning, and is used by Jeremy Collier
and Warburton.* The word "Mormon" in zoology is the generic name
of certain animals, including the mandril baboon. The discovery
of the Greek origin and meaning of the word was not pleasing to
the early Mormon leaders, and they printed in the Times and
Seasons a letter over Smith's signature, in which he solemnly
declared that "there was no Greek or Latin upon the plates from
which I, through the grace of God, translated the Book of
Mormon," and gave the following explanation of the derivation of
the word:

* See "Century Dictionary."

"Before I give a definition to the word, let me say that the

Bible, in its widest sense, means good; for the Saviour says,
according to the Gospel of St. John, 'I am the Good Shepherd';
and it will not be beyond the common use of terms to say that
good is amongst the most important in use, and, though known by
various names in different languages, still its meaning is the
same, and is ever in opposition to bad. We say from the Saxon,
good; the Dane, god; the Goth, gods; the German, gut; the Dutch,
goed; the Latin, bonus; the Greek, kalos; the Hebrew, tob; the
Egyptian, mo. Hence, with the addition of more, or the
contraction mor, we have the word Mormon, which means literally
more good.

This lucid explanation was doubtless entirely satisfactory to the

persons to whom it was addressed.

In the early "revelations" collected in the "Book of

Commandments" the new church was not styled anything more
definite than "My Church," and the title-page of that book, as
printed in 1833, says that these instructions are "for the
government of the Church of Christ." The name "Mormons" was not
acceptable to the early followers of Smith, who looked on it as a
term of reproach, claiming the designation "Saints." This
objection to the title continues to the present day. It was not
until May 4, 1834, that a council of the church, on motion of
Sidney Rigdon, decided on its present official title, "Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints."
The belief in the speedy ending of the world, on which the title
"Latter-Day Saints" was founded, has played so unimportant a part
in modern Mormon belief that its prominence as an early tenet of
the church is generally overlooked. At no time was there more
widespread interest in the speedy second coming of Christ and the
Day of Judgment than during the years when the organization of
the Mormon church was taking place. We have seen how much
attention was given to a speedy millennium by the Disciples
preachers. It was in 1833 that William Miller began his sermons
in which he fixed on the year 1843 as the end of the world, and
his views not only found acceptance among his personal followers,
but attracted the liveliest interest in other sects.

The Mormon leaders made this belief a part of their early

doctrine. Thus, in one of the first "revelations" given out by
Smith, dated Fayette, New York, September, 1830, Christ is
represented as saying that "the hour is nigh" when He would
reveal Himself, and "dwell in righteousness with men on earth a
thousand years." In the November following, another "revelation"
declared that "the time is soon at hand that I shall come in a
cloud, with power and great glory." Soon after Smith arrived in
Kirtland a "revelation," dated February, 1831, announced that
"the great day of the Lord is nigh at hand." In January, 1833,
Smith predicted that "there are those now living upon the earth
whose eyes shall not be closed in death until they shall see all
these things of which I have spoken" (the sweeping of the wicked
from the United States, and the return of the lost tribes to it).
Smith declared in 1843 that the Lord had promised that he should
see the Son of Man if he lived to be eighty-five (Sec. 130).*
When Ferris was Secretary of Utah Territory, in 1852-1853, he
found that the Mormons were still expecting the speedy coming of
Christ, but had moved the date forward to 1870. All through
Smith's autobiography and the Millennial Star will be found
mention of every portent that might be construed as an indication
of the coming disruption of this world. As late as December 6,
1856, an editorial in the Millennial Star said, "The signs of the
times clearly indicate to every observing mind that the great day
of the second advent of Messiah is at hand."

* Speaking of W. W. Phelps's last years in Utah, Stenbouse says:

"Often did the old man, in public and in private, regale the
Saints with the assurance that he had the promise by revelation
that he should not taste of death until Jesus came." Phelps died
on March 7, 1872.

As the devout Mohammedan* passes from earth to a heaven of

material bliss, so the Mormons are taught that the Saints, the
sole survivors of the day of judgment, will, with resurrected
bodies, possess the purified earth. The lengths to which Mormon
preachers have dared to go in illustrating this view find a good
illustration in a sermon by arson Pratt, printed in the Deseret
News, Salt Lake City, of August 21, 1852. Having promised that
"farmers will have great farms upon the earth when it is so
changed," and foreseeing that some one might suggest a difficulty
in providing land enough to go round, he met that in this way:--
* The similarity between Smith's early life and visions and
Mohammed's has been mentioned by more than one writer. Stenhouse
observes that Smith's mother "was to him what Cadijah was to
Mohammed," and that "a Mohammedan writer, in a series of essays
recently published in London, treats of the prophecies concerning
the Arabian Prophet, to be found in the Old and New Testaments,
precisely as Orson Pratt applied them to the American Prophet."

"But don't be so fast, says one; don't you know that there are
only about 197,000,000 of square miles, or about 126,000,000,000
of acres upon the surface of the globe? Will these accommodate
all the inhabitants after the resurrection? Yes; for if the earth
should stand 8000 years, or 80 centuries, and the population
should be a thousand millions in every century, that would be
80,000,000,000 of inhabitants, and we know that many centuries
have passed that would not give the tenth part of this; but
supposing this to be the number, there would then be over an acre
and a half for each person upon the surface of the globe."

By eliminating the wicked, so that only one out of a hundred

would share this real estate, he calculated that every Saint
"would receive over 150 acres, which would be quite enough to
raise manna, flax to make robes of, and to have beautiful
orchards of fruit trees."

The Mormon belief is stated by the church leaders to rest on the

Holy Bible, the Mormon Bible, and the "Book of Doctrine and
Covenants," together with the teachings of the Mormon instructors
from Smith's time to the present day. Although the Holy Bible is
named first in this list, it has, as we have seen, played a
secondary part in the church ritual, its principal use by the
Mormon preachers having been to furnish quotations on which to
rest their claims for the inspiration of their own Bible and for
their peculiar teachings. Mormon sermons (usually styled
discourses) rarely, if ever, begin with a text. The "Book of
Doctrine and Covenants" "containing," as the title-page declares,
"the revelations given to Joseph Smith, Jr., for the building up
of the Kingdom of God in the last days," was the directing
authority in the church during Smith's life, and still occupies a
large place in the church history. An examination of the origin
and character of this work will therefore shed much light on the
claims of the church to special direction from on high.

There is little doubt that this system of "revelation" was an

idea of Rigdon. Smith was not, at that time, an inventor; his
forte was making use of ideas conveyed to him. Thus, he did not
originate the idea of using a "peek-stone," but used one freely
as soon as he heard of it. He did not conceive the idea of
receiving a Bible from an angel, but readily transformed the
Spaniard-with-his-throat-cut to an angel when the perfected
scheme was presented to him. We can imagine how attractive
"revelations" would have been to him, and how soon he would
concentrate in himself the power to receive them, and would adapt
them to his personal use.

David Whitmer says, "The revelations, or the Book of

Commandments, up to June, 1829, were given through the stone
through which the Book of Mormon was translated"; but that after
that time" they came through Joseph as a mouthpiece; that is, he
would inquire of the Lord, pray and ask concerning a matter, and
speak out the revelation, which he thought to be a revelation
from the Lord; but sometimes he was mistaken about its being from
the Lord."* Who drew the line between truth and error has never
been explained, but Smith would certainly have resented any such
scepticism.

* "Address to Believers in the Book of Mormon."

Parley P. Pratt thus describes Smith's manner of receiving

"revelations" in Ohio, "Each sentence was uttered slowly and very
distinctly, and with a pause between each sufficiently long for
it to be recorded by an ordinary writer in long hand."*

* Pratt's "Autobiography," p. 65.

These "revelations" made the greatest impression on Smith's

followers, and no other of his pretensions seems to have so
convinced them of his divine credentials. The story of Vienna
Jaques well illustrates this. A Yankee descendant of John
Rodgers, living in Boston, she was convinced by a Mormon elder,
and joined the church members while they were in Kirtland, taking
with her her entire possession, $1500 in cash. This money, like
that of many other devoted members, found its way into Smith's
hands--and stayed there. But he had taken her into his family,
and her support became burdensome to him. So, when the Saints
were "gathering" in Missouri, he announced a "revelation" in
these words (Sec. 90):--

"And again, verily, I [the Lord] say unto you, it is my will that
my handmaid, Vienna Jaques, should receive money to bear her
expenses, and go up unto the land of Zion; and the residue of the
money may be consecrated unto me, and she be rewarded in mine own
due time. Verily, I say unto you, that it is meet in mine eyes
that she should go up unto the land of Zion, and receive an
inheritance from the hand of the Bishop, that she may settle down
in peace, inasmuch as she is faithful, and not to be idle in her
days from thenceforth."

The confiding woman obeyed without a murmur this thinly concealed

scheme to get rid of her, migrated with the church from Missouri
to Illinois and to Utah, and was in Salt Lake City in 1833,
supporting herself as a nurse, and "doubly proud that she has
been made the subject of a revelation from heaven."*

* "Utah and the Mormons," p. 182.

These "revelations" have been published under two titles. The

first edition was printed in Jackson, Missouri, in 1833, in the
Mormon printing establishment, under the title, "Book of
Commandments for the Government of the Church of Christ,
organized according to Law on the 6th of April, 1830." This
edition contained nothing but "revelations," divided into
sixty-five "chapters," and ending with the one dated Kirtland,
September, 1831, which forms Section 64 of the Utah edition of
"Doctrine and Covenants." David Whitmer says that when, in the
spring of 1832, it was proposed by Smith, Rigdon, and others to
publish these revelations, they were earnestly advised by other
members of the church not to do so, as it would be dangerous to
let the world get hold of them; and so it proved. But Smith
declared that any objector should "have his part taken out of the
Tree of Life."*

* It has been stated that the "Book of Commandments" was never

really published, the mob destroying the sheets before it got
out. But David Whitmer is a very positive witness to the
contrary, saying, "I say it was printed complete (and
copyrighted) and many copies distributed among the members of the
church before the printing press was destroyed."

Two years later, while the church was still in Kirtland, the
"revelations" were again prepared for publication, this time
under the title, "Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of the
Latter-Day Saints, carefully selected from the revelations of
God, and compiled by Joseph Smith, Jr.; Oliver Cowdery, Sidney
Rigdon, F. G. Williams, proprietors." On August 17, 1835, a
general assembly of the church held in the Kirtland Temple voted
to accept his book as the doctrine and covenants of their faith.
Ebenezer Robinson, who attended the meeting, says that the
majority of those so voting "had neither time nor opportunity to
examine the book for themselves; they had no means of knowing
whether any alterations had been made in any of the revelations
or not."* In fact, many important alterations were so made, as
will be pointed out in the course of this story. One method of
attempting to account for these changes has been by making the
plea that parts were omitted in the Missouri editions. On this
point, however, Whitmer is very positive, as quoted.

* In his reminiscences in The Return.

At the very start Smith's revelations failed to "come true." An

amusing instance of this occurred before the Mormon Bible was
published. While the "copy" was in the hands of the printer,
Grandin, Joe's brother Hyrum and others who had become interested
in the enterprise became impatient over Harris's delay in raising
the money required for bringing out the book. Hyrum finally
proposed that some of them attempt to sell the copyright in
Canada, and he urged Joe to ask the Lord about doing so. Joe
complied, and announced that the mission to Canada would be a
success. Accordingly, Oliver Cowdery and Hiram Page made a trip
to Toronto to secure a publisher, but their mission failed
absolutely. This was a critical test of the faith of Joe's
followers. "We were all in great trouble," says David Whitmer,*
"and we asked Joseph how it was that he received a 'revelation'
from the Lord for some brethren to go to Toronto and sell the
copyright, and the brethren had utterly failed in their
undertaking. Joseph did not know how it was, so he inquired of
the Lord about it, and behold, the following 'revelation' came;
through the stone: 'Some revelations are from God, some
revelations are of man, and some revelations are of the Devil.'"
No rule for distinguishing and separating these revelations was
given; but Whitmer, whose faith in Smith's divine mission never
cooled, thus disposes of the matter, "So we see that the
revelation to go to Toronto and sell the copyright was not of
God." Of course, a prophet whose followers would accept such an
excuse was certain of his hold upon them. This incident well
illustrates the kind of material which formed the nucleus of the
church.

* "Address to All Believers in Christ," p. 30.

Smith never let the previously revealed word of the Lord protect
any of his flock who afterward came in conflict with his own
plans. For example: On March 8, 1831, he announced a "revelation"
(Sec. 47), saying, "Behold, it is expedient in me that my servant
John [Whitmer] should write and keep a regular history" of the
church. John fell into disfavor in later years, and, when he
refused to give up his records, Smith and Rigdon addressed a
letter to him,* in connection with his dismissal, which said that
his notes required correction by them before publication,
"knowing your incompetency as a historian, that writings coming
from your pen could not be put to press without our correcting
them, or else the church must suffer reproach. Indeed, sir, we
never supposed you capable of writing a history." Why the Lord
did not consult Smith and Rigdon before making this appointment
is one of the unexplained mysteries.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XVI, p. 133.

These "revelations," which increased in number from 16 in 1829 to

19 in 1830, numbered 35 in 1831, and then decreased to 16 in
1832, 13 in 1833, 5 in 1834, 2 in 1835, 3 in 1836, 1 in 1837, 8
in 1838 (in the trying times in Missouri), 1 in 1839, none in
1840, 3 in 1841, none in 1842, and 2, including the one on
polygamy, in 1843. We shall see that in his latter days, in
Nauvoo, Smith was allowed to issue revelations only after they
had been censored by a council. He himself testified to the
reckless use which he made of them, and which perhaps brought
about this action. The following is a quotation from his diary:--

"May 19, 1842.-- While the election [of Smith as mayor by the
city council] was going forward, I received and wrote the
following revelation: 'I Verily thus saith the Lord unto you my
servant Joseph, by the voice of the Spirit, Hiram Kimball has
been insinuating evil and forming evil opinions against you with
others; and if he continue in them, he and they shall be
accursed, for I am the Lord thy God, and will stand by thee and
bless thee.' Which I threw across the room to Hiram Kimball, one
of the counsellors."

Thus it seems that there was some limit to the extent of Joe's
effrontery which could be submitted to.

We shall see that Brigham Young in Utah successfully resisted

constant pressure that was put upon him by his flock to continue
the reception of "revelations." While he was prudent enough to
avoid the pitfalls that would have surrounded him as a revealer,
he was crafty enough not to belittle his own authority in so
doing. In his discourse on the occasion of the open announcement
of polygamy, he said, "If an apostle magnifies his calling, his
words are the words of eternal life and salvation to those who
hearken to them, just as much so as any written revelations
contained in these books" (the two Bibles and the "Doctrine and
Covenants").

Hiram Page was not the only person who tried to imitate Smith's
"revelations." A boy named Isaac Russell gave out such messages
at Kirtland; Gladdin Bishop caused much trouble in the same way
at Nauvoo; the High Council withdrew the hand of fellowship from
Oliver Olney for setting himself up as a prophet; and in the same
year the Times and Seasons announced a pamphlet by J. C.
Brewster, purporting to be one of the lost books of Esdras,
"written by the power of God."

In the Times and Seasons (p. 309) will he found a report of a

conference held in New York City on December 4, 1840, at which
Elder Sydney Roberts was arraigned, charged with "having a
revelation that a certain brother must give him a suit of clothes
and a gold watch, the best that could be had; also saluting the
sisters with what he calls a holy kiss." He was told that he
could retain his membership if he would confess, but he declared
that "he knew the revelations which he had spoken were from God."
So he was thereupon "cut off."

The other source of Mormon belief--the teachings of their leading

men--has been no more consistent nor infallible than Smith's
"revelations." Mormon preachers have been generally uneducated
men, most of them ambitious of power, and ready to use the pulpit
to strengthen their own positions. Many an individual elder, firm
in his faith, has travelled and toiled as faithfully as any
Christian missionary; but these men, while they have added to the
church membership, have not made its beliefs.

Smith probably originated very little of the church polity,

except the doctrine of polygamy, and what is published over his
name is generally the production of some of his counsellors.
Section 130 of the "Book of Doctrine and Covenants," headed
"Important Items of Instruction, given by Joseph the Prophet,
April 2, 1843," contains the following:--

"When the Saviour shall appear, we shall see him as he is. We

shall see that he is a man like ourselves....

"The Father has a body of flesh and bones as tangible as man's;

the Son also; but the Holy Ghost has not a body of flesh and
bones, but is a personage of spirit. Were it not so, the Holy
Ghost could not dwell in us."

An article in the Millennial Star, Vol. VI, for which the prophet
vouched, contains the following:--

"The weakest child of God which now exists upon the earth will
possess more dominion, more property, more subjects, and more
power in glory than is possessed by Jesus Christ or by his
Father; while, at the same time, Jesus Christ and his Father will
have their dominion, kingdom and subjects increased in
proportion."

One more illustration of Smith's doctrinal views will suffice. In

a funeral sermon preached in Nauvoo, March 20, 1842, he said: "As
concerning the resurrection, I will merely say that all men will
come from the grave as they lie down, whether old or young; there
will not be 'added unto their stature one cubit,' neither taken
from it. All will be raised by the power of God, having spirit in
their bodies but not blood."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIX, p. 213.

In "The Latter-Day Saints' Catechism or Child's Ladder," by Elder

David Moffat, Genesis v. 1, and Exodus xxxiii. 22, 23, and xxiv.
10 are cited to prove that God has the form and parts of a man.

The greatest vagaries of doctrinal teachings are found during

Brigham Young's reign in Utah. In the way of a curiosity the
following diagram and its explanation, by Orson Hyde, may be
reproduced from the Millennial Star, Vol. IX, p. 23:--

"The above diagram (not included in this etext) shows the order
and unity of the Kingdom of God. The eternal Father sits at the
head, crowned King of Kings and Lord of Lords. Wherever the other
lines meet there sits a king and priest under God, bearing rule,
authority and dominion under the Father. He is one with the
Father because his Kingdom is joined to his Father's and becomes
part of it.... It will be seen by the above diagram that there
are kingdoms of all sizes, an infinite variety to suit all grades
of merit and ability. The chosen vessels of God are the kings and
priests that are placed at the heads of their kingdoms. They have
received their washings and anointings in the Temple of God on
earth."

Young's ambition was not to be satisfied until his name was

connected with some doctrine peculiarly his own. Accordingly, in
a long sermon preached in the Tabernacle on April 9, 1852, he
made this announcement (the italics and capitals follow the
official report):--

"Now hear it, O inhabitants of the earth, Jew and Gentile, saint
and sinner. When our father Adam came into the Garden of Eden, he
came into it with a CELESTIAL BODY, and brought Eve, ONE OF HIS
WIVES, with him. He helped to make and organize this world. He is
MICHAEL, the ARCHANGEL, the ANCIENT OF DAYS, about whom holy men
have written and spoken.* HE is our FATHER and our GOD, AND THE
ONLY GOD WITH WHOM 'WE' HAVE TO DO... Every man upon the earth,
professing Christians or non-professing, must hear it and WILL
KNOW IT SOONER OR LATER.... I could tell you much more about
this; but were I to tell you the whole truth, blasphemy would be
nothing to it, in the estimation of the superstitious and over
righteous of mankind.... Jesus, our Elder Brother, was begotten
in the flesh by the same character that was in the Garden of
Eden, and who is our Father in heaven."**

* Young, in a public discourse on October 23, 1853, declared that

he rejected the story of Adam's creation as "baby stories my
mother taught me when I was a child." But the Mormon Bible (2
Nephi ii. 18-22) tells the story of Adam's fall.

** Journal of Discourses, VOL I, pp. 50, 51.

This doctrine was made a leading point of difference between the

Utah church and the Reorganized Church, when the latter was
organized, but it is no longer defended even in Utah. The Deseret
Evening News of March 21, 1900, said on this point, "That which
President Young set forth in the discourse referred to is not
preached either to the Latter-Day Saints or to the world as a
part of the creed of the church."

Young never hesitated to rebuke an associate whose preaching did

not suit him. In a discourse in Salt Lake City, on March 8, 1857,
he rebuked Orson Pratt, one of the ablest of the church writers,
declaring that Pratt did not "know enough to keep his foot out of
it, but drowns himself in his philosophy." He ridiculed his
doctrine that "the devils in hell are composed of and filled with
the Holy Spirit, or Holy Ghost, and possess all the knowledge,
wisdom, and power of the gods, "and said, "When I read some of
the writings of such philosophers they make me think, 'O dear,
granny, what a long tail our puss has got.'"*

* Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 297.

The Mormon church still holds that an existing head of that

organization can always interpret the divine will regarding any
question. This was never more strikingly illustrated than when
Woodruff, by a mere dictum, did away with the obligatory
character of polygamy.

When the Mormons were under a cloud in Illinois, in 1842, John

Wentworth, editor of the Chicago Democrat, applied to Smith for a
statement of their belief, and received in reply a list of 13
"Articles of Faith" over Smith's signature. This statement was
intended to win for them sympathy as martyrs to a simple
religious belief, and it has been cited in Congress as proof of
their soul purity. But as illustrating the polity of the church
it is quite valueless.

The doctrine of polygamy and the ceremonies of the Endowment

House will be considered in their proper place. One distinctive
doctrine of the church must be explained before this subject is
dismissed, namely, that which calls for "baptism for the dead."
This doctrine is founded on an interpretation of Corinthians xv.
29: "Else what shall they do which are baptized for the dead, if
the dead rise not at all? Why are they then baptized for the
dead?"

An explanation of this doctrine in the Times and Seasons of May

1, 1841, says:--"This text teaches us the important and cheering
truth that the departed spirit is in a probationary state, and
capable of being affected by the proclamation of the Gospel....
Christ offers pardon, peace, holiness, and eternal life to the
quick and the dead, the living, on condition of faith and baptism
for remission of sins; the departed, on the same condition of
faith in person and baptism by a living kinsman in his behalf. It
may be asked, will this baptism by proxy necessarily save the
dead? We answer, no; neither will the same necessarily save the
living."

This doctrine was first taught to the church in Ohio. In later

years, in Nauvoo, Smith seemed willing to accept its paternity,
and in an article in the Times and Seasons of April 15, x 842,
signed "Ed.," when he was its editor, he said that he was the
first to point it out. The article shows, however, that it was
doubtless written by Rigdon, as it indicates a knowledge of the
practice of such baptism by the Marcionites in the second
century, and of Chrysostom's explanation of it. A note on
Corinthians xv. 29, in "The New Testament Commentary for English
Readers," edited by Lord Bishop Ellicott of Gloucester and
Bristol (London, 1878), gives the following historical sketch of
the practice:--

"There have been numerous and ingenious conjectures as to the

meaning of this passage. The only tenable interpretation is that
there existed amongst some of the Christians at Corinth a
practice of baptizing a living person in the stead of some
convert who had died before that sacrament had been administered
to him. Such a practice existed amongst the Marcionites in the
second century, and still earlier amongst a sect called the
Cerinthians. The idea evidently was that, whatever benefit flowed
from baptism, might be thus vicariously secured for the deceased
Christian. St. Chrysostom gives the following description of
it:--

"After a catechumen (one prepared for baptism but not actually

baptized) was dead, they hid a living man under the bed of the
deceased; then, coming to the bed of the dead man, they spoke to
him, and asked whether he would receive baptism; and, he making
no answer, the other replied in his stead, and so they baptized
the living for the dead: Does St. Paul then, by what he here
says, sanction the superstitious practice? Certainly not. He
carefully separated himself and the Corinthians, to whom he
immediately addresses himself, from those who adopted this custom
.... Those who do that, and disbelieve a resurrection, refute
themselves. This custom possibly sprang up among the Jewish
converts, who had been accustomed to something similar in their
faith. If a Jew died without having been purified from some
ceremonial uncleanness, some living person had the necessary
ablution performed on him, and the dead were so accounted clean."

Other commentators have found means to explain this text without

giving it reference to a baptism for dead persons, as, for
instance, that it means, "with an interest in the resurrection of
the dead."* Another explanation is that by "the dead" is meant
the dead Christ, as referred to in Romans vi. 3, "Know ye not
that so many of us as were baptized into Jesus Christ were
baptized into his death?"
* "Commentary by Bishops and Other Clergy of the Anglican
Church."

This doctrine was a very taking one with the uneducated Mormon
converts who crowded into Nauvoo, and the church officers saw in
it a means to hasten the work on the Temple. At first families
would meet on the bank of the Mississippi River, and some one, of
the order of the Melchisedec Priesthood, would baptize them
wholesale for all their dead relatives whose names they could
remember, each sex for relatives of the same. But as soon as the
font in the Temple was ready for use, these baptisms were
restricted to that edifice, and it was required that all the
baptized should have paid their tithings. At a conference at
Nauvoo in October, 1841, Smith said that those who neglected the
baptism of their dead "did it at the peril of their own
salvation."*

* Times and Seasons, Vol. II, p. 578.

The form of church government, as worked out in the early days,

is set forth in the "Book of Doctrine and Covenants." The first
officers provided for were the twelve apostles,* and the next the
elders, priests, teachers, and deacons, Edward Partridge being
announced as the first bishop in 1831. The church was loosely
governed for the first years after its establishment at Kirtland.
A guiding power was provided for in a revelation of March 8, 1833
(Sec. 90), when Smith was told by the Lord that Rigdon and F. G.
Williams were accounted as equal with him "in holding the keys of
this last kingdom." These three first held the famous office of
the First Presidency, representing the Trinity.

* (Sec. 18, June, 1829.)

On February 17, 1834 (Sec. 102), a General High Council of

twenty-four High Priests assembled at Smith's house in Kirtland
and organized the High Council of the church, consisting of
Twelve High Priests, with one or three Presidents, as the case
might require. The office of High Priest, and the organization of
a High Council were apparently an afterthought, and were added to
the "revelation" after its publication in the "Book of
Commandments." Other forms of organization that were from time to
time decided on were announced in a revelation dated March 28,
1835 (Sec. 107), which defined the two priesthoods, Melchisedec
and Aaronic, and their powers. There were to be three Presiding
High Priests to form a Quorum of the Presidency of the church; a
Seventy, called to preach the Gospel, who would form a Quorum
equal in authority to the Quorum of the Twelve, and be presided
over by seven of their number. Smith soon organized two of these
Quorums of Seventies. At the time of the dedications of the
Temple at Nauvoo, in 1844, there were fifteen of them, and to-day
they number more than 120.

Each separate church organization, as formed, was called a Stake,

and each Stake had over it a Presidency, High Priests, and
Council of Twelve. We find the meaning of the word "Stake" in
some of Smith's earlier "revelations." Thus, in the one dated
June 4, 1833, regarding the organization of the church at
Kirtland, it was said, "It is expedient in me that this Stake
that I have set for the strength of Zion be made strong." Again,
in one dated December 16, 1839, on the gathering of the Saints,
it is stated, "I have other places which I will appoint unto
them, and they shall be called Stakes for the curtains, or the
strength of Zion." In Utah, to-day, the Stakes form groups of
settlements, and are generally organized on county lines.

The prophet made a substantial provision for his father, founding

for him the office of Patriarch, in accordance with an
unpublished "revelation." The principal business of the Patriarch
was to dispense "blessings," which were regarded by the faithful
as a sort of charm, to ward off misfortune. Joseph, Sr., awarded
these blessings without charge when he began dispensing them at
Kirtland, but a High Council held there in 1835 allowed him $10 a
week while blessing the church. After his formal anointing in
1836 he was known as Father Smith, and the next year his salary
was made $1.50 a day.* Hyrum became Patriarch when his father
died in 1840, his brother William succeeded him, his Uncle John
came next, and his Uncle Joseph after John. Patriarchal blessings
were advertised in the Mormon newspaper in Nauvoo like other
merchandise. They could be obtained in writing, and contained
promises of almost anything that a man could wish, such as
freedom from poverty and disease, life prolonged until the coming
of Christ, etc.** In 1875 the price of a blessing in Utah had
risen to $2. The office of Patriarch is still continued, with one
chief Patriarch, known as Patriarch of the Church, and
subordinate Patriarchs in the different Stakes. The position of
Patriarch of the church has always been regarded as a hereditary
one, and bestowed on some member of the Smith family, as it is
to-day.

* The departure of the Patriarch from Ohio was somewhat dramatic.

As his wife tells the story in her book, the old man was taken by
a constable before a justice of the peace on a charge of
performing the marriage service without any authority, and was
fined $3000, and sentenced to the penitentiary in default of
payment. Through the connivance of the constable, who had been a
Mormon, the prisoner was allowed to leap out of a window, and he
remained in hiding at New Portage until his family were ready to
start for Missouri. The revelation of January 19, 1841, announced
that he was then sitting "with Abraham at his right hand."

* Ferris's "Utah and the Mormons," p. 314, and "Wife No. 19," p.
581.

BOOK II. IN OHIO

CHAPTER I. THE FIRST CONVERTS AT KIRTLAND

The four missionaries who had been sent to Ohio under Cowdery's
leadership arrived there in October, 1830. Rigdon left Kirtland
on his visit to Smith in New York State in the December
following, and in January, 1831, he returned to Ohio, taking
Smith with him.

The party who set out for Ohio, ostensibly to preach to the
Lamanites, consisted of Oliver Cowdery, Parley P. Pratt, Peter
Whitmer, Jr., and Ziba Peterson, the latter one of Smith's
original converts, who, it may be noted, was deprived of his land
and made to work for others a year later in Missouri, because of
offences against the church authorities. These men preached as
they journeyed, making a brief stop at Buffalo to instruct the
Indians there. On reaching Ohio, Pratt's acquaintance with
Rigdon's Disciples gave him an opportunity to bring the new Bible
to the attention of many people. The character of the Smiths was
quite unknown to the pioneer settlers, and the story of the
miraculously delivered Bible filled many of them with wonder
rather than with unbelief.

The missionaries began the work of organizing a church at once.

Some members of Rigdon's congregation had already formed a
"common stock society," and were believers in a speedy
millennium, and to these the word brought by the new-comers was
especially welcome. Cowdery baptized seventeen persons into the
new church. Rigdon at the start denied his right to do this, and,
in a debate between him and the missionaries which followed at
Rigdon's house, Rigdon quoted Scripture to prove that, even if
they had seen an angel, as they declared, it might have been
Satan transformed. Cowdery asked if he thought that, in response
to a prayer that God would show him an angel, the Heavenly Father
would suffer Satan to deceive him. Rigdon replied that if Cowdery
made such a request of the Heavenly Father "when He has never
promised you such a thing, if the devil never had an opportunity
of deceiving you before, you give him one now."* But after a
brief study of the new book, Rigdon announced that he, too, had
had a "revelation," declaring to him that Mormonism was to be
believed. He saw in a vision all the orders of professing
Christians pass before him, and all were "as corrupt as
corruption itself," while the heart of the man who brought him
the book was "as pure as an angel."

* "It seemed to be a part of Rigdon's plan to make such a fight

that, when he did surrender, the triumph of the cause that had
defeated him would be all the more complete."--Kennedy, "Early
Days of Mormonism."

The announcement of Rigdon's conversation gave Mormonism an

advertisement and a support that had a wide effect, and it
alarmed the orthodox of that part of the country as they had
never been alarmed before. Referring to it, Hayden says, "The
force of this shock was like an earthquake when Symonds Ryder,
Ezra Booth, and many others submitted to the 'New Dispensation.'"
Largely through his influence, the Mormon church at Kirtland soon
numbered more than one hundred members.

During all that autumn and early winter crowds went to Kirtland
to learn about the new religion. On Sundays the roads would be
thronged with people, some in whatever vehicles they owned, some
on horseback, and some on foot, all pressing forward to hear the
expounders of the new Gospel and to learn the particulars of the
new Bible. Pioneers in a country where there was little to give
variety to their lives, they were easily influenced by any
religious excitement, and the announcement of a new Bible and
prophet was certain to arouse their liveliest interest. They had,
indeed, inherited a tendency to religious enthusiasm, so recently
had their parents gone through the excitements of the early days
of Methodism, or of the great revivals of the new West at the
beginning of the century, when (to quote one of the descriptions
given by Henry Howe) more than twenty thousand persons assembled
in one vast encampment, "hundreds of immortal beings moving to
and fro, some preaching, some praying for mercy, others praising
God. Such was the eagerness of the people to attend, that entire
neighborhoods were forsaken, and the roads literally crowded by
those pressing forward on their way to the groves."* Any new
religious leader could then make his influence felt on the
Western border: Dylkes, the "Leatherwood God," had found it
necessary only to announce himself as the real Messiah at an Ohio
campmeeting, in 1828, to build up a sect on that assumption.
Freewill Baptists, Winebrennerians, Disciples, Shakers, and
Universalists were urging their doctrines and confusing the minds
of even the thoughtful with their conflicting views. We have seen
to what beliefs the preaching of the Disciples' evangelists had
led the people of the Western Reserve, and it did not really
require a much broader exercise of faith (or credulity) to accept
the appearance of a new prophet with a new Bible.

* "Historical Collections of the Great West."

While the main body of converts was made up of persons easily

susceptible to religious excitement, and accustomed to have their
opinions on such subjects formed for them, men of education and
more or less training in theology were found among the early
adherents to the new belief. It is interesting to see how the
minds of such men were influenced, and this we are enabled to do
from personal experiences related by some of them.

One of these, John Corrill, a man of intelligence, who stayed

with the church until it was driven out of Missouri, then became
a member of the Missouri Legislature, and wrote a brief history
of the church to the year 1839, in this pamphlet answered very
clearly the question often asked by his friends, "How did you
come to join the Mormons?" A copy of the new Bible was given to
him by Cowdery when the missionaries, on their Western trip,
passed through Ashtabula County, Ohio, where he lived. A brief
reading convinced him that it was a mere money-making scheme, and
when he learned that they had stopped at Kirtland, he did not
entertain a doubt, that, under Rigdon's criticism, the
pretensions of the missionaries would be at once laid bare. When,
on the contrary, word came that Rigdon and the majority of his
society had accepted the new faith, Corrill asked himself: "What
does this mean? Are Elder Rigdon and these men such fools as to
be duped by these impostors?" After talking the matter over with
a neighbor, he decided to visit Kirtland, hoping to bring Rigdon
home with him, with the idea that he might be saved from the
imposition if he could be taken from the influence of the
impostors. But before he reached Kirtland, Corrill heard of
Rigdon's baptism into the new church. Finding Kirtland in a state
of great religious excitement, he sought discussions with the
leaders of the new movement, but not always successfully.

Corrill started home with a "heart full of serious reflections."

Were not the people of Berea nobler than the people of
Thessalonica because "they searched the Scriptures daily; whether
these things were so?" Might he not be fighting against God in
his disbelief? He spent two or three weeks reading the Mormon
Bible; investigated the bad reports of the new sect that reached
him and found them without foundation; went back to Kirtland, and
there convinced himself that the laying on of hands and "speaking
with tongues" were inspired by some supernatural agency; admitted
to himself that, accepting the words of Peter (Acts ii. 17-20),
it was "just as consistent to look for prophets in this age as in
any other." Smith seemed to have been a bad man, but was not
Moses a fugitive from justice, as the murderer of a man whose
body he had hidden in the sand, when God called him as a prophet?
The story of the long hiding and final delivery of the golden
plates to Smith taxed his credulity; but on rereading the
Scriptures he found that books are referred to therein which they
do not contain--Book of Nathan the Prophet, Book of Gad the Seer,
Book of Shemaiah the Prophet, and Book of Iddo the Seer (1 Chron.
xxix. 29; 2 Chron. ix. 29 and xii. 15). This convinced him that
the Scriptures were not complete. Daniel and John were commanded
to seal the Book. David declared (Psalms xxxv.) "that truth shall
spring out of the earth," and from the earth Smith took the
plates; and Ezekiel (xxxvii. 15-21) foretold the existence of two
records, by means of which there shall be a gathering together of
the children of Israel. It finally seemed to Corrill that the
Mormon Bible corresponded with the record of Joseph referred to
by Ezekiel, the Holy Bible being the record of Judah.

Not fully satisfied, he finally decided, however, to join the new

church, with a mental reservation that he would leave it if he
ever found it to be a deception. Explaining his reasons for
leaving it when he did, he says, "I can see nothing that
convinces me that God has been our leader; calculation after
calculation has failed, and plan after plan has been overthrown,
and our prophet seemed not to know the event till too late."

The two other most prominent converts to the new church in Ohio
were the Rev. Ezra Booth, a Methodist preacher of more than
ordinary culture, of Mantua, and Symonds Ryder, a native of
Vermont, whom Alexander Campbell had converted to the Disciples'
belief in 1828, and who occupied the pulpit at Hiram when called
on. Booth visited Smith in 1831, with some members of his own
congregation, and was so impressed by the miraculous curing of
the lame arm of a woman of his party by Smith, that he soon gave
in his allegiance. Ryder had always found one thing lacking in
the Disciples' theology--he looked for some actual "gift of the
Holy Spirit" in the way of "signs" that were to follow them that
believed. He was eventually induced to announce his conversion to
the new church after "he read in a newspaper, an account of the
destruction of Pekin in China, and remembered that, six weeks
before, a young Mormon girl had predicted the destruction of that
city. "This statement was made in the sermon preached at his
funeral. Both of these men confessed their mistake four months
later, after Booth had returned from a trip to Missouri with
Smith.

Among the ignorant, even the most extravagant of the claims of

the Mormon leaders had influence. One man, when he heard an elder
in the midst of a sermon "speak with tongues," in a language he
had never heard before, "felt a sudden thrill from the back of
his head down his backbone," and was converted on the spot. John
D. Lee, of Catholic education, was convinced by an elder that the
end of the world was near, and sold his property in Illinois for
what it would bring, and moved to Far West, in order to be in the
right place when the last day dawned. Lorenzo Snow, the recent
President of the church, says that he was "thoroughly convinced
that obedience to those [the Mormon] prophets would impart
miraculous powers, manifestations, and revelations," the first
manifestation of which occurred some weeks later, when he heard a
sound over his head "like the rustling of silken robes, and the
spirit of God descended upon me."*

* Biography of Snow, by his sister Eliza.

The arguments that control men's religious opinions are too

varied even for classification. In a case like Mormonism they
range from the really conscientious study of a Corrill to the
whim of the Paumotuan, of whom Stevenson heard in the South Seas,
who turned Mormon when his wife died, after being a pillar of the
Catholic church for fifteen years, on the ground that "that must
be a poor religion that could not save a man his wife." Any
person who will examine those early defences of the Mormon faith,
Parley P. Pratt's "A Voice of Warning," and Orson Pratt's "Divine
Authenticity of the Book of Mormon," will find what use can be
made of an insistence on the literal acceptance of the Scriptures
in defending such a sect as theirs, especially with persons whose
knowledge of the Scriptures is much less than their reverence for
them.

Professor J. B. Turner,* writing in 1842, when the early

teachings of Mormonism had just had their effect in what is now
styled the middle West, observed that these teachings had made
more infidels than Mormon converts. This is accounted for by the
fact that persons who attempted to follow the Mormon argument by
studying the Scriptures, found their previous interpretation of
parts of the Holy Bible overturned, and the whole book placed
under a cloud. W. J. Stillman mentions a similar effect in the
case of Ruskin. When they were in Switzerland, Ruskin would do no
painting on Sunday, while Stillman regarded the sanctity of the
first day of the week as a "theological fiction." In a discussion
of the subject between them, Stillman established to Ruskin's
satisfaction that there was no Scriptural authority for
transferring the day of rest from the seventh to the first day of
the week." The creed had so bound him to the letter, "says
Stillman, "that the least enlargement of the stricture broke it,
and he rejected, not only the tradition of the Sunday Sabbath,
but the whole of the ecclesiastical interpretation of the texts.
He said, 'If they have deceived me in this, they have probably
deceived me in all.'" The Mormons soon learned that it was more
profitable for them to seek converts among those who would accept
without reasoning.

* "Mormonism in all Ages."

CHAPTER II. WILD VAGARIES OF THE CONVERTS

The scenes at Kirtland during the first winter of the church

there reached the limit of religious enthusiasm. The younger
members outdid the elder in manifesting their belief. They saw
wonderful lights in the air, and constantly received visions.
Mounting stumps in the field, they preached to imaginary
congregations, and, picking up stones, they would read on them
words which they said disappeared as soon as known. At the
evening prayer-meetings the laying on of hands would be followed
by a sort of fit, in which the enthusiasts would fall apparently
lifeless on the floor, or contort their faces, creep on their
hands or knees, imitate the Indian process of killing and
scalping, and chase balls of fire through the fields.*

*Corrill's "Brief History of the Church," p. 16; Howe's

"Mormonism Unveiled," p. 104.

Some of the young men announced that they had received

"commissions" to teach and preach, written on parchment, which
came to them from the sky, and which they reached by jumping into
the air. Howe reproduces one of these, the conclusion of which,
with the seal, follows:--

"That you had a messenger tell you to go and get the other night,
you must not show to any son of Adam. Obey this, and I will stand
by you in all cases. My servants, obey my commandments in all
cases, and I will provide.

"Be ye always ready, Be ye always ready, Whenever I shall call,

Be ye always ready, My seal.

"There shall be something of great importance revealed when I

shall call you to go: My servants, be faithful over a few things,
and I will make you a ruler over many. Amen, Amen, Amen."

Foolishly extravagant as these manifestations appear (Corrill

says that comparatively few members indulged in them), there was
nothing in them peculiar to the Mormon belief. The meetings of
the Disciples, in the year of Smith's arrival in Ohio and later,
when men like Campbell and Scott spoke, were swayed with the most
intense religious enthusiasm. A description of the effect of
Campbell's preaching at a grove meeting in the Cuyahoga Valley in
1831 says:--

"The woods were full of horses and carriages, and the hundreds
already there were rapidly swelled to many thousands; all were of
one race-the Yankee; all of one calling, or nearly, the
farmer.... When Campbell closed, low murmurs broke and ran
through the awed crowd; men and women from all parts of the vast
assembly with streaming eyes came forward; young men who had
climbed into small trees from curiosity, came down from
conviction, and went forward for baptism."*

* Riddle's "The Portrait."

It is easy to cite very "orthodox" precedents for such

manifestations. One of these we find in the accounts of what were
called "the jerks," which accompanied a great revival in 1803,
brought about by the preaching of the Rev. Joseph Badger, a Yale
graduate and a Congregationalist, who was the first missionary to
the Western Reserve. J. S. C. Abbott, in his history of Ohio,
describing the "jerks," says:--

"The subject was instantaneously seized with spasms in every

muscle, nerve and tendon. His head was thrown backward and
forward, and from side to side, with inconceivable rapidity. So
swift was the motion that the features could no more be discerned
than the spokes of a wheel can be seen when revolving with the
greatest velocity.... All were impressed with a conviction that
there was something supernatural in these convulsions, and that
it was opposing the spirit of God to resist them."

The most extravagant enthusiasm of the Kirtland converts, and the

most extravagant claims of the Mormon leaders at that time, were
exceeded by the manifestations of converts in the early days of
Methodism, and the miraculous occurrences testified to by Wesley
himself,*--a cloud tempering the sun in answer to his prayer; his
horse cured of lameness by faith; the case of a blind Catholic
girl who saw plainly when her eyes rested on the New Testament,
but became blind again when she took up the Mass Book.

* For examples see Lecky's "England in the Nineteenth Century,

Vol. III, Chap. VIII, and Wesley's "Journal."

These Mormon enthusiasts were only suffering from a manifestation

to which man is subject; and we can agree with a Mormon elder
who, although he left the church disgusted with its
extravagances, afterward remarked, "The man of religious feeling
will know how to pity rather than upbraid that zeal without
knowledge which leads a man to fancy that he has found the ladder
of Jacob, and that he sees the angel of the Lord ascending and
descending before his eyes."

When Smith and Rigdon reached Kirtland they found the new church
in a state of chaos because of these wild excitements, and of an
attempt to establish a community of possessions, growing out of
Rigdon's previous teachings. These communists held that what
belonged to one belonged to all, and that they could even use any
one's clothes or other personal property without asking
permission. Many of the flock resented this, and anything but a
condition of brotherly love resulted. Smith, in his account of
the situation as they found it, says that the members were
striving to do the will of God, "though some had strange notions,
and false spirits had crept in among them. With a little caution
and some wisdom, I soon assisted the brothers and sisters to
overcome them. The plan of 'common stock,' which had existed in
what was called 'the family,' whose members generally had
embraced the Everlasting Gospel, was readily abandoned for the
more perfect law of the Lord,"*--which the prophet at once
expounded.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, Supt., p. 56.

Smith announced that the Lord had informed him that the ravings
of the converts were of the devil, and this had a deterring
effect; but at an important meeting of elders to receive an
endowment, some three months later, conducted by Smith himself,
the spirits got hold of some of the elders. "It threw one from
his seat to the floor," says Corrill. "It bound another so that
for some time he could not use his limbs or speak; and some other
curious effects were experienced. But by a mighty exertion, in
the name of the Lord, it was exposed and shown to be of an evil
source."

CHAPTER III. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH

In order not to interrupt the story of the Mormons' experiences

in Ohio, leaving the first steps taken in Missouri to be treated
in connection with the regular course of events in that state, it
will be sufficient to say here that Cowdery, Pratt, and their two
companions continued their journey as far as the western border
of Missouri, in the winter of 1830 and 1831, making their
headquarters at Independence, Jackson County; that, on receipt of
their reports about that country, Smith and Rigdon, with others,
made a trip there in June, 1831, during which the corner-stones
of the City of Zion and the Temple were laid, and officers were
appointed to receive money for the purchase of the land for the
Saints, its division; etc. Smith and Rigdon returned to Kirtland
on August 27, 1831.

The growth of the church in Ohio was rapid. In two or three weeks
after the arrival of the four pioneer missionaries, 127 persons
had been baptized, and by the spring of 1831 the number of
converts had increased to 1000. Almost all the male converts were
honored with the title of elder. By a "revelation" dated February
9, 1831 (Sec. 42), all of these elders, except Smith and Rigdon,
were directed to "go forth in the power of my spirit, preaching
my Gospel, two by two, in my name, lifting up your voices as with
the voice of a trump. "This was the beginning of that extensive
system of proselyting which was soon extended to Europe, which
was so instrumental in augmenting the membership of the church in
its earlier days, and which is still carried on with the utmost
zeal and persistence. The early missionaries travelled north into
Canada and through almost all the states, causing alarm even in
New England by the success of their work. One man there, in 1832,
reprinted at his own expense Alexander Campbell's pamphlet
exposing the ridiculous features of the Mormon Bible, for
distribution as an offset to the arguments of the elders. Women
of means were among those who moved to Kirtland from
Massachusetts. In three years after Smith and Rigdon met in
Palmyra, Mormon congregations had been established in nearly all
the Northern and Middle states and in some of the Southern, with
baptisms of from 30 to 130 in a place.*

Smith had relaxed none of his determination to be the one head of

the church. As soon as he arrived in Kirtland he put forth a long
"revelation" (Sec. 43) which left Rigdon no doubt of the
prophet's intentions. It declared to the elders that "there is
none other [but Smith appointed unto you to receive commandments
and revelations until he be taken," and that "none else shall be
appointed unto his gift except it be through him. "Not only was
Smith's spiritual power thus intrenched, but his temporal welfare
was looked after. "And again I say unto you," continues this
mouthpiece of the Lord, "if ye desire the mysteries of the
Kingdom, provide for him food and raiment and whatsoever he
needeth to accomplish the work wherewith I have commanded him."
In the same month came another declaration, saying (Sec. 41 " is
meet that my servant Joseph Smith, Jr., should have a house
built, in which to live and translate" (the Scriptures). With a
streak of generosity it was added, "It is meet that my servant
Sidney Rigdon should live as seemeth him good."

*Turner's "Mormonism in all Ages," p. 38.

The iron hand with which Smith repressed Rigdon from the date of
their arrival in Ohio affords strong proof of Rigdon's complicity
in the Bible plot, and of Smith's realization of the fact that he
stood to his accomplice in the relation of a burglar to his mate,
where the burglar has both the boodle and the secret in his
possession. An illustration of this occurred during their first
trip to Missouri. Rigdon and Smith did not agree about the
desirability of western Missouri as a permanent abiding-place for
the church. The Rev. Ezra Booth, after leaving the Mormons,
contributed a series of letters on his experience with Smith to
the Ohio Star of Ravenna.* In the first of these he said: "On our
arrival in the western part of the state of Missouri we
discovered that prophecy and visions had failed, or rather had
proved false. This fact was so notorious that Mr. Rigdon himself
says that 'Joseph's vision was a bad thing.'" Smith nevertheless
directed Rigdon to write a description of that promised land,
and, when the production did not suit him, he represented the
Lord as censuring Rigdon in a "revelation" (Sec. 63):--

* Copied in Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled."

"And now behold, verily I say unto you, I, the Lord, am not
pleased with my servant Sidney Rigdon; he exalteth himself in his
heart, and receiveth not counsel, but grieveth the spirit.
Wherefore his writing is not acceptable unto the Lord; and he
shall make another, and if the Lord receiveth it not, behold he
standeth no longer in the office which I have appointed him."

That the proud-minded, educated preacher, who refused to allow

Campbell to claim the foundership of the Disciples' church,
should take such a rebuke and threat of dismissal in silence from
Joe Smith of Palmyra, and continue under his leadership,
certainly indicates some wonderful hold that the prophet had upon
him.

While the travelling elders were doing successful work in adding

new converts to the fold, there was beginning to manifest itself
at Kirtland that "apostasy" which lost the church so many members
of influence, and was continued in Missouri so far that Mayor
Grant said, in Salt Lake City, in 1856, that "one-half at least
of the Yankee members of this church have apostatized."* The
secession of men like Booth and Ryder, and their public exposure
of Smith's methods, coupled with rumors of immoral practices in
the fold, were followed by the tarring and feathering of Smith
and Rigdon on the night of Saturday, March 25, 1832. The story of
this outrage is told in Smith's autobiography, and the details
there given may be in the main accepted.

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. III, p. 201.

Smith and his wife were living at the house of a farmer named
Johnson in Hiram township, while he and Rigdon were translating
the Scriptures. Mrs. Smith had taken two infant twins to bring
up, and on the night in question she and her husband were taking
turns sitting up with these babies, who were just recovering from
the measles. While Smith was sleeping, his wife heard a tapping
on the window, but gave it no attention. The mob, believing that
all within were asleep, then burst in the door, seized Smith as
he lay partly dressed on a trundle bed, and rushed him out of
doors, his wife crying "murder." Smith struggled as best he
could, but they carried him around the house, choking him until
he became unconscious. Some thirty yards from the house he saw
Rigdon, "stretched out on the ground, whither they had dragged
him by the heels." When they had carried Smith some thirty yards
farther, some of the mob meantime asking, "Ain't ye going to kill
him?" a council was held and some one asked, "Simmons, where's
the tarbucket?" When the bucket was brought up they tried to
force the "tarpaddle" into Smith's mouth, and also, he says, to
force a phial between his teeth. He adds:

"All my clothes were torn off me except my shirt collar, and one
man fell on me and scratched my body with his nails like a mad
cat. They then left me, and I attempted to rise, but fell again.
I pulled the tar away from my lips, etc., so that I could breathe
more freely, and after a while I began to recover, and raised
myself up, when I saw two lights. I made my way toward one of
them, and found it was father Johnson's. When I had come to the
door I was naked, and the tar made me look as though I had been
covered with blood; and when my wife saw me she thought I was all
smashed to pieces, and fainted. During the affray abroad, the
sisters of the neighborhood collected at my room. I called for a
blanket; they threw me one and shut the door; I wrapped it around
me and went in.... My friends spent the night in scraping and
removing the tar and washing and cleansing my body, so that by
morning I was ready to be clothed again.... With my flesh all
scarified and defaced, I preached [that morning] to the
congregation as usual, and in the afternoon of the same day
baptized three individuals."

Rigdon's treatment is described as still more severe. He was not

only dragged over the ground by the heels, but was well covered
with tar and feathers; and when Smith called on him the next day
he found him delirious, and calling for a razor with which to
kill his wife.

All Mormon accounts of this, as well as later persecutions,

attempt to make the ground of attack hostility to the Mormon
religious beliefs, presenting them entirely in the light of
outrages on liberty of opinion. Symonds Ryder (whom Smith accuses
of being one of the mob), says that the attack had this origin:
The people of Hiram had the reputation of being very receptive
and liberal in their religious views. The Mormons therefore
preached to them, and seemed in a fair way to win a decided
success, when the leaders made their first trip to Missouri.
Papers which they left behind outlining the internal system of
the new church fell into the hands of some of the converts, and
revealed to them the horrid fact that a plot was laid to take
their property from them and place it under the control of Smith,
the Prophet.... Some who had been the dupes of this deception
determined not to let it pass with impunity; and, accordingly, a
company was formed of citizens from Shalersville, Garretsville,
and Hiram, and took Smith and Rigdon from their beds and tarred
and feathered them."*

* Hayden's "Early History of the Disciples' Church in the Western

Reserve," p. 221.

This manifestation of hostility to the leaders of the new church

was only a more pronounced form of that which showed itself
against Smith before he left New York State. When a man of his
character and previous history assumes the right to baptize and
administer the sacrament, he is certain to arouse the animosity,
not only of orthodox church members, but of members of the
community who are lax in their church duties. Goldsmith
illustrates this kind of feeling when, in "She Stoops to
Conquer," he makes one of the "several shabby fellows with punch
and tobacco" in the alehouse say, "I loves to hear him, the
squire sing, bekeays he never gives us nothing that's low," and
another responds, "O, damn anything that's low." The AntiMormon
feeling was intensified and broadened by the aggressiveness with
which the Mormons sought for converts in the orthodox flocks.

Beliefs radically different from those accepted by any of the

orthodox denominations have escaped hostile opposition in this
country, even when they have outraged generally accepted social
customs. The Harmonists, in a body of 600, emigrated to
Pennsylvania to escape the persecution to which they were
subjected in Germany, purchased 5000 acres of land and organized
a town; moved later to Indiana, where they purchased 25,000
acres; and ten years afterward returned to Pennsylvania, and
bought 5000 acres in another place,--all the time holding to
their belief in a community of goods and a speedy coming of
Christ, as well as the duty of practicing celibacy,--without
exciting their neighbors or arousing their enmity. The
Wallingford Community in Connecticut, and the Oneida Community in
New York State, practised free love among themselves without
persecution, until their organizations died from natural causes.
The leaders in these and other independent sects were clean men
within their own rules, honest in their dealings with their
neighbors, never seeking political power, and never pressing
their opinions upon outsiders. An old resident of Wallingford
writes to me, "The Community were, in a way, very generally
respected for their high standard of integrity in all their
business transactions."

As we follow the career of the Mormons from Ohio to Missouri, and

thence to Illinois, we shall read their own testimony about the
character of their leading men, and about their view of the
rights of others in each of their neighborhoods. When Horace
Greeley asked Brigham Young in Salt Lake City for an explanation
of the "persecutions" of the Mormons, his reply was that there
was "no other explanation than is afforded by the crucifixion of
Christ and the kindred treatment of God's ministers, prophets,
and saints in all ages"; which led Greeley to observe that, while
a new sect is always decried and traduced,--naming the Baptists,
Quakers, Methodists, and Universalists,--he could not remember
"that either of them was ever generally represented and regarded
by the other sects of their early days as thieves, robbers, and
murderers."*

* "Overland Journey," p. 214.

Another attempt by Rigdon to assert his independence of Smith

occurred while the latter was still at Mr. Johnson's house and
Rigdon was in Kirtland. The fullest account of this is found in
Mother Smith's "History," pp. 204-206. She says that Rigdon came
in late to a prayer-meeting, much agitated, and, instead of
taking the platform, paced backward and forward on the floor.
Joseph's father told him they would like to hear a discourse from
him, but he replied, "The keys of the Kingdom are rent from the
church, and there shall not be a prayer put up in this house this
day." This caused considerable excitement, and Smith's brother
Hyrum left the house, saying, "I'll put a stop to this fuss
pretty quick," and, mounting a horse, set out for Johnson's and
brought the prophet back with him. On his arrival, a meeting of
the brethren was held, and Joseph declared to them, "I myself
hold the keys of this Last Dispensation, and will forever hold
them, both in time and eternity, so set your hearts at rest upon
that point. All is right." The next day Rigdon was tried before a
council for having "lied in the name of the Lord," and was
"delivered over to the buffetings of Satan," and deprived of his
license, Smith telling him that "the less priesthood he had, the
better it would be for him." Rigdon, Mrs. Smith says, according
to his own account, "was dragged out of bed by the devil three
times in one night by the heels," and, while she does not accept
this literally, she declares that "his contrition was as great as
a man could well live through." After awhile he got another
license.

CHAPTER IV. GIFTS OF TONGUES AND MIRACLES

In January, 1833, Smith announced a revival of the "gift of

tongues," and instituted the ceremony of washing the feet.* Under
the new system, Smith or Rigdon, during a meeting, would call on
some brother, or sister, saying, "Father A., if you will rise in
the name of Jesus Christ you can speak in tongues." The rule
which persons thus called on were to follow was thus explained,
"Arise upon your feet, speak or make some sound, continue to make
sounds of some kind, and the Lord will make a language of it." It
was not necessary that the words should be understood by the
congregation; some other Mormon would undertake their
interpretation. Much ridicule was incurred by the church because
of this kind of revelation. Gunnison relates that when a woman
"speaking in tongues" pronounced "meliar, meli, melee," it was at
once translated by a young wag, "my leg, my thigh, my knee," and,
when he was called before the Council charged with irreverence,
he persisted in his translation, but got off with an
admonition.** At a meeting in Nauvoo in later years a doubting
convert delivered an address in real Choctaw, whereupon a woman
jumped up and offered as a translation an account of the glories
of the new Temple.

* This ceremony has fallen into disuse in Utah.

** "The Mormons." p. 74.

At the conference of June 4, 1831, Smith ordained Elder Wright to

the high priesthood for service among the Indians, with the gift
of tongues, healing the sick, etc. Wright at once declared that
he saw the Saviour. At one of the sessions at Kirtland at this
time, as described by an eye-witness, Smith announced that the
day would come when no man would be permitted to preach unless he
had seen the Lord face to face. Then, addressing Rigdon, he
asked, "Sidney, have you seen the Lord?" The obedient Sidney made
reply, "I saw the image of a man pass before my face, whose locks
were white, and whose countenance was exceedingly fair, even
surpassing all beauty that I ever beheld." Smith at once rebuked
him by telling him that he would have seen more but for his
unbelief.

Almost simultaneously with Smith's first announcement of his

prophetic powers, while working his "peek-stone" in Pennsylvania
and New York, he, as we have seen, claimed ability to perform
miracles, and he announced that he had cast out a devil at
Colesville in 1830.* The performance of miracles became an
essential part of the church work at Kirtland, and had a great
effect on the superstitious converts. The elders, who in the
early days labored in England, laid great stress on their
miraculous power, and there were some amusing exposures of their
pretences. The Millennial Star printed a long list of successful
miracles dating from 1839 to 1850, including the deaf made to
hear, the blind to see, dislocated bones put in place, leprosy
and cholera cured, and fevers rebuked. Smith, Rigdon, and Cowdery
took a leading part in this work at Kirtland.** To a man nearly
dead with consumption Rigdon gave assurance that he would recover
"as sure as there is a God in heaven." The man's death soon
followed. When a child, whose parents had been persuaded to trust
its case to Mormon prayers instead of calling a physician,***
died, Smith and Rigdon promised that it would rise from the dead,
and they went through certain ceremonies to accomplish that
object.****

* For particulars of this miracle, see Millennial Star, Vol. XIV,

pp. 28, 32.

** While Smith was in Washington in 1840, pressing on the federal

authorities the claims of the Mormons for redress for their
losses in Missouri, he preached on the church doctrines. A member
of Congress who heard him sent a synopsis of the discourse to his
wife, and Smith printed this entire in his autobiography
(Millennial Star, Vol. XVII, p. 583). Here is one passage: "He
[Smith] performed no miracles. He did not pretend to possess any
such power." This is an illustration of the facility with which
Smith could lie, when to do so would serve his purpose.

*** The Saints were early believers in faith cure. Smith, in a

sermon preached in 1841, urged them "to trust in God when sick,
and live by faith and not by medicine or poison" (Millennial
Star, Vol. XVIII, p. 663). A coroner's jury, in an inquest over a
victim of this faith in London, England, cautioned the sect
against continuing this method of curing (Times and Seasons,
1842, p. 813).

**** For further illustrations of miracle working, in Ohio, see

Kennedy's "Early Days of Mormonism," Chap. V.

The lengths to which Smith dared go in his pretensions are well

illustrated in an incident of these days. Among the curiosities
of a travelling showman who passed through Kirtland were some
Egyptian mummies. As the golden plates from which the Mormon
Bible was translated were written in "reformed Egyptian," the
translator of those plates was interested in all things coming
from Egypt, and at his suggestion the mummies were purchased by
and for the church. On them were found some papyri which Joseph,
with the assistance of Phelps and Cowdery, set about
"translating." Their success was great, and Smith was able to
announce: "We found that one of these rolls contained the
writings of Abraham, another the writings of Joseph.* Truly we
could see that the Lord is beginning to reveal the abundance of
truth." That there might be no question about the accuracy of
Smith's translation, he exhibited a certificate signed by the
proprietor of the show, saying that he had exhibited the
"hieroglyphic characters" to the most learned men in many cities,
"and from all the information that I could ever learn or meet
with, I find that of Joseph Smith, Jr., to correspond in the most
minute matters." * When the papyri were shown to Josiah Quincy
and Charles Francis Adams, on the occasion of their visit to
Nauvoo in 1844, Joseph Smith, pointing out the inscriptions,
said: "That is the handwriting of Abraham, the Father of the
Faithful. This is the autograph of Moses, and these lines were
written by his brother Aaron. Here we have the earliest account
of the creation, from which Moses composed the first Book of
Genesis."--"Figures of the Past," p. 386.

Smith's autobiography contains this memorandum: "October 1, 1835.

This afternoon I labored on the Egyptian alphabet in company with
Brother O. Cowdery and W. W. Phelps, and during the research the
principals of astronomy, as understood by Father Abraham and the
Ancients, unfolded to our understanding. "When he was in the
height of his power in Nauvoo, Smith printed in the Times and
Seasons a reproduction of these hieroglyphics accompanied by this
alleged translation, of what he called "the Book of Abraham," and
they were also printed in the Millennial Star.* The translation
was a meaningless jumble of words after this fashion:--

* See Vol. XIX, p. 100, etc., from which the accompanying

facsimile is taken.

"In the land of the Chaldeans, at the residence of my father, I,

Abraham, saw that it was needful for me to obtain another place
of residence, and finding there was greater happiness and peace
and rest for me, I sought for the blessings of the Fathers, and
the right whereunto I should be ordained to administer the same,
having been myself a follower of righteousness, desiring to be
one also who possessed great knowledge, and to possess greater
knowledge, and to be a greater follower of righteousness."

Remy submitted a reproduction of these hieroglyphics to Theodule

Deveria, of the Museum of the Louvre, in Paris, who found, of
course, that Smith's purported translation was wholly fraudulent.
For instance, his Abraham fastened on an altar was a
representation of Osiris coming to life on his funeral couch, his
officiating priest was the god Anubis, and what Smith represents
to indicate an angel of the Lord is "the soul of Osiris, under
the form of a hawk."* Smith's whole career offered no more brazen
illustration of his impostures than this.

* See "A Journey to Great Salt Lake City", by Jules Remy (1861),
Note XVII.

A visitor to the Kirtland Temple some years later paid Joseph's

father half a dollar in order to see the Egyptian curios, which
were kept in the attic of that structure.

A well-authenticated anecdote, giving another illustration of

Smith's professed knowledge of the Egyptian language is told by
the Rev. Henry Caswall, M.A., who, after holding the
Professorship of Divinity in Kemper College, in Missouri, became
vicar of a church in England. Mr. Caswall, on the occasion of a
visit to Nauvoo in 1842, having heard of Smith's Egyptian lore,
took with him an ancient Greek manuscript of the Psalter, on
parchment, with which to test the prophet's scholarship. The
belief of Smith's followers in his powers was shown by their
eagerness to have him see this manuscript, and their persistence
in urging Mr. Caswall to wait a day for Smith's return from
Carthage that he might submit it to the prophet. Mr. Caswall the
next day handed the manuscript to Smith and asked him to explain
its contents. After a brief examination, Smith explained: "It
ain't Greek at all, except perhaps a few words. What ain't Greek
is Egyptian, and what ain't Egyptian is Greek. This book is very
valuable. It is a dictionary of Egyptian hieroglyphics. These
figures (pointing to the capitals] is Egyptian hieroglyphics
written in the reformed Egyptian. These characters are like the
letters that were engraved on the golden plates."*

* "The City of the Mormons," p. 36 (1842).

CHAPTER V. SMITH'S OHIO BUSINESS ENTERPRISES

When Rigdon returned to Ohio with Smith in January, 1831, it

seems to have been his intention to make Kirtland the permanent
headquarters of the new church. He had written to his people from
Palmyra, "Be it known to you, brethren, that you are dwelling on
your eternal inheritance." When Cowdery and his associates
arrived in Ohio on their first trip, they announced as the
boundaries of the Promised Land the township of Kirtland on the
east and the Pacific Ocean on the west. Within two months of his
arrival at Kirtland Smith gave out a "revelation" (Sec. 45), in
which the Lord commanded the elders to go forth into the western
countries and buildup churches, and they were told of a City of
Refuge for the church, to be called the New Jerusalem. No
definite location of this city was given, and the faithful were
warned to "keep these things from going abroad unto the world."
Another "revelation" of the same month (Sec. 48) announced that
it was necessary for all to remain for the present in their
places of abode, and directed those who had lands "to impart to
the eastern brethren," and the others to buy lands, and all to
save money" to purchase lands for an inheritance, even the city."

The reports of those who first went to Missouri induced Smith and
Rigdon, before they made their first trip to that state, to
announce that the Saints would pass one more winter in Ohio. But
when they had visited the Missouri frontier and realized its
distance from even the Ohio border line, and the actual
privations to which settlers there must submit, their zeal
weakened, and they declared, "It will be many years before we
come here, for the Lord has a great work for us to do in Ohio."
The building of the Temple at Kirtland, and the investments in
lots and in business enterprises there showed that a permanent
settlement in Ohio was then decided on.

Smith's first business enterprise for the church in Ohio was a

general store which he opened in Hiram. This establishment has
been described as "a poorly furnished country store where
commerce looks starvation in the face."* The difficulty of
combining the positions of prophet, head of the church, and
retail merchant was naturally great. The result of the
combination has been graphically pictured by no less an authority
than Brigham Young. In a discourse in Salt Lake City, explaining
why the church did not maintain a store there, Young said:--

* Salt Lake Herald, November 17, 1877.

"You that have lived in Nauvoo, in Missouri, in Kirtland, Ohio,

can you assign a reason why Joseph could not keep a store and be
a merchant? Let me just give you a few reasons; and there are men
here who know just how matters went in those days. Joseph goes to
New York and buys $20,000 worth of goods, comes into Kirtland and
commences to trade. In comes one of the brethren. Brother Joseph,
let me have a frock pattern for my wife: What if Joseph says,
'No, I cannot without money.' The consequence would be, 'He is no
Prophet,' says James. Pretty soon Thomas walks in. 'Brother
Joseph, will you trust me for a pair of boots?' 'No, I cannot let
them go without money.' 'Well,' says Thomas, 'Brother Joseph is
no Prophet; I have found THAT out and I am glad of it.' After a
while in comes Bill and Sister Susan. Says Bill, 'Brother Joseph,
I want a shawl. I have not got any money, but I wish you to trust
me a week or a fortnight.' Well, Brother Joseph thinks the others
have gone and apostatized, and he don't know but these goods will
make the whole church do the same, so he lets Bill have a shawl.
Bill walks of with it and meets a brother. 'Well,' says he, 'what
do you think of Brother Joseph?' 'O, he is a first rate man, and
I fully believe he is a Prophet. He has trusted me with this
shawl.' Richard says, 'I think I will go down and see if he won't
trust me some.' In walks Richard. Brother Joseph, I want to trade
about $20.' 'Well,'says Joseph, 'these goods will make the people
apostatize, so over they go; they are of less value than the
people.' Richard gets his goods. Another comes in the same way to
make a trade of $25, and so it goes. Joseph was a first rate
fellow with them all the time, provided he never would ask them
to pay him. And so you may trace it down through the history of
this people."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. 1, p. 215.

If this analysis of the flock which Smith gathered in Ohio, and

which formed the nucleus of the settlements in Missouri, was not
permanently recorded in an official church record, its
authenticity would be vigorously assailed.

Later enterprises at Kirtland, undertaken under the auspices of

the church, included a steam sawmill and a tannery, both of which
were losing concerns. But the speculation to which later Mormon
authorities attributed the principal financial disasters of the
church at Kirtland was the purchase of land and its sale as town
lots.* The craze for land speculation in those days was not
confined, however, to the Mormons. That was the period when the
purchase of public lands of the United States seemed likely to
reach no limit. These sales, which amounted to $2,300,000 in
1830, and to $4,800,000 in 1834, lumped to $14,757,600 in 1835,
and to $24,877,179 in 1836. The government deposits (then made in
the state banks) increased from $10,000,000 on January 1, 1835,
to $41,500,000 on June 1, 1836, the increase coming from receipts
from land sales. This led to that bank expansion which was
measured by the growth of bank capital in this country from
$61,000,000 to $200,000,000 between 1830 and 1834, with a further
advance to $251,000,000.

* "Real estate rose from 100 to 800 per cent and in many cases
more. Men who were not thought worth $50 or $100 became
purchasers of thousands. Notes (sometimes cash), deeds and
mortgages passed and repassed, till all, or nearly all, supposed
they had become wealthy, or at least had acquired a
competence."--Messenger and Advocate, June, 1837.
The Mormon leaders and their people were peculiarly liable to be
led into disaster when sharing in this speculators' fever. They
were, however, quick to take advantage of the spirit of the
times. The Zion of Missouri lost its attractiveness to them, and
on February 23, 1833, the Presidency decided to purchase land at
Kirtland, and to establish there on a permanent Stake of Zion.
The land purchases of the church began at once, and we find a
record of one Council meeting, on March 23, 1833, at which it was
decided to buy three farms costing respectively $4000, $2100, and
$5000. Kirtland was laid out (on paper) with 32 streets, cutting
one another at right angles, each four rods wide. This provided
for 225 blocks of 20 lots each. Twenty-nine of the streets were
named after Mormons. Joseph and his family appear many times in
the list of conveyors of these lots. The original map of the
city, as described in Smith's autobiography, provided for 24
public buildings temples, schools, etc.; no lot to contain more
than one house, and that not to be nearer than 25 feet from the
street, with a prohibition against erecting a stable on a house
lot.*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, pp. 438-439.

Of course this Mormon capital must have a grand church edifice,

to meet Smith's views, and he called a council to decide about
the character of the new meeting-house. A few of the speakers
favored a modest frame building, but a majority thought a log one
better suited to their means. Joseph rebuked the latter, asking,
"Shall we, brethren, build a house for our God of logs?" and he
straightway led them to the corner of a wheat field, where the
trench for the foundation was at once begun.* No greater
exhibition of business folly could have been given than the
undertaking of the costly building then planned on so slender a
financial foundation.

* Mother Smith's "Biographical Sketches" p. 213.

The corner-stone was laid on July 23, 1833, and the Temple was
not dedicated until March 27, 1836. Mormon devotion certainly
showed itself while this work was going on. Every male member was
expected to give oneseventh of his time to the building without
pay, and those who worked on it at day's wages had, in most
instances, no other income, and often lived on nothing but corn
meal. The women, as their share, knit and wove garments for the
workmen.

The Temple, which is of stone covered with a cement stucco (it is

still in use), measures 60 by 80 feet on the ground, is 123 feet
in height to the top of the spire, and contains two stories and
an attic.

The cost of this Temple was $40,000, and, notwithstanding the

sacrifices made by the Saints in assisting its construction, and
the schemes of the church officers to secure funds, a debt of
from $15,000 to $20,000 remained upon it. That the church was
financially embarrassed at the very beginning of the work is
shown by a letter addressed to the brethren in Zion, Missouri, by
Smith, Rigdon, and Williams, dated June 25, 1833, in which they
said, "Say to Brother Gilbert that we have no power to assist him
in a pecuniary point, as we know not the hour when we shall be
sued for debts which we have contracted ourselves in New York."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, p. 450.

To understand the business crash and scandals which compelled

Smith and his associates to flee from Ohio, it is necessary to
explain the business system adopted by the church under them.
This system began with a rule about the consecration of property.
As originally published in the Evening and Morning Star, and in
chapter xliv of the "Book of Commandments," this rule declared,
"Thou shalt consecrate all thy properties, that which thou hast,
unto me, with a covenant and a deed which cannot be broken," with
a provision that the Bishop, after he had received such an
irrevocable deed, should appoint every man a steward over so much
of his property as would be sufficient for himself and family. In
the later edition of the "Doctrine and Covenants" this was
changed to read, "And behold, thou wilt remember the poor, and
consecrate thy properties for their support," etc.

By a "revelation" given out while the heads of the church were in

Jackson County, Missouri, in April, 1832 (Sec. 82), a sort of
firm was appointed, including Smith, Rigdon, Cowdery, Harris, and
N. K. Whitney, "to manage the affairs of the poor, and all things
pertaining to the bishopric," both in Ohio and Missouri. This
firm thus assumed control of the property which "revelation" had
placed in the hands of the Bishop. This arrangement was known as
The Order of Enoch. Next came a "revelation" dated April 23,
1834. (Sec. 104), by which the properties of the Order were
divided, Rigdon getting the place in which he was living in
Kirtland, and the tannery; Harris a lot, with a command to
"devote his monies for the proclaiming of my words"; Cowdery and
Williams, the printing-office, with some extra lots to Cowdery;
and Smith, the lot designed for the Temple, and "the inheritance
on which his father resides." The building of the Temple having
brought the Mormon leaders into debt, this "revelation," was
designed to help them out, and it contained these further
directions, in the voice of the Lord, be it remembered: "The
covenants being broken through transgression, by covetousness and
feigned words, therefore you are dissolved as a United Order with
your brethren, that you are not bound only up to this hour unto
them, only on this wise, as I said, by loan as shall be agreed by
this Order in council, as your circumstances will admit, and the
voice of the council direct.....

"And again verily I say unto you, concerning your debts, behold
it is my will that you should pay all your debts; and it is my
will that you should humble yourselves before me, and obtain this
blessing by your diligence and humility and the prayer of faith;
and inasmuch as you are diligent and humble, and exercise the
prayer of faith, behold, I will soften the hearts of those to
whom you are in debt, until I shall send means unto you for your
deliverance.... I give you a promise that you shall be delivered
this once out of your bondage; inasmuch as you obtained a chance
to loan money by hundreds, or thousands even until you shall loan
enough [meaning borrow] to deliver yourselves from bondage, it is
your privilege; and pledge the properties which I have put into
your hands this once.... The master will not suffer his house to
be broken up. Even so. Amen."

It does not appear that the Mormon leaders took advantage of this
authorization to borrow money on Kirtland real estate, if they
could; but in 1835 they set up several mercantile establishments,
finding firms in Cleveland, Buffalo, and farther east who would
take their notes on six months' time." A great part of the goods
of these houses, "says William Harris, "went to pay the workmen
on the Temple, and many were sold on credit, so that when the
notes became due the houses were not able to meet them."

Smith's autobiography relates part of one story of an effort of

his to secure money at this trying time, the complete details of
which have been since supplied. He simply says that on July 25,
1836, in company with his brother Hyrum, Sidney Rigdon, and
Oliver Cowdery, he started on a trip which brought them to Salem,
Massachusetts, where "we hired a house and occupied the same
during the month, teaching the people from house to house."* The
Mormon of to-day, in reading his "Doctrine and Covenants," finds
Section 111 very perplexing. No place of its reception is given,
but it goes on to say:--

* Millennial Star, Vol. XV, p. 281.

"I, the Lord your God, am not displeased with your coming this
journey, notwithstanding your follies; I have much treasure in
this city for you, for the benefit of Zion;...and it shall come
to pass in due time, that I will give this city into your hands,
that you shall have power over it, insomuch that they shall not
discover your secret parts; and its wealth pertaining to gold and
silver shall be yours. Concern not yourself about your debts, for
I will give you power to pay them.... And inquire diligently
concerning the more ancient inhabitants and founders of this
city; for there are more treasures than one for you in this
city."

"This city" was Salem, Massachusetts, and the "revelation" was

put forth to brace up the spirits of Smith's fellow-travellers. A
Mormon named Burgess had gone to Kirtland with a story about a
large amount of money that was buried in the cellar of a house in
Salem which had belonged to a widow, and the location of which he
alone knew. Smith credited this report, and looked to the
treasure to assist him in his financial difficulties, and he took
the persons named with him on the trip. But when they got there
Burgess said that time had so changed the appearance of the
houses that he could not be sure which was the widow's, and he
cleared out. Smith then hired a house which he thought might be
the right one,--it proved not to be,--and it was when his
associates were--becoming discouraged that the ex-money-digger
uttered the words quoted, to strengthen their courage. "We speak
of these things with regret," says Ebenezer Robinson, who
believed in the prophet's divine calling to the last.*
* The Return, July, 1889.

Brought face to face with apparent financial disaster, the next

step taken to prevent this was the establishment of a bank. Smith
told of a "revelation" concerning a bank "which would swallow up
all other banks." An application for a charter was made to the
Ohio legislature, but it was refused. The law of Ohio at that
time provided that "all notes and bills, bonds and other
securities [of an unchartered bank] shall be held and taken in
all courts as absolutely void." This, however, did not deter a
man of Smith's audacity, and soon came the announcement of the
organization of the "Kirtland Safety Society Bank," with an
alleged capital of $4,000,000. The articles of agreement had been
drawn up on November 2, 1836, and Oliver Cowdery had been sent to
Philadelphia to get the plates for the notes at the same time
that Orson Hyde set out to the state capital to secure a charter.
Cowdery took no chances of failure, and he came back not only
with a plate, but with $200,000 in printed bills. To avoid the
inconvenience of having no charter, the members of the Safety
Society met on January 2, 1837, and reorganized under the name of
the "Kirtland Society Anti-banking Company," and, in the hope of
placing the bills within the law (or at least beyond its reach),
the word "Bank" was changed with a stamp so that it read
"Anti-BANK-ing Co.," as in the facsimile here presented.

W. Harris thus describes the banking scheme:--

"Subscribers for stock were allowed to pay the amount of their

subscriptions in town lots at five or six times their real value;
others paid in personal property at a high valuation, and some
were paid in cash. When the notes were first issued they were
current in the vicinity, and Smith took advantage of their credit
to pay off with them the debts he and his brethren had contracted
in the neighborhood for land, etc. The Eastern creditors,
however, refused to take them. This led to the expedient of
exchanging them for the notes of other banks.

Accordingly, the Elders were sent into the country to barter off
Kirtland money, which they did with great zeal, and continued the
operation until the notes were not worth twelve and a half cents
to the dollar."*

* "Mormonism Portrayed," p. 31

Just how much of this currency was issued the records do not
show. Hall says that Brigham Young, who had joined the flock at
Kirtland, disposed of $10,000 worth of it in the States, and that
Smith and other church officers reaped a rich harvest with it in
Canada, explaining, "The credit of the bank here was good, even
high."* Kidder quotes a gentleman living near Kirtland who said
that the cash capital paid in was only about $5000, and that they
succeeded in floating from $50,000 to $100,000. Ann Eliza,
Brigham's "wife No. 19," says that her father invested everything
he had but his house and shop in the bank, and lost it all.

* "Abominations of Mormonism Exposed" (1852), pp. 19, 20.

Cyrus Smalling, one of the Seventy at Kirtland, wrote an account
of Kirtland banking operations under date of March 10, 1841, in
which he said that Smith and his associates collected about $6000
in specie, and that when people in the neighborhood went to the
bank to inquire about its specie reserve, "Smith had some one or
two hundred boxes made, and gathered all the lead and shot the
village had, or that part of it that he controlled, and filled
the boxes with lead, shot, etc., and marked them $1000 each.
Then, when they went to examine the vault, he had one box on a
table partly filled for them to see; and when they proceeded to
the vault, Smith told them that the church had $200,000 in
specie; and he opened one box and they saw that it was silver;
and they were seemingly satisfied, and went away for a few days
until the elders were packed off in every direction to pass their
paper money."*

* "Mormons; or Knavery Exposed" (1841).

Smith believed in specie payments to his bank, whatever might be

his intentions as regards the redemption of his notes, for, in
the Messenger and Advocate (pp. 441-443), following the by-laws
of the Anti-banking Company, was printed a statement signed by
him, saying:--

"We want the brethren from abroad to call on us and take stock in
the Safety Society, and we would remind them of the sayings of
the Prophet Isaiah contained in the 60th chapter, and more
particularly in the 9th and 17th verses which are as follows:--

"Surely the isles shall wait for me, and the ships of Tarshish
first, to bring thy sons from far, their silver and their gold
with them, unto the name of the Lord thy God.

"For brass I will bring gold, and for iron I will bring silver,
etc."

The Messenger and Advocate (edited by W. A. Cowdery), of July,

1837, contained a long article on the bank and its troubles,
pointing out, first, that the bank was opened without a charter,
being "considered a kind of joint stock association," and that
"the private property of the stockholders was holden in
proportion to the amount of their subscriptions for the
redemption of the paper," and also that its notes were absolutely
void under the state law. The editor goes on to say:--

"Previously to the commencement of discounting by the bank, large

debts had been contracted for merchandise in New York and other
cities, and large contracts entered into for real estate in this
and adjoining towns; some of them had fallen due and must be met,
or incur forfeitures of large sums. These causes, we are bound to
believe, operated to induce the officers of the bank to let out
larger sums than their better judgments dictated, which almost
invariably fell into or passed through the hands of those who
sought our ruin.... Hundreds who were enemies either came or sent
their agents and demanded specie, till the officers thought best
to refuse payment."

This subtle explanation of the suspension of specie payments is

followed with a discussion of monopolies, etc., leading up to a
statement of the obligations of the Mormons in regard to the
discredited bank-notes, most of which were in circulation
elsewhere. To the question; "Shall we unite as one man, say it is
good, and make it good by taking it on a par with gold?" he
replies, "No," explaining that, owing to the fewness of the
church members as compared with the world at large, "it must be
confined in its circulation and par value to the limits of our
own society." To the question, "Shall we then take it at its
marked price for our property," he again replies, "No,"
explaining that their enemies had received the paper at a
discount, and that, to receive it at par from them, would "give
them voluntarily and with one eye open just that advantage over
us to oppress, degrade and depress us." This combined financial
and spiritual adviser closes his article by urging the brethren
to set apart a portion of their time to the service of God, and a
portion to "the study of the science of our government and the
news of the day."

A card which appeared in the Messenger and Advocate of August,

1837, signed by Smith, warned "the brethren and friends of the
church to beware of speculators, renegades, and gamblers who are
duping the unwary and unsuspecting by palming upon them those
bills, which are of no worth here."

The actual test of the bank's soundness had come when a request
was made for the redemption of the notes. The notes seem to have
been accepted freely in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, where it was
taken for granted that a cashier and president who professed to
be prophets of the Lord would not give countenance to bank paper
of doubtful value.* When stories about the concern reached the
Pittsburg banks, they sent an agent to Kirtland with a package of
the notes for redemption. Rigdon loudly asserted the stability of
the institution; but when a request for coin was repeated, it was
promptly refused by him on the ground that the bills were a
circulating medium" for the accommodation of the public, "and
that to call any of them in would defeat their object.**

* "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 71.

** "Early Days of Mormonism," p. 163.

Other creditors of the Mormons were now becoming active in their

demands. For failing to meet a note given to the bank at
Painesville, Smith, Rigdon, and N. K. Whitney were put under
$8000 bonds. Smith, Rigdon, and Cowdery were called into court as
indorsers of paper for one of the Mormon firms, and judgment was
given against them. To satisfy a firm of New York merchants the
heads of the church gave a note for $4500 secured by a mortgage
on their interest in the new Temple and its contents.* The
Egyptian mummies were especially excepted from this mortgage.
Mother Smith describes how these relics were saved by "various
stratagems" under an execution of $50 issued against the prophet.
* Ibid., pp. 159-160.

The scheme of calling the bank corporation an "anti-banking"

society did not save the officers from prosecution under the
state law. Informers against violators of the banking law
received in Ohio a share of the fine imposed, and this led to the
filing of an information against Rigdon and Smith in March, 1837,
by one S. D. Rounds, in the Geauga County Court, charging them
with violating the law, and demanding a penalty of $1000 They
were at once arrested and held in bail, and were convicted the
following October. They appealed on the ground that the
institution was an association and not a bank; but this plea was
never ruled upon by the court, as the bank suspended payments and
closed its doors in November, 1837, and, before the appeal could
be argued, Smith and Rigdon had fled from the state to Missouri.

CHAPTER VI. LAST DAYS AT KIRTLAND

It is easy to understand that a church whose leaders had such

views of financial responsibility as Smith's and Rigdon's, and
whose members were ready to apostatize when they could not obtain
credit at the prophet's store, was anything but a harmonious
body. Smith was not a man to maintain his own dignity or to spare
the feelings of his associates. Wilford Woodruff, describing his
first sight of the prophet, at Kirtland, in 1834, said he found
him with his brother Hyrum, wearing a very old hat and engaged in
the sport of shooting at a mark. Woodruff accompanied him to his
house, where Smith at once brought out a wolfskin, and said,
"Brother Woodruff, I want you to help me tan this," and the two
took off their coats and went to work at the skin.* Smith's
contempt for Rigdon was never concealed. Writing of the situation
at Kirtland in 1833, he spoke of Rigdon as possessing "a
selfishness and independence of mind which too often manifestly
destroys the confidence of those who would lay down their lives
for him."** Smith was in the habit of announcing, from his lofty
pulpit in the Temple, "The truth is good enough without dressing
up, but brother Rigdon will now proceed to dress it up."*** Some
of the new converts backed out as soon as they got a close view
of the church. Elder G. A. Smith, a cousin of Joseph, in a sermon
in Salt Lake City, in 1855, mentioned some incidents of this
kind. One family, who had journeyed a long distance to join the
church in Kirtland, changed their minds because Joseph's wife
invited them to have a cup of tea "after the word of wisdom was
given." Another family withdrew after seeing Joseph begin playing
with his children as soon as he rested from the work of
translating the Scriptures for the day. A Canadian ex-Methodist
prayed so long at family worship at Father Johnson's that Joseph
told him flatly "not to bray so much like a jackass." The prayer
thereupon returned to Canada.

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. 1, p. 101.

** Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, pp. 584-585.

*** Lippincott's Magazine, August, 1880.

But the discontented were not confined to new-comers. Jealousy
and dissatisfaction were constantly manifesting themselves among
Smith's old standbys. Written charges made against Cowdery and
David Whitmer, when they were driven out of Far West, Missouri,
told them: "You commenced your wickedness by heading a party to
disturb the worship of the Saints in the first day of the week,
and made the house of the Lord in Kirtland to be a scene of abuse
and slander, to destroy the reputation of those whom the church
had appointed to be their teachers, and for no other cause only
that you were not the persons." In more exact terms, their
offence was opposition to the course pursued by Smith. During the
winter and spring of 1837, these rebels included in their list F.
G. Williams, of the First Presidency, Martin Harris, D. Whitmer,
Lyman E. Johnson, P. P. Pratt, and W. E. McLellin. In May, 1837,
a High Council was held in Kirtland to try these men. Pratt at
once objected to being tried by a body of which Smith and Rigdon
were members, as they had expressed opinions against him. Rigdon
confessed that he could not conscientiously try the case, Cowdery
did likewise, Williams very properly withdrew, and "the Council
dispersed in confusion."* It was never reassembled, but the
offenders were not forgotten, and their punishment came later.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XVI, p. 10.

Mother Smith attributes much of the discord among the members at

this time to "a certain young woman," an inmate of David
Whitmer's house, who began prophesying with the assistance of a
black stone. This seer predicted Smith's fall from office because
of his transgressions, and that David Whitmer or Martin Harris
would succeed him. Her proselytes became so numerous that a
written list of them showed that "a great proportion of the
church were decidedly in favor with the new party."*

* "Biographical Sketches," p. 221.

While Smith was thus fighting leading members of his own church,
he was called upon to defend himself against a serious charge in
court. A farmer near Kirtland, named Grandison Newell, received
information from a seceding Mormon that Smith had directed the
latter and another Mormon named Davis to kill Newell because he
was a particularly open opponent of the new sect. The affidavit
of this man set forth that he and Davis had twice gone to
Newell's house to carry out Smith's order, and were only
prevented by the absence of the intended victim. Smith was placed
under $500 bonds on this charge, but on the formal hearing he was
discharged on the ground of insufficient evidence.*

* Fanny Brewer of Boston, in an affidavit published in 1842,

declared, "I am personally acquainted with one of the employees,
Davis by name, and he frankly acknowledged to me that he was
prepared to do the deed under the direction of the prophet, and
was only prevented by the entreaties of his wife."
A rebellious spirit had manifested itself among the brethren in
Missouri soon after Smith returned from his first visit to that
state. W. W. Phelps questioned the prophet's "monarchical power
and authority," and an unpleasant correspondence sprung up
between them. As Smith did not succeed by his own pen in
silencing his accusers, a conference of twelve high priests was
called by him in Kirtland in January, 1833, which appointed Orson
Hyde and Smith's brother Hyrum to write to the Missouri brethren.
In this letter they were told plainly that, unless the rebellious
spirit ceased, the Lord would seek another Zion. To Phelps the
message was sent, "If you have fat beef and potatoes, eat them in
singleness of heart, and not boast yourself in these things." It
was, however, as a concession to this spirit of complaint,
according to Ferris, that Smith announced the "revelation" which
placed the church in the hands of a supreme governing body of
three.

Smith himself furnishes a very complete picture of the disrupted

condition of the Mormons in 1838, in an editorial in the Elders'
journal, dated August, of that year. The tone of the article,
too, sheds further light on Smith's character. Referring to the
course of "a set of creatures" whom the church had excluded from
fellowship, he says they "had recourse to the foulest lying to
hide their iniquity...; and this gang of horse thieves and
drunkards were called upon immediately to write their lives on
paper." Smith then goes on to pay his respects to various
officers of the church, all of whom, it should be remembered,
held their positions through "revelation" and were therefore
professedly chosen directly by God.

Of a statement by Warren Parish, one of the Seventy and an

officer of the bank, Smith says: "Granny Parish made such an
awful fuss about what was conceived in him that, night after
night and day after day, he poured forth his agony before all
living, as they saw proper to assemble. For a rational being to
have looked at him and heard him groan and grunt, and saw him
sweat and struggle, would have supposed that his womb was as much
swollen as was Rebecca's when the angel told her there were two
nations there." He also accuses Parish of immorality and stealing
money.

Here is a part of Smith's picture of Dr. W. A. Cowdery, a

presiding high priest: "This poor pitiful beggar came to Kirtland
a few years since with a large family, nearly naked and
destitute. It was really painful to see this pious Doctor's (for
such he professed to be) rags flying when he walked upon the
streets. He was taken in by us in this pitiful condition, and we
put him into the printing-office and gave him enormous wages, not
because he could earn it, but merely out of pity.... A truly
niggardly spirit manifested itself in all his meanness."

Smith's old friend Martin Harris, now a high priest, and Cyrus
Smalling, one of the Seventy, are lumped among Parish's
"lackeys,", of whom Smith says: "They are so far beneath contempt
that a notice of them would be too great a sacrifice for a
gentleman to make." Of Leonard Rich, one of the seven presidents
of the seventy elders, Smith says that he "was generally so drunk
that he had to support himself by something to keep from falling
down." J. F. Boynton and Luke Johnson, two of the Twelve, are
called "a pair of young blacklegs," and Stephen Burnett, an
elder, is styled "a little ignorant blockhead, whose heart was so
set on money that he would at any time sell his soul for $50, and
then think he had made an excellent bargain."

Smith's own personal character was freely attacked, and the

subject became so public that it received notice in the Elders'
Journal. One charge was improper conduct toward an orphan girl
whom Mrs. Smith had taken into her family. Smith's autobiography
contains an account of a council held in New Portage, Ohio, in
1834, at which Rigdon accused Martin Harris of telling A. C.
Russel that "Joseph drank too much liquor when he was translating
the Book of Mormon," and Harris set up as a defence that "this
thing occurred previous to the translating of the Book."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XV, p. 12.

There was a good deal of talk concerning a confession "about a

girl," which Oliver Cowdery was reported to have said that Smith
made to him. Denials of this for Cowdery appeared in the Elders'
Journal of July, 1838, one man's statement ending thus, "Joseph
asked if he ever said to him (Oliver) that he (Joseph) confessed
to any one that he was guilty of the above crime; and Oliver,
after some hesitation, answered no."

The Elders' Journal of August, 1838, contains a retraction by

Parley P. Pratt of a letter he had written, in which he censured
both Smith and Rigdon, "using great severity and harshness in
regard to certain business transactions." In that letter Pratt
confessed that "the whole scheme of speculation" in which the
Mormon leaders were engaged was of the "devil," and he begged
Smith to make restitution for having sold him, for $2000, three
lots of land that did not cost Smith over $200.

Not only was the moral character of Smith and other individual
members of the church successfully attacked at this time, but the
charge was openly made that polygamy was practised and
sanctioned. In the "Book of Doctrine and Covenants," published in
Kirtland in 1835, Section 101 was devoted to the marriage rite.
It contained this declaration: "Inasmuch as this Church of Christ
has been reproached with the crime of fornication and polygamy,
we declare that we believe that one man should have one wife, and
one woman one husband, except in case of death, when either is at
liberty to marry again." The value of such a denial is seen in
the ease with which this section was blotted out by Smith's later
"revelation" establishing polygamy.

An admission that even elders did practise polygamy at that time

is found in a minute of a meeting of the Presidents of the
Seventies, held on April 29, 1837, which made this declaration:
"First, that we will have no fellowship whatever with any elder
belonging to the Quorum of the Seventies, who is guilty of
polygamy."*

* Messenger and Advocate, p. 511.

Again: The Elders' journal dated Far West, Missouri, 1838,
contained a list of answers by Smith to certain questions which,
in an earlier number, he had said were daily and hourly asked by
all classes of people. Among these was the following: "Q. Do the
Mormons believe in having more wives than one? A. No, not at the
same time." (He condemns the plan of marrying within a few weeks
or months of the death of the first wife.) The statement has been
made that polygamy first suggested itself to Smith in Ohio, while
he was translating the so-called "Book of Abraham" from the
papyri found on the Egyptian mummies. This so-called translation
required some study of the Old Testament, and it is not at all
improbable that Smith's natural inclination toward such a
doctrine as polygamy secured a foundation in his reading of the
Old Testament license to have a plurality of wives.

For the business troubles hanging over the community, Smith and
Rigdon were held especially accountable. The flock had seen the
funds confided by them to the Bishop invested partly in land that
was divided among some of the Mormon leaders. Smith and Rigdon
were provided with a house near the Temple, and a printing-office
was established there, which was under Smith's management.
Naturally, when the stock and notes of the bank became valueless,
its local victims held its organizers responsible for the
disaster. Mother Smith gives us an illustration of the depth of
this feeling. One Sunday evening, while her husband was preaching
at Kirtland, when Joseph was in Cleveland "on business pertaining
to the bank," the elder Smith reflected sharply upon Warren
Parish, on whom the Smiths tried to place the responsibility for
the bank failure. Parish, who was present, leaped forward and
tried to drag the old man out of the pulpit. Smith, Sr., appealed
to Oliver Cowdery for help, but Oliver retained his seat. Then
the prophet's brother William sprang to his father's assistance,
and carried Parish bodily out of the church. Thereupon John
Boynton, who was provided with a sword cane, drew his weapon and
threatened to run it through the younger Smith. "At this
juncture," says Mrs. Smith, "I left the house, not only terrified
at the scene, but likewise sick at heart to see the apostasy of
which Joseph had prophesied was so near at hand."*

* "Biographical Sketches," p. 221.

Eliza Snow gives a slightly different version of the same

outbreak, describing its wind-up as follows:--

John Boynton and others drew their pistols and bowie knives and
rushed down from the stand into a congregation, Boynton saying he
would blow out the brains of the first man who dared lay hands on
him.... Amid screams and shrieks, the policemen in ejecting the
belligerents knocked down a stove pipe, which fell helter-skelter
among the people; but, although bowie knives and pistols were
wrested from their owners and thrown hither and thither to
prevent disastrous results, no one was hurt, and after a short
but terrible scene to be enacted in a Temple of God, order was
restored and the services of the day proceeded as usual."*

* "Biography of Lorenzo Snow," p. 20.

Smith made a stubborn defence of his business conduct. He
attributed the disaster to the bank to Parish's peculation, and
the general troubles of the church to "the spirit of speculation
in lands and property of all kinds," as he puts it in his
autobiography, wherein he alleges that "the evils were actually
brought about by the brethren not giving heed to my counsel." If
Smith gave any such counsel, it is unfortunate for his reputation
that neither the church records nor his "revelations" contain any
mention of it.

The final struggle came in December, 1837, when Smith and Rigdon
made their last public appearance in the Kirtland Temple. Smith
was as bold and aggressive as ever, but Rigdon, weak from
illness, had to be supported to his seat. An eye-witness of the
day's proceedings says* that "the pathos of Rigdon's plea, and
the power of his denunciation, swayed the feelings and shook the
judgments of his hearers as never in the old days of peace, and,
when he had finished and was led out, a perfect silence reigned
in the Temple until its door had closed upon him forever. Smith
made a resolute and determined battle; false reports had been
circulated, and those by whom the offence had come must repent
and acknowledge their sin or be cut off from fellowship in this
world, and from honor and power in that to come." He not only
maintained his right to speak as the head of the church, but,
after the accused had partly presented their case, and one of
them had given him the lie openly, he proposed a vote on their
excommunication at once and a hearing of their further pleas at a
later date. This extraordinary proposal led one of the accused to
cry out, "You would cut a man's head off and hear him afterward."
Finally it was voted to postpone the whole subject for a few
days.

* "Early Days of Mormonism," Kennedy, p. 169.

But the two leaders of the church did not attend this adjourned
session. Alarmed by rumors that Grandison Newell had secured a
warrant for their arrest on a charge of fraud in connection with
the affairs of the bank (unfounded rumors, as it later appeared),
they fled from Kirtland on horseback on the evening of January
12, 1838, and Smith never revisited that town. In his description
of their flight, Smith explained that they merely followed the
direction of Jesus, who said, "When they persecute you in one
city, flee ye to another." He describes the weather as extremely
cold, and says, "We were obliged to secrete ourselves sometimes
to elude the grasp of our pursuers, who continued their race more
than two hundred miles from Kirtland, armed with pistols, etc.,
seeking our lives." There is no other authority for this story of
an armed pursuit, and the fact seems to be that the non-Mormon
community were perfectly satisfied with the removal of the mock
prophet from their neighborhood.

Although Kirtland continued to remain a Stake of the church, the

real estate scheme of making it a big city vanished with the
prophet. Foreclosures of mortgages now began; the church
printing-office was first sold out by the sheriff and then
destroyed by fire, and the so-called reform element took
possession of the Temple. Rigdon had placed his property out of
his own hands, one acre of land in Kirtland being deeded by him
and his wife to their daughter.

The Temple with about two acres of land adjoining was deeded by
the prophet to William Marks in 1837, and in 1841 was redeeded to
Smith as trustee in trust for the church. In 1862 it was sold
under an order of the probate court by Joseph Smith's
administrator, and conveyed the same day to one Russel Huntley,
who, in 1873, conveyed it to the prophet's grandson, Joseph
Smith, and another representative of the Reorganized Church
(nonpolygamist). The title of the latter organization was
sustained in 1880 by judge L. S. Sherman, of the Lake County
Court of Common Pleas, who held that, "The church in Utah has
materially and largely departed from the faith, doctrines, laws,
ordinances and usages of said original Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-Day Saints, and has incorporated into its system of faith
the doctrines of celestial marriage and a plurality of wives, and
the doctrine of Adam-God worship, contrary to the laws and
constitution of said original church," and that the Reorganized
Church was the true and lawful successor to the original
organization. At the general conference of the Reorganized
Church, held at Lamoni, Iowa, in April, 1901, the Kirtland
district reported a membership of 423 members.
BOOK III. IN MISSOURI

CHAPTER I. THE DIRECTIONS TO THE SAINTS ABOUT THEIR ZION

The state of Missouri, to which the story of the Mormons is now

transferred, was, at the time of its admission to the Union, in
1821, called "a promontory of civilization into an ocean of
savagery." Wild Indian tribes occupied the practically unexplored
region beyond its western boundary, and its own western counties
were thinly settled. Jackson County, which in 1900 had 195,193
inhabitants, had a population of 2823 by the census of 1830, and
neighboring counties not so many. It was not until 1830 that the
first cabin of a white man was built in Daviess County. All this
territory had been released from Indian ownership by treaty only
a few years when the first Mormons arrived there.

The white settler's house was a log hut, generally with a dirt
floor, a mudplastered chimney, and a window without glass, a
board or quilt serving to close it in time of storm or severe
cold. A fireplace, with a skillet and kettle, supplied the place
of a well-equipped stove. Corn was the principal grain food, and
wild game supplied most of the meat. The wild animals furnished
clothing as well as food; for the pioneers could not afford to
pay from 15 to 25 cents a yard for calico, and from 25 to 75
cents for gingham.* Some persons indulged in homespun cloth for
Sunday and festal occasions, but the common outside garments were
made of dressed deerskins. Parley P. Pratt, in his autobiography,
speaks of passing through a settlement where "some families were
entirely dressed in skins, without any other clothing, including
ladies young and old."
* "When the merchants sold a calico or gingham dress pattern they
threw in their profit by giving a spool of thread (two hundred
yards), hooks and eyes and lining. In the thread business,
however, it was only a few years after that thirty and fifty yard
spools took the place of the two hundred yards."--"History of
Daviess County", p. 161.

The pioneer agriculturist of those days not only lacked the

transportation facilities and improved agricultural appliances
which have assisted the developers of the Northwest, but they did
not even understand the nature and capability of the soil. The
newcomers in western Missouri looked on the rich prairie land as
worthless, and they almost invariably directed their course to
the timber, where the soil was more easily broken up, and
material for buildings was available. The first attempts to
plough the prairie sod were very primitive. David Dailey made the
first trial in Jackson County with what was called a "barshear
plough" (drawn by from four to eight yokes of oxen), the "shear"
of which was fastened to the beam. This cut the sod in one
direction pretty well, but when he began to cross-furrow, the sod
piled up in front of the plough and stopped his progress.
Determined to see what the soil would grow, he cut holes in the
sod with an axe, and in these dropped his seed. The first sod was
broken in Daviess County in 1834, with a plough made to order,
"to see what the prairies amounted to in the way of raising a
crop." Such was the country toward which the first Mormon
missionaries turned their faces.

We have seen that the first intimation in the Mormon records of a

movement to the West was found in Smith's order to Oliver Cowdery
in 1830 to go and establish the church among the Lamanites
(Indians), and that Rigdon expected that the church would remain
in Ohio, when he wrote to his flock from Palmyra. The four
original missionaries--Cowdery, P. P. Pratt, Peter Whitmer, and
Peterson--did not stop long in Kirtland, but, taking with them
Frederick G. Williams, they pushed on westward to Sandusky,
Cincinnati, and St. Louis, preaching to some Indians on the way,
until they reached Independence, Jackson County, Missouri, early
in 1831. That county forms a part of the western border of the
state, and from 1832, until the railroad took the place of wagon
trains, Independence was the eastern terminus of the famous Santa
Fe trail, and the point of departure for many companies destined
both for Oregon and California. Pratt, describing their journey
west of St. Louis, says: "We travelled on foot some three hundred
miles, through vast prairies and through trackless wilds of snow;
no beaten road, houses few and far between. We travelled for
whole days, from morning till night, without a house or fire. We
carried on our backs our changes of clothing, several books, and
corn bread and raw pork."*

* "Autobiography of P. P. Pratt," p. 54.

The sole idea of these pioneers seemed to be to preach to the

Indians. Arriving at Independence, Whitmer and Peterson went to
work to support themselves as tailors, while Cowdery and Pratt
crossed the border into the Indian country. The latter, however,
were at once pronounced by the federal officers there to be
violators of the law which forbade the settlement of white men
among the Indians, and they returned to Independence, and
preached thereabout during the winter. Early in February the four
decided that Pratt should return to Kirtland and make a report,
and he did so, travelling partly on foot, partly on horseback,
and partly by steamer.

As early as March, 1830, Smith had conceived the idea (or some
one else for him) of a gathering of the elect "unto one place" to
prepare for the day of desolation (Sec. 29). In October, 1830,
the four pioneers were commanded to start "into the wilderness
among the Lamanites," and on January 2, 1831, while Rigdon was
visiting Smith in New York State, another "revelation" (Sec. 38)
described the land of promise as "a land flowing with milk and
honey, upon which there shall be no curse when the Lord cometh."
This land they and their children were to possess, both "while
the earth shall stand, and again in eternity." A "revelation"
(Sec. 45), dated March 7, 1831, at Kirtland, called on the
faithful to assemble and visit the Western countries, where they
were promised an inheritance, to be called "the New Jerusalem, a
land of peace, a city of refuge, a place of safety for the saints
of most High God." These things they were to "keep from going
abroad into the world" for the present.

The manner in which the elect were told by "revelation" that they
should possess their land of promise has a most important bearing
on the justification of the opposition which the Missourians soon
manifested toward their new neighbors. In one of these
"revelations," dated Kirtland, February, 1831 (Sec. 42), Christ
is represented as saying, "I will consecrate the riches of the
Gentiles unto my people which are of the house of Israel."
Another, in the following June (Sec. 52), which directed Smith's
and Rigdon's trip, promised the elect, "If ye are faithful ye
shall assemble yourselves together to rejoice upon the land in
Missouri, which is the land of your inheritance, WHICH IS NOW THE
LAND OF YOUR ENEMIES." Another, given while Smith was in
Missouri, in August, 1831 (Sec. 59), promised to those "who have
come up into this land with an eye single to My glory," that
"they shall inherit the earth," and "shall receive for their
reward the good things of the earth." On the same date the Saints
were told that they should "open their hearts even to purchase
the whole region of country as soon as time will permit,...lest
they receive none inheritance save it be by the shedding of
blood." It seems to have been thought wise to add to this last
statement, after the return of the party to Ohio, and a
"revelation" dated August, 1831 (Sec. 63), was given out, stating
that the land of Zion could be obtained only "by purchase or by
blood," and "as you are forbidden to shed blood, lo, your enemies
are upon you, and ye shall be scourged from city to city."

* Tullidge, in his "History of Salt Lake City" (1886), defining

the early Mormon view of their land rights, after quoting Brigham
Young's declaration to the first arrivals in Salt Lake Valley,
that he (or the church) had "no land to sell," but "every man
should have his land measured out to him for city and family
purposes," says: "Young could with absolute propriety give the
above utterances on the land question. In the early days of the
church they applied to land not only owned by the United States,
but within the boundaries of states of the Union." After quoting
from the above-cited "revelation" the words "save they be by the
shedding of blood," he explains, "The latter clause of the
quotation signifies that the Mormon prophet foresaw that, unless
his disciples purchased 'this whole region of country' of the
unpopulated Far West of that period, the land question held
between them and anti-Mormons would lead to the shedding of
blood, and that they would be in jeopardy of losing their
inheritance; and this was realized."

As to their obligation to pay for any of the "good things"

purchased of their enemies, a "revelation" dated September 11,
1831 (the month after the return from Missouri), gave this
advice:--

"Behold it is said in my laws, or forbidden, to get in debt to

thine enemies;

"But behold it is not said at any time, that the Lord should not
take when he pleased, and pay as seemeth him good.

"Wherefore as ye are agents, and ye are on the Lord's errand; and

whatever ye do according to the will of the Lord, it is the
Lord's business, and it is the Lord's business to provide for his
Saints in these last days, that they may obtain an inheritance in
the land of Zion."--"Book of Commandments," Chap. 65.

In the modern version of this "revelation" to be found in Sec. 64

of the "Doctrine and Covenants," the latter part of this
declaration is changed to read, "And he hath set you to provide
for his saints in these last days," etc.

So eager were the Saints to occupy their land of Zion, when the
movement started, that the word of "revelation" was employed to
give warning against a hasty rush to the new possessions, and to
establish a certain supervision of the emigration by the Bishop
and other agents of the church. Notwithstanding this, the rush
soon became embarrassing to the church authorities in Missouri,
and a modified view of the Lord's promise was thus stated in the
Evening and Morning Star of July, 1832, "Although the Lord has
said that it is his business to provide for the Saints in these
last days, he is not BOUND to do so unless we observe his sayings
and keep them." Saints in the East were warned against giving
away their property before moving, and urged not to come to
Missouri without some means, and to bring with them cattle and
improved breeds of sheep and hogs, with necessary seeds.

CHAPTER II. SMITH'S FIRST VISITS TO MISSOURI--FOUNDING THE CITY

AND THE TEMPLE

On June 7, 1831, a "revelation" was given out (Sec. 52)

announcing that the next conference would be held in the promised
land in Missouri, and directing Smith and Rigdon to go thither,
and naming some thirty elders, including John Corrill, David
Whitmer, P. P. and Orson Pratt, Martin Harris, and Edward
Partridge, who should also make the trip, two by two, preaching
by the way. Booth says: "Only about two weeks were allowed them
to make preparations for the journey, and most of them left what
business they had to be closed by others. Some left large
families, with the crops upon the ground."*

* Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled."

Smith's party left Kirtland on June 19, and arrived at

Independence in the following month, journeying on foot after
reaching St. Louis, a distance of about three hundred miles.
Smith was delighted with the new country, with "its beautiful
rolling prairies, spread out like real meadows; the varied timber
of the bottoms; the plums and grapes and persimmons and the
flowers; the rich soil, the horses, cattle, and hogs, and the
wild game.... The season is mild and delightful nearly three
quarters of the year, and as the land of Zion is situated at
about equal distances from the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, as
well as from the Alleghany and Rocky Mountains, it bids fair to
become one of the most blessed places on the earth."* The town of
Independence then consisted of a brick courthouse, two or three
stores, and fifteen or twenty houses, mostly of logs.

* Smith's "Autobiography," Millennial Star, Vol. XIV.

The usual "revelation" came first (Sec. 57), announcing that

"this is the land of promise and the place for the City of Zion,"
with Independence as its centre, and the site of the Temple a lot
near the courthouse. It was also declared that the land should be
purchased by the Saints, "and also every tract lying westward,
even unto the line running directly between Jew and Gentile"
(whatever that might mean), "and also every tract bordering by
the prairies." Sidney Gilbert was ordered to "plant himself"
there, and establish a store, "that he might sell goods without
fraud," to obtain money for the purchase of land. Edward
Partridge was "to divide the Saints their inheritance," and W. W.
Phelps* and Cowdery were to be printers to the church.

* Phelps came from Canandaigua, New York, where, Howe says, he

was an avowed infidel. He had been prominent in politics and had
edited a party newspaper. Disappointed in his political ambition,
he threw in his lot with the new church.

Marvellous stories were at once circulated of the grandeur that

was to characterize the new city, of the wealth that would be
gathered there by the faithful who would survive the speedy
destruction of the wicked, and of the coming of the lost tribes
of Israel, who had been located near the north pole, where they
had become very rich. While not tracing these declarations to
Smith himself, Booth, who was one of the party, says that they
were told by persons in daily intercourse with him. It is doing
the prophet no injustice to say that they bear his imprint.

The laying of the foundation of the City of Zion was next in

order. Rigdon delivered an address in consecrating the ground, in
which he enjoined them to obey all of Smith's commands. A small
scrub oak tree was then cut down and trimmed, and twelve men,
representing the Apostles, conveyed it to a designated place.
Cowdery sought out the best stone he could find for a
corner-stone, removed a little earth, and placed the stone in the
excavation, delivering an address. One end of the oak tree was
laid on this stone, "and there," says Booth, "was laid down the
first stone and stick which are to form an essential part of the
splendid City of Zion."

The next day the site of the Temple was consecrated, Smith laying
the cornerstone. When the ceremonies were over, the spot was
merely marked by a sapling, from two sides of which the bark was
stripped, one side being marked with a "T" for Temple, and the
other with "ZOM," which Smith stated stood for "Zomas," the
original of Zion. At the foot of this sapling lay the
corner-stone--"a small stone, covered over with bushes."

Such ceremonies might have been viewed with indulgence if

conducted in some suburb of Kirtland. But when men had travelled
hundreds of miles at Smith's command, suffering personal
privations as well as submitting to pecuniary sacrifices, it was
a severe test of their faith to have two small trees and t wo
round stones in the wilderness offered to them as the only
tangible indications of a land of plenty. Rigdon expressed
dissatisfaction with the outcome, as we have seen; Booth left the
church as soon as he got back to Ohio; members of the party
called Cowdery and Smith imperious, and the prophet and Rigdon
incurred the charge of "excessive cowardice" on the way.

Smith made a second trip to Independence, leaving Ohio on April

2, 1832, and arriving there on his return the following June. His
stay in Missouri this time was marked by nothing more important
than his acknowledgment as President of the high priesthood by a
council of the church there, and a "revelation" which declared
that Zion's "borders must be enlarged, her Stakes must be
strengthened."

CHAPTER III. THE EXPULSION FROM JACKSON COUNTY--THE ARMY OF ZION

The efforts of the church leaders to check too precipitate an

emigration to the new Zion were not entirely successful, and,
according to the Evening and Morning Star of July, 1833, the
Mormons with their families then numbered more than twelve
hundred, or about one-third of the total population of the
county. The elders had been pushing their proselyting work
throughout the States and in Canada, and the idea of a land of
plenty appealed powerfully to the new believers, and especially
to those of little means. The branch of the church established at
Colesville, New York, numbering about sixty members, emigrated in
a body and settled twelve miles from Independence. Other
settlements were made in the rural districts, and the non-Mormons
began to be seriously exercised over the situation. The Saints
boasted openly of their future possession of the land, without
making clear their idea of the means by which they would obtain
title to it. An open defiance in the name of the church appeared
in an article in the Evening and Morning Star for July, 1833,
which contained this declaration:--

"No matter what our ideas or notions may be on the subject; no

matter what foolish report the wicked may circulate to gratify an
evil disposition; the Lord will continue to gather the righteous
and destroy the wicked, till the sound goes forth, IT IS
FINISHED."

With even greater fatuity came the determination to publish the

prophet's "revelations" in the form of the "Book of
Commandments." Of the effect of this publication David Whitmer
says, "The main reason why the printing press [at Independence]
was destroyed, was because they published the 'Book of
Commandments.' It fell into the hands of the world, and the
people of Jackson County saw from the revelations that they were
considered intruders upon the Land of Zion, as enemies of the
church, and that they should be cut off out of the Land of Zion
and sent away."*

* "Address to All Believers in Christ," p. 54.

Corrill says of the causes of friction between the Mormons and

their neighbors:--*

* Corrill's" Brief History of the Church," p. 19.

"The church got crazy to go up to Zion, as it was then called.

The rich were afraid to send up their money to purchase lands,
and the poor crowded up in numbers, without having any places
provided, contrary to the advice of the Bishop and others, until
the old citizens began to be highly displeased. They saw their
country filling up with emigrants, principally poor. They
disliked their religion, and saw also that, if let alone, they
would in a short time become a majority, and of course rule the
county. The church kept increasing, and the old citizens became
more and more dissatisfied, and from time to time offered to sell
their farms and possessions, but the Mormons, though desirous,
were too poor to purchase them."*

* After the survey of Jackson County, Congress granted to the

state of Missouri a large tract of land, the sale of which should
be made for educational purposes, and the Mormons took title to
several thousand acres of this, west of Independence.

The active manifestation of hostility toward the new-comers by

the residents of Jackson County first took shape in the spring of
1832, in the stoning of Mormon houses at night and the breaking
of windows. Soon afterward a county meeting was called to take
measures to secure the removal of the Mormons from that county,
but nothing definite was done. The burning of haystacks, shooting
into houses, etc., continued until July, 1833, when the Mormon
opponents circulated a statement of their complaints, closing
with a call for a meeting in the courthouse at Independence, on
Saturday, July 20. The text of this manifesto, which is important
as showing the spirit as well as the precise grounds of the
opposition, is as follows:--

"We, the undersigned, citizens of Jackson County, believing that

an important crisis is at hand, as regards our civil society, in
consequence of a pretended religious sect of people that have
settled, and are still settling, in our county, styling
themselves Mormons, and intending, as we do, to rid our society,
peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must; and believing as we do,
that the arm of the civil law does not afford us a guarantee, or
at least, a sufficient one, against the evils which are now
inflicted upon us, and seem to be increasing, by the said
religious sect, we deem it expedient and of the highest
importance to form ourselves into a company for the better and
easier accomplishment of our purpose--a purpose, which we deem it
almost superfluous to say, is justified as well by the law of
nature, as by the law of self preservation.

"It is more than two years since the first of these fanatics, or
knaves, (for one or the other they undoubtedly are,) made their
first appearance amongst us, and, pretending as they did, and now
do, to hold personal communication and converse face to face with
the Most High God; to receive communications and revelations
direct from heaven; to heal the sick by laying on hands; and, in
short, to perform all the wonder-working miracles wrought by the
inspired Apostles and Prophets of old.

"We believed them deluded fanatics, or weak and designing knaves,

and that they and their pretensions would soon pass away; but in
this we were deceived. The arts of a few designing leaders
amongst them have thus far succeeded in holding them together as
a society; and, since the arrival of the first of them, they have
been daily increasing in numbers; and if they had been
respectable citizens in society, and thus deluded, they would
have been entitled to our pity rather than our contempt and
hatred; but from their appearance, from their manners, and from
their conduct since their coming among us, we have every reason
to fear that, with but few exceptions, they were of the very
dregs of that society from which they came, lazy, idle, and
vicious. This we conceive is not idle assertion, but a fact
susceptible of proof, for with these few exceptions above named,
they brought into our county little or no property with them, and
left less behind them, and we infer that those only yoked
themselves to the Mormon car who had nothing earthly or heavenly
to lose by the change; and we fear that if some of the leaders
amongst them had paid the forfeit due to crime, instead of being
chosen ambassadors of the Most High, they would have been inmates
of solitary cells.

"But their conduct here stamps their characters in their true

colors. More than a year since, it was ascertained that they had
been tampering with our slaves, and endeavoring to rouse
dissension and raise seditions amongst them. Of this their Mormon
leaders were informed, and they said they would deal with any of
their members who should again in like case offend. But how
specious are appearances. In a late number of the Star, published
in Independence by the leaders of the sect, there is an article
inviting free negroes and mulattoes from other states to become
Mormons, and remove and settle among us. This exhibits them in
still more odious colors. It manifests a desire on the part of
their society to inflict on our society an injury, that they knew
would be to us entirely insupportable, and one of the surest
means of driving us from the county; for it would require none of
the supernatural gifts that they pretend to, to see that the
introduction of such a caste amongst us would corrupt our blacks,
and instigate them to bloodshed.

"They openly blaspheme the Most High God, and cast contempt on
His holy religion, by pretending to receive revelations direct
from heaven, by pretending to speak unknown tongues by direct
inspirations, and by divers pretences derogatory of God and
religion, and to the utter subversion of human reason.

"They declare openly that their God hath given them this county
of land, and that sooner or later they must and will have the
possession of our lands for an inheritance; and, in fine, they
have conducted themselves on many other occasions in such a
manner that we believe it a duty we owe to ourselves, our wives,
and children, to the cause of public morals, to remove them from
among us, as we are not prepared to give up our pleasant places
and goodly possessions to them, or to receive into the bosom of
our families, as fit companions for our wives and daughters, the
degraded and corrupted free negroes and mulattoes that are now
invited to settle among us.

"Under such a state of things, even our beautiful county would

cease to be a desirable residence, and our situation intolerable!
We, therefore, agree that, if after timely warning, and receiving
an adequate compensation for what little property they cannot
take with them, they refuse to leave us in peace, as they found
us--we agree to use such means as may be sufficient to remove
them, and to that end we each pledge to each other our bodily
powers, our lives, fortunes, and sacred honors.

"We will meet at the court-house, at the Town of Independence, on

Saturday next, the 20th inst., to consult ulterior movements."*

* Evening and Morning Star, p. 227; Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, p.

516.

Some hundreds of names were signed to this call, and the meeting
of July 20 was attended by nearly five hundred persons. There is
no doubt that it was a representative county gathering. P. P.
Pratt says that the anti-Mormon organization, which he calls
"outlaws," was "composed of lawyers, magistrates, county
officers, civil and military, religious ministers, and a great
number of the ignorant and uninformed portion of the
population."* The language of the address adopted shows that
skilled pens were not wanting in its preparation.

* "Pratt's "Autobiography," p. 103.

The first business of the meeting was the appointment of a

committee to prepare an address stating the grievances of the
people with somewhat greater fulness than the manifesto above
quoted. Like the latter, it conceded at the start that there was
no law under which the object in view could be obtained. It
characterized the Mormons as but little above the negroes as
regards property or education; charged them with having exerted a
"corrupting influence" on the slaves;* asserted that even the
more intelligent boasted daily to the Gentiles that the Mormons
would appropriate their lands for an inheritance, and that their
newspaper organ taught them that the lands were to be taken by
the sword. Noting the rapid increase in the immigration of
members of the new church, the address, looking to a near day
when they would be in a majority in the county, asked: "What
would be the state of our lives and property in the hands of
jurors and witnesses who do not blush to declare, and would not
upon occasion hesitate to swear, that they have wrought miracles,
and have been the subjects of miraculous and supernatural cures,
have conversed with God and his angels, and possess and exercise
the gifts of divination and of unknown tongues, and are fired
with the prospect of obtaining inheritances without money and
without price, may be better imagined than described." That this
apprehension was not without grounds will be seen when we come to
the administration of justice in Nauvoo and in Salt Lake City.

* The Mormons never hesitated to change their position on the

slavery question. An elder's address, published in the Evening
and Morning Star of July, 1833, said: "As to slaves, we have
nothing to say. In connection with the wonderful events of this
age, much is doing toward abolishing slavery and colonizing the
blacks in Africa." Three years later, in April, 1836 the
Messenger and Advocate published a strong proslavery article,
denying the right of the people of the North to interfere with
the institution, and picturing the happy condition of the slaves.
Orson Hyde, in the Frontier Guardian in 1850 (quoted in the
Millennial Star, Vol. XIII, p. 63), said: "When a man in the
Southern states embraces our faith and is the owner of slaves,
the church says to him, 'If your slaves wish to remain with you,
and to go with you, put them not away; but if they choose to
leave you, and are not satisfied to remain with you, it is for
you to sell them or to let them go free, as your own conscience
may direct you. The church on this point assumes not the
responsibility to direct.'" Horace Greeley quoted Brigham Young
as saying to him in Salt Lake City, "We consider slavery of
divine institution and not to be abolished until the curse
pronounced on Ham shall have been removed from his descendants"
("Overland journey," p. 211).

The address closed with these demands:--

"That no Mormon shall in future move and settle in this county.

"That those now here, who shall give a definite pledge of their
intention within a reasonable time to remove out of the county,
shall be allowed to remain unmolested until they have sufficient
time to sell their property and close their business without any
material sacrifice.

"That the editor of the Star (W. W. Phelps) be required forthwith

to close his office and discontinue the business of printing in
this county; and, as to all other stores and shops belonging to
the sect, their owners must in every case strictly comply with
the terms of the second article of this declaration; and, upon
failure, prompt and efficient measures will be taken to close the
same.

"That the Mormon leaders here are required to use their influence
in preventing any further emigration of their distant brethren to
this county, and to counsel and advise their brethren here to
comply with the above regulations.

"That those who fail to comply with the requisitions be referred

to those of their brethren who have the gifts of divination and
of unknown tongues, to inform them of the lot that awaits them"*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, pp. 487-489.

A recess of two hours was taken in which to permit a committee of

twelve to call on Bishop Partridge, Phelps, and Gilbert, and
present these terms. This committee reported that these men
"declined giving any direct answer to the requisitions made of
them, and wished an unreasonable time for consultation, not only
with their brethren here, but in Ohio." The meeting thereupon
voted unanimously that the Star printing-office should be razed
to the ground, and the type and press be "secured."

A report of the action of this meeting and its result was

prepared by the chairman and two secretaries, and printed over
their signatures in the Western Monitor of Fayette, Missouri, on
August 2, 1833, and it is transferred to Smith's autobiography.
It agrees with the Mormon account set forth in their later
petition to Governor Dunklin. It particularized, however, that
the Mormon leaders asked the committee first for three months,
and then for ten days, in which to consider the demands, and were
told that they could have only fifteen minutes.

What happened next is thus set forth in the, chairman's report:--

"Which resolution (for the razing of the Star office) was with
the utmost order and the least noise and disturbance possible,
forthwith carried into execution, AS ALSO SOME OTHER STEPS OF A
SIMILAR TENDENCY; but no blood was spilled nor any blows
inflicted."

Mobs do not generally act with the "utmost order," and this one
was not an exception to the rule, as an explanation of the "other
steps" will make clear. The first object of attack was the
printing office, a two-story brick building. This was demolished,
causing a loss of $6000, according to the Mormon claims. The mob
next visited the store kept by Gilbert, but refrained from
attacking it on receiving a pledge that the goods would be packed
for removal by the following Tuesday. They then called at the
houses of some of the leading Mormons, and conducted Bishop
Partridge and a man named Allen to the public square. Partridge
told his captors that the saints had been subjected to
persecution in all ages; that he was willing to suffer for
Christ's sake, but that he would not consent to leave the
country. Allen refused either to agree to depart or to deny the
inspiration of the Mormon Bible. Both men were then relieved of
their hats, coats, and vests, daubed with tar, and decorated with
feathers. This ended the proceedings of that day, and an
adjournment as announced until the following Tuesday.

On Tuesday, July 23 (the date of the laying of the corner-stone

of the Kirtland Temple), the Missourians gathered again in the
town, carrying a red flag and bearing arms. The Mormon statement
to Governor Dunklin says, "They proceeded to take some of the
leading elders by force, declaring it to be their intention to
whip them from fifty to five hundred lashes apiece, to demolish
their dwelling houses, and let their negroes loose to go through
our plantations and lay open our fields for the destruction of
our crops."* The official report of the officers of the meeting**
says that, when the chairman had taken his seat, a committee was
appointed to wait on the Mormons at the request of the latter.

* Greene, in his "Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons

from the State of Missouri (1839), says that the mob seized a
number of Mormons and, at the muzzle of their guns, compelled
them to confess that the Mormon Bible was a fraud.

** Millennial Star Vol. XIV, p. 500.

As a result of a conference with this committee, a written

agreement was entered into, signed by the committee and the
Mormons named in it, to this effect: That Oliver Cowdery, W. W.
Phelps, W. E. McLellin, Edward Partridge, John Wright, Simeon
Carter, Peter and John Whitmer, and Harvey Whitlock, with their
families, should move from the county by January 1 next, and use
their influence to induce their fellow-Mormons in the county to
do likewise--one half by January 1 and all by April 1--and to
prevent further immigration of the brethren; John Corrill and A.
S. Gilbert to remain as agents to wind up the business of the
society, Gilbert to be allowed to sell out his goods on hand; no
Mormon paper to be published in the county; Partridge and Phelps
to be allowed to go and come after January 1, in winding up their
business, if their families were removed by that time; the
committee pledging themselves to use their influence to prevent
further violence, and assuring Phelps that "whenever he was ready
to move, the amount of all his losses in the printing house
should be paid to him by the citizens." In view of this
arrangement there was no further trouble for more than two
months.

The Mormon leaders had, however, no intention of carrying out

their part of this undertaking. Corrill, in a letter to Oliver
Cowdery written in December, 1833, said that the agreement was
made, "supposing that before the time arrived the mob would see
their error and stop the violence, or that some means might be
employed so that we could stay in peace."* Oliver Cowdery was
sent at once to Kirtland to advise with the church officers
there. On his arrival, early in August, a council was convened,
and it was decided that legal measures should be taken to
establish the rights of the Saints in Missouri. Smith directed
that they should neither sell their lands nor move out of Jackson
County, save those who had signed the agreement.** It was also
decided to send Orson Hyde and John Gould to Missouri "with
advice to the Saints in their unfortunate situation through the
late outrage of the mob."***

* Evening and Morning Star, January, 1834

** Elder Williams's Letter, Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, p. 519.

*** Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, p. 504.

To strengthen the courage of the flock in Missouri, Smith gave

forth at Kirtland, under date of August 2, 1833, a "revelation"
(Sec. 97), "in answer to our correspondence with the prophet,"
says P. P. Pratt,* in which the Lord was represented as saying,
"Surely, Zion is the city of our God, and surely Zion cannot
fail, NEITHER BE MOVED OUT OF HER PLACE; for God is there, and
the hand of God is there, and he has sworn by the power of his
might to be her salvation and her high tower." The same
"revelation" directed that the Temple should be built speedily by
means of tithing, and threatened Zion with pestilence, plague,
sword, vengeance, and devouring fire unless she obeyed the Lord's
commands.

*Pratt's "Autobiography," p. 100,

The outcome of all the deliberations at Kirtland was the sending

of W. W. Phelps and Orson Hyde to Jefferson City with a long
petition to Governor Dunklin, setting forth the charges of the
Missourians against the Mormons, and the action of the two
meetings at Independence, and making a direct appeal to him for
assistance, asking him to employ troops in their defence, in
order that they might sue for damages, "and, if advisable, try
for treason against the government."

The governor sent them a written reply under date of October 19,
in which, after expressing sympathy with them in their troubles,
he said: "I should think myself unworthy the confidence with
which I have been honored by my fellow citizens did I not
promptly employ all the means which the constitution and laws
have placed at my disposal to avert the calamities with which you
are threatened.... No citizen, or number of citizens, have a
right to take the redress of their grievances, whether real or
imaginary, into their own hands. Such conduct strikes at the very
existence of society." He advised the Mormons to invoke the laws
in their behalf; to secure a warrant from a justice of the peace,
and so test the question "whether the law can be peaceably
executed or not"; if not, it would be his duty to take steps to
execute it.

The Mormons and their neighbors were thus brought face to face in
a manner which admitted of no compromise. The situation naturally
seemed rather a simple one to the governor, who was probably
ignorant of the intentions and ambition of the Mormons. If he had
understood the nature and weight of the objections to them, he
would have understood also that he could protect them in their
possessions only by maintaining a military force.

His letter gave the Mormons of Jackson County new courage. They
had been maintaining a waiting attitude since the meeting of July
23, but now they resumed their occupations, and began to erect
more houses, and to improve their places as if for a permanent
stay, and meanwhile there was no cessation of the immigration of
new members from the East. Their leaders consulted four lawyers
in Clay County, and arranged with them to look after their legal
interests.

This evident repudiation by the Mormons of their part of their

agreement with the committee incensed the Jackson County people,
and hostilities were resumed. On the night of October 31, a mob
attacked a Mormon settlement called Big Blue, some ten miles west
of Independence, damaged a number of houses, whipped some of the
men, and frightened women and children so badly that they fled to
the outlying country for hiding-places. On the night of November
1, Mormon houses were stoned in Independence, and the church
store was broken into and its goods scattered in the street. The
Mormons thereupon showed the governor's letter to a justice of
the peace, and asked him for a warrant, but their accounts say
that he refused one. When they took before the same officer a man
whom they caught in the act of destroying their property, the
justice not only refused to hold him, but granted a warrant in
his behalf against Gilbert, Corrill, and two other Mormons for
false imprisonment, and they were locked up.* Thrown on their own
resources for defence, the Mormons now armed themselves as well
as they could, and established a night picket service throughout
their part of the county. On Saturday night, November 2, a second
attack was made by the mob on Big Blue and, the Mormons
resisting, the first "battle" of this campaign took place. A sick
woman received a pistolshot wound in the head, and one of the
Mormons a wound in the thigh. Parley P. Pratt and others were
then sent to Lexington to procure a warrant from Circuit Judge
Ryland, but, according to Pratt, he refused to grant one, and
"advised us to fight and kill the outlaws whenever they came upon
us."**

* Corrill's letter, Evening and Morning Star, January, 1834.

** Pratt's "Autobiography," p. 105.

On Monday evening, November 4, a body of Missourians who had been

visiting some of the Mormon settlements came in contact with a
company of Mormons who had assembled for defence, and an exchange
of shots ensued, by which a number on both sides were wounded,
one of the Mormons dying the next day.

These conflicts increased the excitement, and the Mormons,

knowing how they were outnumbered, now realized that they could
not stay in Jackson County any longer, and they arranged to move.
At first they decided to make their new settlement only fifty
miles south of Independence, in Van Buren County, but to this the
Jackson County people would not consent. They therefore agreed to
move north into Clay County, between which and Jackson County the
Missouri River, which there runs east, formed the boundary. Most
of them went to Clay County, but others scattered throughout the
other nearby counties, whose inhabitants soon let them know that
their presence was not agreeable.

The hasty removal of these people so late in the season was

accompanied by great personal hardships and considerable
pecuniary loss. The Mormons have stated the number of persons
driven out at fifteen hundred, and the number of houses burned;
before and after their departure, at from two hundred to three
hundred. Cattle and household effects that could not be moved
were sold for what they would bring, and those who took with them
sufficient provisions for their immediate wants considered
themselves fortunate. One party of six men and about one hundred
and fifty women and children, panic-stricken by the action of the
mob, wandered for several days over the prairie without even
sufficient food. The banks of the Missouri River where the
fugitives were ferried across presented a strange spectacle. In a
pouring rain the big company were encamped there on November 7,
some with tents and some without any cover, their household goods
piled up around them. Children were born in this camp, and the
sick had to put up with such protection as could be provided. So
determined were the Jackson County people that not a Mormon
should remain among them, that on November 23 they drove out a
little settlement of some twenty families living about fifteen
miles from Independence, compelling women and children to depart
on immediate notice.

The Mormons made further efforts through legal proceedings to

assert their rights in Jackson County, but unsuccessfully. The
governor declared that the situation did not warrant him in
calling out the militia, and referred them to the courts for
redress for civil injuries. In later years they appealed more
than once to the federal authorities at Washington for assistance
in reestablishing themselves in Jackson County,* but were
informed that the matter rested with the state of Missouri. Their
future bitterness toward the federal government was explained on
the ground of this refusal to come to their aid.

* James Hutchins, a resident of Wisconsin, addressed a long

appeal "for justice" to President Grant in 1876, asking him to
reinstate the Mormons in the homes from which they had been
driven.

Meanwhile Smith had been preparing to use the authority at his

command to make good his predictions about the permanency of the
church in the Missouri Zion. On December 6, 1833, he gave out a
long "revelation" at Kirtland (Sec. 101), which created a great
sensation among his followers. Beginning with the declaration
that "I, the Lord," have suffered affliction to come on the
brethren in Missouri "in consequence of their transgressions,
envyings and stripes, and lustful and covetous desires," it went
on to promise them as follows:--

"Zion shall not be moved out of her place, notwithstanding her

children are scattered.... And, behold, there is none other place
appointed than that which I have appointed; neither shall there
be any other place appointed than that which I have appointed,
for the work of the gathering of my saints, until the day cometh
when there is found no more room for them."

The "revelation" then stated the Lord's will "concerning the

redemption of Zion" in the form of a long parable which contained
these instructions:--

"And go ye straightway into the land of my vineyard, and redeem

my vineyard, for it is mine, I have bought it with money.

"Therefore get ye straightway unto my land; break down the walls

of mine enemies; throw down their tower and scatter their
watchmen;

"And inasmuch as they gather together against you, avenge me of

mine enemies, that by and by I may come with the residue of mine
house and possess the land."

This "revelation" was industriously circulated in printed form

among the churches of Ohio and the East, and so great was the
demand for copies that they sold for one dollar each. The only
construction to be placed upon it was that Smith proposed to make
good his predictions by means of an armed force led against the
people of Missouri. This view soon had confirmation.

The arrival of P. P. Pratt and Lyman Wight in Kirtland in

February, 1834, was followed by a "revelation" (Sec. 103)
promising an outpouring of God's wrath on those who had expelled
the brethren from their Missouri possessions, and declaring that
"the redemption of Zion must needs come by power," and that Smith
was to lead them, as Moses led the children of Israel.

In obedience to this direction there was assembled a military

organization, known in church history as "The Army of Zion."
Recruiters, led by Smith and Rigdon, visited the Eastern states,
and by May 1 some two hundred men had assembled at Kirtland ready
to march to Missouri to aid their brethren.*

* There are three detailed accounts of this expedition, one in

Smith's autobiography, another in H. C. Kimball's journal in
Times and Seasons, Vol. 6, and another in Howe's "Mormonism
Unveiled," procured from one of the accompanying sharpshooters.

The Army of Zion, as it called itself, was not an impressive one

in appearance. Military experience was not required of the
recruits; but no one seems to have been accepted who was not in
possession of a weapon and at least $5 in cash. The weapons
ranged from butcher knives and rusty swords to pistols, muskets,
and rifles. Smith himself carried a fine sword, a brace of
pistols (purchased on six months' credit), and a rifle, and had
four horses allotted to him. He had himself elected treasurer of
the expedition, and to him was intrusted all the money of the
men, to be disbursed as his judgment dictated.

According to his own account, they were constantly threatened by

enemies during their march; but they paid no attention to them,
knowing that angels accompanied them as protectors, "for we saw
them."

As they approached Clay County a committee from Ray County called

on them to inquire about their intention, and, when a few miles
from Liberty, in Clay County, General Atchison and other
Missourians met them and warned them not to defy popular feeling
by entering that town. Accepting this advice, they took a
circuitous route and camped on Rush Creek, whence Smith on June
25 sent a letter to General Atchison's committee saying that, in
the interest of peace, "we have concluded that our company shall
be immediately dispersed."

The night before this letter was sent, cholera broke out in the
camp. Smith at once attempted to perform miraculous cures of the
victims, but he found actual cholera patients very different to
deal with from old women with imaginary ailments, or, as he puts
it, "I quickly learned by painful experience that, when the great
Jehovah decrees destruction upon any people, and makes known his
determination, man must not attempt to stay his hand."* There
were thirteen deaths in camp, among the victims being Sidney
Gilbert.

* "Millennial Star, Vol. XV, p. 86.

Of course, some explanation was necessary to reconcile the

prophet's surrender without a battle with the "revelation" which
directed the army to march and promised a victory. This came in
the shape of another "revelation" (Sec. 105) which declared that
the immediate redemption of the people must be delayed because of
their disobedience and lack of union (especially excepting
himself from this censure); that the Lord did not "require at
their hands to fight the battles of Zion"; that a large enough
force had not assembled at the Lord's command, and that those who
had made the journey were "brought thus far for a trial of their
faith." The brethren were directed not to make boasts of the
judgment to come on the Missourians, but to keep quiet, and
"gather together, as much in one region as can be, consistently
with the feelings of the people"; to purchase all the lands in
Jackson County they could, and then "I will hold the armies of
Israel guiltless in taking possession of their own lands, which
they have previously purchased with their monies, and of throwing
down the powers of mine enemies." But first the Lord's army was
to become very great.

It seems incredible that any set of followers could retain faith

in "revelations" at once so conflicting and so nonsensical.

CHAPTER IV. Fruitless Negotiations With The Jackson County People

Meanwhile, the Mormons in Clay County, with the assent of the

natives there, had opened a factory for the manufacture of arms
"to pay the Jackson mob in their own way,"* and it was rumored
that both sides were supplying themselves with cannon, to make
the coming contest the more determined. Governor Dunklin, fearing
a further injury to the good name of the state, wrote to Colonel
J. Thornton urging a compromise, and on June 10 Judge Ryland sent
a communication to A. S. Gilbert, asking him to call a meeting of
Mormons in Liberty for a discussion of the situation.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XV, p. 68.

This meeting was held on June 16, and a committee from Jackson
County presented the following proposition: "That the value of
the lands, and the improvements thereon, of the Mormons in
Jackson County, be ascertained by three disinterested appraisers,
representatives of the Mormons to be allowed freely to point out
the lands claimed and the improvements; that the people of
Jackson County would agree to pay the Mormons the valuation fixed
by the appraisers, WITH ONE HUNDRED PER CENT ADDED, within thirty
days of the award; or, the Jackson County citizens would agree to
sell out their lands in that county to the Mormons on the same
terms." The Mormon leaders agreed to call a meeting of their
people to consider this proposition.

The fifteen Jackson County committeemen, it may be mentioned, in

crossing the river on their way home, were upset, and seven of
them were drowned, including their chairman, J. Campbell, who was
reported to have made threats against Smith. The latter thus
reports the accident in his autobiography, "The angel of God saw
fit to sink the boat about the middle of the river, and seven,
out of the twelve that attempted to cross were drowned, thus
suddenly and justly went they to their own place by water."

On June 21 the Mormons gave written notice to the Jackson County

people that the terms proposed were rejected, and that they were
framing "honorable propositions" on their own part, which they
would soon submit, adding a denial of a rumor that they intended
a hostile invasion. Their objection to the terms proposed was
thus stated in an editorial in the Evening and Morning Star of
July, 1834, "When it is understood that the mob hold possession
of a large quantity of land more than our friends, and that they
only offer thirty days for the payment of the same, it will be
seen that they are only making a sham to cover their past
unlawful conduct." This explanation ignores entirely the offer of
the Missourians to buy out the Mormons at a valuation double that
fixed by the appraisers, and simply shows that they intended to
hold to the idea that their promised Zion was in Jackson County,
and that they would not give it up.*

* The idea of returning to a Zion in Jackson County has never

been abandoned by the Mormon church. Bishop Partridge took title
to the Temple lot in Independence in his own name. In 1839, when
the Mormons were expelled from the state, still believing that
this was to be the site of the New Jerusalem, he deeded
sixty-three acres of land in Jackson County, including this lot,
to three small children of Oliver Cowdery. In 1848, seven years
after Partridge's death, and when all the Cowdery grantees were
dead, a man named Poole got a deed for this land from the heirs
of the grantees, and subsequent conveyances were made under
Poole's deed. In 1851 a branch of the church, under a title
Church of Christ, known as Hendrickites, from Grandville
Hendrick, its originator, was organized in Illinois, with a basis
of belief which rejects most of the innovations introduced since
1835. Hendrick in 1864 was favored with a "revelation" which
ordered the removal of his church to Jackson County. On arriving
there different members quietly bought parts of the old Temple
lot. In 1887 the sole surviving sister and heir of the Cowdery
children executed a quit claim deed of the lot to Bishop
Blakeslee of the Reorganized Church in Iowa, and that church at
once began legal proceedings to establish their title. Judge
Philips, of the United States Circuit Court for the Western
Division of Missouri, decided the case in March, 1894, in favor
of the Reorganized Church, but the United States Court of Appeals
reversed this decision on the ground that the respondents had
title through undisputed possession ("United States Court of
Appeals Reports," Vol. XVII, p. 387). The Hendrickites in this
suit were actively aided by the Utah Mormons, President Woodruff
being among their witnesses. This Church of Christ has now a
membership of less than two hundred.

Two Mormon elders, describing their visit to Independence in

1888, said that they went to the Temple lot and prayed as
follows: "O Lord, remember thy words, and let not Zion suffer
forever. Hasten her redemption, and let thy name be glorified in
the victory of truth and righteousness over sin and iniquity.
Confound the enemies of the people and let Zion be free:'
--"Infancy of the Church," Salt Lake City, 1889.

On June 23 (the date of Smith's last quoted "revelation"), the

Mormons presented their counter proposition in writing. It was
that a board of six Mormons and six Jackson County non-Mormons
should decide on the value of lands in that county belonging to
"those men who cannot consent to live with us," and that they
should receive this sum within a year, less the amount of damage
suffered by the Mormons, the latter to be determined by the same
persons. The Jackson County people replied that they would "do
nothing like according to their last proposition," and expressed
a hope that the Mormons "would cast an eye back of Clinton, to
see if that is not a county calculated for them." Clinton was the
county next north of Clay.

Governor Dunklin, in his annual message to the legislature that

year, expressed the opinion that "conviction for any violence
committed against a Mormon cannot be had in Jackson County," and
told the lawmakers it was for them to determine what amendments
were necessary "to guard against such acts of violence for the
future." The Mormons sent a petition in their own behalf to the
legislature, which was presented by Corrill, but no action was
taken.

CHAPTER V. In Clay, Caldwell, And Daviess Counties

The counties in which the Mormons settled after leaving Jackson

County were thinly populated at that time, Clay County having
only 5338 inhabitants, according to the census of 1830, and
Caldwell, Carroll, and Daviess counties together having only 6617
inhabitants by the census of 1840. County rivalry is always a
characteristic of our newly settled states and territories, and
the Clay County people welcomed the Mormons as an addition to
their number, notwithstanding the ill favor in which they stood
with their southern neighbors. The new-comers at first occupied
what vacant cabins they could find in the southern part of the
county, until they could erect houses of their own, while the men
obtained such employment as was offered, and many of the women
sought places as domestic servants and school-teachers. The
Jackson County people were not pleased with this friendly spirit,
and they not only tried to excite trouble between the new
neighbors, but styled the Clay County residents "Jack Mormons," a
name applied in later years in other places to non-Mormons who
were supposed to have Mormon sympathies.

Peace was maintained, however, for about three years. But the
Mormons grew in numbers, and, as the natives realized their
growth, they showed no more disposition to be in the minority
than did their southern neighbors. The Mormons, too, were without
tact, and they did not conceal the intention of the church to
possess the land. Proof of their responsibility for what followed
is found in a remark of W. W. Phelps, in a letter from Clay
County to Ohio in December, 1833, that "our people fare very
well, and, when they are discreet, little or no persecution is
felt."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, p. 646.

The irritation kept on increasing, and by the spring of 1836 Clay

County had become as hostile to the Mormons as Jackson County had
ever been. In June, the course adopted in Jackson County to get
rid of the new-comers was imitated, and a public meeting in the
court house at Liberty adopted resolutions* setting forth that
civil war was threatened by the rapid immigration of Mormons;
that when the latter were received, in pity and kindness, after
their expulsion across the river, it was understood that they
would leave "whenever a respectable portion of the citizens of
this county should require it," and that that time had now come.
The reasons for this demand included Mormon declarations that the
county was destined by Heaven to be theirs, opposition to
slavery, teaching the Indians that they were to possess the land
with the Saints, and their religious tenets, which, it was said,
"always will excite deep prejudices against them in any populous
country where they may locate." In explanations of the
anti-Mormon feeling in Missouri frequent allusion is made to
polygamous practices. This was not charged in any of the formal
statements against them, and Corrill declares that they had done
nothing there that would incriminate them under the law. The
Mormons were urged to seek a new abiding-place, the territory of
Wisconsin being recommended for their investigation. The
resolutions confessed that "we do not contend that we have the
least right, under the constitution and laws of the country, to
expel them by force"; but gave as an excuse for the action taken
the certainty of an armed conflict if the Mormons remained. Newly
arrived immigrants were advised to leave immediately,
non-landowners to follow as soon as they could gather their crops
and settle up their business, and owners of forty acres to remain
indefinitely, until they could dispose of their real estate
without loss.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XV, p. 763.

The Mormons, on July 1, adopted resolutions denying the charges

against them, but agreeing to leave the county. The Missourians
then appointed a committee to raise money to assist the needy
Saints to move. Smith and his associates in Ohio had not at that
time the same interest in a Zion in Missouri that they had three
years earlier, and they only expressed sorrow over the new
troubles, and advised the fugitives to stop short of Wisconsin if
they could. An appeal was again made by the Missouri Mormons to
the governor of that state, but he now replied that if they could
not convince their neighbors of their innocence, "all I can say
to you is that in this republic the vox populi is the vox dei."

The Mormons selected that part of Ray County from which Caldwell
County was formed (just northeast of Clay County) for their new
abode, and on their petition the legislature framed the new
county for their occupancy. This was then almost unsettled
territory, and the few inhabitants made no objection to the
coming of their new neighbors. They secured a good deal of land,
some by purchase, and some by entry on government sections, and
began its improvement. Many of them were so poor that they had to
seek work in the neighboring counties for the support of their
families. Some of their most intelligent members afterward
attributed their future troubles in that state to their failure
to keep within their own county boundaries.

As the county seat they founded a town which they named Far West,
and which soon presented quite a collection of houses, both log
and frame, schools, and shops. Phelps wrote in the summer of
1837, "Land cannot be had around town now much less than $10 per
acre."* There were practically no inhabitants but Mormons within
fifteen or twenty miles of the town,** and the Saints were
allowed entire political freedom. Of the county officers, two
judges, thirteen magistrates, the county clerk, and all the
militia officers were of their sect. They had credit enough to
make necessary loans, and, says Corrill, "friendship began to be
restored between them and their neighbors, the old prejudices
were fast dying away, and they were doing well, until the summer
of 1838."

* Messenger and Advocate, July, 1837.

** Lee's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 53.

It was in January, 1838, that Smith fled from Kirtland. He

arrived in Far West in the following March; Rigdon was detained
in Illinois a short time by the illness of a daughter. Smith's
family went with him, and they were followed by many devoted
adherents of the church, who, in order to pay church debts in
Ohio and the East, had given up their property in exchange for
orders on the Bishop at Far West. In other words, they were
penniless.

The business scandals in Ohio had not affected the reputation of

the church leaders with their followers in Missouri (where the
bank bills had not circulated and Smith and Rigdon received a
hearty welcome, their coming being accepted as a big step forward
in the realization of their prophesied Zion. It proved, however,
to be the cause of the expulsion of their followers from the
state.

CHAPTER VI. Radical Dissensions In The Church--Origin Of The

Danites--Tithing

While the church, in a material sense, might have been as

prosperous as Corrill pictured, Smith, on his arrival, found it
in the throes of serious internal discord. The month before he
reached Far West, W. W. Phelps and John Whitmer, of the
Presidency there, had been tried before a general assembly of the
church,* and almost unanimously deposed on several charges, the
principal one being a claim on their part to $2000 of the church
funds which they had bound the Bishop to pay to them. Whitmer was
also accused of persisting in the use of tea, coffee, and
tobacco. T. B. Marsh, one of the Presidents pro tem. selected in
their places, in a letter to the prophet on this subject, said:--

* For the minutes of this General Assembly, and text of Marsh's

letter, see Elders' Journal, July, 1838.

"Had we not taken the above measures, we think that nothing could
have prevented a rebellion against the whole High Council and
Bishop; so great was the disaffection against the Presidents that
the people began to be jealous that the whole authorities were
inclined to uphold these men in wickedness, and in a little time
the church undoubtedly would have gone every man his own way,
like sheep without a shepherd."

On April 11, Elder Bronson presented nine charges against Oliver

Cowdery to the High Council, which promptly found him guilty of
six of them, viz. urging vexatious lawsuits against the brethren,
accusing the prophet of adultery, not attending meeting,
returning to the practice of law "for the sake of filthy lucre,"
"disgracing the church by being connected with the bogus
[counterfeiting] business, retaining notes after they had been
paid," and generally "forsaking the cause of God." On this
finding he was expelled from the church. Two days later David
Whitmer was found guilty of unchristianlike conduct and defaming
the prophet, and was expelled, and Lyman E. Johnson met the same
fate.* Smith soon announced a "revelation" (Sec. 114), directing
the places of the expelled to be filled by others.

* For minutes of these councils, see Millennial Star, Vol. XVI,

pp. 130-134.
It was in the June following that the paper drawn up by Rigdon
and signed by eighty-three prominent members of the church was
presented to the recalcitrants, ordering them to leave the
county, and painting their characters in the blackest hues.* This
radical action did not meet the approval of the more conservative
element, which included men like Corrill, and he soon announced
that he was no longer a Mormon. Not long afterward Thomas B.
Marsh, one of the original members of the High Council of Twelve
in Missouri, and now President of the Twelve, and Orson Hyde, one
of the original Apostles, also seceded, and both gave testimony
about the Mormon schemes in Caldwell and Daviess Counties.
Cowdery and Whitmer considered their lives in such danger that
they fled on horseback at night, leaving their families, and
after riding till daylight in a storm, reached the house of a
friend, where they found refuge until their families could join
them.

* See p. 81 ante. For the full text of Rigdon's paper, see the
"Correspondence, Orders, etc., in Relation to the Mormon
Disturbances in Missouri," published by order of the Missouri
legislature (1841).

The most important event that followed the expulsion of leading

members from the church by the High Council was the formation of
that organization which has been almost ever since known as the
Danites, whose dark deeds in Nauvoo were scarcely more than
hinted at,* but which, under Brigham Young's authority in Utah,
became a band of murderers, ready to carry out the most radical
suggestion which might be made by any higher authority of the
church.

* Lee's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 158.

Corrill, an active member of the church in Missouri, writing in

1839 with the events fresh in his memory, said* that the members
of the Danite society entered into solemn covenants to stand by
one another when in difficulty, whether right or wrong, and to
correct each other's wrongs among themselves, accepting strictly
the mandates of the Presidency as standing next to God. He
explains that "many were opposed to this society, but such was
their determination and also their threatenings, that those
opposed dare not speak their minds on the subject . . . . It
began to be taught that the church, instead of God, or, rather,
the church in the hands of God, was to bring about these things
(judgments on the wicked), and I was told, but I cannot vouch for
the truth of it, that some of them went so far as to contrive
plans how they might scatter poison, pestilence, and disease
among the inhabitants, and make them think it was judgments sent
from God. I accused Smith and Rigdon of it, but they both denied
it promptly."

* "Brief History of the Church," pp. 31, 32.

Robinson, in his reminiscences in the Return in later years, gave

the same date of the organization of the Danites, and said that
their first manifesto was the one directed against Cowdery,
Whitmer, and others.

We must look for the actual origin of this organization, however,

to some of the prophet's instructions while still at Kirtland. In
his "revelation" of August 6, 1833 (Sec. 98), he thus defined the
treatment that the Saints might bestow upon their enemies: "I
have delivered thine enemy into thine hands, and then if thou
wilt spare him, thou shalt be rewarded for thy righteousness; . .
. nevertheless thine enemy is in thine hands, and if thou reward
him according to his works thou art justified, if he has sought
thy life, and thy life is endangered by him, thine enemy is in
thine hands and thou art justified."

What such a license would mean to a following like Smith's can

easily be understood.

The next step in the same direction was taken during the
exercises which,accompanied the opening of the Kirtland Temple.
Three days after the dedicatory services, all the high officers
of the church, and the official members of the stake, to the
number of about three hundred, met in the Temple by appointment
to perform the washing of feet. While this was going on
(following Smith's own account),* "the brethren began to prophesy
blessings upon each other's heads, and cursings upon the enemies
of Christ who inhabit Jackson County, Missouri, and continued
prophesying and blessing and sealing them, with hosannah and
amen, until nearly seven o'clock P. M. The bread and wine were
then brought in. While waiting, I made the following remarks, 'I
want to enter into the following covenant, that if any more of
our brethren are slain or driven from their lands in Missouri by
the mob, we will give ourselves no rest until we are avenged of
our enemies to the uttermost.' This covenant was sealed
unanimously, with a hosannah and an amen." **

* Millennial Star, Vol. XV, pp. 727-728.

* "The spirit of that covenant evidently bore fruit in the Fourth

of July oration of 1838 and the Mountain Meadow Massacre."--The
Return, Vol. II, p. 271.

The original name chosen for the Danites was "Daughters of Zion,"
suggested by the text Micah iv. 13: "Arise and thresh, O daughter
of Zion; for I will make thine horn iron, and I will make thine
hoofs brass; and thou shalt beat in pieces many people; and I
will consecrate thy gain unto the Lord, and their substance unto
the Lord of the whole earth." "Daughters" of anybody was soon
decided to be an inappropriate designation for such a band, and
they were next called "Destroying (or Flying) Angels," a title
still in use in Utah days; then the "Big Fan," suggested by
Jeremiah xv. 7, or Luke iii. 17; then "Brothers of Gideon," and
finally "Sons of Dan" (whence the name Danites,) from Genesis
xlix. 17: "Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an adder in the
path, that biteth the horse's heels, so that his rider shall fall
backward."*
* Hyde's "Mormonism Exposed," pp. 104-105.

Avard presented the text of the constitution to the court at

Richmond, Missouri, during the inquiry before Judge King in
November, 1838* It begins with a preamble setting forth the
agreement of the members "to regulate ourselves under such laws
as in righteousness shall be deemed necessary for the
preservation of our holy religion, and of our most sacred rights,
and the rights of our wives and children," and declaring that,
"not having the privileges of others allowed to us, we have
determined, like unto our fathers, to resist tyranny, whether it
be in kings or in the people. It is all alike to us. Our rights
we must have, and our rights we shall have, in the name of
Israel's God." The President of the church and his counsellors
were to hold the "executive power," and also, along with the
generals and colonels of the society, to hold the "legislative
powers"; this legislature to "have power to make all laws
regulating the society, and regulating punishments to be
administered to the guilty in accordance with the offence." Thus
was furnished machinery for carrying out any decree of the
officers of the church against either life or property.

* Missouri "Correspondence, Orders, etc.," pp. 101-102.

The Danite oath as it was administered in Nauvoo was as

follows:-- "In the name of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, I do
solemnly obligate myself ever to regard the Prophet and the First
Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints as
the supreme head of the church on earth, and to obey them in all
things, the same as the supreme God; that I will stand by my
brethren in danger or difficulty, and will uphold the Presidency,
right or wrong; and that I will ever conceal, and never reveal,
the secret purposes of this society, called Daughters of Zion.
Should I ever do the same, I hold my life as the forfeiture, in a
caldron of boiling oil."*

* Bennett's "History of the Saints," p. 267.

John D. Lee, who was a member of the organization, explaining

their secret signs, says,* "The sign or token of distress is made
by placing the right hand on the right side of the face, with the
points of the fingers upward, shoving the hand upward until the
ear is snug up between the thumb and forefinger."

*Lee's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 57.

It has always been the policy of the Mormon church to deny to the
outside world that any such organization as the Danites existed,
or at least that it received the countenance of the authorities.
Smith's City Council in Nauvoo made an affidavit that there was
no such society there, and Utah Mormons have professed similar
ignorance. Brigham Young, himself, however, gave testimony to the
contrary in the days when he was supreme in Salt Lake City. In
one of his discourses which will be found reported in the Deseret
News (Vol. VII, p. 143) he said: "If men come here and do not
behave themselves, they will not only find the Danites, whom they
talk so much about, biting the horses' heels, but the scoundrels
will find something biting THEIR heels. In my plain remarks I
merely call things by their own names." It need only be added
that the church authority has been powerful enough at any time in
the history of the church to crush out such an organization if it
so desired.

A second organization formed about the same time, at a fully

attended meeting of the Mormons of Daviess County, was called
"The Host of Israel." It was presided over by captains of tens,
of fifties, and of hundreds, and, according to Lee, "God
commanded Joseph Smith to place the Host of Israel in a situation
for defence against the enemies of God and the Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-Day Saints."

Another important feature of the church rule that was established

at this time was the tithing system, announced in a "revelation"
(Sec. 119), which is dated July 8, 1838. This required the flock
to put all their "surplus property" into the hands of the Bishop
for the building of the Temple and the payment of the debts of
the Presidency, and that, after that, "those who have thus been
tithed, shall pay one-tenth of all their interest annually; and
this shall be a standing law unto them forever."

Ebenezer Robinson gives an interesting explanation of the origin

of tithing. *In May, 1838, the High Council at Far West, after
hearing a statement by Rigdon that it was absolutely necessary
for the church to make some provision for the support of the
families of all those who gave their entire time to church
affairs, instructed the Bishop to deed to Smith and Rigdon an
eighty-acre lot belonging to the church, and appointed a
committee of three to confer with the Presidency concerning their
salary for that year. Smith and Rigdon thought that $1100 would
be a proper sum, and the committee reported in favor of a salary,
but left the amount blank. The council voted the salaries, but
this action caused such a protest from the church members that at
the next meeting the resolution was rescinded. Only a few days
later came this "revelation" requiring the payment of tithes, in
which there was no mention of using any of the money for the
poor, as was directed in the Ohio "revelation" about the
consecration of property to the Bishop.

* The Return, Vol. 1, p. 136.

This tithing system has provided ever since the principal revenue
of the church. By means of it the Temple was built at Nauvoo, and
under it vast sums have been contributed in Utah. By 1878 the
income of the church by this source was placed at $1,000,000 a
year,* and during Brigham Young's administration the total
receipts were estimated at $13,000,000. We shall see that Young
made practically no report of the expenditure of this vast sum
that passed into his control. To Horace Greeley's question, "What
is done with the proceeds of this tithing?" Young replied, "Part
of it is devoted to building temples and other places of worship,
part to helping the poor and needy converts on their way to this
country, and the largest portion to the support of the poor among
the Saints."

* Salt Lake Tribune, June 25, 1879.

As the authority of the church over its members increased, the

regulation about the payment of tithes was made plainer and more
severe. Parley P. Pratt, in addressing the General Conference in
Salt Lake City in October, 1849, said, "To fulfil the law of
tithing, a man should make out and lay before the Bishop a
schedule of all his property, and pay him one-tenth of it. When
he hath tithed his principal once, he has no occasion to tithe
again; but the next year he must pay one-tenth of his increase,
and one-tenth of his time, of his cattle, money, goods, and
trade; and, whatever use we put it to, it is still our own, for
the Lord does not carry it away with him to heaven."* *
Millennial Star, Vol. XII, p. 134.

The Seventh General Epistle to the church (September, 1851) made

this statement, "It is time that the Saints understood that the
paying of their tithing is a prominent portion of the labor which
is allotted to them, by which they are to secure a
futureresidence in the heaven they are seeking after."* This view
was constantly presented to the converts abroad.

* Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 18.

At the General Conference in Salt Lake City on September 8, 1850,

Brigham Young made clear his radical view of tithing--a duty, he
declared, that few had lived up to. Taking the case of a supposed
Mr. A, engaged in various pursuits (to represent the community),
starting with a capital of $100,000 he must surrender $10,000 of
this as tithing. With his remaining $90,000 he gains $410,000;
$41,000 of this gain must be given into the storehouse of the
Lord. Next he works nine days with his team; the tenth day's work
is for the church, as is one-tenth of the wheat he raises,
one-tenth of his sheep, and one-tenth of his eggs.*

* Ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 21.

Under date of July 18, came another "revelation" (Sec. 120),

declaring that the tithings "shall be disposed of by a Council,
composed of the First Presidency of my church, and of the Bishop
and his council, and by my High Council." The first meeting of
this body decided "that the First Presidency should keep all
their property that they could dispose of to advantage for their
support, and the remainder be put into the hands of the Bishop,
according to the commandments."* The coolness of this proceeding
in excepting Smith and Rigdon from the obligation to pay a tithe
is worthy of admiration.

* Ibid., Vol. XVI, p. 204.

CHAPTER VII. Beginning Of Active Hostilities

Smith had shown his dominating spirit as soon as he arrived at

Far West. In April, 1838, he announced a "revelation" (Sec. 115),
commanding the building of a house of worship there, the work to
begin on July 4, the speedy building up of that city, and the
establishment of Stakes in the regions round about. This last
requirement showed once more Smith's lack of judgment, and it
became a source of irritation to the non-Mormons, as it was
thought to foreshadow a design to control the neighboring
counties. Hyde says that Smith and Rigdon deliberately planned
the scattering of the Saints beyond the borders of Clay County
with a view to political power.*

* Hyde's "Mormonism," p. 203.

In accordance with this scheme, a "revelation" of May 19 (Sec.

116), directed the founding of a town on Grand River in Daviess
County, twenty-five miles northwest of Far West. This settlement
was to be called "Adam-ondi-Ahman," "because it is the place
where Adam shall come to visit his people, or the Ancient of Days
shall sit, as spoken of by Daniel the Prophet." The "revelation"
further explains that, three years before his death, Adamcalled a
number of high priests and all of his posterity who were
righteous, into the valley of Adam-ondi-Ahman, and there blessed
them. Lee (who, following the common pronunciation, writes the
name "Adam-on-Diamond") expresses the belief, which Smith
instilled into his followers, that it "was at the point where
Adam came and settled and blessed his posterity, after being
driven from the Garden of Eden. There Adam and Eve tarried for
several years, and engaged in tilling the soil." By order of the
Presidency, another town was started in Carroll County, where the
Saints had been living in peace. Immediately the new settlement
was looked upon as a possible rival of Gallatin, the county seat,
and the non-Mormons made known their objections.

* "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 91.

With Smith and Rigdon on the ground, if these men had had any
tact, or any purpose except to enforce Mormon supremacy in
whatever part of Missouri they chose to call Zion, the troubles
now foreshadowed might easily have been prevented. Every step
they took, however, was in the nature of a defiance. The sermons
preached to the Mormons that summer taught them that they would
be able to withstand, not only the opposition of the Missourians,
but of the United States, if this should be put to the test.*

* Corrill's "Brief History of the Church," p. 29.

The flock in and around Far West were under the influence of such
advice when they met on July 4 to lay the corner-stone of the
third Temple, whose building Smith had revealed, and to celebrate
the day. There was a procession, with a flagpole raising, and
Smith embraced the occasion to make public announcement of the
tithing "revelation" (although it bears a later date).

The chief feature of the day, and the one that had most influence
on the fortunes of the church, was a sermon by Sidney Rigdon,
known ever since as the "salt sermon," from the text Matt. v. 13:
"If the salt have lost its savour, wherewith shall it be salted?
It is thenceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and to be
trodden under foot of men." He first applied these words to the
men who had made trouble in the church, declaring that they ought
to be trodden under foot until their bowels gushed out, citing as
a precedent that "the apostles threw Judas Iscariot down and
trampled out his bowels, and that Peter stabbed Ananias and
Sapphira." It was what followed, however, which made the serious
trouble, a defiance to their Missouri opponents in these words:
"It is not because we cannot, if we were so disposed, enjoy both
the honors and flatteries of the world, but we have voluntarily
offered them in sacrifice, and the riches of the world also, for
a more durable substance. Our God has promised a reward of
eternal inheritance, and we have believed his promise, and,
though we wade through great tribulations, we are in nothing
discouraged, for we know he that has promised is faithful. The
promise is sure, and the reward is certain. It is because of this
that we have taken the spoiling of our goods. Our cheeks have
been given to the smiters, and our heads to those who have
plucked off the hair. We have not only, when smitten on one
cheek, turned the other, but we have done it again and again,
until we are weary of being smitten, and tired of being trampled
upon. We have proved the world with kindness; we have suffered
their abuse, without cause, with patience, and have endured
without resentment, until this day, and still their persecution
and violence does not cease. But from this day and this hour, we
will suffer it no more.

"We take God and all the holy angels to witness this day, that we
warn all men, in the name of Jesus Christ, to come on us no more
for ever, for, from this hour, we will bear it no more. Our
rights shall no more be trampled on with impunity. The man, or
set of men, who attempt it, DOES IT AT THE EXPENSE OF THEIR
LIVES. And that mob that comes on us to disturb us, it shall be
between us and them A WAR OF EXTERMINATION, FOR WE WILL FOLLOW
THEM TO THE LAST DROP OF THEIR BLOOD IS SPILLED, OR ELSE THEY
WILL HAVE TO EXTERMINATE US; for we will carry the seat of war to
their own houses, and their own families, and one party or the
other SHALL BE UTTERLY DESTROYED. Remember it then, all men.

"We will never be aggressors; we will infringe on rights of no

people; but shall stand for our own until death. We claim our own
rights, and are willing that all shall enjoy theirs.

"No man shall be at liberty to come in our streets, to threaten

us with mobs, for if he does, he shall atone for it before he
leaves the place; neither shall he be at liberty to vilify or
slander any of us, for suffer it we will not in this place.

"We therefore take all men to record this day, as did our
fathers. And we pledge this day to one another, our fortunes, our
lives, and our sacred honors, to be delivered from the
persecutions which we have had to endure for the last nine years,
or nearly that. Neither will we indulge any man, or set of men,
in instituting vexatious lawsuits against us to cheat us out of
our just rights. If they attempt it we say, woe be unto them. We
this day then proclaim ourselves free, with a purpose and a
determination that never can be broken, no never, NO NEVER, NO
NEVER."

Ebenezer Robinson in The Return (Vol I, p. 170) says:--

"Let it be distinctly understood that President Rigdon was not

alone responsible for the sentiment expressed in his oration, as
that was a carefully prepared document previously written, and
well understood by the First Presidency; but Elder Rigdon was the
mouthpiece to deliver it, as he was a natural orator, and his
delivery was powerful and effective.

"Several Missouri gentlemen of note, from other counties, were

present on the speaker's stand at its delivery, with Joseph
Smith, Jr., President, and Hyrum Smith, Vice President of the
day; and at the conclusion of the oration, when the president of
the day led off with a shout of 'Hosannah, Hosannah, Hosannah,'
and joined in the shout by the vast multitude, these Missouri
gentlemen began to shout 'hurrah,' but they soon saw that did not
time with the other, and they ceased shouting. A copy of the
oration was furnished the editor, and printed in the Far West, a
weekly newspaper printed in Liberty, the county seat of Clay
county. It was also printed in pamphlet form, by the writer of
this, in the printing office of the Elders' Journal, in the city
of Far West, a copy of which we have preserved.

"This oration, and the stand taken by the church in endorsing it,
and its publication, undoubtedly exerted a powerful influence in
arousing the people of the whole upper Missouri country."

At the trial of Rigdon, when he was cast out at Nauvoo, Young and
others held him alone responsible for this sermon, and declared
that it was principally instrumental in stirring up the
hostilities that ensued.

A state election was to be held in Missouri early in August, and

there was a good deal of political feeling. Daviess County was
pretty equally divided between Whigs and Democrats, and the vote
of the Mormons was sought by the leaders of both parties. In
Caldwell County the Saints were classed as almost solidly
Democratic. When election day came, the Danites in the latter
county distributed tickets on which the Presidency had agreed,
but this resulted in nothing more serious than some criticism of
this interference of the church in politics. But in Daviess
County trouble occurred.

The Mormons there were warned by the Democrats that the Whigs
would attempt to prevent their voting at Gallatin. Of the ten
houses in that town at the time, three were saloons, and the
material for an election-day row was at hand. It began with an
attack on a Mormon preacher, and ended in a general fight, in
which there were many broken heads, but no loss of life; after
which, says Lee, who took part in it, "the Mormons all voted."*
* Smith's autobiography says, "Very few of the brethren voted."

Exaggerated reports of this melee reached Far West, and Dr.

Avard, collecting a force of 150 volunteers, and accompanied by
Smith and Rigdon, started for Daviess County for the support of
their brethren. They came across no mob, but they made a tactical
mistake. Instead of disbanding and returning to their homes,
they, the next morning (following Smith's own account)* "rode out
to view the situation." Their ride took them to the house of a
justice of the peace, named Adam Black, who had joined a band
whose object was the expulsion of the Mormons. Smith could not
neglect the opportunity to remind the justice of his violation of
his oath, and to require of him some satisfaction, "so that we
might know whether he was our friend or enemy." With this view
they compelled him to sign what they called "an agreement of
peace," which the justice drew up in this shape:--

* Millennial Star, Vol. XVI, p. 229.

"I, Adam Black, A Justice of the Peace of Davies County, do

hereby Sertify to the people called Mormin that he is bound to
suport the constitution of this state and of the United States,
and he is not attached to any mob, nor will not attach himself to
any such people, and so long as they will not molest me I will
not molest them. This the 8th day of August, 1838.

"ADAM BLACK, J.P"

When the Mormon force returned to Far West, the Daviess people
secured warrants for the arrest of Smith, L. Wight, and others,
charging them with violating the law by entering another county
armed, and compelling a justice of the peace to obey their
mandate, Black having made an affidavit that he was compelled to
sign the paper in order to save his life. Wight threatened to
resist arrest, and this caused such a gathering of Missourians
that Smith became alarmed and sent for two lawyers, General D. R.
Atchison and General Doniphan, to come to Far West as his legal
advisers.* Acting on their advice, the accused surrendered
themselves, and were bound over to court in $500 bail for a
hearing on September 7.

* General Atchison was the major general in command of that

division of the state militia. His early reports to the governor
must be read in the light of his association with Smith as
counsel. General Douiphan afterward won fame at Chihuahua in the
Mexican War.

CHAPTER VIII. A State Of Civil War

All peaceable occupations were now at an end in Daviess County.

General Atchison reported to the governor that, on arriving there
on September 17, he found the county practically deserted, the
Gentiles being gathered in one camp and the Mormons in another. A
justice of the peace, in a statement to the governor, declared,
"The Mormons are so numerous and so well armed [in Daviess and
Caldwell counties] that the judicial power of the counties is
wholly unable to execute any civil or criminal process within the
limits of either of the said counties against a Mormon or
Mormons, as they each and every one of them act in concert and
outnumber the other citizens." Lee says that an order had been
issued by the church authorities, commanding all the Mormons to
gather in two fortified camps, at Far West and Adam-ondi-Ahman.
The men were poorly armed, but demanded to be led against their
foes, being "confident that God was going to deliver the enemy
into our hands."*

* "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 78.

Both parties now stood on the defensive, posting sentinels, and

making other preparations for a fight. Actual hostilities soon
ensued. The Mormons captured some arms which their opponents had
obtained, and took them, with three prisoners, to Far West. "This
was a glorious day, indeed," says Smith.* Citizens of Daviess and
Livingston counties sent a petition to Governor Boggs (who had
succeeded Dunklin), dated September 12, declaring that they
believed their lives, liberty, and property to be "in the most
imminent danger of being sacrificed by the hands of those
impostorous rebels," and asking for protection. The governor had
already directed General Atchison to raise immediately four
hundred mounted men in view of indications of Indian disturbances
on our immediate frontier, and the recent civil disturbances in
the counties of Caldwell, Daviess, and Carroll." The calling out
of the militia followed, and General Doniphan found himself in
command of about one thousand militiamen. He seems to have used
tact, and to have employed his force only as peace preservers. On
September 20 he reported to Governor Boggs that he had discharged
all his troops but two companies, and that he did not think the
services of these would be required more than twenty days. He
estimated the Mormon forces in the disturbed counties at from
thirteen hundred to fifteen hundred men, most of them carrying a
rifle, a brace of pistols, and a broadsword; "so that," he added,
"from their position, and their fanaticism, and their unalterable
determination not to be driven, much blood will be spilt and much
suffering endured if a blow is at once struck, without the
interposition of your excellency."

* Smith's autobiography, at this point, says: "President Rigdon

and I commenced this day the study of law under the instruction
of Generals Atchison and Doniphan. They think by diligent
application we can be admitted to the bar in twelve months."
Millennial Star, Vol. XVI, p. 246.

The people of Carroll County began now to hold meetings whose

object was the expulsion of the Mormons from their boundaries,
and some hundreds of them assembled in hostile attitude around
the little settlement of Dewitt. The Mormons there prepared for
defence, and sent an appeal to Far West for aid. Accordingly, one
hundred Mormons, including Smith and Rigdon, started to assist
them, and two companies of militia, under General Parks, were
hurried to the spot. General Parks reported to General Atchison
on October 7 that, on arriving there the day before, he found the
place besieged by two hundred or three hundred Missourians, under
a Dr. Austin, with a field-piece, and defended by two hundred or
three hundred Mormons under G. M. Hinckle, "who says he will die
before he is driven from thence." Austin expected speedy
reenforcements that would enable him to take the place by
assault. A petition addressed by the Mormons of Dewitt to the
governor, as early as September 22, having been ignored, and
finding themselves outnumbered, they agreed to abandon their
settlement on receiving pay for their improvements, and some
fifty wagons conveyed them and their effects to Far West.

A period of absolute lawlessness in all that section of the state

followed. Smith declared that civil war existed, and that, as the
state would not protect them, they must look out for themselves.
He and his associates made no concealment of their purpose to
"make clean work of it" in driving the non-Mormons from both
Daviess and Caldwell counties. When warned that this course would
array the whole state against them, Smith replied that the "mob"
(as the opponents of the Mormons were always styled) were a small
minority of the state, and would yield to armed opposition; the
Mormons would defeat one band after another, and so proceed
across the state, until they reached St. Louis, where the Mormon
army would spend the winter. This calculation is a fair
illustration of Smith's judgment.

Armed bands of both parties now rode over the country, paying
absolutely no respect to property rights, and ready for a "brush"
with any opponents. At Smith's suggestion, a band of men, under
the name of the "Fur Company," was formed to "commandeer" food,
teams, and men for the Mormon campaign. This practical license to
steal let loose the worst element in the church organization,
glad of any method of revenge on those whom they considered their
persecutors. "Men of former quiet," says Lee, who was among the
active raiders, "became perfect demons in their efforts to spoil
and waste away the enemies of the church."* Cattle and hogs that
could not be driven off were killed.** Houses were burned, not
only in the outlying country, but in the towns. A night attack by
a band of eighty men was made on Gallatin, where some of the
houses were set on fire, and two stores as well as private houses
were robbed. The house of one McBride, who, Lee says, had been a
good friend to him and to other Mormons, did not escape: "Every
article of moveable property was taken by the troops; he was
utterly ruined." "It appeared to me," says Corrill, "that the
love of pillage grew upon them very fast, for they plundered
every kind of property they could get hold of, and burnt many
cabins in Daviess, some say 80, and some say 150." ***

* Lee naively remarks, "In justice to Joseph Smith I cannot say

that I ever heard him teach, or even encourage, men to pilfer or
steal little things."--"Mormonism Unveiled," p. 90.

** W. Harris's "Mormonism Portrayed," p. 30.

*** "Brief History of the Church," p. 38.

The Missourians retaliated in kind. Mormons were seized and

whipped, and their houses were burned. A lawless company (Pratt
calls them banditti), led by one Gilliam, embraced the
opportunity to make raids in the Mormon territory. It was soon
found necessary to collect the outlying Mormons at Far West and
Adam-ondi-Ahman, where they were used for purposes both of
offence and defence. The movements of the Missourians were
closely watched, and preparations were made to burn any place
from which a force set out to attack the Saints.

One of the Missouri officers, Captain Bogart, on October 23,

warned some Mormons to leave the county, and, with his company of
thirty or forty men, announced his intention to "give Far West
thunder and lightning." When this news reached Far West, Judge
Higbee, of the county court, ordered Lieutenant Colonel Hinckle
to go out with a company, disperse the "mob," and retake some
prisoners. The Mormons assembled at midnight, and about
seventy-five volunteers started at once, under command of Captain
Patton, the Danite leader, whose nickname was "Fear Not," all on
horseback. When they approached Crooked River, on which Bogart's
force was encamped, fifteen men were sent in advance on foot to
locate the enemy. Just at dawn a rifle shot sounded, and a young
Mormon, named O'Barrion, fell mortally wounded. Captain Patton
ordered a charge, and led his men at a gallop down a hill to the
river, under the bank of which the Missourians were drawn up. The
latter had an advantage, as they were in the shade, and the
Mormons were between them and the east, which the dawn was just
lighting. Exchanges of volleys occurred, and then Captain Patton
ordered his men to rush on with drawn swords--they had no
bayonets. This put the Missourians to flight, but just as they
fled Captain Patton received a mortal wound. Three Mormons in all
were killed as a result of this battle, and seven wounded, while
Captain Bogart reported the death of one man.*

* Ebenezer Robinson's account in The Return, p. 191.

The death of "Fear Not" was considered by the Mormons a great

loss. He was buried with the honors of war, says Robinson, "and
at his grave a solemn convention was made to avenge his death."
Smith, in the funeral sermon, reverted to his old tactics,
attributing the Mormon losses to the Lord's anger against his
people, because of their unbelief and their unwillingness to
devote their worldly treasures to the church.

The rout of Captain Bogart's force, which was a part of the state
militia, increased the animosity against the Mormons, and the
wiser of the latter believed that they would suffer a dire
vengeance.*

* Corrill's "Brief History of the Church," p. 38.

This vengeance first made itself felt at a settlement called

Hawn's Mill (of which there are various spellings), some miles
from Far West, where there were a flour mill, blacksmith shop,
and other buildings. The Mormons there were advised, the day
after the fight on Crooked River, to move into Far West for
protection, but the owners of the buildings, knowing that these
would be burned as soon as deserted, decided to remain and defend
their property.

On October 30 a mounted force of Missourians appeared before the

place. The Mormons ran into the log blacksmith shop, which they
thought would serve them as a blockhouse, but it proved to be a
slaughter-pen. The Missourians surrounded it, and, sticking their
rifles into every hole and crack, poured in a deadly fire,
killing, some reports say eighteen, and some thirty-one, of the
Mormons. The only persons in the town who escaped found shelter
in the woods. The Missourians did not lose a man. When the firing
ceased, they still showed no mercy, shooting a small boy in the
leg after dragging him out from under the bellows, and hacking to
death with a corn cutter an old man while he begged for his life.
Dead and wounded were thrown into a well, and some of the
wounded, taken out by rescuers from Far West, recovered. "I heard
one of the militia tell General Clark," says Corrill, "that a
well twenty or thirty feet deep was filled with their dead bodies
to within three feet of the top."*

* Details of this massacre will be found in Lee's "Mormonism

Unveiled," pp. 78-80; in the Missouri "Correspondence, Orders,
etc.," p. 82; the Millennial Star, Vol. XVI, p. 507, and in
Greene's "Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons from
Missouri," pp. 21-24.

The Mormons have always considered this "massacre," as they

called it, the crowning outrage of their treatment in Missouri,
and for many years were especially bitter toward all participants
in it. A letter from two Mormons in the Frontier Guardian, dated
October, 1849, describing the disinterred human bones seen on
their journey across the plains, said that they recognized on the
rude tombstone the names of some of their Missouri persecutors:
"Among others, we noted at the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains
the grave of one E. Dodd of Gallatin, Missouri. The wolves had
completely disinterred him. It is believed that he was the same
Dodd that took an active part as a prominent mobocrat in the
murder of the Saints at Hawn's Mill, Missouri; if so, it is a
righteous retribution." Two Mormon elders, describing a visit in
1889 to the scenes of the Mormon troubles in Missouri, said, "The
notorious Colonel W. O. Jennings, who commanded the mob at the
[Hawn's Mill] massacre, was assaulted in Chillicothe, Missouri,
on the evening of January 20, 1862, by an unknown person, who
shot him on the street with a revolver or musket, as the Colonel
was going home after dark." * They are silent as to the avenger.

* "Infancy of the Church" (pamphlet).

Governor Boggs now began to realize the seriousness of the

situation that he was called to meet, and on October 26 he
directed General John B. Clark (who was not the ranking general)
to raise, for the protection of the citizens of Daviess County,
four hundred mounted men. This order he followed the next day
with the following, which has become the most famous of the
orders issued during this campaign, under the designation "the
order of extermination":--
"HEADQUARTERS OF THE MILITIA, "CITY OF JEFFERSON, Oct. 27, 1838.
"GEN. JOHN B. CLARK,

"Sir:--Since the order of this morning to you, directing you to

cause four hundred mounted men to be raised within your Division,
I have received by Amos Rees, Esq., of Ray County and Wiley C.
Williams, Esq., one of my aids, information of the most appalling
character, which entirely changes the face of things, and places
the Mormons in the attitude of an open and avowed defiance of the
laws, and of having made war upon the people of this state. Your
orders are, therefore, to hasten your operations with all
possible speed.

"The Mormons must be treated as enemies, and must be exterminated

or driven from the State if necessary for the public peace--their
outrages are beyond all description. If you can increase your
force, you are authorized to do so to any extent you may consider
necessary. I have just issued orders to Maj. Gen. Willock, of
Marion County, to raise five hundred men, and to march them to
the northern part of Daviess, and there unite with Gen. Doniphan,
of Clay, who has been ordered with five hundred men to proceed to
the same point for the purpose of intercepting the retreat of the
Mormons to the north. They have been directed to communicate with
you by express; you can also communicate with them if you find it
necessary.

"Instead therefore of proceeding, as at first directed, to

reinstate the citizens of Daviess in their homes, you will
proceed immediately to Richmond and then operate against the
Mormons. Brig. Gen. Parks, of Ray, has been ordered to have four
hundred of his brigade in readiness to join you at Richmond. The
whole force will be placed under your command.

"I am very respectfully, "Your ob't serv't, "L. W. Boggs,

Commander-in-chief."

The "appalling information" received by the governor from his

aids was contained in a letter dated October 25, which stated
that the Mormons were "destroying all before them"; that they had
burned Gallatin and Mill Pond, and almost every house between
these places, plundered the whole country, and defeated Captain
Bogart's company, and had determined to burn Richmond that night.
"These creatures," said the letter, "will never stop until they
are stopped by the strong hand of force, and something must be
done, and that speedily."*

* For text of letter, see "Correspondence, Orders, etc.," p. 59.

The language of Governor Boggs's letter to General Clark cannot

be defended. The Mormons have always made great capital of his
declaration that the Mormons "must be exterminated," and a man of
judicial temperament would have selected other words, no matter
how necessary he deemed it, for political reasons, to show his
sympathy with the popular cause. But, on the other hand, the
governor was only accepting the challenge given by Rigdon in his
recent Fourth of July address, when the latter declared that if a
mob disturbed the Mormons, "it shall be between us and them a war
of extermination, for we will follow them till the last drop of
their blood is spilled, or else they will have to exterminate
us." What compromise there could have been between a band of
fanatics obeying men like Smith and Rigdon, and the class of
settlers who made up the early Missouri population, it is
impossible to conceive. The Mormons were simply impossible as
neighbors, and it had become evident that they could no more
remain peaceably in the state than they could a few years
previously in Jackson County.

General Atchison, of Smith's counsel, was not called on by the

governor in these latest movements, because, as the governor
explained in a letter to General Clark, "there was much
dissatisfaction manifested toward him by the people opposed to
the Mormons." But he had seen his mistake, and he united with
General Lucas in a letter to the governor under date of October
28, in which they said, "from late outrages committed by the
Mormons, civil war is inevitable," and urged the governor's
presence in the disturbed district. Governor Boggs excused
himself from complying with this request because of the near
approach of the meeting of the legislature.

General Lucas, acting under his interpretation of the governor's

order, had set out on October 28 for Far West from near Richmond,
with a force large enough to alarm the Mormon leaders. Robinson,
speaking of the outlook from their standpoint at this time, says,
"We looked for warm work, as there were large numbers of armed
men gathering in Daviess County, with avowed determination of
driving the Mormons from the county, and we began to feel as
determined that the Missourians should be expelled from the
county."* The Mormons did not hear of the approach of General
Lucas's force until it was near the town. Then the southern
boundary was hastily protected with a barricade of wagons and
logs, and the night of October 30-31 was employed by all the
inhabitants in securing their possessions for flight, in
anticipation of a battle the next day.

* The Return, Vol. I, p. 189.

CHAPTER IX. The Final Expulsion From The State

At eight o'clock the next morning the commander of the militia

sent a flag of truce to the Mormons which Colonel Hinckle, for
the Mormons, met. General Lucas submitted the following terms, as
necessary to carry out the governor's orders:

1. To give up their leaders to be tried and punished.

2. To make an appropriation of their property, all who have taken

up arms, to the payment of their debts and indemnity for damage
done by them.

3. That the balance should leave the State, and be protected out
by the militia, but be permitted to remain under protection until
further orders were received by the commander-in-chief.
4. To give up the arms of every description, to be receipted for.

While these propositions were under consideration, General Lucas

asked that Smith, Rigdon, Lyman Wight, P. P. Pratt, and G. W.
Robinson be given up as hostages, and this was done. Contemporary
Mormon accounts imputed treachery to Colonel Hinckle in this
matter, and said that Smith and his associates were lured into
the militia camp by a ruse. General Lucas's report to the
governor says that the proposition for a conference came from
Hinckle. Hyrum Smith, in an account of the trial of the
prisoners, printed some years later in the Times and Seasons,
said that all the men who surrendered were that night condemned
by a court-martial to be shot, but were saved by General
Doniphan's interference. Lee's account agrees with this, but says
that Smith surrendered voluntarily, to save the lives of his
followers.

General Lucas received the surrender of Far West, on the terms

named, in advance of the arrival of General Clark, who was making
forced marches. After the surrender, General Lucas disbanded the
main body of his force, and set out with his prisoners for
Independence, the original site of Zion. General Clark, learning
of this, ordered him to transfer the prisoners to Richmond, which
was done.

Hearing that the guard left by General Lucas at Far West were
committing outrages, General Clark rode to that place accompanied
by his field officers. He found no disorder,* but instituted a
military court of inquiry, which resulted in the arrest of
forty-six additional Mormons, who were sent to Richmond for
trial. The facts on which these arrests were made were obtained
principally from Dr. Avard, the Danite, who was captured by a
militia officer. "No one," General Clark says, "disclosed any
useful matter until he was captured."

* "Much property was destroyed by the troops in town during their

stay there, such as burning house logs, rails, corn cribs,
boards, etc., the using of corn and hay, the plundering of
houses, the killing of cattle, sheep, and hogs, and also the
taking of horses not their own."--"Mormon Memorial to Missouri
Legislature," December 10, 1838.

After these arrests had been made, General Clark called the other
Mormons at Far West together, and addressed them, telling them
that they could now go to their fields for corn, wood, etc., but
that the terms of the surrender must be strictly lived up to.
Their leading men had been given up, their arms surrendered, and
their property assigned as stipulated, but it now remained for
them to leave the state forthwith. On that subject the general
said:--

"The character of this state has suffered almost beyond

redemption, from the character, conduct, and influence that you
have exerted; and we deem it an act of justice to restore her
character to its former standing among the states by every proper
means. The orders of the governor to me were that you should be
exterminated and not allowed to remain in the state. And had not
your leaders been given up, and the terms of the treaty complied
with, before this time you and your families would have been
destroyed, and your houses in ashes. There is a discretionary
power vested in my hands, which, considering your circumstances,
I shall exercise for a season. You are indebted to me for this
clemency.

"I do not say that you shall go now, but you must not think of
staying here another season, or of putting in crops, for the
moment you do this the citizens will be upon you; and if I am
called here again, in a case of a non-compliance of a treaty
made, do not think that I shall do as I have done now. You need
not expect any mercy, but extermination, for I am determined the
governor's orders shall be executed. As for your leaders, do not
think, do not imagine for a moment, do not let it enter into your
mind, that they will be delivered and restored to you again, for
their fate is fixed, their die is cast, their doom is sealed.

"I am sorry, gentlemen, to see so many apparently intelligent men

found in the situation you are; and O ! if I could invoke the
great spirit, the unknown God, to rest upon and deliver you from
that awful chain of superstition, and liberate you from those
fetters of fanaticism with which you are bound, that you no
longer do homage to a man. I would advise you to scatter abroad,
and never organize yourselves with bishops, presidents, etc.,
lest you excite the jealousies of the people, and subject
yourselves to the same calamities that have now come upon you.
You have always been the aggressors: you have brought upon
yourselves these difficulties by being disaffected, and not being
subject to rule. And my advice is that you become as other
citizens, lest by a recurrence of these events you bring upon
yourselves irretrievable ruin."

General Clark then marched with his prisoners to Richmond, where

the trial of all the accused began on November 12, before Judge
A. A, King. By November 29 the called-out militia had been
disbanded, and on that date General Clark made his final report
to the governor. In this he asserted that the militia under him
had conducted themselves as honorable citizen soldiers, and
enclosed a certificate signed by five Mormons, including W. W.
Phelps, Colonel Hinckle, and John Corrill, confirming this
statement, and saying, "We have no hesitation in saying that the
course taken by General Clark with the Mormons was necessary for
the public peace, and that the Mormons are generally satisfied
with his course."

In his summing up of the results of the campaign, General Clark

said:

"It [the Mormon insurrection] had for its object Dominion, the
ultimate subjugation of this State and the Union to the laws of a
few men called the Presidency. Their church was to be built up at
any rate, peaceably if they could, forcibly if necessary. These
people had banded themselves together in societies, the object of
which was to first drive from their society such as refused to
join them in their unholy purposes, and then to plunder the
surrounding country, and ultimately to subject the state to their
rule."
"The whole number of the Mormons killed through the whole
difficulty, so far as I can ascertain, are about forty, and
several wounded. There has been one citizen killed, and about
fifteen badly wounded."*

* "Correspondence, Orders, etc.," p. 92.

Brigadier General R. Wilson was sent with his command to settle

the Mormon question in Daviess County. Finding the town of
Adamondi-Ahman unguarded, he placed guards around it, and
gathered in the Mormons of the neighborhood, to the number of
about two hundred. Most of these, he explained in his report,
were late comers from Canada and the northern border of the
United States, and were living mostly in tents, without any
adequate provision for the winter. Those against whom criminal
charges had been made were placed under arrest, and the others
were informed that General Wilson would protect them for ten
days, and would guarantee their safety to Caldwell County or out
of the state. "This appeared to me," said General Wilson, in his
report to General Clark, "to be the only course to prevent a
general massacre." In this report General Wilson presented the
following picture of the situation there as he found it: "It is
perfectly impossible for me to convey to you anything like the
awful state of things which exists here--language is inadequate
to the task. The citizens of a whole county first plundered, and
then their houses and other buildings burnt to ashes; without
houses, beds, furniture, or even clothing in many instances, to
meet the inclemency of the weather. I confess that my feelings
have been shocked with the gross brutality of these Mormons, who
have acted more like demons from the infernal regions than human
beings. Under these circumstances, you will readily perceive that
it would be perfectly impossible for me to protect the Mormons
against the just indignation of the citizens . . . . The Mormons
themselves appeared pleased with the idea of getting away from
their enemies and a justly insulted people, and I believe all
have applied and received permits to leave the county; and I
suppose about fifty families have left, and others are hourly
leaving, and at the end of ten days Mormonism will not be known
in Daviess county. This appeared to me to be the only course left
to prevent a general massacre."*

* "Correspondence, Orders, etc.," p. 78.

The Mormons began to depart at once, and in ten days nearly all
had left. Lee, who acted as guide to General Wilson, and whose
wife and babe were at Adamondi-Ahman, says:

"Every house in Adamondi-Ahman was searched by the troops for

stolen property. They succeeded in finding very much of the
Gentile property that had been captured by the Saints in the
various raids they made through the country. Bedding of every
kind and in large quantities was found and reclaimed by the
owners. Even spinning wheels, soap barrels, and other articles
were recovered. Each house where stolen property was found was
certain to receive a Missouri blessing from the troops. The men
who had been most active in gathering plunder had fled to
Illinois to escape the vengeance of the people, leaving their
families to suffer for the sins of the believing Saints."*
* "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 89.

We may now follow the fortunes of the Mormon prisoners. On

arriving at Richmond, they were confined in the unfinished brick
court-house. The only inside work on this building that was
completed was a partly laid floor, and to this the prisoners were
restricted by a railing, with a guard inside and out. "Two
three-pail iron kettles for boiling our meat, and two or more
iron bake kettles, or Dutch ovens, were furnished us," says
Robinson, "together with sacks of corn meal and meat in bulk. We
did our own cooking. This arrangement suited us very well, and we
enjoyed ourselves as well as men could under such
circumstances."*

* The Return, Vol. I, p. 234.

Joseph and Hyrum Smith, Rigdon, Lyman Wight, Caleb Baldwin, and
A. McRea were soon transferred to the jail at Liberty. The others
were then put into the debtor's room of Richmond jail, a
two-story log structure which was not well warmed, but they were
released on light bail in a few days.

A report of the testimony given at the hearing of the Mormon

prisoners before judge King will be found in the "Correspondence,
Orders, etc.," published by order of the Missouri legislature,
pp. 97-149. Among the Mormons who gave evidence against the
prisoners were Avard, the Danite, John Whitmer, W. W. Phelps,
John Corrill, and Colonel Hinckle. There were thirty-seven
witnesses for the state and seven for the defence. As showing the
character of the testimony, the following selections will
suffice.

Avard told the story of the origin of the Danites, and said that
he considered Joseph Smith their organizer; that the constitution
was approved by Smith and his counsellors at Rigdon's house, and
that the members felt themselves as much bound to obey the heads
of the church as to obey God. Just previous to the arrival of
General Lucas at Far West, Smith had assembled his force, and
told them that, for every one they lacked in numbers as compared
with their opponents, the Lord would send angels to fight for
them. He presented the text of the indictment against Cowdery,
Whitmer, and others, drawn up by Rigdon.

John Corrill testified about the effect of Rigdon's "salt

sermon," and also that he had attended meetings of the Danites,
and had expressed disapproval of the doctrine that, if one
brother got into difficulty, it was the duty of the others to
help him out, right or wrong; that Smith and Rigdon attended one
of these meetings, and that he had heard Smith declare at a
meeting, "if the people would let us alone, we would preach the
Gospel to them in peace, but if they came on us to molest us, we
would establish our religion by the sword, and that he would
become to this generation a second Mohammed"; just after the
expulsion of the Mormons from Dewitt, Smith declared hostilities
against their opponents in Caldwell and Daviess counties, and had
a resolution passed, looking to the confiscation of the property
of the brethren who would not join him in the march; and on a
Sunday he advised the people that they might at times take
property which at other times it would be wrong to take, citing
David's eating of the shew bread, and the Saviour's plucking ears
of corn.* Reed Peck testified to the same effect.

* Corrill, Avard, Hinckle, Marsh, and others were formally

excommunicated at a council held at Quincy, Illinois, on March
17, 1839, over which Brigham Young presided.

John Clemison testified to the presence of Smith at the early

meetings of the Danites; that Rigdon and Smith had advised that
those who were backward in joining his fighting force should be
placed in the front ranks at the point of pitchforks; that a
great deal of Gentile property was brought into Mormon camps, and
that "it was frequently observed among the troops that the time
had come when the riches of the Gentiles should be consecrated to
the state."

W. W. Phelps testified that in the previous April he had heard

Rigdon say, at a meeting in Far West, that they had borne
persecution and lawsuits long enough, and that, if a sheriff came
with writs against them, they would kill him, and that Smith
approved his words. Phelps said that the character of Rigdon's
"salt sermon" was known and discussed in advance of its delivery.

John Whitmer testified that, soon after the preaching of the

"salt sermon," a leading Mormon told him that they did not intend
to regard any longer "the niceties of the law of the land," as
"the kingdom spoken of by the Prophet Daniel had been set up."

The testimony concerning the Danite organization and Smith's

threats against the Missourians received confirmation in an
affidavit by no less a person than Thomas B. Marsh, the First
President of the twelve Apostles, before a justice of the peace
in Ray County, in October, 1838. In this Marsh said:--

"The plan of said Smith, the Prophet, is to take this state; and
he professes to his people to intend taking the United States and
ultimately the whole world. The Prophet inculcates the notion,
and it is believed by every true Mormon, that Smith's prophecies
are superior to the law of the land. I have heard the Prophet say
that he would yet tread down his enemies, and walk over their
dead bodies; that, if he was not let alone, he would be a second
Mohammed to this generation, and that he would make it one gore
of blood from the Rocky Mountains to the Atlantic Ocean."

This affidavit was accompanied by an affidavit by Orson Hyde, who

was afterward so prominent in the councils of the church, stating
that he knew most of Marsh's statements to be true, and believed
the others to be true also.

Of the witnesses for the defence, two women and one man gave
testimony to establish an alibi for Lyman Wight at the time of
the last Mormon expedition to Daviess County; Rigdon's daughter
Nancy testified that she had heard Avard say that he would swear
to a lie to accomplish an object; and J. W. Barlow gave testimony
to show that Smith and Rigdon were not with the men who took part
in the battle on Crooked Creek.
Rigdon, in an "Appeal to the American People," which he wrote
soon after, declared that this trial was a compound between an
inquisition and a criminal court, and that the testimony of Avard
was given to save his own life. "A part of an armed body of men,"
he says, "stood in the presence of the court to see that the
witnesses swore right, and another part was scouring the country
to drive out of it every witness they could hear of whose
testimony would be favorable to the defendants. If a witness did
not swear to please the court, he or she would be threatened to
be cast into prison . . . . A man by the name of Allen began to
tell the story of Bogart's burning houses in the south part of
Caldwell; he was kicked out of the house, and three men put after
him with loaded guns, and he hardly escaped with his life.
Finally, our lawyers, General Doniphan and Amos Rees, told us not
to bring our witnesses there at all, for if we did, there would
not be one of them left for the final trial . . . . As to making
any impression on King, if a cohort of angels were to come down
and declare we were clear, Doniphan said it would be all the
same, for he had determined from the beginning to cast us into
prison. Smith alleged that judge King was biased against them
because his brother-in-law had been killed during the early
conflicts in Jackson County.

Several of the defendants were discharged during or after the

close of the hearing. Smith, Rigdon, Lyman Wight, and three
others were ordered committed to the Clay County jail at Liberty
on a charge of treason; Parley P. Pratt and four others to the
Ray County jail on a charge of murder; and twenty-three others
were ordered to give bail on a charge of arson, burglary,
robbery, and larceny, and all but eight of these were locked up
in default of bail. The prisoners confined at Liberty secured a
writ of habeas corpus soon after, but only Rigdon was ordered
released, and he thought it best for his safety to go back to the
jail. He afterward, with the connivance of the sheriff and
jailer, made his escape at night, and reached Quincy, Illinois,
in February, 1839.

P. P. Pratt, in his "Late Persecution," says that the prisoners

were kept in chains most of the time, and that Riodon, although
ill, "was compelled to sleep on the floor, with a chain and
padlock round his ankle, and fastened to six others." Hyrum
Smith, in a "Communication to the Saints" printed a year later,
says; "We suffered much from want of proper food, and from the
nauseous cell in which I was confined."

Joseph Smith remained in the Liberty jail until April, 1839. At

one time all the prisoners nearly made their escape, "but
unfortunately for us, the timber of the wall being very hard, our
augur handles gave out, which hindered us longer than we
expected," and the plan was discovered.

The prophet employed a good deal of his time in jail in writing

long epistles to the church. He gave out from there also three
"revelations," the chief direction of which was that the brethren
should gather up all possible information about their
persecutions, and make out a careful statement of their property
losses. His letters reveal the character of the man as it had
already been exhibited --headlong in his purposes, vindictive
toward any enemy. He says in his biography that he paid his
lawyers about $50,000 "in cash, lands, etc." (a pretty good sum
for the refugee from Ohio to amass so soon), but got little
practical assistance from them, "for sometimes they were afraid
to act on account of the mob, and sometimes they were so drunk as
to incapacitate them for business." In one of his letters to the
church he thus speaks of some of his recent allies," This poor
man [W. W. Phelps] who professes to be much of a prophet, has no
other dumb ass to ride but David Whitmer, or to forbid his
madness when he goes up to curse Israel; but this not being of
the same kind as Balaam's, therefore, notwithstanding the angel
appeared unto him, yet he could not sufficiently penetrate his
understanding but that he brays out cursings instead of
blessings." *

* Times and Seasons, Vol. I, p. 82.

On April 6, Smith and his fellow-prisoners were taken to Daviess

County for trial. The judge and jury before whom their cases came
were, according to his account, all drunk. Smith and four others
were promptly indicted for "murder, treason, burglary, arson,
larceny, theft, and stealing." They at once secured a change of
venue to Boone County, 120 miles east, and set out for that place
on April 15, but they never reached there. Smith says they were
enabled to escape because their guard got drunk. In a newspaper
interview printed many years later, General Doniphan is quoted as
saying that he had it on good authority that Smith paid the
sheriff and his guards $1100 to allow the prisoners to escape.
Ebenezer Robinson says that Joseph and Hyrum were allowed to ride
away on two fine horses, and that, a few Weeks later, he saw the
sheriff at Quincy making Joseph a friendly visit, at which time
he received pay for the animals.* The party arrived at Quincy,
Illinois, on April 22, and were warmly welcomed by the brethren
who had preceded them. Among these was Brigham Young, who was
among those who had found it necessary to flee the state before
the final surrender was arranged. The Missouri authorities, as we
shall see, for a long time continued their efforts to secure the
extradition of Smith, but he never returned to Missouri.

As the Mormons had tried to set aside their original agreement

with the Jackson County people, so, while their leaders were in
jail, they endeavored to find means to break their treaty with
General Lucas. Their counsel, General Atchison, was a member of
the legislature, and he warmly espoused their cause. They sent in
a petition,* which John Corrill presented, giving a statement in
detail of the opposition they had encountered in the state, and
asking for the enactment of a law "rescinding the order of the
governor to drive us from the state, and also giving us the
sanction of the legislature to inherit our lands in peace"; as
well as disapproving of the "deed of trust," as they called the
second section of the Lucas treaty. The petition was laid on the
table. An effort for an investigation of the whole trouble by a
legislative committee was made, and an act to that effect was
passed in 1839, but nothing practical came of it. When the Mormon
memorial was called up, its further consideration was postponed
until July, and then the Mormons knew that they had no
alternative except to leave the state.

* For full text, see Millennial Star, Vol. XVI, pp. 586-589.

While the prisoners were in jail, things had not quieted down in
the Mormon counties. The decisive action of the state authorities
had given the local Missourians to understand that the law of the
land was on their side, and when the militia withdrew they took
advantage of their opportunity. Mormon property was not
respected, and what was left to those people in the way of
horses, cattle, hogs, and even household belongings was taken by
the bands of men who rode at pleasure,* and who claimed that they
were only regaining what the Mormons had stolen from them. The
legislature appropriated $2000 for the relief of such sufferers.

* See M. Arthur's letter, "Correspondence, Orders, etc.," p. 94.

Facing the necessity of moving entirely out of the state, the

Mormons, as they had reached the western border line of
civilization, now turned their face eastward to Quincy, Illinois,
where some of their members were already established. Not until
April 20 did the last of them leave Far West. The migration was
attended with much suffering, as could not in such circumstances
be avoided. The people of the counties through which they passed
were, however, not hostile, and Mormon writers have testified
that they received invitations to stop and settle. These were
declined, and they pressed on to the banks of the Mississippi,
where, in February and March, there were at one time more than
130 families, waiting for the moving ice to enable them to cross,
many of them without food, and the best sheltered depending on
tents made of their bedclothing.*

* Green's "Facts Relative to the Expulsion."

What the total of the pecuniary losses of the Mormons in Missouri

was cannot be accurately estimated. They asserted that in Jackson
County alone, $120,000 worth of their property was destroyed, and
that fifteen thousand of their number fled from the state. Smith,
in a statement of his losses made after his arrival in Illinois,
placed them at $1,000,000. In a memorial presented to Congress at
this time the losses in Jackson County were placed at $175,000,
and in the state of Missouri at $2,000,000. The efforts of the
Mormons to secure redress were long continued. Not only was
Congress appealed to, but legislatures of other states were urged
to petition in their behalf. The Senate committee at Washington
reported that the matter was entirely within the jurisdiction of
the state of Missouri. One of the latest appeals was addressed by
Smith at Nauvoo in December, 1843, to his native state, Vermont,
calling on the Green Mountain boys, not only to assist him in
attaining justice in Missouri, "but also to humble and chastise
or abase her for the disgraces she has brought upon
constitutional liberty, until she atones for her sin."

The final act of the Mormon authorities in Missouri was somewhat

dramatic. Smith in his "revelation" of April 8, 1838, directing
the building of a Temple at Far West, had (the Lord speaking)
ordered the beginning to be made on the following Fourth of July,
adding, "in one year from this day let them recommence laying the
foundation of my house." The anniversary found the latest
Missouri Zion deserted, and its occupants fugitives; but the
command of the Lord must be obeyed. Accordingly, the twelve
Apostles journeyed secretly to Far West, arriving there about
midnight of April 26, 1839. A conference was at once held, and,
after transacting some miscellaneous business, including the
expulsion of certain seceding members, all adjourned to the
selected site of the Temple, where, after the singing of a hymn,
the foundation was relaid by rolling a large stone to one
corner.* The Apostles then returned to Illinois as quietly as
possible. The leader of this expedition was Brigham Young, who
had succeeded T. B. Marsh as President of the Twelve.

* The modern post-office name of Far West is Kerr. All the Mormon
houses there have disappeared. Traces of the foundation of the
Temple, which in places was built to a height of three or four
feet, are still discernible.

Thus ended the early history of the Mormon church in Missouri.

BOOK IV. In Illinois

CHAPTER I. The Reception Of The Mormons

The state of Illinois, when the Mormons crossed the Missouri

River to settle in it, might still be considered a pioneer
country. Iowa, to the west of it, was a territory, and only
recently organized as such. The population of the whole state was
only 467,183 in 1840, as compared with 4,821,550 in 1900. Young
as it was, however, the state had had some severe financial
experiences, which might have served as warnings to the
new-comers. A debt of more than $14,000,000 had been contracted
for state improvements, and not a railroad or a canal had been
completed. "The people," says Ford, "looked one way and another
with surprise, and were astonished at their own folly." The
payment of interest on the state debt ceased after July, 1841,
and "in a short time Illinois became a stench in the nostrils of
the civilized world . . . . The impossibility of selling kept us
from losing population; the fear of disgrace or high taxes
prevented us from gaining materially."* The State Bank and the
Shawneetown Bank failed in 1842, and when Ford became governor in
that year he estimated that the good money in the state in the
hands of the people did not exceed one year's interest on the
public debt.

* Ford's "History of Illinois," Chap. VII.

The lawless conditions in many parts of the state in those days

can scarcely be realized now. It was in 1847 that the Rev. Owen
Lovejoy {handwritten comment in the book says "Elijah P.
Lovejoy." PG Editor} was killed at Alton in maintaining his right
to print there an abolition newspaper. All over the state,
settlers who had occupied lands as "squatters" defended their
claims by force, and serious mobs often resulted. Large areas of
military lands were owned by non-residents, who were in very bad
favor with the actual settlers. These settlers made free use of
the timber on such lands, and the non-residents, failing to
secure justice at law, finally hired preachers, who were paid by
the sermon to preach against the sin of "hooking" timber.*

* Ford's "History of Illinois," Chap. VI.

Bands of desperadoes in the northern counties openly defied the

officers of the law, and, in one instance, burned down the
courthouse (in Ogle County in 1841) in order to release some of
their fellows who were awaiting trial. One of these gangs ten
years earlier had actually built, in Pope County, a fort in which
they defied the authorities, and against which a piece of
artillery had to be brought before it could be taken. Even while
the conflict between the Mormons was going on, in 1846, there was
vitality enough in this old organization, in Pope and Massac
counties, to call for the interposition of a band of
"regulators," who made many arrests, not hesitating to employ
torture to secure from one prisoner information about his
associates. Governor Ford sent General J. T. Davies there, to try
to effect a peaceable arrangement of the difficulties, but he
failed to do so, and the "regulators," who found the county
officers opposed to them, drove out of the county the sheriff,
the county clerk, and the representative elect to the
legislature. When the judge of the Massac Circuit Court charged
the grand jury strongly against the "regulators," they, with
sympathizers from Kentucky, threatened to lynch him, and actually
marched in such force to the county seat that the sheriff's posse
surrendered, and the mob let their friends out of jail, and
drowned some members of the posse in the Ohio River.

The reception and treatment of the Mormons in Illinois, and the

success of the new-comers in carrying out their business and
political schemes, must be viewed in connection with these
incidents in the early history of the state.

The greeting of the Mormons in Illinois, in its practical shape,

had both a political and a business reason.* Party feeling ran
very high throughout the country in those days. The House of
Representatives at Washington, after very great excitement,
organized early in December, 1839, by choosing a Whig Speaker,
and at the same time the Whig National Convention, at Harrisburg,
Pennsylvania, nominated General W. H. Harrison for President.
Thus the expulsion from Missouri occurred on the eve of one of
our most exciting presidential campaigns, and the Illinois
politicians were quick to appraise the value of the voting
strength of the immigrants. As a residence of six months in the
state gave a man the right to vote, the Mormon vote would count
in the presidential election.

* "The first great error committed by the people of Hancock

County was in accepting too readily the Mormon story of
persecution. It was continually rung in their ears, and believed
as often as asserted."--Gregg, "History of Hancock County," p.
270.

Accordingly, we find that in February, 1839, the Democratic

Association of Quincy, at a public meeting in the court-house,
received a report from a committee previously appointed, strongly
in favor of the refugees, and adopted resolutions condemning the
treatment of the Mormons by the people and officers of Missouri.
The Quincy Argus declared that, because of this treatment,
Missouri was "now so fallen that we could wish her star stricken
out from the bright constellation of the Union." In April, 1839,
Rigdon wrote to the "Saints in prison" that Governor Carlin of
Illinois and his wife "enter with all the enthusiasm of their
nature" into his plan to have the governor of each state present
to Congress the unconstitutional course of Missouri toward the
Mormons, with a view to federal relief. Governor Lucas of Iowa
Territory, in the same year (Iowa had only been organized as a
territory the year before, and was not admitted as a state until
1845), replying to a query about the reception the Mormons would
receive in his domain, said: "Their religious opinions I consider
have nothing to do with our political transactions. They are
citizens of the United States, and are entitled to the same
political rights and legal protection that other citizens are
entitled to." He gave Rigdon at the same time cordial letters of
introduction to President Van Buren and Governor Shannon of Ohio,
and Rigdon received a similar letter to the President,
recommending him "as a man of piety and a valuable citizen,"
signed by Governor Carlin, United States Senator Young, County
Clerk Wren, and leading business men of Quincy. Thus began that
recognition of the Mormons as a political power in Illinois which
led to concessions to them that had so much to do with finally
driving them into the wilderness.

The business reason for the welcome of the Mormons in Illinois

and Iowa was the natural ambition to secure an increase of
population. In all of Hancock County there were in 1830 only 483
inhabitants as compared with 32,215 in 1900. Along with this
public view of the matter was a private one. A Dr. Isaac Galland
owned (or claimed title to) a large tract of land on both sides
of the border line between Illinois and Iowa, that in Iowa being
included in what was known as "the half-breed tract," an area of
some 119,000 acres which, by a treaty between the United States
government and the Sacs and Foxes, was reserved to descendants of
Indian women of those tribes by white fathers, and the title to
much of which was in dispute. As soon as the Mormons began to
cross into Illinois, Galland approached them with an offer of
about 20,000 acres between the Mississippi and Des Moines rivers
at $2 per acre, to be paid in twenty annual instalments, without
interest. A meeting of the refugees was held in Quincy in
February, 1839, to consider this offer, but the vote was against
it. The failure of the efforts in Ohio and Missouri to establish
the Mormons as a distinct community had made many of Smith's
followers sceptical about the success of any new scheme with this
end in view, and at this conference several members, including so
influential a man as Bishop Partridge, openly expressed their
doubt about the wisdom of another gathering of the Saints.
Galland, however, pursued the subject in a letter to D. W.
Rodgers, inviting Rigdon and others to inspect the tract with
him, and assuring the Mormons of his sympathy in their
sufferings, and "deep solicitude for your future triumphant
conquest over every enemy." Rigdon, Partridge, and others
accepted Galland's invitation, but reported against purchasing
his land, and the refugees began scattering over the country
around Quincy.

CHAPTER II. The Settlement Of Nauvoo

Smith's leadership was now to have another illustration. Others

might be discouraged by past persecutions and business failures,
and be ready to abandon the great scheme which the prophet had so
often laid before them in the language of "revelation"; but it
was no part of Smith's character to abandon that scheme, and
remain simply an object of lessened respect, with a scattered
congregation. He had been kept advised of Galland's proposal,
and, two days after his arrival in Quincy, we find him, on April
24, presiding at a church council which voted to instruct him
with two associates to visit Iowa and select there a location for
a church settlement, and which advised all the brethren who could
do so to move to the town of Commerce, Illinois. Thus were the
doubters defeated, and the proposal to scatter the flock brought
to a sudden end. Smith and his two associates set out at once to
make their inspection.

The town of Commerce had been laid out (on paper) in 1834 by two
Eastern owners of the property, A. White and J. B. Teas, and
adjoining its northern border H. R. Hotchkiss of New Haven,
Connecticut, had mapped out Commerce City. Neither enterprise had
proved a success, and when the Mormon agents arrived there the
place had scarcely attained the dignity of a settlement, the only
buildings being one storehouse, two frame dwellings and two
blockhouses. The Mormon agents, on May 1, bought two farms there,
one for $5000 and one for $9000 (known afterward as the White
purchase), and on August 9 they bought of Hotchkiss five hundred
acres for the sum of $53,500. Bishop Knight, for the church, soon
afterward purchased part of the town of Keokuk, Iowa, a town
called Nashville six miles above, a part of the town of Montrose,
four miles above Nashville, and thirty thousand acres in the
"half-breed tract," which included Galland's original offer, and
ten thousand acres additional.

Thus was Smith prepared to make another attempt to establish his

followers in a permanent abiding-place. But how, it may be asked,
could the prophet reconcile this abandonment of the Missouri Zion
and this new site for a church settlement with previous
revelations? By further "revelation," of course. Such a
mouthpiece of God can always enlighten his followers provided he
can find speech, and Smith was not slow of utterance. While in
jail in Liberty he had advised a committee which was sent to him
from Illinois to sell all the lands in Missouri, and in a letter
to the Saints, written while a prisoner, he spoke favorably of
Galland's offer, saying, "The Saints ought to lay hold of every
door that shall seem to be opened unto them to obtain foothold on
the earth." In order to make perfectly clear the new purpose of
the Lord in regard to Zion he gave out a long" revelation" (Sec.
124), which is dated Nauvoo, January 19, 1841, and which contains
the following declarations:--

"Verily, verily I say unto you, that when I give a commandment to

any of the sons of men to do a work under my name, and those sons
of men go with all their might and with all they have, to perform
that work and cease not their diligence, and their enemies come
upon them and hinder them from performing that work, behold, it
behooveth me to require that work no more at the hands of those
sons of men, but to accept their offerings.

"And the iniquity and transgression of my holy laws and

commandments I will visit upon the heads of those who hindered my
work, unto the third and fourth generation, so long as they
repent not and hate me, saith the Lord God.

"Therefore for this cause have I accepted the offerings of those

whom I commanded to build up a city and house unto my name in
Jackson County, Missouri, and were hindered by their enemies,
saith the Lord your God."

This announcement seems to have been accepted without question by

the faithful, as reconciling the failure in Missouri with the new
establishment farther east.

The financiering of the new land purchases did credit to Smith's

genius in that line. For some of the smaller tracts a part
payment in cash was made. Hotchkiss accepted for his land two
notes signed by Smith and his brother Hyrum and Rigdon, one
payable in ten, and the other in twenty years. Galland took
notes, and, some time later, as explained in a letter to the
Saints abroad, the Mormon lands in Missouri, "in payment for the
whole amount, and in addition to the first purchase we have
exchanged lands with him in Missouri to the amount of $80,000."*
Galland's title to the Iowa tract was vigorously assailed by Iowa
newspapers some years later. What cash he eventually realized
from the transaction does not appear.** Smith had influence
enough over him to secure his conversion to the Mormon belief,
and he will be found associated with the leaders in Nauvoo
enterprises.

* Times and Seasons, Vol. II, p. 275.

** "Galland died a pauper in Iowa."--"Mormon Portraits," p. 253.

The Hotchkiss notes gave Smith a great deal of trouble.

Notwithstanding the influx of immigrants to Nauvoo and the growth
of the place, which ought to have brought in large profits from
the sale of lots, the accrued interest due to Hotchkiss in two
years amounted to about $6000. Hotchkiss earnestly urged its
payment, and Smith was in dire straits to meet his demands. In a
correspondence between them, in 1841, Smith told Hotchkiss that
he had agreed to forego interest for five years, and not to
"force payment" even then. Smith assured Hotchkiss that the part
of the city bought from him was "a deathly sickly hole" on which
they had been able to realize nothing, "although," he added, with
unblushing affrontery for the head of a church, "we have been
keeping up appearances and holding out inducements to encourage
immigration that we scarcely think justifiable in consequence of
the mortality that almost invariably awaits those who come from
far distant parts."* In pursuance of this same policy (in a
letter dated October 12, I84I), the Eastern brethren were urged
to transfer their lands there to Hotchkiss in payment of the
notes, and to accept lots in Nauvoo from the church in exchange.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XVIII, p. 631.

The name of the town was changed to Nauvoo in April, 1840, with
the announcement that this name was of Hebrew origin, signifying
"a beautiful place."*

* In answer to a query about this alleged derivation of the name

of the city, a competent Hebrew scholar writes to me: "The
nearest approach to Nauvoo in Hebrew is an adjective which would
be transliterated Naveh, meaning pleasant, a rather rare word.
The letter correctly represented by v could not possibly do the
double duty of uv, nor could a of the Hebrew ever be au in
English, nor eh of the Hebrew be oo in English. Students of
theology at Middletown, Connecticut, used to have a saying that
that name was derived from Moses by dropping 'iddletown' and
adding 'mass.' "

CHAPTER III. The Building Up Of The City--Foreign Proselyting

The geographical situation of Nauvoo had something in its favor.

Lying on the east bank of the Mississippi, which is there two
miles wide, it had a water frontage on three sides, because of a
bend in the stream, and the land was somewhat rising back from
the river. But its water front was the only thing in its favor.
"The place was literally a wilderness," says Smith. "The land was
mostly covered with trees and bushes, and much of it so wet that
it was with the utmost difficulty a foot man could get through,
and totally impossible for teams. Commerce was so unhealthy very
few could live there, but, believing it might become a healthy
place by the blessing of heaven to the Saints, and no more
eligible place presenting itself, I considered it wisdom to make
an attempt to build up a city."

Contemporary accounts say that most of the refugees from Missouri

suffered from chills and fevers during their first year in the
new settlement. Smith, in his autobiography, laments the
mortality among the settlers. The Rev. Henry Caswall, in his
description of three days at Nauvoo in 1842, says:--

"I was informed again and again in Montrose, Iowa, that nearly
half of the English who emigrated to Nauvoo in 1841 died soon
after their arrival. . . In his sermon at Montrose in May 9,
1841, the following words of most Christian consolation were
delivered by the Prophet to the poor deluded English: 'Many of
the English who have lately come here have expressed great
disappointment on their arrival. Such persons have every reason
to be satisfied in this beautiful and fertile country. If they
choose to complain, they may; but I don't want to be troubled
with their complaints. If they are not satisfied here, I have
only this to say to them, "Don't stay whining about me, but go
back to England, and go to h--l and be d--d."'"*

*"City of the Mormons," p. 55.

Brigham Young, in after years, thus spoke of Smith's exhibition

of miraculous healing during the year after their arrival in
Illinois: "Joseph commenced in his own house and dooryard,
commanding the sick, in the name of Jesus Christ, to arise and be
made whole, and they were healed according to his word. He then
continued to travel from house to house, healing the sick as he
went."* Any attempt to reconcile this statement by Young with the
previously cited testimony about the mortality of the place would
be futile.

* "Life of Brigham Young" (Cannon & Son, publishers), p. 32.

The growth of the town, however, was more rapid than that of any
of the former Mormon settlements. The United States census shows
that the population of Hancock County, Illinois, increased from
483 in 1830 to 9946 in 1840. Statements regarding the population
of Nauvoo during the Mormon occupancy are conflicting and often
exaggerated. In a letter to the elders in England, printed in the
Times and Seasons of January, 1841, Smith said, "There are at
present about 3000 inhabitants in Nauvoo." The same periodical,
in an article on the city, on December 15, 1841, said that it was
"a densely populated city of near 10,000 inhabitants." A visitor,
describing the place in a letter in the Columbus (Ohio) Advocate
of March, 1842, said that it contained about 7000 persons, and
that the buildings were small and much scattered, log cabins
predominating. The Times and Seasons of October, 1842, said, "It
will be no more than probably correct if we allow the city to
contain between 7000 and 8000 houses, with a population of 14,000
or 15,000," with two steam mills and other manufacturing concerns
in operation. W. W. Phelps estimated the population in 1844 at
14,000, almost all professed Mormons. The Times and Seasons in
1845 said that a census just taken showed a population of 11,057
in the city and one third more outside the city limits.

As soon as the Mormons arrived, Nauvoo was laid out in blocks

measuring about 180 by 200 feet, with a river frontage of more
than three miles. An English visitor to the place in 1843 wrote
"The city is of great dimensions, laid out in beautiful order;
the streets are wide and cross each other at right angles, which
will add greatly to its order and magnificence when finished. The
city rises on a quick incline from the rolling Mississippi, and
as you stand near the Temple you may gaze on the picturesque
scenery round. At your side is the Temple, the wonder of the
world; round about and beneath you may behold handsome stores,
large mansions, and fine cottages, interspersed with varied
scenery."*
* Mackay's "The Mormons," p. 128.

Whatever the exact population of the place may have been, its
rapid growth is indisputable. The cause of this must be sought,
not in natural business reasons, such as have given a permanent
increase of population to so many of our Western cities, but
chiefly in active and aggressive proselyting work both in this
country and in Europe. This work was assisted by the sympathy
which the treatment of the Mormons had very generally secured for
them. Copies of Mormon Bibles were rare outside of the hands of
the brethren, and the text of Smith's "revelations" bearing on
his property designs in Missouri was known to comparatively few
even in the church. While the Nauvoo edition of the "Doctrine and
Covenants" was in course of publication, the Times and Seasons,
on January 1, 1842, said that it would be published in the
spring, "but, many of our readers being deprived of the privilege
of perusing its valuable pages, we insert the first section."
Mormon emissaries took advantage of this situation to tell their
story in their own way at all points of the compass. Meetings
were held in the large cities of the Eastern states to express
sympathy with these victims of the opponents of "freedom of
religious opinion," and to raise money for their relief, and the
voice of the press, from the Mississippi to the Atlantic, was,
without a discovered exception, on the side of the refugees.

This paved the way for a vast extension of that mission work
which began with the trip of Cowdery and his associates in 1830,
was expanded throughout this country while the Saints were at
Kirtland, and was extended to foreign lands in 1837. The
missionaries sent out in the early days of the church represented
various degrees of experience and qualification. There were among
them men like Orson Hyde and Willard Richards, who, although they
gave up secular callings on entering the church, were close
students of the Scriptures and debaters who could hold their own,
when it came to an interpretation of the Scriptures, before any
average audience. Many were sent out without any especial
equipment for their task. John D. Lee, describing his first trip,
says:--

"I started forth an illiterate, inexperienced person, without

purse or scrip. I could hardly quote a passage of Scripture. Yet
I went forth to say to the world that I was a minister of the
Gospel." He was among the successful proselyters, and rose to
influence in the church.* Of the requirement that the
missionaries should be beggars, Lorenzo Snow, who was sent out on
a mission from Kirtland in 1837, says, "It was a severe trial to
my natural feelings of independence to go without purse or scrip
especially the purse; for, from the time I was old enough to
work, the feeling that 'I paid my way' always seemed a necessary
adjunct to self respect."

* For an account of his travels and successes, see "Mormonism

Unveiled."

Parley P. Pratt, in a letter to Smith from New York in November,

1839, describing the success of the work in the United States,
says, "You would now find churches of the Saints in Philadelphia,
in Albany, in Brooklyn, in New York, in Sing Sing, in Jersey, in
Pennsylvania, on Long Island, and in various other places all
around us," and he speaks of the "spread of the work" in Michigan
and Maine.

The importance of England as a field from which to draw emigrants

to the new settlement was early recognized at Nauvoo, and in 1840
such lights of the church as Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, P.
P. Pratt, Orson Pratt, John Taylor, Wilford Woodruff, and George
A. Smith, of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, were sent to
cultivate that field. There they ordained Willard Richards an
Apostle, preached and labored for over a year, established a
printing-office which turned out a vast amount of Mormon
literature, including their Bible and "Doctrine and Covenants,"
and began the publication of the Millennial Star.

In 1840 Orson Hyde was sent on a mission to the Jews in London,

Amsterdam, Constantinople, and Jerusalem, and the same year
missionaries were sent to Australia, Wales, Ireland, the Isle of
Man, and the East Indies. In 1844 a missionary was sent to the
Sandwich Islands; in 1849 others were sent to France, Denmark,
Sweden, Norway and Iceland, Italy, and Switzerland; in 1850 ten
more elders were sent to the Sandwich Islands; in 1851 four
converts were baptized in Hindostan; in 1852 a branch of the
church was organized at Malta; in 1853 three elders reached the
Cape of Good Hope; and in 1861 two began work in Holland, but
with poor success. We shall see that this proselyting labor has
continued with undiminished industry to the present day, in all
parts of the United States as well as in foreign lands.

England provided an especially promising field for Mormon

missionary work. The great manufacturing towns contained hundreds
of people, densely ignorant,* superstitious, and so poor that the
ownership of a piece of land in their own country was practically
beyond the limit of their ambition. These people were naturally
susceptible to the Mormon teachings, easily imposed upon by
stories of alleged miracles, and ready to migrate to any part of
the earth where a building lot or a farm was promised them. The
letters from the first missionaries in England gave glowing
reports of the results of their labors. Thus Wilford Woodruff,
writing from Manchester in 1840, said, "The work has been so
rapid it was impossible to ascertain the exact number belonging
to each branch, but the whole number is 33 churches, 534 members,
75 officers, all of which had embraced the work in less than four
months." Lorenzo Snow, in a letter from London in April, 1841,
said: "Throughout all England, in almost every town and city of
any considerable importance, we have chapels or public halls in
which we meet for public worship. All over this vast kingdom the
laws of Zion are rolling onward with the most astonishing
rapidity."

* "It has been calculated that there are in England and Wales six
million persons who can neither read nor write, that is to say,
about one-third of the population, including, of course, infants;
but of all the children more than one-half attend no place of
public instruction."--Dickens, "Household Words."
The visiting missionaries began their work in England at Preston,
Lancashire, in 1836 or 1837, and soon secured there some five
hundred converts. Then they worked on each side of the Ribble,
making converts in all the villages, and gaining over a few farm
owners and mechanics of some means. Their method was first to
drop hints to the villagers that the Holy Bible is defective in
translation and incomplete, and that the Mormon Bible corrects
all these defects. Not able to hold his own in any theological
discussion, the rustic was invited to a meeting. At that meeting
the missionary would announce that he would speak simply as the
Lord directed him, and he would then present the Mormon view of
their Bible and prophet. As soon as converts were won over, they
were immersed, at night, and given the sacrament. Then they were
initiated into the secret "church meeting," to which only the
faithful were admitted, and where the flock were told of visions
and "gifts," and exhorted to stand firm (along with their earthly
goods) for the church, and warned against apostasy.

One way in which the prophetic gift of the missionaries was

proved in the early days in England was as follows: "Whenever a
candidate was immersed, some of the brethren was given a letter
signed by Hyde and Kimball, setting forth that 'brother will not
abide in the spirit of the Lord, but will reject the truth, and
become the enemy of the people of God, etc., etc.' If the brother
did not apostatize, this letter remained unopened; if he did, it
was read as a striking verification of prophecy."*

* Caswall's "City of the Mormons," appendix.

Miracles exerted a most potent influence among the people in

England with whom the early missionaries labored, and the
Millennial Star contains a long list of reported successes in
this line. There are accounts of very clumsy tricks that were
attempted to carry out the deception. Thus, at Newport, Wales,
three Mormon elders announced that they would raise a dead man to
life. The "corpse" was laid out and surrounded by weeping
friends, and the elders were about to begin their incantations,
when a doubting Thomas in the audience attacked the "corpse" with
a whip, and soon had him fleeing for dear life.*

* Tract by Rev. F. B. Ashley, p. 22.

Thomas Webster, who was baptized in England in 1837 by Orson Hyde

and became an elder, saw the falsity of the Mormon professions
through the failure of their miracles and other pretensions, and,
after renouncing their faith, published a pamphlet exposing their
methods. He relates many of the declarations made by the first
missionaries in Preston to their ignorant hearers. Hyde declared
that the apostles Peter, James, and John were still alive. He and
Kimball asserted that neither of them would "taste death" before
Christ's second coming. At one meeting Kimball predicted that in
ten or fifteen years the sea would be dried up between Liverpool
and America. "One of the most glaring things they ever brought
before the public," says Webster, "was stated in a letter written
by Orson Hyde to the brethren in Preston, saying they were on the
way to the promised land in Missouri by hundreds, and the wagons
reached a mile in length. They fell in with some of their
brethren in Canada, who told him the Lord had been raining down
manna in rich profusion, which covered from seven to ten acres of
land. It was like wafers dipped in honey, and both Saints and
sinners partook of it. I was present in the pulpit when this
letter was read."

However ridiculous such methods may appear, their success in

Great Britain was great.* In three years after the arrival of the
first missionaries, the General Conference reported a membership
of 4019 in England alone; in 1850 the General Conference reported
that the Mormons in England and Scotland numbered 27,863, and in
Wales 4342. The report for June, 1851, showed a total of 30,747
in the United Kingdom, and said, "During the last fourteen years
more than 50,000 have been baptized in England, of which nearly
17,000 have migrated from her shores to Zion." In the years
between 1840 and 1843 it was estimated that 3758 foreign converts
settled in and around Nauvoo.**

* "There is no page of religious history which more proudly tells

its story than that which relates this peculiar phase of Mormon
experience. The excitement was contagious, even affecting persons
in the higher ranks of social life, and the result was a grand
outpouring of spiritual and miraculous healing power of the most
astonishing description. Miracles were heard of everywhere, and
numerous competent and most reliable witnesses bore testimony to
their genuineness." --"Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 10.

** Two of the most intelligent English converts, who did

proselyting work for the church and in later years saw their
error, have given testimony concerning this work in Great
Britain. John Hyde, Jr., summing up in 1857 the proselyting
system, said: "Enthusiasm is the secret of the great success of
Mormon proselyting; it is the universal characteristic of the
people when proselyted; it is the hidden and strong cord that
leads them to Utah, and the iron clamp that keeps them
there."--"Mormonism," p. 171.

Stenhouse says: "Mormonism in England, Scotland and Wales was a

grand triumph, and was fast ripening for a vigorous campaign in
Continental Europe" (when polygamy was pronounced).
The emigration of Mormon converts from Great Britain to the
United States, in its earlier stages, was thoroughly systemized
by the church authorities in this country. The first record of
the movement of any considerable body tells of a company of about
two hundred who sailed for New York from Liverpool in August,
1840, on the ship North American, in charge of two elders. A
second vessel with emigrants, the Shefeld, sailed from Bristol to
New York in February, 1841. The expense of the trip from New York
to Nauvoo proved in excess of the means of many of these
immigrants, some of whom were obliged to stop at Kirtland and
other places in Ohio. This led to a change of route, by which
vessels sailed from British ports direct to New Orleans, the
immigrants ascending the Mississippi to Nauvoo.

The extent of this movement to the time of the departure of the

Saints from Nauvoo is thus given by James Linforth, who says the
figures are "as complete and correct as it is possible now to
make them*":--

* "Route from Liverpool to Great Salt Lake Valley," 1855.

Year *** No. of Vessels *** No. of Emigrants

1840 1 200
1841 6 1177
1842 8 1614
1843 5 769
1844 5 644
1845-46 3 346
Total 3750

The Mormon agents in England would charter a vessel at an English

port* when a sufficient company had assembled and announce their
intention to embark. The emigrants would be notified of the date
of sailing, and an agent would accompany them all the way to
Nauvoo. Men with money were especially desired, as were mechanics
of all kinds, since the one sound business view that seems to
have been taken by the leaders at Nauvoo was that it would be
necessary to establish manufactures there if the people were to
be able to earn a living. In some instances the passage money was
advanced to the converts.

* For Dickens's description of one of these vessels ready to

sail, see "The Uncommercial Traveller," Chap. XXII

CHAPTER IV. The Nauvoo City Government--Temple And Other

Buildings

A tide of immigration having been turned toward the new

settlement, the next thing in order was to procure for the city a
legal organization. Several circumstances combined to place in
the hands of the Mormon leaders a scheme of municipal government,
along with an extensive plan for buildings, which gave them vast
power without incurring the kind of financial rocks on which they
were wrecked in Ohio.

Dr. Galland* should probably be considered the inventor of the

general scheme adopted at Nauvoo. He was at that time a resident
of Cincinnati, but his intercourse with the Mormons had
interested him in their beliefs, and some time in 1840 he
addressed a letter to Elder R. B. Thompson, which gave the church
leaders some important advice.** First warning them that to
promulgate new doctrinal tenets will require not only tact and
energy, but moral conduct and industry among their people, he
confessed that he had not been able to discover why their
religious views were not based on truth. "The project of
establishing extraordinary religious doctrines being magnificent
in its character," he went on to say, would require "preparations
commensurate with the plan." Nauvoo being a suitable
rallying-place, they would "want a temple that for size,
proportions and style shall attract, surprise and dazzle all
beholders"; something "unique externally, and in the interior
peculiar, imposing and grand." The "clergymen" must be of the
best as regards mental and vocal equipment, and there should be a
choir such as "was never before organized." A college, too, would
be of great value if funds for it could be collected.

* "In the year 1834 one Dr. Galland was a candidate for the
legislature in a district composed of Hancock, Adams, and Pike
Counties. He resided in the county of Hancock, and, as he had in
the early part of his life been a notorious horse thief and
counterfeiter, belonging to the Massac gang, and was then no
pretender to integrity, it was useless to deny the charge. In all
his speeches he freely admitted the fact."--FORD's" "History of
Illinois," p. 406.

** Times and Seasons, Vol. II, pp. 277-278. The letter is signed
with eight asterisks Galland's usual signature to such
communications.

These suggestions were accepted by Smith, with some important

additional details, and they found place in the longest of the
"revelations" given out by him in Illinois (Sec. I 24), the one,
previously quoted from, in which the Lord excused the failure to
set up a Zion in Missouri. There seemed to be some hesitation
about giving out this "revelation." It is dated after the meeting
of the General Conference at Nauvoo which ordered the building of
a church there, and it was not published in the Times and Seasons
until the following June, and then not entire. The "revelation"
shows how little effect adversity had had in modifying the
prophet's egotism, his arrogance, or his aggressiveness.

Starting out with, "Verily, thus with the Lord unto you, my
servant Joseph Smith, I am well pleased with your offerings and
acknowledgments," it calls on him to make proclamation to the
kings of the world, the President of the United States, and the
governors of the states concerning the Lord's will, "fearing them
not, for they are as grass," and warning them of "a day of
visitation if they reject my servants and my testimony." Various
direct commands to leading members of the church follow. Galland
here found himself in Smith's clutches, being directed to "put
stock" into the boardinghouse to be built.

The principal commands in this "revelation" directed the building

of another "holy house," or Temple, and a boardinghouse. With
regard to the Temple it was explained that the Lord would show
Smith everything about it, including its site. All the Saints
from afar were ordered to come to Nauvoo, "with all your gold,
and your silver, and your precious stones, and with all your
antiquities, . . . and bring the box tree, and the fir tree, and
the pine tree, together with all the precious trees of the earth,
and with iron, with copper, and with brass, and with zinc, and
with all your most precious things of the earth."

The boarding-house ordered built was to be called Nauvoo House,

and was to be "a house that strangers may come from afar to lodge
therein. . . a resting place for the weary traveler, that he may
contemplate the glory of Zion." It was explained that a company
must be formed, the members of which should pay not less than $50
a share for the stock, no subscriber to be allotted more than
$1500 worth.

This "revelation" further announced once more that Joseph was to

be "a presiding elder over all my church, to be a translator, a
revelator, a seer and a prophet," with Sidney Rigdon and William
Law his counsellors, to constitute with him the First Presidency,
and Brigham Young to be president over the twelve travelling
council.

Legislation was, of course, necessary to carry out the large

schemes that the Mormon leaders had in mind; but this was secured
at the state capital with a liberality that now seems amazing.
This was due to the desire of the politicians of all parties to
conciliate the Mormon vote, and to the good fortune of the
Mormons in finding at the capital a very practical lobbyist to
engineer their cause. This was a Dr. John C. Bennett, a man who
seems to have been without any moral character, but who had
filled positions of importance. Born in Massachusetts in 1804, he
practised as a physician in Ohio, and later in Illinois, holding
a professorship in Willoughby University, Ohio, and taking with
him to Illinois testimonials as to his professional skill. In the
latter state he showed a taste for military affairs, and after
being elected brigadier general of the Invincible Dragoons, he
was appointed quartermaster general of the state in 1840, and
held that position at the state capital when the Mormons applied
to the legislature for a charter for Nauvoo.

With his assistance there was secured from the legislature an act
incorporating the city of Nauvoo, the Nauvoo Legion, and the
University of the City of Nauvoo. The powers granted to the city
government thus established were extraordinary. A City Council
was authorized, consisting of the mayor, four aldermen, and nine
councillors, which was empowered to pass any ordinances, not in
conflict with the federal and state constitutions, which it
deemed necessary for the peace and order of the city. The mayor
and aldermen were given all the power of justices of the peace,
and they were to constitute the Municipal Court. The charter gave
the mayor sole jurisdiction in all cases arising under the city
ordinances, with a right of appeal to the Municipal Court.
Further than this, the charter granted to the Municipal Court the
right to issue writs of habeas corpus in all cases arising under
the city ordinances. Thirty-six sections were required to define
the legislative powers of the City Council.

A more remarkable scheme of independent local government could

not have been devised even by the leaders of this Mormon church,
and the shortsightedness of the law makers in consenting to it
seems nothing short of marvellous. Under it the mayor, who helped
to make the local laws (as a member of the City Council), was
intrusted with their enforcement, and he could, as the head of
the Municipal Court, give them legal interpretation. Governor
Ford afterward defined the system as "a government within a
government; a legislature to pass ordinances at war with the laws
of the state; courts to execute them with but little dependence
upon the constitutional judiciary, and a military force at their
own command." *
* A bill repealing this charter was passed by the Illinois House
on February 3, 1843, by a vote of fifty-eight to thirty-three,
but failed in the Senate by a vote of sixteen ayes to seventeen
nays.

This military force, called the Nauvoo Legion, the City Council
was authorized to organize from the inhabitants of the city who
were subject to military duty. It was to be at the disposal of
the mayor in executing city laws and ordinances, and of the
governor of the state for the public defence. When organized, it
embraced three classes of troops--flying artillery, lancers, and
riflemen. Its independence of state control was provided for by a
provision of law which allowed it to be governed by a court
martial of its own officers. The view of its independence taken
by,the Mormons may be seen in the following general order signed
by Smith and Bennett in May, 1841, founded on an opinion by judge
Stephen A. Douglas:-- "The officers and privates belonging to the
Legion are exempt from all military duty not required by the
legally constituted authorities thereof; they are therefore
expressly inhibited from performing any military service not
ordered by the general officers, or directed by the court
martial."*

* Times and Seasons, Vol. II, p. 417. Governor Ford commissioned

Brigham Young to succeed Smith as lieutenant general of the
Legion from August 31, 1844. To show the Mormon idea of
authority, the following is quoted from Tullidge's "Life of
Brigham Young," p. 30: "It is a singular fact that, after
Washington, Joseph Smith was the first man in America who held
the rank of lieutenant general, and that Brigham Young was the
next. In reply to a comment by the author upon this fact Brigham
Young said: 'I was never much of a military man. The commission
has since been abrogated by the state of Illinois; but if Joseph
had lived when the (Mexican] war broke out he would have become
commander-in chief of the United States Armies.'"

In other words, this city military company was entirely

independent of even the governor of the state. Little wonder that
the Presidency, writing about the new law to the Saints abroad,
said, "'Tis all we ever claimed." In view of the experience of
the Missourians with the Mormons as directed by Smith and Rigdon,
it would be rash to say that they would have been tolerated as
neighbors in Illinois under any circumstances, after their actual
acquaintance had been made; but if the state of Illinois had
deliberately intended to incite the Mormons to a reckless
assertion of independence, nothing could have been planned that
would have accomplished this more effectively than the passage of
the charter of Nauvoo.

What next followed remains an unexplained incident in Joseph

Smith's career. Instead of taking the mayoralty himself, he
allowed that office to be bestowed upon Bennett, Smith and Rigdon
accepting places among the councillors, Bennett having taken up
his residence in Nauvoo in September, 1840. His election as mayor
took place in February, 1841. Bennet was also chosen major
general of the Legion when that force was organized, was selected
as the first chancellor of the new university, and was elected to
the First Presidency of the church in the following April, to
take the place of Sidney Rigdon during the incapacity of the
latter from illness. Judge Stephen A. Douglas also appointed him
a master in chancery.

Bennett was introduced to the Mormon church at large in a letter

signed by Smith, Rigdon, and brother Hyrum, dated January 15,
1841, as the first of the new acquisitions of influence. They
stated that his sympathies with the Saints were aroused while
they were still in Missouri, and that he then addressed them a
letter offering them his assistance, and the church was assured
that "he is a man of enterprise, extensive acquirements, and of
independent mind, and is calculated to be a great blessing to our
community." When his appointment as a master in chancery was
criticised by some Illinois newspapers, the Mormons defended him
earnestly, Sidney Rigdon (then attorney-at-law and postmaster at
Nauvoo), in a letter dated April 23, 1842, said, "He is a
physician of great celebrity, of great versatility of talent, of
refined education and accomplished manners; discharges the duties
of his respective offices with honor to himself and credit to the
people." All this becomes of interest in the light of the abuse
which the Mormons soon after poured out upon this man when he
"betrayed" them.

Bennett's inaugural address as mayor was radical in tone. He

advised the Council to prohibit all dram shops, allowing no
liquor to be sold in a quantity less than a quart. This
suggestion was carried out in a city ordinance. He condemned the
existing system of education, which gave children merely a
smattering of everything, and made "every boarding school miss a
Plato in petticoats, without an ounce of genuine knowledge,"
pleading for education "of a purely practical character." The
Legion he considered a matter of immediate necessity, and he
added, "The winged warrior of the air perches upon the pole of
American liberty, and the beast that has the temerity to ruffle
her feathers should be made to feel the power of her talons."

Smith was commissioned lieutenant general of this Legion by

Governor Carlin on February 3, 1841, and he and Bennett blossomed
out at once as gorgeous commanders. An order was issued requiring
all persons in the city, of military obligation, between the ages
of eighteen and forty-five, to join the Legion, and on the
occasion of the laying of the corner-stone of the Temple, on
April 6, 1841, it comprised fourteen companies. An army officer
passing through Nauvoo in September, 1842, expressed the opinion
that the evolutions of the Legion would do honor to any militia
in the United States, but he queried: "Why this exact discipline
of the Mormon corps? Do they intend to conquer Missouri,
Illinois, Mexico? Before many years this Legion will be twenty,
perhaps fifty, thousand strong and still augmenting. A fearful
host, filled with religious enthusiasm, and led on by ambitious
and talented officers, what may not be effected by them? Perhaps
the subversion of the constitution of the United States." *

* Mackay's "The Mormons," p. 121.

Contemporary accounts of the appearance of the Legion on the
occasion of the laying of the Temple corner-stone indicate that
the display was a big one for a frontier settlement. Smith says
in his autobiography, "The appearance, order, and movements of
the Legion were chaste, grand, imposing." The Times and Seasons,
in its report of the day's doings, says that General Smith had a
staff of four aides-de-camp and twelve guards, "nearly all in
splendid uniforms. The several companies presented a beautiful
and interesting spectacle, several of them being uniformed and
equipped, while the rich and costly dresses of the officers would
have become a Bonaparte or a Washington." Ladies on horseback
were an added feature of the procession. The ceremonies attending
the cornerstone laying attracted the people from all the outlying
districts, and marked an epoch in the church's history in
Illinois.

The Temple at Nauvoo measured 83 by 128 feet on the ground, and

was nearly 60 feet high, surmounted by a steeple which was
planned to be more than 100 feet in height. The material was
white limestone, which was found underlying the site of the city.
The work of construction continued throughout the occupation of
Nauvoo by the Mormons, the laying of the capstone not being
accomplished until May 24, 1845, and the dedication taking place
on May 1, 1846. The cost of the completed structure was estimated
by the Mormons at $1,000,000.* Among the costly features were
thirty stone pilasters, which cost $3000 each.

* "The Temple is said to have cost, in labor and money, a million

dollars. It may be possible, and it is very probable, that
contributions to that amount were made to it, but that it cost
that much to build it few will believe. Half that sum would be
ample to build a much more costly edifice to-day, and in the
three or four years in which it was being erected, labor was
cheap and all the necessaries of life remarkably low."--GREGG'S
"History of Hancock County," p. 367.

The portico of the Temple was surrounded by these pilasters of

polished stone, on the base of which was carved a new moon, the
capital of each being a representation of the rising sun coming
from under a cloud, supported by two hands holding a trumpet.
Under the tower were the words, in golden letters: "The House of
the Lord, built by the Church of Latter-Day Saints. Commenced
April 6, 1841. Holiness to the Lord." The baptismal font measured
twelve by sixteen feet, with a basin four feet deep. It was
supported by twelve oxen "carved out of fine plank glued
together," says Smith, "and copied after the most beautiful
five-year-old steer that could be found." From the basement two
stairways led to the main floor, around the sides of which were
small rooms designed for various uses. In the large room on this
floor were three pulpits and a place for the choir. The upper
floor contained a large hall, and around this were twelve smaller
rooms.

The erection of this Temple was carried on without incurring such

debts or entering upon such money-making schemes as caused
disaster at Kirtland. Labor and material were secured by
successful appeals to the Saints on the ground and throughout the
world. Here the tithing system inaugurated in Missouri played an
efficient part. A man from the neighboring country who took
produce to Nauvoo for sale or barter said, "In the committee
rooms they had almost every conceivable thing, from all kinds of
implements and men and women's clothing, down to baby clothes and
trinkets, which had been deposited by the owners as tithing or
for the benefit of the Temple." *

* Gregg's "History of Hancock County," p. 374

Nauvoo House, as planned, was to have a frontage of two hundred

feet and a depth of forty feet, and to be three stories in
height, with a basement. Its estimated cost was $100,000.* A
detailed explanation of the uses of this house was thus given in
a letter from the Twelve to the Saints abroad, dated November 15,
1841:--

* Times and Seasons, Vol. II, p. 369.

"The time set to favor the Stakes of Zion is at hand, and soon
the kings and the queens, the princes and the nobles, the rich
and the honorable of the earth, will come up hither to visit the
Temple of our God, and to inquire concerning this strange work;
and as kings are to become nursing fathers, and queens nursing
mothers in the habitation of the righteous, it is right to render
honor to whom honor is due; and therefore expedient that such, as
well as the Saints, should have a comfortable house for boarding
and lodging when they come hither, and it is according to the
revelations that such a house should be built. . . All are under
equal obligations to do all in their power to complete the
buildings by their faith and their prayers; with their thousands
and their mites, their gold and their silver, their copper and
their zinc, their goods and their labors."

Nauvoo House was not finished during the Prophet's life, the
appeals in its behalf failing to secure liberal contributions. It
was completed in later years, and used as a hotel.

Smith's residence in Nauvoo was a frame building called the

Mansion House, not far from the river side. It was opened as a
hotel on October 3, 1843, with considerable ceremony, one of the
toasts responded to being as follows, "Resolved, that General
Joseph Smith, whether we view him as a prophet at the head of the
church, a general at the head of the Legion, a mayor at the head
of the City Council, or a landlord at the head of the table, has
few equals and no superiors."

Another church building was the Hall of the Seventies, the upper
story of which was used for the priesthood and the Council of
Fifty. Galland's suggestion about a college received practical
shape in the incorporation of a university, in whose board of
regents the leading men of the church, including Galland himself,
found places. The faculty consisted of James Keeley, a graduate
of Trinity College, Dublin, as president; Orson Pratt as
professor of mathematics and English literature; Orson Spencer, a
graduate of Union College and the Baptist Theological Seminary in
New York, as professor of languages; and Sidney Rigdon as
professor of church history. The tuition fee was $5 per quarter.

CHAPTER V. The Mormons In Politics--Missouri Requisitions For

Smith

The Mormons were now equipped in their new home with large landed
possessions, a capital city that exhibited a phenomenal growth,
and a form of local government which made Nauvoo a little
independency of itself; their prophet wielding as much authority
and receiving as much submission as ever; a Temple under way
which would excel anything that had been designed in Ohio or
Missouri, and a stream of immigration pouring in which gave
assurance of continued numerical increase. What were the causes
of the complete overthrow of this apparent prosperity which so
speedily followed? These causes were of a twofold character,
political and social. The two were interwoven in many ways, but
we can best trace them separately.

We have seen that a Democratic organization gave the first

welcome to the Mormon refugees at Quincy. In the presidential
campaign of 1836 the vote of Illinois had been: Democratic,
17,275, Whig, 14,292; that of Hancock County, Democratic, 260,
Whig, 340. The closeness of this vote explained the welcome that
was extended to the new-comers.

It does not appear that Smith had any original party

predilections. But he was not pleased with questions which
President Van Buren asked him when he was in Washington (from
November, 1839, to February, 1840) seeking federal aid to secure
redress from Missouri, and he wrote to the High Council from that
city, "We do not say the Saints shall not vote for him, but we do
say boldly (though it need not be published in the streets of
Nauvoo, neither among the daughters of the Gentiles), that we do
not intend he shall have our votes."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XVII, p.452.

On his return to Illinois Smith was toadied to by the workers of

both parties. He candidly told them that he had no faith in
either; but the Whigs secured his influence, and, by an
intimation that there was divine authority for their course, the
Mormon vote was cast for Harrison, giving him a majority of 752
in Hancock County. In order to keep the Democrats in good humor,
the Mormons scratched the last name on the Whig electoral ticket
(Abraham Lincoln)* and substituted that of a Democrat. This
demonstration of their political weight made the Mormons an
object of consideration at the state capital, and was the direct
cause of the success of the petition which they sent there,
signed by some thousands of names, asking for a charter for
Nauvoo. The representatives of both parties were eager to show
them favor. Bennett, in a letter to the Times and Seasons from
Springfield, spoke of the readiness of all the members to vote
for what the Mormons wanted, adding that "Lincoln had the
magnanimity to vote for our act, and came forward after the final
vote and congratulated me on its passage."

*This is mentioned in "Joab's" (Bermett's) letter, Times and

Seasons, Vol, II, p. 267.

In the gubernatorial campaign of 1841-1842 Smith swung the Mormon

vote back to the Democrats, giving them a majority of more than
one thousand in the county. This was done publicly, in a letter
addressed "To my friends in Illinois,"* dated December 20, 1841,
in which the prophet, after pointing out that no persons at the
state capital were more efficient in securing the passage of the
Nauvoo charter than the heads of the present Democratic ticket,
made this declaration:--

* Times and Seasons, Vol. III, p. 651.

"The partisans in this county who expect to divide the friends of

humanity and equal rights will find themselves mistaken. We care
not a fig for Whig or Democrat; they are both alike to us; but we
shall go for our friends, OUR TRIED FRIENDS, and the cause of
human liberty which is the cause of God . . . . Snyder and Moore
are known to be our friends . . . . We will never be justly
charged with the sin of ingratitude,--they have served us, and we
will serve them."

If Smith had been a man possessing any judgment, he would have

realized that the political course which he was pursuing, instead
of making friends in either party, would certainly soon arraign
both parties against him and his followers. The Mormons announced
themselves distinctly to be a church, and they were now
exhibiting themselves as a religious body already numerically
strong and increasing in numbers, which stood ready to obey the
political mandate of one man, or at least of one controlling
authority. The natural consequence of this soon manifested
itself.

A congressional and a county election were approaching, and a

mass meeting, made up of both Whigs and Democrats of Hancock
County, was held to place in the field a non-Mormon county
ticket. The fusion was not accomplished without heart-burnings on
the part of some unsuccessful aspirants for nominations. A few of
these went over to Smith, and the election resulted in the
success of the state Democratic and the Mormon local ticket,
legislative and county, Smith's brother William being elected to
the House. It is easy to realize that this victory did not lessen
Smith's aggressive egotism.

Some important matters were involved in the next political

contest, the congressional election of August, 1843. The Whigs
nominated Cyrus Walker, a lawyer of reputation living in
McDonough County, and the Democrats J. P. Hoge, also a lawyer,
but a weaker candidate at the polls. Every one conceded that
Smith's dictum would decide the contest.

On May 6, 1842, Governor Boggs of Missouri, while sitting near a

window in his house in Independence, was fired at, and wounded so
severely that his recovery was for some days in doubt. The crime
was naturally charged to his Mormon enemies,* and was finally
narrowed down to O. P. Rockwell,** a Mormon living in Nauvoo, as
the agent, and Joseph Smith, Jr., as the instigator. Indictments
were found against both of them in Missouri, and a requisition
for Smith's surrender was made by the governor of that state on
the governor of Illinois. Smith was arrested under the governor's
warrant. Now came an illustration of the value to him of the form
of government provided by the Nauvoo charter. Taken before his
own municipal court, he was released at once on a writ of habeas
corpus. This assumption of power by a local court aroused the
indignation of non-Mormons throughout the state. Governor Carlin
characterized it somewhat later, in a letter to Smith's wife, as
"most absurd and ridiculous; to attempt to exercise it is a gross
usurpation of power that cannot be tolerated."***

* The hatred felt toward Governor Boggs by the Mormon leaders was
not concealed. Thus, an editorial in the Times and Seasons of
January 1, 1841, headed "Lilburn W. Boggs," began, "The THING
whose name stands at the head of this article," etc. Referring to
the ending of his term of office, the article said, "Lilburn has
gone down to the dark and dreary abode of his brother and
prototype, Nero, there to associate with kindred spirits and
partake of the dainties of his father's, the devil's, table."

Bennett afterward stated that he heard Joseph Smith say, on July

10, 1842, that Governor Boggs, "the exterminator, should be
exterminated," and that the Destroying Angels (Danites) should do
it; also that in the spring of that year he heard Smith, at a
meeting of Danites, offer to pay any man $500 who would secretly
assassinate the governor. Bennett's statement is only cited for
what it may be worth; that some Mormon fired the shot is within
the limit of strict probability.

** Rockwell, who, in his latter days, was employed by General

Connor to guard stock in California, told the general that he
fired the shot at Governor Boggs, and was sorry it did not kill
him.--"Mormon Portraits," p. 255.

*** Millennial Star, Vol. XX, p. 23.

Notwithstanding his release, Smith thought it best to remain in

hiding for some time to escape another arrest, for which the
governor ordered a reward of $200. About the middle of August his
associates in Nauvoo concluded that the outlook for him was so
bad, notwithstanding the protection which his city court was
ready to afford, that it might be best for him to flee to the
pine woods of the North country. Smith incorporates in his
autobiography a long letter which he wrote to his wife at this
time,* giving her directions about this flight if it should
become necessary. Their goods were to be loaded on a boat manned
by twenty of the best men who could be selected, and who would
meet them at Prairie du Chien: "And from thence we will wend our
way like larks up the Mississippi, until the towering mountains
and rocks shall remind us of the places of our nativity, and
shall look like safety and home; and there we will bid defiance
to Carlin, Boggs, Bennett, and all their whorish whores and
motley clan, that follow in their wake, Missouri not excepted,
and until the damnation of Hell rolls upon them by the voice and
dread thunders and trump of the eternal God."

* Ibid., pp. 693-695.

In October Rigdon obtained from Justin Butterfield, United States

attorney for Illinois, an opinion that Smith could not be held on
a Missouri requisition for a crime committed in that state when
he was in Illinois. In December, 1842, Smith was placed under
arrest and taken before the United States District Court at
Springfield, Illinois, under a writ of habeas corpus issued by
Judge Roger B. Taney of the State Supreme Court. Butterfield, as
his counsel, secured his discharge by Judge Pope (a Whig) who
held that Smith was not a fugitive from Missouri.

While these proceedings were pending, the Nauvoo City Council

(Smith was then mayor), passed two ordinances in regard to the
habeas corpus powers of the Municipal Court, one giving that
court jurisdiction in any case where a person "shall be or stand
committed or detained for any criminal, or supposed criminal,
matter."* This was intended to make Smith secure from the
clutches of any Missouri officer so long as he was in his own
city.

* For text of these ordinances, see millennial Star, Vol. XX, p.

165.

But Smith's enemy, General Bennett (who before this date had been
cast out of the fold), was now very active, and through his
efforts another indictment against Smith on the old charges of
treason, murder, etc., was found in Missouri, in June, 1843, and
under it another demand was made on the governor of Illinois for
Smith's extradition. Governor Ford, a Democrat, who had succeeded
Carlin, issued a warrant on June 17, 1843, and it was served on
Smith while he was visiting his wife's sister in Lee County,
Illinois. An attempt to start with him at once for Missouri was
prevented by his Mormon friends, who rallied in considerable
numbers to his aid. Smith secured counsel, who began proceedings
against the Missouri agent and obtained a writ in Smith's behalf
returnable, the account in the Times and Seasons says, before the
nearest competent tribunal, which "it was ascertained was at
Nauvoo"--Smith's own Municipal Court. The prophet had a sort of
triumphal entry into Nauvoo, and the question of the jurisdiction
of the Municipal Court in his case came up at once. Both of the
candidates for Congress, Walker (who was employed as his counsel)
and Hoge, gave opinions in favor of such jurisdiction, and, after
a three hours' plea by Walker, the court ordered Smith's release.
Smith addressed the people of Nauvoo in the grove after his
return. From the report of his remarks in the journal of
Discourses (Vol. II, p. 163) the following is taken:

"Before I will bear this unhallowed persecution any longer,

before I will be dragged away again among my enemies for trial, I
will spill the last drop of blood in my veins, and will see all
my enemies in hell . . . . Deny me the writ of habeas corpus, and
I will fight with gun, sword, cannon, whirlwind, thunder, until
they are used up like the Kilkenny cats . . . . If these
[charter] powers are dangerous, then the constitutions of the
United States and of this state are dangerous. If the Legislature
has granted Nauvoo the right of determining cases of habeas
corpus, it is no more than they ought to have done, or more than
our fathers fought for."

Smith expressed his gratitude to Walker for what the latter had
accomplished in his behalf, and the Whig candidate now had no
doubt that the Mormon vote was his.

But the Missouri agent, indignant that a governor's writ should

be set aside by a city court, hurried to Springfield and demanded
that Governor Ford should call out enough state militia to secure
Smith's arrest and delivery at the Missouri boundary. The
governor, who was not a man of the firmest purpose, had no
intention of being mixed up in the pending congressional fight
and struggle for the Mormon vote; so he asked for delay and
finally decided not to call out any troops.

The Hancock County Democrats were quick to see an opportunity in

this situation, and they sent to Springfield a man named
Backenstos (who took an active part in the violent scenes
connected with the subsequent history of the Mormons in the
state) to ascertain for the Mormons just what the governor's
intentions were. Backenstos reported that the prophet need have
no fear of the Democratic governor so long as the Mormons voted
the Democratic ticket.*

* Governor Ford, in his "History of Illinois," says that such a

pledge was given by a prominent Democrat, but without his own
knowledge.

When this news was brought back to Nauvoo, a few days before the
election, a mass meeting of the Mormons was called, and Hyrum
Smith (then Patriarch, succeeding the prophet's father, who was
dead) announced the receipt of a "revelation" directing the
Mormons to vote for Hoge. William Law, an influential business
man in the Mormon circle, immediately denied the existence of any
such "revelation." The prophet alone could decide the matter. He
was brought in and made a statement to the effect that he himself
proposed to vote for Walker; that he considered it a "mean
business" to influence any man's vote by dictation, and that he
had no great faith in revelations about elections; "but brother
Hyrum was a man of truth; he had known brother Hyrum intimately
ever since he was a boy, and he had never known him to tell a
lie. If brother Hyrum said he had received such a revelation, he
had no doubt it was a fact. When the Lord speaks, let all the
earth be silent." *

* Ford's"History of Illinois," p. 318.

The election resulted in the choice of Hoge by a majority of 455!

CHAPTER VI. Smith A Candidate For President Of The United States

Smith's latest triumph over his Missouri enemies, with the

feeling that he had the governor of his state back of him,
increased his own and his followers' audacity. The Nauvoo Council
continued to pass ordinances to protect its inhabitants from
outside legal processes, civil and criminal. One of these
provided that no writ issued outside of Nauvoo for the arrest of
a person in that city should be executed until it had received
the mayor's approval, anyone violating this ordinance to be
liable to imprisonment for life, with no power of pardon in the
governor without the mayor's consent! The acquittal of O. P.
Rockwell on the charge of the attempted assassination of Governor
Boggs caused great delight among the Mormons, and their organ
declared on January 1, 1844, that "throughout the whole region of
country around us those bitter and acrimonious feelings, which
have so long been engendered by many, are dying away."

Smith's political ideas now began to broaden. "Who shall be our

next President?" was the title of an editorial in the Times and
Seasons of October 1, 1843, which urged the selection of a man
who would be most likely to give the Mormons help in securing
redress for their grievances.

The next month Smith addressed a letter to Henry Clay and John C.
Calhoun, who were the leading candidates for the presidential
nomination, citing the Mormons' losses and sufferings in
Missouri, and their failure to obtain redress in the courts or
from Congress, and asking, "What will be your rule of action
relative to us as a people should fortune favor your ascendancy
to the chief magistracy? "Clay replied that, if nominated, he
could "enter into no egagements, make no promises, give no
pledges to any particular portion of the people of the United
States," adding, "If I ever enter into that high office, I must
go into it free and unfettered, with no guarantees but such as
are to be drawn from my whole life, character and conduct." He
closed with an expression of sympathy with the Mormons "in their
sufferings under injustice." Calhoun replied that, if elected
President, he would try to administer the government according to
the constitution and the laws, and that, as these made no
distinction between citizens of different religious creeds, he
should make none. He repeated an opinion which he had given Smith
in Washington that the Mormon case against the state of Missouri
did not come within the jurisdiction of the federal government.

These replies excited Smith to wrath and he answered them at

length, and in language characteristic of himself. A single
quotation from his letter to Clay (dated May 13, 1844) will
suffice:--

"In your answer to my question, last fall, that peculiar trait of

the modern politician, declaring 'if you ever enter into that
high office, you must go into it unfettered, with no guarantees
but such as are to be drawn from your whole life, character and
conduct,' so much resembles a lottery vender's sign, with the
goddess of good luck sitting on the car of fortune, astraddle of
the horn of plenty, and driving the merry steeds of beatitude,
without reins or bridle, that I cannot help exclaiming, 'O, frail
man, what have you done that will exalt you? Can anything be
drawn from your LIFE, CHARACTER OR CONDUCT that is worthy of
being held up to the gaze of this nation as a model of VIRTUE,
CHARACTER AND WISDOM?'. . . 'Your whole life, character and
conduct' have been spotted with deeds that causes a blush upon
the face of a virtuous patriot; so you must be contented with
your lot, while crime, cowardice, cupidity or low cunning have
handed you down from the high tower of a statesman to the black
hole of a gambler . . . . Crape the heavens with weeds of woe;
gird the earth with sackcloth, and let hell mutter one melody in
commemoration of fallen splendor! For the glory of America has
departed, and God will set a flaming sword to guard the tree of
liberty, while such mint-tithing Herods as Van Buren, Boggs,
Benton, Calhoun, and Clay are thrust out of the realms of virtue
as fit subjects for the kingdom of fallen greatness--vox reprobi,
vox Diaboli."

Calhoun was admonished to read the eighth section of article one

of the federal constitution, after which "God, who cooled the
heat of a Nebuchadnezzar's furnace, or shut the mouths of lions
for the honor of a Daniel, will raise your mind above the narrow
notion that the general government has no power, to the sublime
idea that Congress, with the President as executor, is as
almighty in its sphere as Jehovah is in his." 1

*For this correspondence in full, see Times and Seasons, January

1, and June 1, 1844, or Mackay's "The Mormons," p. 143.

Smith's next step was to have judge Phelps read to a public

meeting in Nauvoo on February 7, 1844, a very long address by the
prophet, setting forth his views on national politics.* He
declared that "no honest man can doubt for a moment but the glory
of American liberty is on the wane, and that calamity and
confusion will sooner or later destroy the peace of the people,"
while "the motto hangs on the nation's escutcheon, `every man has
his price.'"

* For its text, see Times and Seasons, May 15,1844, or Mackay's
"The Mormons," p.133.

Smith proposed an abundance of remedies for these evils: Reduce

the members of Congress at least one-half; pay them $2 a day and
board; petition the legislature to pardon every convict, and make
the punishment for any felony working on the roads or some other
place where the culprit can be taught wisdom and virtue, murder
alone to be cause for confinement or death; petition for the
abolition of slavery by the year 1850, the slaves to be paid for
out of the surplus from the sale of public lands, and the money
saved by reducing the pay of Congress; establish a national bank,
with branches in every state and territory, "whose officers shall
be elected yearly by the people, with wages of $2 a day for
services," the currency to be limited to "the amount of capital
stock in her vaults, and interest"; "and the bills shall be par
throughout the nation, which will mercifully cure that fatal
disorder known in cities as brokery, and leave the people's money
in their own pockets"; give the President full power to send an
army to suppress mobs; "send every lawyer, as soon as he repents
and obeys the ordinances of heaven, to preach the Gospel to the
destitute, without purse or scrip"; "spread the federal
jurisdiction to the west sea, when the red men give their
consent"; and give the right hand of fellowship to Texas, Canada,
and Mexico. He closed with this declaration: "I would, as the
universal friend of man, open the prisons, open the eyes, open
the ears, and open the hearts of all people to behold and enjoy
freedom, unadulterated freedom; and God, who once cleansed the
violence of the earth with a flood, whose Son laid down his life
for the salvation of all his father gave him out of the world,
and who has promised that he will come and purify the world again
with fire in the last days, should be supplicated by me for the
good of all people. With the highest esteem, I am a friend of
virtue and of the people."

It seems almost incomprehensible that the promulgator of such

political views should have taken himself seriously. But Smith
was in deadly earnest, and not only was he satisfied of his
political power, but, in the church conference of 1844, he
declared, "I feel that I am in more immediate communication with
God, and on a better footing with Him, than I have ever been in
my life."

The announcement of Smith's political "principles" was followed

immediately by an article in the Times and Seasons, which
answered the question, "Whom shall the Mormons support for
President?" with the reply, "General Joseph Smith. A man of
sterling worth and integrity, and of enlarged views; a man who
has raised himself from the humblest walks in life to stand at
the head of a large, intelligent, respectable, and increasing
society; . . . and whose experience has rendered him every way
adequate to the onerous duty." The formal announcement that Smith
was the Mormon candidate was made in the Times and Seasons of
February 15, 1844, and the ticket--

FOR PRESIDENT,

GENERAL JOSEPH SMITH,

Nauvoo, Illinois.

was kept at the head of its editorial page from March 1, until
his death.

A weekly newspaper called the Wasp, issued at Nauvoo under Mormon

editorship, had been succeeded by a larger one called the
Neighbor, edited by John Taylor (afterward President of the
church), who also had charge of the Times and Seasons. The
Neighbor likewise placed Smith's name, as the presidential
candidate, at the head of its columns, and on March 6 completed
its ticket with "General James A. Bennett of New York, for
Vice-President."* Three weeks later Bennett's name was taken
down, and on June 19, Sidney Rigdon's was substituted for it.
There was nothing modest in the Mormon political ambition.

* This General Bennett was not the first mayor of Nauvoo, as some
writers like Smucker have supposed, but a lawyer who gave his
address as "Arlington House," on Long Island, New York, and who
in 1843 had offered himself to Smith as "a most undeviating
friend," etc.

Proof of Smith's serious view of his candidacy is furnished in

his next step, which was to send out a large body of missionaries
(two or three thousand, according to Governor Ford) to work-up
his campaign in the Eastern and Southern states. These emissaries
were selected from among the ablest of Smith's allies, including
Brigham Young, Lorenzo Snow, and John D. Lee. Their absence from
Nauvoo was a great misfortune to Smith at the time of his
subsequent arrest and imprisonment at Carthage.

The campaigners began work at once. Lorenzo Snow, to whom the

state of Ohio was allotted, went to Kirtland, where he had
several thousand pamphlets printed, setting forth the prophet's
views and plans, and he then travelled around in a buggy,
distributing the pamphlets and making addresses in Smith's
behalf. "To many persons," he confesses, "who knew nothing of
Joseph but through the ludicrous reports in circulation, the
movement seemed a species of insanity."* John D. Lee was a most
devout Mormon, but his judgment revolted against this movement.
"I would a thousand times rather have been shut up in jail," he
says. He began his canvassing while on the boat bound for, St.
Louis. "I told them," he relates, "the prophet would lead both
candidates. There was a large crowd on the boat, and an election
was proposed. The prophet received a majority of 75 out of 125
votes polled. This created a tremendous laugh."**

* "Biography of Lorenzo Snow."

** "Mormonism Unveiled," p.149.

We have an account of one state convention called to consider

Smith's candidacy, and this was held in the Melodeon in Boston,
Massachusetts, on July 1, 1844, the news of Smith's death not yet
having reached that city. A party of young rowdies practically
took possession of the hall as soon as the business of the
convention began, and so disturbed the proceedings that the
police were sent for, and they were able to clear the galleries
only after a determined fight. The convention then adjourned to
Bunker Hill, but nothing further is heard of its proceedings. The
press of the city condemned the action of the disturbers as a
disgrace. Mention is made in the Times and Seasons of July 1,
1844, of a conference of elders held in Dresden, Tennessee, on
the 25th of May previous, at which Smith's name was presented as
a presidential candidate. The meeting was broken up by a mob,
which the sheriff confessed himself powerless to overcome, but it
met later and voted to print three thousand copies of Smith's
views.

The prophet's death, which occurred so soon after the

announcement of his candidacy, rendered it impossible to learn
how serious a cause of political disturbance that candidacy might
have been in neighborhoods where the Mormons had a following.

CHAPTER VII. Social Conditions In Nauvoo

Having followed Smith's political operations to their close, it

is now necessary to retrace our steps, and examine the social
conditions which prevailed in and around Nauvoo during the years
of his reign--conditions which had quite as much to do in causing
the expulsion of the Mormons from the state as did his political
mistakes.

It must be remembered that Nauvoo was a pioneer town, on the

borders of a thinly settled country. Its population and that of
its suburbs consisted of the refugees from Missouri, of whose
character we have had proof ; of the converts brought in from the
Eastern states and from Europe, not a very intelligent body; and
of those pioneer settlers, without sympathy with the Mormon
beliefs, who were attracted to the place from various motives.
While active work was continued by the missionaries throughout
the United States, their labors in this country seem to have been
more efficient in establishing local congregations than in
securing large additions to the population of Nauvoo, although
some "branches" moved bodily to the Mormon centre.*

* Lee's "Mormonism Unveiled;" p. 135.

Of the class of people reached by the early missionaries in

England we have this description, in a letter from Orson Hyde to
his wife, dated September 14,1837:-- "Those who have been
baptized are mostly manufacturers and some other mechanics. They
know how to do but little else than to spin and weave cloth, and
make cambric, mull and lace; and what they would do in Kirtland
or the city of Far West, I cannot say. They are extremely poor,
most of them not having a change of clothes decent to be baptized
in."*

* Elders' Journal, Vol. I, No. 2.

In a letter of instructions from Smith to the travelling elders

in Great Britain, dated October, 1840, he warned them that the
gathering of the Saints must be "attended to in the order that
the Lord intends it should"; and he explains that, as "great
numbers of the Saints in England are extremely poor, . . . to
prevent confusion and disappointment when they arrive here, let
those men who are accustomed to making machinery, and those who
can command a capital, though it be small, come here as soon as
convenient and put up machinery, and make such other preparations
as may be necessary, so that when the poor come on they may have
employment to come to."

The invitation to all converts having means was so urgent that it

took the form of a command. A letter to the Saints abroad, signed
by Joseph and Hyrum Smith, dated January 15, 1841, directed those
"blessed of heaven with the possession of this world's goods" to
sell out as soon as possible and move to Nauvoo, adding in
italics: "This is agreeable to the order of heaven, and the only
principal (sic) on which the gathering can be effected."*

* The following is a quotation from a letter written by an

American living near Nauvoo, dated October 20, 1842, printed in
the postscript to Caswall's "The City of the Mormons":--

"If an English Mormon arrives, the first effort of Joe is to get

his money. This in most cases is easily accomplished, under a
pledge that he can have it at any time on giving ten days'
notice. The man after some time calls for his money; he is
treated kindly, and told that it is not convenient to pay. He
calls a second time; the Prophet cannot pay, but offers a town
lot in Nauvoo for $1000 (which cost perhaps as many cents), or
land on the 'half-breed tract' at $10 or $15 per acre . . . .
Finally some of the irresponsible Bishops or Elders execute a
deed for land to which they have no valid title, and the poor
fellow dares not complain. This is the history of hundreds of
cases . . . . The history of every dupe reaches Nauvoo in
advance. When an Elder abroad wins one over to the faith, he
makes himself perfectly acquainted with all his family
arrangements, his standing in society, his ability, and (what is
of most importance) the amount of ready money and other property
which he will take to Nauvoo . . . . They make no converts in
Nauvoo, and it appears to me that they would never make another
if all could witness their conduct at Nauvoo for one month . . .
. In regard to this communication, I prefer, on account of my own
safety, that you should not make known the author publicly. You
cannot appreciate these fears [in England]. You have no idea what
it is to be surrounded by a community of Mormons, guided by a
leader the most unprincipled."
We have seen how hard-pressed Smith was for money with which to
meet his obligations for the payment of land purchased. It was
not necessary that a newcomer should be a Mormon in order to buy
a lot, special emphasis being laid on the freedom of religious
opinion in the city; but it was early made known that purchasers
were expected to buy their lots of the church, and not of private
speculators. The determination with which this rule was enforced,
as well as its unpopularity in some quarters, may be seen in the
following extract from Smith's autobiography, under date of
February 13, 1843: "I spent the evening at Elder O. Hyde's. In
the course of conversation I remarked that those brethren who
came here having money, and purchased without the church and
without counsel, must be cut off. This, with other observations,
aroused the feelings of Brother Dixon, from Salem, Mass., and he
appeared in great wrath."

The Nauvoo Neighbor of December 27, 1843, contained an

advertisement signed by the clerk of the church, calling the
attention of immigrants to the church lands, and saying, "Let all
the brethren, therefore, when they move into Nauvoo, consult
President Joseph Smith, the trustee in trust, and purchase their
land from him, and I am bold to say that God will bless them, and
they will hereafter be glad they did so."

A good many immigrants of more or less means took warning as soon

as they discovered the conditions prevailing there, and returned
home. A letter on this subject from the officers of the church
said:--

"We have seen so many who have been disappointed and discouraged
when they visited this place, that we would have imagined they
had never been instructed in the things pertaining to the Kingdom
of God, and thought that, instead of coming into a society of men
and women, subject to all the frailties of mortality, they were
about to enjoy the society of the spirits of just men made
perfect, the holy angels, and that this place should be as pure
as the third heaven. But when they found that this people were
but flesh and blood . . . they have been desirous to choose them
a captain to lead them back."

The additions to the Mormon population from the settlers whom

they found in the outlying country in Illinois and Iowa were not
likely to be of a desirable class. The banks of the Mississippi
River had long been hiding-places for pirate bands, whose
exploits were notorious, and the "half-breed tract" was a known
place of refuge for the horse thief, the counterfeiter, and the
desperado of any calling. The settlement of the Mormons in such a
region, with an invitation to the world at large to join them and
be saved, was a piece of good luck for this lawless class, who
found a covering cloak in the new baptism, and a shield in the
fidelity with which the Mormon authorities, under their charter,
defended their flock. In this way Nauvoo became a great
receptacle for stolen goods, and the river banks up and down the
stream concealed many more, the takers of which walked boldly
through the streets of the Mormon city. The retaliatory measures
which Smith encouraged his followers to practise on their
neighbors in Missouri had inculcated a disregard for the property
rights of non-Mormons, which became an inciting cause of
hostilities with their neighbors in Illinois.

The complaints of thefts by Mormons became so frequent that the

church authorities deemed it necessary to recognize and rebuke
the practice. Lee quotes from an address by Smith at the
conference of April, 1840, in Nauvoo, in which the prophet said:
"We are no longer at war, and you must stop stealing. When the
right time comes, we will go in force and take the whole state of
Missouri. It belongs to us as our inheritance; but I want no more
petty stealing. A man that will steal petty articles from his
enemies will, when occasion offers, steal from his brethren too.
Now I command you that have stolen must steal no more."*

* Lee's "Mormonism Unveiled;" p. 111.

The case of Elder O. Walker bears on this subject. On October 11,

1840, he was brought before a High Council and accused of
discourtesy to the prophet, and "suggesting (at different places)
that in the church at Nauvoo there did exist a set of pilferers
who were actually thieving, robbing and plundering, taking and
unlawfully carrying away from Missouri certain goods and
chattels, wares and property; and that the act and acts of such
supposed thieving, etc., was fostered and conducted by the
knowledge and approval of the heads and leaders of the church,
viz., by the Presidency and High Council."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XVIII, p. 185.

The action of the church authorities themselves shows how serious

they considered the reports about thieving. As early as December
1, 1841, Hyrum Smith, then one of the First Presidency, published
in the Times and Seasons an affidavit denying that the heads of
the church "sanction and approbate the members of said church in
stealing property from those persons who do not belong to said
church," etc. This was followed by a long denial of a similar
character, signed by the Twelve, and later by an affidavit by the
prophet himself, denying that he ever "directly or indirectly
encouraged the purloining of property, or taught the doctrine of
stealing." On March 25, 1843, Smith, as mayor, issued a
proclamation beginning with the declaration, "I have not altered
my views on the subject of stealing," reciting rumors of a secret
band of desperadoes bound by oath to self-protection, and
pledging pardon to any one who would give him any information
about "such abominable characters." This exhibition of the heads
of a church solemnly protesting that they were opposed to
thieving is unique in religious history.

The Patriarch, Hyrum Smith, made an announcement to the

conference of 1843, which further confirms the charges of
organized thieving made by the non-mormons. While denouncing the
thieves as hypocrites, he said he had learned of the existence of
a band held together by secret oaths and penalties, "who hold it
right to steal from anyone who does not belong to the church,
provided they consecrate one-third of it to the building of the
Temple. They are also making bogus money . . . . The man who told
me this said, 'This secret band referred to the Bible, Book of
Doctrine and Covenants, and Book of Mormon to substantiate their
doctrines; and if any of them did not remain steadfast, they
ripped open their bowels and gave them to the catfish.'" He named
two men, inmates of his own house, who, he had discovered, were
such thieves. The prophet followed this statement with some
remarks, declaring, "Thieving must be stopped."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XX, pp. 757-758.

The Rev. Henry Caswall, in a description of a Sunday service in

Nauvoo in April, 1842 "City of the Mormons," p. 15) says:--

"The elder who had delivered the first discourse now rose and
said a certain brother whom he named had taken a keg of white
lead. 'Now,' said he, 'if any of the brethren present has taken
it by mistake, thinking it was his own, he ought to restore it;
but if any of the brethren present have stolen a keg, much more
ought he to restore it, or else maybe he will get catched.' . . .
Another person rose and stated that he had lost a ten dollar
bill. If any of the brethren had found it or taken it, he hoped
it would be restored." This introduction of calls for the
restoration of stolen property as a feature of a Sunday church
service is probably unique with the Mormons.

That the Mormons did not do all the thieving in the counties
around Nauvoo while they were there would be sufficiently proved
by the character of many of the persons whom they found there on
their arrival, and also by the fact that their expulsion did not
make those counties a paradise.* The trouble with them was that,
as soon as a man joined them, no matter what his previous
character might have been, they gave him that protection which
came with their system of "standing together." An early and
significant proof of this protection is found in the action of
the conference held in Nauvoo on October 3, 1840, two months
before the charter had given the city government its extended
powers, which voted that "no person be considered guilty of crime
unless proved by the testimony of two or three witnesses."**

* "Long afterward, while the writer was travelling through

Hancock, Pike and Adams Counties, no family thought of retiring
at night without barring and doublelocking every
ingress."--Beadle, "Life in Utah," p. 65.

** Millennial Star, Vol. XVIII, p. 153.

It became notorious in all the country round that it was

practically useless for a non-Mormon to attempt the recovery of
stolen property in Nauvoo, no matter how strong the proof in his
possession might be. S. J. Clarke* says that a great deal of
stolen stock was traced into Nauvoo, but that, "when found, it
was extremely difficult to gain possession of it." He cites as an
illustration the case of a resident of that county who traced a
stolen horse into Nauvoo, and took with him sixty witnesses to
identify the animal before a Mormon justice of the peace. He
found himself, however, confronted with seventy witnesses who
swore that the horse belonged to some Mormon, and the justice
decided that the "weight of evidence," numerically calculated,
was against the non-Mormon.

* "History of McDonough County," p. 83.

A form of protection against outside inquirers for property,

which is well authenticated, was given by what were known as
"whittlers." When a non-Mormon came into the city, and by his
questions let it be known that he was looking for something
stolen, he would soon find himself approached by a Mormon who
carried a long knife and a stick, and who would follow him,
silently whittling. Soon a companion would join this whittler,
and then another, until the stranger would find himself fairly
surrounded by these armed but silent observers. Unless he was a
man of more than ordinary grit, an hour or more of this
companionship would convince him that it would be well for him to
start for home.*

* Lee's "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 168.

CHAPTER VIII. Smith's Picture Of Himself As Autocrat

Smith's autobiography gives incidentally many interesting

glimpses of the prophet as he exercised his authority of dictator
during the height of his power at Nauvoo. It is fortunate for the
impartial student that these records are at his disposal, because
many of the statements, if made on any other authority, would be
met by the customary Mormon denials, and be considered generally
incredible.

That Smith's life, aside from the constant danger of extradition

which the Missouri authorities held over him, was not an easy one
at this time may readily be imagined. He had his position to
maintain as sole oracle of the church. He was also mayor, judge,
councillor, and lieutenant-general. There were individual
jealousies to be disposed of among his associates, rivalries of
different parts of the city over wished-for improvements to be
considered, demands of the sellers of church lands for payment to
be met, and the claims of politicians to be attended to. But
Smith rarely showed any indication of compromise, apparently
convinced that his position at all points was now more secure
than it had ever been.

The big building enterprises in which the church was engaged were
a heavy tax on the people, and constant urging was necessary to
keep them up to the requirements. Thus we find an advertisement
in the Wasp dated June 25, 1842, and signed by the "Temple
Recorder," saying, "Brethren, remember that your contracts with
your God are sacred; the labor is wanted immediately." Smith
referred to the discontent of the laborers, and to some other
matters, in a sermon on February 21, 1843. The following
quotations are from his own report of it. "If any man working on
the Nauvoo House is hungry, let him come to me and I will feed
him at my table . . . and then if the man is not satisfied I will
kick his backside . . . . This meeting was got up by the Nauvoo
House committee. The Pagans, Roman Catholics, Methodists and
Baptists shall have place in Nauvoo --only they must be ground in
Joe Smith's mill. I have been in their mill . . . and those who
come here must go through my smut machine, and that is my
tongue."* The difficulty of carrying on these building
enterprises at this time was increased by the financial
disturbance that was convulsing the whole country. It was in
these years that Congress was wrestling with the questions of the
deposits of the public funds, the United States Bank, the
subtreasury scheme, and the falling off of customs and land-sale
revenues, with a threatened deficit in the federal treasury. The
break-down of the Bank of the United States caused a general
failure of the banks of the Western and Southern states, and
money was so scarce at Nauvoo that one Mormon writer records the
fact that "when corn was brought to my door at ten cents a
bushel, and sadly needed, the money could not be raised."

* Millennial Star, Vol. XX, p. 583.

The relations between Smith and Rigdon had been strained ever
since the departure of the Mormons from Missouri. The trouble
between them was finally brought before a special conference at
Nauvoo, on October 7, 1843, at which Smith stated that he had
received no material benefits from Rigdon's labors or counsel
since they had left Missouri. He presented complaints against
Rigdon's management of the post-office, brought up a charge that
Rigdon had been in correspondence with General Bennett and
Governor Carlin, and offered "indirect testimony" that Rigdon had
given the Missourians information of Smith's whereabouts at the
time of his last arrest. Rigdon met these accusations, some with
denials and some with explanations, closing with a pitiful appeal
to the all-powerful head of the church, whose nod would decide
the verdict, reciting their long associations and sufferings, and
signifying his willingness to resign his position as councillor
to the First Presidency, but not concealing the pain and
humiliation that such a step would cause him. Smith became
magnanimous. "He expressed entire willingness to have Elder
Rigdon retain his station, provided he would magnify his office,
and walk and conduct himself in all honesty, righteousness and
integrity; but signified his lack of confidence in his integrity
and steadfastness."* This incident once more furnishes proof of
some great power which Smith held over Rigdon that induced the
latter to associate with the prophet on these terms.

* Times and Seasons, Vol. IV, p. 330. H. C. Kimball stated

afterward at Rigdon's church trial that Smith did not accept him
as an adviser after this, but took Amasa Lyman in his place, and
that it was Hyrum Smith who induced his brother to show some
apparent magnanimity.

Smith's creditors finally pressed him so hard that he attempted

to secure aid from the bankruptcy act. In this he did not
succeed,* and he was very bitter in his denunciation of the law
because it was interpreted against him. It was about this time
that Smith, replying to reports of his wealth, declared that his
assets consisted of one old horse, two pet deer, ten turkeys, an
old cow, one old dog, a wife and child, and a little household
furniture. On March 1, 1843, the Council of the Twelve wrote to
the outlying branches of the church, calling on them "to bring to
our President as many loads of wheat, corn, beef, pork, lard,
tallow, eggs, poultry, venison, and everything eatable, at your
command," in order that he might be relieved of business cares
and have time to attend to their spiritual interests. It was
characteristic of Smith to find him, at a conference held the
following month, lecturing the Twelve on their own idleness,
telling them it was not necessary for them to be abroad all the
time preaching and gathering funds, but that they should spend a
part of their time at home earning a living.

* See chapter on this subject in Bennett's "History of the

Saints."

At this same conference Smith was compelled to go into the

details of a transaction which showed of how little practical use
to him were his divining and prophetic powers. A man named Remick
had come to him the previous summer and succeeded in getting from
him a loan of $200 by misrepresentation. Afterward Remick offered
to give him a quit-claim deed for all the land bought of Galland,
as well as the notes which Smith had given to Galland, and
one-half of all the land that Remick owned in Illinois and Iowa,
if Smith would use his influence to build up the city of Keokuk,
Iowa. Smith actually agreed to this in writing. At the conference
he had to explain this whole affair. After alleging that Remick
was a swindler, he said: "I am not so much of a 'Christian' as
many suppose I am. When a man undertakes to ride me for a horse I
feel disposed to kick up, and throw him off and ride him. David
did so, and so did Joshua." *

* Millennial Star, Vol. XX, pp. 758-759.

The old Kirtland business troubles came up to annoy Smith from

time to time, but he always found a way to meet them. While his
writ of habeas corpus was under argument out of the city in 1841,
a man presented to him a five-dollar bill of the Kirtland Bank,
and threatened to sue him on it. As the easiest way to dispose of
this matter, Smith handed the man $5.

Smith's Ohio experience did not lessen his estimation of himself

as an authority on finance. We find him, at the meeting of the
Nauvoo City Council on February 25, 1843, denouncing the state
law of Illinois making property a legal tender for the payment of
debts; asserting that their city charter gave them authority to
enact such local currency laws as did not conflict with the
federal and state constitutions, and continuing:--

"Shall we be such fools as to be governed by their [Illinois]

laws which are unconstitutional? No. We will make a law for gold
and silver; then their law ceases, and we can collect our debts.
Powers not delegated to the states, or reserved from the states,
are constitutional. The constitution acknowledges that the people
have all power not reserved to itself. I am a lawyer. I am a big
lawyer, and comprehend heaven, earth and hell, to bring forth
knowledge that shall cover up all lawyers, doctors and other big
bodies."*

*Ibid., p. 616.

Smith had his way, as usual, and on March 4, the Council passed
unanimously an ordinance making gold and silver the only legal
tender in payment of debts and fines in Nauvoo, and fixing a
punishment for the circulation of counterfeit money. Perhaps this
Council never took a broader view of its legislative authority
than in this instance.

Smith never laid aside his natural inclination for good

fellowship, nor took himself too seriously while posing as a
mouthpiece of the Lord. Along with the entries recording his
predictions he notes such matters as these: "Played ball with the
brethren." "Cut wood all day." A visitor at Nauvoo, in 1843,
describes him as "a jolly fellow, and one of the last persons
whom he would have supposed God would have raised up as a
Prophet."* Josiah Quincy said that Smith seemed to him to have a
keen sense of the humorous aspects of his position. "It seems to
me, General," Quincy said to him, "that you have too much power
to be safely trusted in one man." "In your hands or that of any
other person," was his reply, "so much power would no doubt be
dangerous. I am the only man in the world whom it would be safe
to trust with it. Remember, I am a prophet." "The last five
words," says Quincy, "were spoken in a rich comical aside, as if
in hearty recognition of the ridiculous sound they might have in
the ears of a Gentile."**

* This same idea is presented by a writer in the Millennial Star,

Vol. XVII, p. 820: "When the fact of Smith's divine character
shall burst upon the nations, they will be struck dumb with
wonder and astonishment at the Lord's choice,--the last
individual in the whole world whom they would have chosen."

** "Figures of the Past;" p. 397.

Smith makes this entry on February 20, 1843: "While the

[Municipal] Court was in session, I saw two boys fighting in the
street. I left the business of the court, ran over immediately,
caught one of the boys and then the other, and after giving them
proper instruction, I gave the bystanders a lecture for not
interfering in such cases. I returned to the court, and told them
nobody was allowed to fight in Nauvoo but myself."

In January, 1842, Smith once more became a "storekeeper." Writing

to an absent brother on January 5, 1842, he described his
building, with a salesroom fitted up with shelves and drawers, a
private office, etc. He added that he had a fair stock, "although
some individuals have succeeded in detaining goods to a
considerable amount. I have stood behind the counter all day," he
continued, "dealing out goods as steadily as any clerk you ever
saw."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIX, p. 21.

The following entry is found under date of June 1, 1842: "Sent

Dr. Richards to Carthage on business. On his return, old Charley,
while on a gallop, struck his knees and breast instead of his
feet, fell in the street and rolled over in an instant, and the
doctor narrowly escaped with his life. It was a trick of the
devil to kill my clerk. Similar attacks have been made upon
myself of late, and Satan is seeking our destruction on every
hand."

Smith practically gave up "revealing" during his life in Nauvoo.

At Rigdon's church trial, after Smith's death, President Marks
said, "Brother Joseph told us that he, for the future, whenever
there was a revelation to be presented to the church, would first
present it to the Quorum, and then, if it passed the Quorum, it
should be presented to the church." Strong pressure must have
been exerted upon the prophet to persuade him to consent to such
a restriction, and it is the only instance of the kind that is
recorded during his career. But if he did not "reveal," he could
not be prevented from uttering oral prophecies and giving his
interpretation of the Scriptures. That he had become possessed
with the idea of a speedy ending of this world seems altogether
probable. All through his autobiography he notes reports of
earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, etc., and he gives special
emphasis to accounts that reached him of "showers of flesh and
blood." Under date of February 18, 1843, he notes, "While at
dinner I remarked to my family and friends present that, when the
earth was sanctified and became like a sea of glass, it would be
one great Urim and Thummim, and the Saints could look in it and
see as they are seen." Another of his wise sayings is thus
recorded, "The battle of Gog and Magog will be after the
Millennial."

In some remarks, on April 2, 1843, Smith made the one prediction

that came true, and one which has always given the greatest
satisfaction to the Saints. This was: "I prophesy in the name of
the Lord God that the commencement of the difficulties which will
cause much bloodshed previous to the coming of the Son of man
will be in South Carolina. It may probably arise through the
slave trade." This prediction was afterward amplified so as to
declare that the war between the Northern and Southern states
would involve other nations in Europe, and that the slaves would
rise up against their masters. It would have been better for his
fame had he left the announcement in its original shape.

Such is the picture of Smith the prophet as drawn by himself. Of

the rumors about the Mormons, current in all the counties near
Nauvoo, which cannot be proved by Mormon testimony there were
hundreds.

CHAPTER IX. Smith's Falling Out With Bennett And Higbee

Surprise has been expressed that Smith would permit the newcomer,
General John C. Bennett, to be elected the first mayor of Nauvoo
under the new charter. Much less surprising is the fact that a
falling-out soon occurred between them which led to the
withdrawal of Bennett from the church on May 17, 1842, and made
for the prophet an enemy who pursued him with a method and
vindictiveness that he had not before encountered from any of
those who had withdrawn, or been driven, from the church
fellowship.

The exact nature of the dispute between the two men has never
been explained. That personal jealousy entered into it there is
little doubt. Smith never had submitted to any real division of
his supreme authority, and when Bennett entered the fold as
political lobbyist, mayor, major general, etc., a clash seemed
unavoidable. It was stated, during Rigdon's church trial after
Smith's death, that Bennett declared, at the first conference he
attended at Nauvoo, that he sustained the same position in the
First Presidency that the Holy Ghost does to the Father and the
Son; and that, after Smith's death, Bennett visited Nauvoo, and
proposed to Rigdon that the latter assume Smith's place in the
church, and let Bennett assume that which had been occupied by
Rigdon.*

* Times and Seasons, Vol. V, p. 655.

The Mormon explanation given at the time of Bennett's expulsion
was that some of their travelling elders in the Eastern states
discovered that the general had a wife and family there while he
was paying attention to young ladies in Nauvoo; but a very slight
acquaintance with Smith's ideas on the question of morality at
that time is needed to indicate that this was an afterthought.
The course of the church authorities showed that they were ready
to every way qualified to be a useful citizen. Smith directed the
clerk of the church to permit Bennett to withdraw "if he desires
to do so, and this with the best of feelings toward you and
General Bennett." But as soon as Bennett began his attacks on
Smith the church made haste to withdraw the hand of fellowship
from him, and framed a formal writ of excommunication, and Smith
could not find enough phials of wrath to pour upon him. Thus, in
a statement published in the Times and Seasons of July 1, 1842,
he called Bennett "an impostor and a base adulterer," brought up
the story of his having a wife in Ohio, and charged that he
taught women that it was proper to have promiscuous intercourse
with men.

As soon as Bennett left Nauvoo he began the publication of a

series of letters in the Sangamon (Illinois) Journal, which
purported to give an inside view of the Mormon designs, and the
personal character and practices of the church leaders. These
were widely copied, and seem to have given people in the East
their first information that Smith was anything worse than a
religious pretender. Bennett also started East lecturing on the
same subject, and he published in Boston in the same year a
little book called "History of the Saints; or an Expose of Joe
Smith and Mormonism," containing, besides material which he had
collected, copious extracts from the books of Howe and W. Harris.

Bennett declared that he had never believed in any of the Mormon

doctrines, but that, forming the opinion that their leaders were
planning to set up "a despotic and religious empire" over the
territory included in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and
Missouri, he decided to join them, learn their secrets, and
expose them. Bennett's personal rascality admits of no doubt, and
not the least faith need be placed in this explanation of his
course, which, indeed, is disproved by his later efforts to
regain power in the church. It does seem remarkable, however,
that neither the Lord nor his prophet knew anything about
Bennett's rascality, and that they should select him, among
others, for special mention in the long revelation of January 19,
1841, wherein the Lord calls him "my servant," and directs him to
help Smith "in sending my word to the kings of the people of the
earth." There is no doubt that Bennett obtained an inside view of
Smith's moral, political, and religious schemes, and that, while
his testimony un-corroborated might be questioned, much that he
wrote was amply confirmed.

According to Bennett's statements, Mormon society at Nauvoo was

organized licentiousness. There were "Cyprian Saints," "Chartered
Sisters of Charity," and "Cloistered Saints," or spiritual wives,
all designed to pander to the passions of church members. Of the
system of "spiritual wives" (which was set forth in the
revelation concerning polygamy), Bennett says in his book:

"When an Apostle, High Priest, Elder or Scribe conceives an

affection for a female, and he has satisfactorily ascertained
that she experiences a mutual claim, he communicates
confidentially to the Prophet his affaire du coeur, and requests
him to inquire of the Lord whether or not it would be right and
proper for him to take unto himself the said woman for his
spiritual wife. It is no obstacle whatever to this spiritual
marriage if one or both of the parties should happen to have a
husband or wife already united to them according to the laws of
the land."

Bennett alleged that Smith forced him, at the point of a pistol,

to sign an affidavit stating that Smith had no part in the
practice of the spiritual wife doctrine; but Bennett's later
disclosures went into minute particulars of alleged attempts of
Smith to secure "spiritual wives," a charge which the
commandments to the prophet's wife in the "revelation" on
polygamy amply sustain. A leading illustration cited concerned
the wife of Orson Pratt.* According to the story as told (largely
in Mrs. Pratt's words), Pratt was sent to England on a mission to
get him out of the way, and then Smith used every means in his
power to secure Mrs. Pratt's consent to his plan, but in vain.
Nancy Rigdon, the eldest unmarried daughter of Sidney Rigdon, was
another alleged intended victim of the prophet, and Bennett said
that Smith offered him $500 in cash, or a choice lot, if he would
assist in the plot. One day, when Smith was alone with her, he
pressed his request so hard that she threatened to cry for help.
The continuation of the story is not by General Bennett, but is
taken from a letter to James A. Bennett, he of "Arlington House,"
dated Nauvoo, July 27, 1842, by George W. Robinson, one of
Smith's fellow prisoners in Independence jail, and one of the
generals of the Nauvoo Legion:--

* Ebenezer Robinson says that when Orson Pratt returned from his
mission to England, and learned of the teaching of the spiritual
wife doctrine, his mind gave way. One day he disappeared, and a
search party found him five miles below Nauvoo, hatless, seated
on the bank of the river.--The Return, Vol. II, p. 363.

"She left him with disgust, and came home and told her father of
the transaction; upon which Smith was sent for. He came. She told
the tale in the presence of all the family, and to Smith's face.
I was present. Smith attempted to deny at first, and face her
down with a lie; but she told the facts with so much earnestness,
and the fact of a letter being proved which he had caused to be
written to her on the same subject, the day after the attempt
made on her virtue, breathing the same spirit, and which he had
fondly hoped was destroyed, all came with such force that he
could not withstand the testimony; and he then and there
acknowledged that every word of Miss Rigdon's testimony was true.
Now for his excuse. He wished to ascertain if she was virtuous or
not!"

To offset this damaging attack on Smith, a man named Markham was

induced to make an affidavit assailing Miss Rigdon's character,
which was published in the Wasp. But Markham's own character was
so bad, and the charge caused so much indignation, that the
editor was induced to say that the affidavit was not published by
the prophet's direction.

Bennett's charges aroused great interest among the non-Mormons in

all the counties around Nauvoo, and increased the growing enmity
against Smith's flock which was already aroused by their
political course and their alleged propensity to steal.

A minor incident among those leading up to Smith's final

catastrophe was a quarrel, some time later, between the prophet
and Francis M. Higbee. This resulted in a suit for libel against
Smith, tried in May, 1844, in which much testimony disclosing the
rotten condition of affairs in Nauvoo was given, and in the
arrest of Smith in a suit for $5000 damages. The hearing, on a
writ of habeas corpus, in Smith's behalf, is reported in Times
and Seasons, Vol. V, No. 10. The court (Smith's Municipal Court)
ordered Smith discharged, and pronounced Higbee's character
proved "infamous."

CHAPTER X. The Institution Of Polygamy

The student of the history of the Mormon church to this date, who
seeks an answer to the question, Who originated the idea of
plural marriages among the Mormons? will naturally credit that
idea to Joseph Smith, Jr. The Reorganized Church
(non-polygamist), whose membership includes Smith's direct
descendants, defend the prophet's memory by alleging that "in the
brain of J. C. Bennett was conceived the idea, and in his
practice was the principle first introduced into the church." In
maintaining this ground, however, they contend that "the official
character of President Joseph Smith should be judged by his
official ministrations as set forth in the well authenticated
accepted official documents of the church up to June 27, 1844.
His personal, private conduct should not enter into this
discussion."* The secular investigator finds it necessary to
disregard this warning, and in studying the question he discovers
an incontrovertible mass of testimony to prove that the
"revelation" concerning polygamy was a production of Smith,** was
familiar to the church leaders in Nauvoo, and was lived up to by
them before their expulsion from Illinois.

* Pamphlets Nos. 16 and 46 published by the Reorganized Church.

** "Elder W. W. Phelps said in Salt Lake Tabernacle in 1862 that

while Joseph was translating the Book of Abraham in Kirtland,
Ohio, in 1835, from the papyrus found with the Egyptian mummies,
the Prophet became impressed with the idea that polygamy would
yet become an institution of the Mormon Church. Brigham Young was
present, and was much annoyed at the statement made by Phelps;
but it is highly probable that it was the real secret that the
latter then divulged."--"Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 182.

The Book of Mormon furnishes ample proof that the idea of plural
marriages was as far from any thought of the real "author" of the
doctrinal part of that book as it was from the mind of Rigdon's
fellow-Disciples in Ohio at the time. The declarations on the
subject in the Mormon Bible are so worded that they distinctly
forbid any following of the example of Old Testament leaders like
David and Solomon. In the Book of Jacob ii. 24-28, we find these
commands: "Behold, David and Solomon truly had many wives and
concubines, which thing was abominable before me saith the Lord;
wherefore, thus with the Lord, I have led this people forth out
of the land of Jerusalem, by the power of mine arm, that I might
raise up unto me a righteous branch from the fruit of the loins
of Joseph.

"Wherefore, I, the Lord God, will not suffer that this people
shall do like unto them of old. Wherefore my brethren, hear me,
and hearken to the word of the Lord; for there shall not any man
among you hath save it be one wife; and concubines he shall have
none; for I, the Lord God, delighteth in the chastity of women.
And whoredoms are an abomination before me; thus saith the Lord
of Hosts."

The same view is expressed in the Book of Mosiah, where, among

the sins of King Noah, it is mentioned that "he spent his time in
riotous living with his wives and concubines," and in the Book of
Ether x. 5, where it is said that "Riplakish did not do that
which was right in the sight of the Lord, for he did have many
wives and concubines."

Smith, at the beginning of his career as a prophet, inculcated

the same views on this subject in his "revelations." Thus, in the
one dated at Kirtland, February 9, 1831, it was commanded (Sec.
42), "Thou shalt love thy wife with all thy heart, and shall
cleave unto her and none else; and he that looketh upon a woman
to lust after her shall deny the faith, and shall not have the
spirit, and if he repents not he shall be cast out." In another
"revelation," dated the following month (Sec. 49), it was
declared, "Wherefore it is lawful that he should have one wife,
and they twain shall be one flesh, and all this that the earth
might answer the end of its creation."* These teachings may be
with justness attributed to Rigdon, and we shall see on how
little ground rests a carelessly made charge that he was the
originator of the "spiritual wife" notion.

"It is the strongest proof of the firm hold of a party, whether

religious or political, upon the public mind, when it may offend
with impunity against its own primary principles." MILMAN,
"History of Christianity."

That there was a loosening of the views regarding the marriage

tie almost as soon as Smith began his reign at Kirtland can be
shown on abundant proof. Booth in one of his letters said, " t
has been made known to one who has left his wife in New York
State, that he is entirely free from his wife, and he is at
pleasure to take him a wife from among the Lamanites" (Indians).*
That reports of polygamous practices among the Mormons while they
were in Ohio were current was conceded in the section on
marriage, inserted in the Kirtland edition of the "Book of
Doctrine and Covenants"--"Inasmuch as this Church of Christ has
been reproached with the crime of fornication and polygamy,"
etc.; and is further proved by Smith's denial in the Elders'
Journal,** and by the declaration of the Presidents of the
Seventies, withholding fellowship with any elder "who is guilty
of polygamy."

* Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled."

** p. 157, ante.

Of the enmity of the higher powers toward transgressors of the

law of morality of this time, we find an amusing (some will say
shocking) mention in Smith's "revelation" of October 25, 1831
(Sec. 66). This "revelation" (announced as the words of "the Lord
your Redeemer, the Saviour of the world") was addressed to W. E.
McLellin (who was soon after "rebuked" by the prophet for
attempting to have a "revelation" on his own account). It
declared that McLellin was "blessed for receiving mine
everlasting covenant," directed him to go forth and preach, gave
him power to heal the sick, and then added, "Commit no adultery,
a temptation with which thou hast been troubled." Could religious
bouffe go to greater lengths?

Testimony as to the liberal Mormon view of the marriage relation

while the church was in Missouri is found in the case of one
Lyon, reported by Smith on page 148 of Vol. XVI of the Millennial
Star. Lyon was the presiding high priest of one of the outlying
branches of the church. Desiring to marry a Mrs. Jackson, whose
husband was absent in the East, Lyon announced a "revelation,"
ordering the marriage to take place, telling her that he knew by
revelation that her husband was dead. He gained her consent in
this way, but, before the ceremony was performed, Jackson
returned home, and, learning of Lyon's conduct, he had him
brought before the authorities for trial. The high priest was
found guilty enough to be deposed from his office, but not from
his church membership.

There is abundant testimony from Mormon sources to show that the

doctrine of polygamy, with the "spiritual wife" adjunct, was
practised in Nauvoo for some time before Joseph Smith's death. A
very orthodox Mormon witness on this point is Eliza R. Snow. In
her biography of her brother, Lorenzo Snow,* the recent head of
the church, she gives this account of her connection with
polygamy:

* "This biography and autobiography of my brother Lorenzo Snow

has been written as a tribute of sisterly affection for him, and
as a token of sincere respect to his family. It is designed to be
handed down in lineal descent, from generation to generation,--to
be preserved as a family memorial."--Extract from the preface.

"While my brother was absent on this [his first] mission to

Europe [1840-1843], changes had taken place with me, one of
eternal import, of which I supposed him to be entirely ignorant.
The Prophet Joseph had taught me the principle of plural or
celestial marriage, and I was married to him for time and
eternity. In consequence of the ignorance of most of the Saints,
as well as people of the world, on this subject, it was not
mentioned, only privately between the few whose minds were
enlightened on the subject. Not knowing how my brother [he
returned on April 12, 1843] would receive it, I did not feel at
liberty, and did not wish to assume the responsibility, of
instructing him in the principle of plural marriage .... I
informed my husband [the prophet] of the situation, and requested
him to open the subject to my brother. A favorable opportunity
soon presented, and, seated together on the bank of the
Mississippi River, they had a most interesting conversation. The
prophet afterward told me he found that my brother's mind had
been previously enlightened on the subject in question. That
Comforter which Jesus says shall I lead unto all truth had
penetrated his understanding, and, while in England, had given
him an intimation of what at that time was to many a secret. This
was the result of living near the Lord.

"It was at the private interview referred to above that the

Prophet Joseph unbosomed his heart, and described the trying
ordeal he experienced in overcoming the repugnance of his
feelings, the natural result of the force of education and social
custom, relative to the introduction of plural marriage. He knew
the voice of God--he knew the command of the Almighty to him was
to go forward--to set the example and establish celestial plural
marriage .... Yet the prophet hesitated and deferred from time to
time, until an angel of God stood by him with a drawn sword, and
told him that, unless he moved forward and established plural
marriage, his priesthood would be taken from him and he should be
destroyed. This testimony he not only bore to my brother, but
also to others."*

* "Biography of Lorenzo Snow" (1884), pp. 68-70. Young married

some of Smith's spiritual widows after the prophet's death, and
four of them, including Eliza Snow, appear in Crockwell's
illustrated "Biographies of Young's Wives," published in Utah.

Catherine Lewis, who, after passing two years with the Mormons,
escaped from Nauvoo, after taking the preliminary degrees of the
endowment, says: "The Twelve took Joseph's wives after his death.
Kimball and Young took most of them; the daughter of Kimball was
one of Joseph's wives. I heard her say to her mother: 'I will
never be sealed to my father [meaning as a wife], and I would
never have been sealed [married] to Joseph had I known it was
anything more than ceremony. I was young, and they deceived me by
saying the salvation of our whole family depended on it.' The
Apostles said they only took Joseph's wives to raise up children,
carry them through to the next world, and there deliver them up
to him; by so doing they would gain his approbation."--"Narrative
of Some of the Proceedings of the Mormons."
Smith's versatility as a fabricator seems to give him a leading
place in that respect in the record of mankind. Snow says that he
asked the prophet to set him right if he should see him indulging
in any practice that might lead him astray, and the prophet
assured him that he would never be guilty of any serious error.
"It was one of Snow's peculiarities," observes his sister, "to do
nothing by halves"; and he exemplified this in this instance by
having two wives "sealed" to him at the same time in 1845, adding
two more very soon afterward, and another in 1848. "It was
distinctly understood," says his sister, "and agreed between
them, that their marriage relations should not, for the time
being, be divulged to the world."

The testimony of John D. Lee in regard to the practice of

polygamy in Illinois is very circumstantial, and Lee was a
conscientious polygamist to the day of his death. He says* that
he was directed in this matter by principle and not by passion,
and goes on to explain:--

* "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 200

"In those days I did not always make due allowance for the
failings of the weaker vessels. I then expected perfection in all
women. I know now that I was foolish in looking for that in
anything human. I have, for slight offences, turned away
good-meaning young women that had been sealed to me, and refused
to hear their excuses, but sent them away brokenhearted. In this
I did wrong. I have regretted the same in sorrow for many years
.... Should my history ever fall into the hands of Emeline
Woolsey or Polly Ann Workman, I wish them to know that, with my
last breath, I asked God to pardon me the wrong I did them, when
I drove them from me, poor young girls as they were"

Lee says that in the winter of 1843-1844 Smith set one Sidney Hay
Jacobs to writing a pamphlet giving selections from the
Scriptures bearing on the practice of polygamy and advocating
that doctrine. The appearance of this pamphlet created so much
unfavorable comment (even Hyrum Smith denouncing it "as from
beneath") that Joseph deemed it best to condemn it in the Wasp,
although men in his confidence were busy advocating its
teachings.

The "revelation" sanctioning plural marriages is dated July 12,

1843, and Lee says that Smith "dared not proclaim it publicly,"
but taught it "confidentially," urging his followers "to
surrender themselves to God" for their salvation; and "in the
winter of 1845, meetings were held all over the city of Nauvoo,
and the spirit of Elijah was taught in the different families, as
a foundation to the order of celestial marriage, as well as the
law of adoption."* The Saints were also taught that Gentiles had
no right to perform the marriage ceremony, and that their former
marriage relations were invalid, and that they could be "sealed"
to new wives under the authority of the church.

*"Mormonism Unveiled," p. 165.

Lee gives a complete record of his plural marriages, which is

interesting, showing how the business was conducted at the start.
His second wife, the daughter of a wealthy farmer near Quincy,
Illinois, was "sealed" to him in Nauvoo in 1845, after she had
been an inmate of his house for three months. His third and
fourth wives were "sealed" to him soon after, but Young took a
fancy to wife No. 3 (who had borne Lee a son), and, after much
persuasion, she was "sealed" to Young. At this same "sealing" Lee
took wife No. 4, a girl whom he had baptized in Tennessee. In the
spring of 1845 two sisters of his first wife AND THEIR MOTHER
were "sealed" to him; he married the mother, he says, "for the
salvation of her eternal state." At the completion of the Nauvoo
Temple he took three more wives. At Council Bluffs, in 1847,
Brigham Young "sealed" him to three more, two of them sisters, in
one night, and he secured the fourteenth soon after, the
fifteenth in 1851, the sixteenth in 1856, the seventeenth in 1858
("a dashing young bride"), the eighteenth in 1859, and the
nineteenth and last in Salt Lake City. He says he claimed "only
eighteen true wives," as he married Mrs. Woolsey "for her soul's
sake, and she was nearly sixty years old." By these wives he had
sixty-four children, of whom fifty-four were living when his book
was written.

Ebenezer Robinson, explaining in the Return a statement signed by

him and his wife in October, 1842, to offset Bennett's charges,
in which they declared that they "knew of no other form of
marriage ceremony" except the one in the "Book of Doctrine and
Covenants," said that this statement was then true, as the heads
of the church had not yet taught the new system to others. But
they had heard it talked of, and the prophet's brother, Don
Carlos, in June, 1841, had said to Robinson, "Any man who will
teach and practise spiritual wifery will go to hell, no matter if
it is my brother Joseph." Hyrum Smith, who first opposed the
doctrine, went to Robinson's house in December, 1843, and taught
the system to him and his wife. Robinson was told of the
"revelation" to Joseph a few days after its date, and just as he
was leaving Nauvoo on a mission to New York. He, Law, and William
Marks opposed the innovation. He continues: "We returned home
from that mission the latter part of November, 1843. Soon after
our return, I was told that when we were gone the 'revelation'
was presented to and read in the High Council in Nauvoo, three of
the members of which refused to accept it as from the Lord,
President Marks, Cowles, and Counsellor Leonard Soby." Cowles at
once resigned from the High Council and the Presidency of the
church at Nauvoo, and was looked on as a seceder.

Robinson gives convincing testimony that, as early as 1843, the

ceremonies of the Endowment House were performed in Nauvoo by a
secret organization called "The Holy Order," and says that in
June, 1844, he saw John Taylor clad in an endowment robe. He
quotes a letter to himself from Orson Hyde, dated September 19,
1844, in which Hyde refers guardedly to the new revelation and
the "Holy Order" as "the charge which the prophet gave us,"
adding, "and we know that Elder Rigdon does not know what it
was." *

* The Return, Vol. II, p. 252.

We may find the following references to this subject in Smith's

diary: "April 29, 1842. The Lord makes manifest to me many things
which it is not wisdom for me to make public until others can
witness the proof of them."

"May 1. I preached in the grove on the Keys of the Kingdom, etc.

The Keys are certain signs and words by which the false spirits
and personages can be detected from true, and which cannot be
revealed to the Elders till the Temple is completed."

"May 4. I spent the day in the upper part of my store . . . in

council with (Hyrum, Brigham Young and others) instructing them
in the principles and order of the Priesthood, attending to
washings, anointings, endowments . . . . The communications I
made to this Council were of things spiritual, and to be received
only by the spiritually minded; and there was nothing made known
to these men but what will be made known to all the Saints of the
last days as soon as they are prepared to receive, and a proper
place is prepared to communicate them." *

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIX, pp. 390-393.

In one of Smith's dissertations, which are inserted here and

there in his diary, is the following under date of August,
1842:--

"If we seek first the kingdom of God, all good things will be
added. So with Solomon. First he asked wisdom and God gave it to
him, and with it every desire of his heart, even things which
might be considered abominable to all who understand the order of
heaven only in part, but which in reality were right, because God
gave and sanctioned them by special revelation." *

* Millennial Star, Vol. XIX, p. 774.

While the Mormon leaders, Lorenzo Snow and others, were in the
Utah penitentiary after conviction under the Edmunds antipolygamy
law, refusing pardons on condition that they would give up the
practice of polygamy, the Deseret News of May 20, 1886, printed
an affidavit made on February 16, 1874, at the request of Joseph
F. Smith, by William Clayton, who was a clerk in the prophet's
office in Nauvoo and temple recorder, to show the world that "the
martyred prophet is responsible to God and the world for this
doctrine." The affidavit recites that while Clayton and the
prophet were taking a walk, in February, 1843, Smith first
broached to him the subject of plural marriages, and told him
that the doctrine was right in the sight of God, adding, "It is
your privilege to have all the wives you want." He gives the
names of a number of the wives whom Smith married at this time,
adding that his wife Emma "was cognizant of the fact of some, if
not all, of these being his wives, and she generally treated them
very kindly." He says that on July 12, 1843, Hyrum offered to
read the "revelation" to Emma if the prophet would write it out,
saying, "I believe I can convince her of its truth, and you will
hereafter have peace." Joseph smiled, and remarked, "You do not
know Emma as well as I do," but he thereupon dictated the
"revelation" and Clayton wrote it down. An examination of its
text will show how largely it was devoted to Emma's subjugation.
When Hyrum returned from reading it to the prophet's lawful wife,
he said that "he had never received a more severe talking to in
his life; that Emma was very bitter and full of resentment and
anger." Joseph repeated his remark that his brother did not know
Emma as well as he did, and, putting the "revelation" into his
pocket, they went out. *

* Jepson's "Historical Record," Vol. VI, pp. 233-234, gives the

names of twenty-seven women who, "besides a few others about whom
we have been unable to get all the necessary information, were
sealed to the Prophet Joseph during the last three years of his
life."

"At the present time," says Stenhouse ("Rocky Mountain Saints"),

p. 185, "there are probably about a dozen sisters in Utah who
proudly acknowledge themselves to be the `wives of Joseph, 'and
how many others there may be who held that relationship no man
knoweth.'"
At the conference in Salt Lake City on August 28, 1852, at which
the first public announcement of the revelation was made, Brigham
Young said in the course of his remarks: "Though that doctrine
has not been preached by the Elders, this people have believed in
it for many years.* The original copy of this revelation was
burned up. William Clayton was the man who wrote it from the
mouth of the Prophet. In the meantime it was in Bishop Whitney's
possession. He wished the privilege to copy it, which brother
Joseph granted. Sister Emma burnt the original." The
"revelation," he added, had been locked up for years in his desk,
on which he had a patent lock.**

* As evidence that polygamy was not countenanced by Smith and his

associates in Nauvoo, there has been cited a notice in the Times
and Seasons of February, 1844, signed by Joseph and Hyrum Smith,
cutting off an elder named Brown for preaching "polygamy and
other false and corrupt doctrines," and a letter of Hyrum, dated
March 15, 1844, threatening to deprive of his license and
membership any elder who preached "that a man having a certain
priesthood may have as many wives as he pleases." The Deseret
News of May 20, 1886, noticing these and other early denials,
justifies the falsehoods, saying that "Jesus enjoined his
Disciples on several occasions to keep to themselves principles
that he made known to them," that the "Book of Doctrine and
Covenants" gave the same instruction, and that the elders, as the
"revelation" was not yet promulgated, "were justified in denying
those imputations, and at the same time avoiding the avowal of
such doctrines as were not yet intended for this world." P. P.
Pratt flatly denied, in England, in 1846, that any such doctrine
was known or practised by the Saints, and John Taylor (afterward
the head of the church), in a discussion in France in July, 1850,
declared that "these things are too outrageous to admit of
belief." The latter false statements would be covered by the
excuse of the Deseret News.

** Deseret News, extra, September 14, 1852. Young declared in a

sermon in Salt Lake City in July, 1855, that he was among the
doubters when the prophet revealed the new doctrine, saying: "It
was the first time in my life that I desired the grave, and I
could hardly get over it for a long time . . . . And I have had
to examine myself from that day to this, and watch my faith and
carefully meditate, lest I should be found desiring the grave
more than I ought to." His examinations proved eminently
successful.
Further proof is not needed to show that this doctrine was the
offspring of Joseph Smith, and that its original object was to
grant him unrestricted indulgence of his passions.

Justice to Sidney Rigdon requires that his memory should be

cleared of the charge, which has been made by more than one
writer, that the spiritual wife doctrine was of his invention.
There is the strongest evidence to show that it was Smith's
knowledge that he could not win Rigdon over to polygamy which
made the prophet so bitter against his old counsellor, and that
it was Rigdon's opposition to the new doctrine that made Young so
determined to drive him out of church after the prophet's death.

When Rigdon returned to Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, to establish his

own Mormon church there, he began in October, 1844, the
publication of a revived Latter-Day Saints' Messenger and
Advocate. Stating "the greater cause" of the opposition of the
leaders of Nauvoo to him, in an editorial, he said:--

"Know then that the so-called Twelve Apostles at Nauvoo are now
teaching the doctrine of what is called Spiritual Wives; that a
man may have more wives than one; and they are not only teaching
it, but practising it, and this doctrine is spreading alarmingly
through that apostate branch of the church of Latter-Day Saints.
Their greatest objection to us was our opposition to this
doctrine, knowing, as they did, that we had got the fact in
possession. It created alarm, great alarm; every effort was made
while we were there to effect something that might screen them
from the consequence of exposure . . . .

"This doctrine of a man having more wives than one is the cause
which has induced these men to put at defiance the ecclesiastical
arrangements of the church, and, what is equally criminal, to do
despite unto the moral excellence of the doctrine and covenants
of the church, setting up an order of things of their own, in
violation of all the rules and regulations known to the Saints."

In the same editorial Rigdon prints a statement by a gentleman

who was at Nauvoo at the time, and for whose veracity he vouches,
which said, "It was said to me by many that they had no objection
to Elder Rigdon but his opposition to the spiritual wife system."

Benjamin Winchester, who was one of the earliest missionaries

sent out from Kirtland, adds this testimony in a letter to Elder
John Hardy of Boston, Massachusetts, whose trial in 1844 for
opposing the spiritual wife doctrine occasioned wide comment:

"As regards the trial of Elder Rigdon at Nauvoo, it was a forced

affair, got up by the Twelve to get him out of their way, that
they might the better arrogate to themselves higher authority
than they ever had, or anybody ever dreamed they would have; and
also (as they perhaps hope) to prevent a complete expose of the
spiritual wife system, which they knew would deeply implicate
themselves."
CHAPTER XI. Public Announcement Of The Doctrine Of Polygamy

Athough there was practically no concealment of the practice of

polygamy by the Mormons resident in Utah after their arrival
there, it was not until five years from that date that open
announcement was made by the church of the important
"revelation." This "revelation" constitutes Sec. 132 of the
modern edition of the "Book of Doctrine and Covenants," and bears
this heading: "Revelation on the Eternity of the Marriage
Covenant, including Plurality of Wives. Given through Joseph, the
Seer, in Nauvoo, Hancock County, Illinois, July 12, 1843." All
its essential parts are as follows:

"Verily, thus saith the Lord unto you, my servant Joseph, that
inasmuch as you have inquired of my hand, to know and understand
wherein I, the Lord, justified my servants Abraham, Isaac and
Jacob; as also Moses, David and Solomon, my servants, as touching
the principle and doctrine of their having many wives and
concubines:

"Behold! and lo, I am the Lord thy God, and will answer thee as
touching this matter:

"Therefore, prepare thy heart to receive and obey the

instructions which I am about to give unto you; for all those who
have this law revealed unto them must obey the same;

"For behold! I reveal unto you a new and an everlasting covenant;

and if ye abide not that covenant, then are ye damned; for no one
can reject this covenant, and be permitted to enter into my
glory;

"For all who will have a blessing at my hands shall abide the law
which was appointed for that blessing, and the conditions
thereof, as were instituted from before the foundation of the
world:

"And as pertaining to the new and everlasting covenant, it was

instituted for the fullness of my glory; and he that receiveth a
fullness thereof, must and shall abide the law, or he shall be
damned, saith the Lord God.

"And verily I say unto you, that the conditions of this law are
these: All covenants, contracts, bonds, obligations, oaths, vows,
performances, connections, associations, or expectations, that
are not made, and entered into, and sealed, by the Holy Spirit of
promise, of him who is anointed, both as well for time and for
all eternity, and that too most holy, by revelation and
commandment through the medium of mine anointed, whom I have
appointed on the earth to hold this power (and I have appointed
unto my servant Joseph to hold this power in the last days, and
there is never but one on the earth at a time, on whom this power
and the keys of this Priesthood are conferred), are of no
efficacy, virtue, or force, in and after the resurrection from
the dead; for all contracts that are not made unto this end, have
an end when men are dead . . . .
"I am the Lord thy God, and I give unto you this commandment,
that no man shall come unto the Father but by me, or by my word,
which is my law, saith the Lord; . . .

"Therefore, if a man marry him a wife in the world, and he marry

her not by me, nor by my word; and he covenant with her so long
as he is in the world, and she with him, their covenant and
marriage are not of force when they are dead, and when they are
out of the world; therefore, they are not bound by any law when
they are out of the world;

"Therefore, when they are out of the world, they neither marry,
nor are given in marriage; but are appointed angels in heaven,
which angels are ministering servants, to minister for those who
are worthy of a far more, and an exceeding, and an eternal weight
of glory;

"For these angels did not abide my law, therefore they cannot be
enlarged, but remain separately and singly, without exaltation,
in their saved condition, to all eternity, and from henceforth
are not Gods, but are angels of God, for ever and ever.

"And again, verily I say unto you, if a man marry a wife, and
make a covenant with her for time and for all eternity, if that
covenant is not by me, or by my word, which is my law, and is not
sealed by the Holy Spirit of promise, through him whom I have
anointed, and appointed unto this power--then it is not valid,
neither of force when they are out of the world, because they are
not joined by me, saith the Lord, neither by my word; when they
are out of the world, it cannot be received there, because the
angels and the Gods are appointed there, by whom they cannot
pass; they cannot, therefore, inherit my glory, for my house is a
house of order, saith the Lord God.

"And again, verily I say unto you, if a man marry a wife by my

word, which is my law, and by the new and everlasting covenant,
and it is sealed unto them by the Holy Spirit of promise, by him
who is anointed, unto whom I have appointed this power, and the
keys of this Priesthood; and it shall be said unto them, ye shall
come forth in the first resurrection; and if it be after the
first resurrection, in the next resurrection; and shall inherit
thrones, kingdoms, principalities, and powers, dominions, all
heights and depths--then shall it be written in the Lamb's Book
of Life, that he shall commit no murder whereby to shed innocent
blood, and if ye abide in my covenant, and commit no murder
whereby to shed innocent blood, it shall be done unto them in all
things whatsoever my servant hath put upon them, in time, and
through all eternity, and shall be of full force when they are
out of the world; and they shall pass by the angels, and the
Gods, which are set there, to their exaltation and glory in all
things, as hath been sealed upon their heads, which glory shall
be a fullness and a continuation of the seeds for ever and ever.

"Then shall they be Gods, because they have no end; therefore

shall they be from everlasting to everlasting, because they
continue; then shall they be above all, because all things are
subject unto them. Then shall they be Gods, because they have all
power, and the angels are subject unto them.
"Verily, verily I say unto you, except ye abide my law, ye cannot
attain to this glory; . . .

"And verily, verily I say unto you, that whatsoever you seal on
earth, shall be sealed in Heaven; and whatsoever you bind on
earth, in my name, and by my word, with the Lord, it shall be
eternally bound in the heavens; and whosesoever sins you remit on
earth shall be remitted eternally in the heavens; and whosesoever
sins you retain on earth, shall be retained in heaven.

"And again, verily I say, whomsoever you bless, I will bless, and
whomsoever you curse, I will curse, with the Lord; for I, the
Lord, am thy God . . . .

"Verily I say unto you, a commandment I give unto mine handmaid,

Emma Smith, your wife, whom I have given unto you, that she stay
herself, and partake not of that which I commanded you to offer
unto her; for I did it, saith the Lord, to prove you all, as I
did Abraham; and that I might require an offering at your hand,
by covenant and sacrifice.

"And let mine handmaid, Emma Smith, receive all those that have
been given unto my servant Joseph, and who are virtuous and pure
before me; and those who are not pure, and have said they were
pure, shall be destroyed, with the Lord God;

"For I am the Lord, thy God, and ye shall obey my voice; and I
give unto my servant Joseph that he shall be made ruler over many
things, for he hath been faithful over a few things, and from
henceforth I will strengthen him.

"And I command mine handmaid, Emma Smith, to abide and cleave

unto my servant Joseph, and to none else. But if she will not
abide this commandment, she shall be destroyed, saith the Lord;
for I am the Lord thy God, and will destroy her, if she abide not
in my law;

"But if she will not abide this commandment, then shall my

servant Joseph do all things for her, even as he hath said; and I
will bless him and multiply him, and give unto him an hundred
fold in this world, of fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters,
houses and lands, wives and children, and crowns of eternal lives
in the eternal worlds.

"And again, verily I say, let mine handmaid forgive my servant

Joseph his trespasses; and then shall she be forgiven her
trespasses, wherein she has trespassed against me; and I, the
Lord thy God, will bless her, and multiply her, and make her
heart to rejoice . . . .

"And again, as pertaining to the law of the priesthood, if any

man espouse a virgin, and desire to espouse another, and the
first give her consent; and if he espouse the second, and they
are virgins, and have vowed to no other man, then is he
justified; he cannot commit adultery, for they are given unto
him; for he cannot commit adultery. with that that belongeth unto
him and to no one else.
"And if he have ten virgins given unto him by this law, he cannot
commit adultery, for they belong to him, and they are given unto
him, therefore is he justified.

"But if one or either of the ten virgins, after she is espoused,

shall be with another man; she has committed adultery, and shall
be destroyed; for they are given unto him to multiply and
replenish the earth, according to my commandment, and to fulfill
the promise which was given by my Father before the foundation of
the world; and for their exaltation in the eternal worlds, that
they may bear the souls of men; for herein is the work of my
Father continued, that he may be glorified.

"And again, verily, verily I say unto you, if any man have a wife
who holds the keys of this power, and he teacheth unto her the
law of my priesthood, as pertaining to these things, then shall
she believe, and administer unto him, or she shall be destroyed,
saith the Lord your God, for I will destroy her; for I will
magnify my name upon all those who receive and abide in my law.

"Therefore, it shall be lawful in me, if she receive not this

law, for him to receive all things, whatsoever I, the Lord his
God, will give unto him, because she did not administer unto him
according to my word; and she then becomes the transgressor; and
he is exempt from the law of Sarah; who administered unto Abraham
according to the law, when I commanded Abraham to take Hagar to
wife.

"And now, as pertaining to this law, verily, verily I say unto

you, I will reveal more unto you, hereafter; therefore, let this
suffice for the present. Behold, I am Alpha and Omega. Amen."

This jumble of doctrinal and family commands bears internal

evidence of the truth of Clayton's account of its offhand
dictation with a view to its immediate submission to the
prophet's wife, who was already in a state of rebellion because
of his infidelities.

The publication of the "revelation" was made at a Church

Conference which opened in Salt Lake City on August 28, 1852, and
was called especially to select elders for missionary work.* At
the beginning of the second day's session Orson Pratt announced
that, unexpectedly, he had been called on to address the
conference on the subject of a plurality of wives. "We shall
endeavor," he said, "to set forth before this enlightened
assembly some of the causes why the Almighty has revealed such a
doctrine, and why it is considered a part and portion of our
religious faith."

*For text of the addresses at this conference, see Deseret News,

extra, September 14, 1852.

He then took up the attitude of the church, as a practiser of

this doctrine, toward the United States government, saying:--

"I believe that they will not, under our present form of
government (I mean the government of the United States), try us
for treason for believing and practising our religious notions
and ideas. I think, if I am not mistaken, that the constitution
gives the privilege to all of the inhabitants of this country, of
the free exercise of their religious notions, and the freedom of
their faith and the practice of it. Then, if it can be proved to
a demonstration that the Latter-Day Saints have actually
embraced, as a part and portion of their religion, the doctrine
of a plurality of wives, it is constitutional. And should there
ever be laws enacted by this government to restrict them from the
free exercise of their religion, such laws must be
unconstitutional"

Thus, at this early date in the history of Utah, was stated the
Mormon doctrine of the constitutional foundation of this belief,
and, in the views then stated, may be discovered the reason for
the bitter opposition which the Mormon church is still making to
a constitutional amendment specifically declaring that polygamy
is a violation of the fundamental law of the United States.

Pratt then spoke at great length on the necessity and

rightfulness of polygamy. Taking up the doctrine of a previous
existence of all souls and a kind of nobility among the spirits,
he said that the most likely place for the noblest spirits to
take their tabernacles was among the Saints, and he continued:--
"Now let us inquire what will become of those individuals who
have this law taught unto them in plainness, if they reject it."
(A voice in the stand "They will be damned.") "I will tell you.
They will be damned, saith the Lord, in the revelation he hath
given. Why? Because, where much is given, much is required. Where
there is great knowledge unfolded for the exaltation, glory and
happiness of the sons and daughters of God, if they close up
their hearts, if they reject the testimony of his word and will,
and do not give heed to the principles he has ordained for their
good, they are worthy of damnation, and the Lord has said they
shall be damned."

After Brigham Young had made a statement concerning the history

of the "revelation," already referred to, the "revelation" itself
was read.

The Millennial Star (Liverpool) published the proceedings of this

conference in a supplement to its Volume XV, and the text of the
"revelation" in its issue of January 1, 1853, saying editorially
in the next number:--

"None [of the revelations] seem to penetrate so deep, or be so

well calculated to shake to its very center the social structure
which has been reared and vainly nurtured by this professedly
wise and Christian generation; none more conclusively exhibit how
surely an end must come to all the works, institutions,
ordinances and covenants of men; none more portray the eternity
of God's purpose--and, we may say, none have carried so mighty an
influence, or had the power to stamp their divinity upon the mind
by absorbing every feeling of the soul, to the extent of the one
which has appeared in our last."

With the Mormon church in England, however, the publication of

the new doctrine proved a bombshell, as is shown by the fact that
2164 excommunications in the British Isles were reported to the
semi-annual conference of December 31, 1852, and 1776 to the
conference of the following June.

The doctrine of "sealing" has been variously stated. According to

one early definition, the man and the woman who are to be
properly mated are selected in heaven in a pre-existent state;
if, through a mistake in an earthly marriage, A has got the
spouse intended for B, the latter may consider himself a husband
to Mrs. A. Another early explanation which may be cited was thus
stated by Henry Rowe in the Boston Investigator of, February 3,
1845:--

"The spiritual wife doctrine I will explain, as taught me by

Elder W--e, as taught by Joseph Smith, Brigham Young, Elder
Adams, William Smith, and the rest of the Quorum, etc., etc.
Joseph had a revelation from God that there were a number of
spirits to be born into the world before their exaltation in the
next; that Christ would not come until all these spirits received
or entered their 'tabernacles of clay'; that these spirits were
hovering around the world, and at the door of bad houses,
watching a chance of getting into their tabernacles; that God had
provided an honorable way for them to come forth--that was, by
the Elders in Israel sealing up virtuous women; and as there was
no provision made for woman in the Scriptures, their only chance
of heaven was to be sealed up to some Elder for time and
eternity, and be a star in his crown forever; that those who were
the cause of bringing forth these spirits would receive a reward,
the ratio of which reward should be the greater or less according
to the number they were the means of bringing forth."

Brigham Young's definition of "spiritual wifeism" was thus

expressed: "And I would say, as no man can be perfect without the
woman, so no woman can be perfect without a man to lead her. I
tell you the truth as it is in the bosom of eternity; and I say
to every man upon the face of the earth, if he wishes to be
saved, he cannot be saved without a woman by his side. This is
spiritual wifeism, that is, the doctrine of spiritual wives."*

* Times and Seasons, Vol. VI, p. 955.

The Mormon, under polygamy, was taught that he "married" for

time, but was "sealed" for eternity. The "sealing" was therefore
the more important ceremony, and was performed in the Endowment
House, with the accompaniment of secret oaths and mystic
ceremonies. If a wife disliked her husband, and wished to be
"sealed" to a man of her choice, the Mormon church would marry
her to the latter*--a marriage made actual in every sense--if he
was acceptable as a Mormon; and, if the first husband also wanted
to be "sealed" to her, the church would perform a mock ceremony
to satisfy this husband. "It is impossible," says Hyde, "to state
all the licentiousness, under the name of religion, that these
sealing ordinances have occasioned." **

* One of Stenhouse's informants about the "reformation" of 1856

in Utah writes: "It was hinted, and secretly taught by authority,
that women should form relations with more than one man." On this
Stenhouse says: "The author has no personal knowledge, from the
present leaders of the church, of this teaching; but he has often
heard that something would then be taught which 'would test the
brethren as much as polygamy had tried the sisters."'--"Rocky
Mountain Saints," p. 301.

** "Mormonism," p. 84.

A Mormon preacher never hesitated to go to any lengths in

justifying the doctrine of plural marriages. One illustration of
this may suffice. Orson Hyde, in a discourse in the Salt Lake
Tabernacle in March, 1857, made the following argument to support
a claim that Jesus Christ was a polygamist:--

"It will be borne in mind that, once on a time, there was a

marriage in Cana of Galilee; and on a careful reading of that
transaction it will be discovered that no less a person than
Jesus Christ was married on that occasion. If he was never
married, his intimacy with Mary and Martha, and the other Mary
also, whom Jesus loved, must have been highly unbecoming and
improper, to say the best of it. I will venture to say that, if
Jesus Christ was now to pass through the most pious countries in
Christendom, with a train of women such as used to follow him,
fondling about him, combing his hair, anointing him with precious
ointments, washing his feet with tears and wiping them with the
hair of their heads, and unmarried, or even married, he would be
mobbed, tarred and feathered, and rode, not on an ass, but on a
rail . . . . Did he multiply, and did he see his seed? Did he
honor his Father's law by complying with it, or did he not?
Others may do as they like, but I will not charge our Saviour
with neglect or transgression in this or any other duty."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. IV, p. 259.

The doctrine of "adoption," referred to, taught that the direct

line of the true priesthood was broken with the death of Christ's
apostles, and that the rights of the lineage of Abraham could be
secured only by being "adopted" by a modern apostle, all of whom
were recognized as lineal descendants of Abraham. Recourse was
here had to the Scriptures, and Romans iv. 16 was quoted to
sustain this doctrine. The first "adoptions" took place in the
Nauvoo Temple. Lee was "adopted to" Brigham Young, and Young's
and Lee's children were then "adopted" to their own fathers.

With this necessary explanation of the introduction of polygamy,

we may take up the narrative of events at Nauvoo.

CHAPTER XII. The Suppression Of The Expositor

Smith was now to encounter a kind of resistance within the church

that he had never met. In all previous apostasies, where members
had dared to attack his character or question his authority, they
had been summarily silenced, and in most cases driven at once out
of the Mormon community. But there were men at Nauvoo above the
average of the Mormon convert as regards intelligence and wealth,
who refused to follow the prophet in his new doctrine regarding
marriage, and whose opposition took the very practical shape of
the establishment of a newspaper in the Mormon city to expose him
and to defend themselves.

In his testimony in the Higbee trial Smith had accused a

prominent Mormon, Dr. R. D. Foster, of stealing and of gross
insults to women. Dr. Foster, according to current report, had
found Smith at his house, and had received from his wife a
confession that Smith had been persuading her to become one of
his spiritual wives.*

* "At the May, 1844, term of the Hancock Circuit Court two
indictments were found against Smith by the grand jury--one for
adultery and one for perjury. To the surprise of all, on the
Monday following, the Prophet appeared in court and demanded that
he be tried on the last-named indictment. The prosecutor not
being ready, a continuance was entered to the next term."--GREGG,
"History of Hancock County," p. 301.

Among the leading members of the church at Nauvoo at this time

were two brothers, William and Wilson Law. They were Canadians,
and had brought considerable property with them, and in the
"revelation" of January 19, 1841, William Law was among those who
were directed to take stock in Nauvoo House, and was named as one
of the First Presidency, and was made registrar of the
University. Wilson Law was a regent of the University and a major
general of the Legion. General Law had been an especial favorite
of Smith. In writing to him while in hiding from the Missouri
authorities in 1842, Smith says, "I love that soul that is so
nobly established in that clay of yours." * At the conference of
April, 1844, Hyrum Smith said: "I wish to speak about Messrs.
Law's steam mill. There has been a great deal of bickering about
it. The mill has been a great benefit to the city. It has brought
in thousands who would not have come here. The Messrs. Law have
sunk their capital and done a great deal of good. It is out of
character to cast any aspersions on the Messrs. Law."

* Millennial Star, Vol. XX, p. 695.

Dr. Foster, the Laws, and Counsellor Sylvester Emmons became

greatly stirred up about the spiritual wife doctrine, and the
effort of Smith and those in his confidence to teach and enforce
the doctrine of plural wives; and they finally decided to
establish in Nauvoo a newspaper that would openly attack the new
order of things. The name chosen for this newspaper was the
Expositor, and Emmons was its editor.* Its motto was: "The Truth,
the whole Truth, and nothing but the Truth," and its prospectus
announced as its purpose, "Unconditional repeal of the city
charter--to correct the abuses of the unit power--to advocate
disobedience to political revelations." Only one number of this
newspaper was ever issued, but that number was almost directly
the cause of the prophet's death.
* Emmons went direct to Beardstown, Illinois, after the
destruction of the paper, and lived there till the day of his
death, a leading citizen. He established the first newspaper
published in Beardstown, and was for sixteen years the mayor of
the city.

The most important feature of the Expositor (which bore date of

June 7, 1844) was a "preamble" and resolutions of "seceders from
the church at Nauvoo," and affidavits by Mr. and Mrs. William Law
and Austin Cowles setting forth that Hyrum Smith had read the
"revelation" concerning polygamy to William Law and to the High
Council, and that Mrs. Law had read it.*

* These were the only affidavits printed in the Expositor. More

than one description of the paper has stated that it contained
many more. Thus, Appleton's "American Encyclopedia," under
"Mormons," says, "In the first number (there was only one) they
printed the affidavits of sixteen women to the effect that Joseph
Smith and Sidney Rigdon and others had endeavored to convert them
to the spiritual wife doctrine."

The "preamble" affirmed the belief of the seceders in the Mormon

Bible and the "Book of Doctrine and Covenants," but declared
their intention to "explode the vicious principles of Joseph
Smith," adding, "We are aware, however, that we are hazarding
every earthly blessing, particularly property, and probably life
itself, in striking this blow at tyranny and oppression." Many of
them, it was explained, had sought a reformation of the church
without any public exposure, but they had been spurned,
"particularly by Joseph, who would state that, if he had been or
was guilty of the charges we would charge him with, he would not
make acknowledgment, but would rather be damned, for it would
detract from his dignity and would consequently prove the
overthrow of the church. We would ask him, on the other hand, if
the overthrow of the church were not inevitable; to which he
often replied that we would all go to hell together and convert
it into a heaven by casting the devil out; and, says he, hell is
by no means the place this world of fools supposes it to be, but,
on the contrary, it is quite an agreeable place."

The "preamble" further set forth the methods employed by Smith to

induce women from other countries, who had joined the Mormons in
Nauvoo, to become his spiritual wives, reciting the arguments
advanced, and thus summing up the general result: "She is
thunderstruck, faints, recovers and refuses. The prophet damns
her if she rejects. She thinks of the great sacrifice, and of the
many thousand miles she has travelled over sea and land that she
might save her soul from pending ruin, and replies, 'God's will
be done and not mine.' The prophet and his devotees in this way
are gratified." Smith's political aspirations were condemned as
preposterous, and the false "doctrine of many gods" was called
blasphemy.

Fifteen resolutions followed. They declared against the evils

named, and also condemned the order to the Saints to gather in
haste at Nauvoo, explaining that the purpose of this command was
to enable the men in control of the church to sell property at
exorbitant prices, "and thus the wealth that is brought into the
place is swallowed up by the one great throat, from whence there
is no return." The seceders asserted that, although they had an
intimate acquaintance with the affairs of the church, they did
not know of any property belonging to it except the Temple.
Finally, as speaking for the true church, they ordered all
preachers to cease to teach the doctrine of plural gods, a
plurality of wives, sealing, etc., and directed offenders in this
respect to report and have their licenses renewed. Another
feature of the issue was a column address signed by Francis M.
Higbee, advising the citizens of Hancock County not to send Hyrum
Smith to the legislature, since to support him was to support
Joseph, "a man who contends all governments are to be put down,
and one established upon its ruins."

The appearance of this sheet created the greatest excitement

among the Mormon leaders that they had experienced since leaving
Missouri. They recognized in it immediately a mouthpiece of men
who were better informed than Bennett, and who were ready to
address an audience composed both of their own flock and of their
outlying non-Mormon neighbors, whose antipathy to them was
already manifesting itself aggressively. To permit the continued
publication of this sheet meant one of those surrenders which
Smith had never made.

The prophet therefore took just such action as would have been
expected of him in the circumstances. Calling a meeting of the
City Council, he proceeded to put the Expositor and its editors
on trial, as if that body was of a judicial instead of a
legislative character. The minutes of this trial, which lasted
all of Saturday, June 8, and a part of Monday, June l0, 1844, can
be found in the Neighbor of June 19, of that year, filling six
columns. The prophet-mayor occupied the chair, and the defendants
were absent.

The testimony introduced aimed at the start to break down the

characters of Dr. Foster, Higbee, and the Laws. A mechanic
testified that the Laws had bought "bogus"--(counterfeit) dies of
him. The prophet told how William Law had "pursued" him to
recover $40,000 that Smith owed him. Hyrum Smith alleged that
William Law had offered to give a man $500 if he would kill
Hyrum, and had confessed adultery to him, making a still more
heinous charge against Higbee. Hyrum referred "to the revelation
of the High Council of the church, which has caused so much talk
about a multiplicity of wives," and declared that it "concerned
things which transpired in former days, and had no reference to
the present time." Testimony was also given to show that the Laws
were not liberal to the poor, and that William's motto with his
fellowchurchmen who owed him was, "Punctuality, punctuality."*
This was naturally a serious offence in the eyes of the Smiths.

* The Expositor contained this advertisement: "The subscribers

wish to inform all those who, through sickness or other
misfortunes, are much limited is their means of procuring bread
for their families, that we have allotted Thursday of every week
to grind toll free for them, till grain becomes plentiful after
harvest.--W. & W. Law."
The prophet declared that the conduct of such men, and of such
papers as the Expositor, was calculated to destroy the peace of
the city. He unblushingly asserted that what he had preached
about marriage only showed the order in ancient days, having
nothing to do with the present time. In regard to the alleged
revelation about polygamy he explained that, on inquiring of the
Lord concerning the Scriptural teaching that "they neither marry
nor are given in marriage in heaven," he received a reply to the
effect that men in this life must marry in one of eternity,
otherwise they must remain as angels, or be single in heaven.

Smith then proposed that the Council make some provision for
putting down the Expositor, declaring its allegations to be
"treasonable against all chartered rights and privileges." He
read from the federal and state constitutions to define his idea
of the rights of the press, and quoted Blackstone on private
wrongs. Hyrum openly advocated smashing the press and pieing the
type. One councillor alone raised his voice for moderation,
proposing to give the offenders a few days' notice, and to assess
a fine of $300 for every libel. W. W. Phelps (who was back in the
fold again) held that the city charter gave them power to declare
the newspaper a nuisance, and cited the spilling of the tea in
Boston harbor as a precedent for an attack on the Expositor
office. Finally, on June 10, this resolution was passed
unanimously:--

"Resolved by the City Council of the City of Nauvoo that the

printing office from whence issues the Nauvoo Expositor is a
public nuisance, and also all of said Nauvoo Expositors which may
be or exist in said establishment; and the mayor is instructed to
cause said printing establishment and papers to be removed
without delay, in such manner as he shall direct."

Smith, of course, made very prompt use of this authority, issuing

the following order to the city marshal:--

"You are hereby commanded to destroy the printing press from

whence issues the Nauvoo Expositor, and pi the type of said
printing establishment in the street, and burn all the Expositors
and libellous hand bills found in said establishment; and if
resistance be offered to the execution of this order, by the
owners or others, destroy the house; and if any one threatens you
or the Mayor or the officers of the city, arrest those who
threaten you; and fail not to execute this order without delay,
and make due return thereon.

"JOSEPH SMITH, Mayor."

To meet any armed opposition which might arise, the acting major
general of the Legion was thus directed:--

"You are hereby commanded to hold the Nauvoo Legion in readiness

forthwith to execute the city ordinances, and especially to
remove the printing establishment of the Nauvoo Expositor ; and
this you are required to do at sight, under the penalty of the
laws, provided the marshal shall require it and need your
services."

JOSEPH SMITH,

"Lieutenant General Nauvoo Legion."

The story of the compliance with the mayor's order is thus

concisely told in the "marshal's return," "The within-named press
and type is destroyed and pied according to order on this loth
day of June, 1844, at about eight o'clock P.m." The work was
accomplished without any serious opposition. The marshal appeared
at the newspaper office, accompanied by an escort from the
Legion, and forced his way into the building. The press and type
were carried into the street, where the press was broken up with
hammers, and all that was combustible was burned.

Dr. Foster and the Laws fled at once to Carthage, Illinois, under
the belief that their lives were in danger. The story of their
flight and of the destruction of their newspaper plant by order
of the Nauvoo authorities spread quickly all over the state, and
in the neighboring counties the anti-Mormon feeling, that had for
some time been growing more intense, was now fanned to fury. This
feeling the Mormon leaders seemed determined to increase still
further.

The owners of the Expositor sued out at Carthage a writ for the
removal to that place of Joseph Smith and the Nauvoo counsellors
on a charge of a riot in connection with the destruction of their
plant. This writ, when presented, was at once set aside by a writ
of habeas corpus issued by the Nauvoo Municipal Court, but the
case was heard before a Mormon justice of the peace on June 17,
and he discharged the accused. As if this was not a sufficient
defiance of public opinion, Smith, as mayor, published a
"proclamation" in the Neighbor of June 19, reciting the events in
connection with the attack on the Expositor, and closing thus:

"Our city is infested with a set of blacklegs, counterfeiters and

debauchees, and that the proprietors of this press were of that
class, the minutes of the Municipal Court fully testify, and in
ridding our young and flourishing city of such characters, we are
abused by not only villanous demagogues, but by some who, from
their station and influence in society, ought rather to raise
than depress the standard of human excellence. We have no
disturbance or excitement among us, save what is made by the
thousand and one idle rumors afloat in the country. Every one is
protected in his person and property, and but few cities of a
population of twenty thousand people, in the United States, hath
less of dissipation or vice of any kind than the city of Nauvoo.

"Of the correctness of our conduct in this affair, we appeal to

every high court in the state, and to its ordeal we are willing
to appear at any time that His Excellency, Governor Ford, shall
please to call us before it. I, therefore, in behalf of the
Municipal Court of Nauvoo, warn the lawless not to be precipitate
in any interference in our affairs, for as sure as there is a God
in Israel we shall ride triumphant over all oppression."

JOSEPH SMITH, Mayor.

CHAPTER XIII. Uprising Of The Non-Mormons--Smith's Arrest

The gauntlet thus thrown down by Smith was promptly taken up by

his non-Mormon neighbors, and public meetings were held in
various places to give expression to the popular indignation. At
such a meeting in Warsaw, Hancock County, eighteen miles down the
river, the following was among the resolutions adopted:

"Resolved, that the time, in our opinion, has arrived when the
adherents of Smith, as a body, should be driven from the
surrounding settlements into Nauvoo; that the Prophet and his
miscreant adherents should then be demanded at their hands, and,
if not surrendered, a war of extermination should be waged, to
the entire destruction, if necessary for our protection, of his
adherents."

Warsaw was considered the most violent anti-Mormon neighborhood,

the Signal newspaper there being especially bitter in its
attacks; but the people in all the surrounding country began to
prepare for "war" in earnest. At Warsaw 150 men were mustered in
under General Knox, and $1000 was voted for supplies. In
Carthage, Rushville, Green Plains, and many other towns in
Illinois men began organizing themselves into military companies,
cannon were ordered from St. Louis, and the near-by places in
Iowa, as well as some in Missouri, sent word that their aid could
be counted on. Rumors of all sorts of Mormon outrages were
circulated, and calls were made for militia, here to protect the
people against armed Mormon bands, there against Mormon thieves.
Many farmhouses were deserted by their owners through fear, and
the steamboats on the river were crowded with women and children,
who were sent to some safe settlement while the men were doing
duty in the militia ranks. Many of the alarming reports were
doubtless started by non-Mormons to inflame the public feeling
against their opponents, others were the natural outgrowth of the
existing excitement.

On June 17 a committee from Carthage made to Governor Ford so

urgent a request for the calling out of the militia, that he
decided to visit the disturbed district and make an investigation
on his own account.* On arriving at Carthage he found a
considerable militia force already assembled as a posse
comitatus, at the call of the constables. This force, and similar
ones in McDonough and Schuyler counties, he placed under command
of their own officers. Next, the governor directed the mayor and
council of Nauvoo to send a committee to state to him their story
of the recent doings. This they did, convincing him, by their own
account, of the outrageous character of the proceedings against
the Expositor. He therefore arrived at two conclusions: first,
that no authority at his command should be spared in bringing the
Mormon leaders to justice; and, second, that this must be done
without putting the Mormons in danger of an attack by any kind of
a mob. He therefore addressed the militia force from each county
separately, urging on them the necessity of acting only within
the law; and securing from them all a vote pledging their aid to
the governor in following a strictly legal course, and protecting
from violence the Mormon leaders when they should be arrested.

* The story of the events just preceding Joseph Smith's death are
taken from Governor Ford's report to the Illinois legislature,
and from his "History of Illinois."

The governor then sent word to Smith that he and his associates
would be protected if they would surrender, but that arrested
they should be, even if it took the whole militia force of the
state to accomplish this. The constable and guards who carried
the governor's mandate to Nauvoo found the city a military camp.
Smith had placed it under martial law, assembled the Legion,
called in all the outlying Mormons, and ordered that no one
should enter or leave the place without submitting to the
strictest inquiry. The governor's messengers had no difficulty,
however, in gaining admission to Smith, who promised that he and
the members of the Council would accompany the officers to
Carthage the next morning (June 23) at eight o'clock. But at that
time the accused did not appear, and, without any delay or any
effort to arrest the men who were wanted, the officers returned
to Carthage and reported that all the accused had fled.

Whatever had been the intention of Smith when the constable first
appeared, he and his associates did surrender, as the governor
had expressed a belief that they would do.. Statements of the
circumstances of the surrender were written at the time by H. P.
Reid and James W. Woods of Iowa, who were employed by the Mormons
as counsel, and were printed in the Times and Seasons, Vol. V,
No. 12. Mr. Woods, according to these accounts, arrived in Nauvoo
on Friday, June 21, and, after an interview with Smith. and his
friends, went to Carthage the next evening to assure Governor
Ford that the Nauvoo officers were ready to obey the law. There
he learned that the constable and his assistants had gone to
Nauvoo to demand his clients' surrender; but he does not mention
their return without the prisoners. He must have known, however,
that the first intention of Smith and the Council was to flee
from the wrath of their neighbors. The "Life of Brigham Young,"
published by Cannon & Sons, Salt Lake City, 1893, contains this
statement:--

"The Prophet hesitated about giving himself up, and started, on

the night of June 22, with his brother Hyrum, W. Richards, John
Taylor, and a few others for the Rocky Mountains. He was,
however, intercepted by his friends, and induced to abandon his
project, being chided with cowardice and with deserting his
people. This was more than he could bear, and so he returned,
saying: 'If my life is of no value to my friends, it is of no
value to myself. We are going back to be slaughtered.'"

It will be remembered that Young, Rigdon, Orson Pratt, and many

others of the leading men of the church were absent at this time,
most of them working up Smith's presidential "boom." Orson Pratt,
who was then in New Hampshire, said afterward, "If the Twelve had
been here, we would not have seen him given up."

Woods received from the governor a pledge of protection for all

who might be arrested, and an assurance that if the Mormons would
give themselves up at Carthage, on Monday, the 24th, this would
be accepted as a compliance with the governor's orders. He
therefore returned to Nauvoo with this message on Sunday evening,
and the next morning the accused left that place with him for
Carthage. They soon met Captain Dunn, who, with a company of
sixty men, was going to Nauvoo with an order from the governor
for the state arms in the possession of the Legion.* Woods made
an agreement with Captain Dunn that the arms should be given up
by Smith's order, and that his clients should place themselves
under the captain's protection, and return with him to Carthage.
The return trip to Nauvoo, and thence to Carthage, was not
completed until about midnight. The Mormons were not put under
restraint that night, but the next morning they surrendered
themselves to the constable on a charge of riot in connection
with the destruction of the Expositor plant.

* It was stated that on two hours' notice two thousand men

appeared, all armed, and that they surrendered their arms in
compliance with the governor's plans.

CHAPTER XIV. The Murder Of The Prophet--His Character

On Tuesday morning, Joseph and Hyrum Smith were arrested again in

Carthage, this time on a charge of treason in levying war against
the state, by declaring martial law in Nauvoo and calling out the
Legion. In the afternoon of that day all the accused, numbering
fifteen, appeared before a justice of the peace, and, to prevent
any increase in the public excitement, gave bonds in the sum of
$500 each for their appearance at the next term of the Circuit
Court to answer the charge of riot.* It was late in the evening
when this business was finished, and nothing was said at the time
about the charge of treason.

* The trial of the survivors resulted in a verdict of acquittal.

"The Mormons," says Governor Ford, "could have a Mormon jury to
be tried by, selected by themselves, and the anti-Mormons, by
objecting to the sheriff and regular panel, could have one from
the anti-Mormons. No one could [then] be convicted of any crime
in Hancock County."--"History of Illinois," p. 369.

Very soon after their return to the hotel, however, the constable
who had arrested the Smiths on the new charge appeared with a
mittimus from the justice of the peace, and, under its authority,
conveyed them to the county jail. Their counsel immediately
argued before the governor that this action was illegal, as the
Smiths had had no hearing on the charge of treason, and the
governor went with the lawyers to consult the justice concerning
his action. The justice explained that he had directed the
removal of the prisoners to jail because he did not consider them
safe in the hotel. The governor held that, from the time of their
delivery to the jailer, they were beyond his jurisdiction and
responsibility, but he granted a request of their counsel for a
military guard about the jail. He says, however, that he
apprehended neither an attack on the building nor an escape of
the prisoners, adding that if they had escaped, "it would have
been the best way of getting rid of the Mormons," since these
leaders would never have dared to return to the state, and all
their followers would have joined them in their place of refuge.

The militia force in Carthage at that time numbered some twelve

hundred men, with four hundred or five hundred more persons under
arms in the town. There was great pressure on the governor to
march this entire force to Nauvoo, ostensibly to search for a
counterfeiting establishment, in order to overawe the Mormons by
a show of force. The governor consented to this plan, and it was
arranged that the officers at Carthage and Warsaw should meet on
June 27 at a point on the Mississippi midway between the latter
place and Nauvoo.

Governor Ford was not entirely certain about the safety of the
prisoners, and he proposed to take them with him in the march to
Nauvoo, for their protection. But while preparations for this
march were still under way, trustworthy information reached him
that, if the militia once entered the Mormon city, its
destruction would certainly follow, the plan being to accept a
shot fired at the militia by someone as a signal for a general
slaughter and conflagration. He determined to prevent this, not
only on humane grounds,--"the number of women, inoffensive and
young persons, and innocent children which must be contained in
such a city of twelve hundred to fifteen thousand
inhabitants"--but because he was not certain of the outcome of a
conflict in which the Mormons would outnumber his militia almost
two to one. After a council of the militia officers, in which a
small majority adhered to the original plan, the governor solved
the question by summarily disbanding all the state forces under
arms, except three companies, two of which would continue to
guard the jail, and the other would accompany the governor on a
visit to Nauvoo, where he proposed to search for counterfeiters,
and to tell the inhabitants that any retaliatory measures against
the non-Mormons would mean "the destruction of their city, and
the extermination of their people."

The jail at Carthage was a stone building, situated at the

northwestern boundary of the village, and near a piece of woods
that were convenient for concealment. It contained the jailer's
apartments, cells for prisoners, and on the second story a sort
of assembly room. At the governor's suggestion, Joseph and Hyrum
were allowed the freedom of this larger room, where their friends
were permitted to visit them, without any precautions against the
introduction of weapons or tools for their escape.

Their guards were selected from the company known as the Carthage
Grays, Captain Smith, commander. In this choice the governor made
a mistake which always left him under a charge of collusion in
the murder of the prisoners. It was not, in the first place,
necessary to select any Hancock company for this service, as he
had militia from McDonough County on the ground. All the people
of Hancock County were in a fever of excitement against the
Mormons, while the McDonough County militia had voted against the
march into Nauvoo. Moreover, when the prisoners, after their
arrival at Carthage, had been exhibited to the McDonough company
at the request of the latter, who had never seen them, the Grays
were so indignant at what they called a triumphal display, that
they refused to obey the officer in command, and were for a time
in revolt. "Although I knew that this company were the enemies of
the Smiths," says the governor, "yet I had confidence in their
loyalty and their integrity, because their captain was
universally spoken of as a most respectable citizen and honorable
man." The governor further excused himself for the selection
because the McDonough company were very anxious to return home to
attend to their crops, and because, as the prisoners were likely
to remain in jail all summer, he could not have detained the men
from the other county so long. He presents also the curious plea
that the frequent appeals made to him direct for the
extermination or expulsion of the Mormons gave him assurance that
no act of violence would be committed contrary to his known
opposition, and he observes, "This was a circumstance well
calculated to conceal from me the secret machinations on foot!"

In this state of happy confidence the governor set out for Nauvoo
on the morning of June 27. On the way, one of the officers who
accompanied him told him that he was apprehensive of an attack on
the jail because of talk he had heard in Carthage. The governor
was reluctant to believe that such a thing could occur while he
was in the Mormon city, exposed to Mormon vengeance, but he sent
back a squad, with instructions to Captain Smith to see that the
jail was safely guarded. He had apprehensions of his own,
however, and on arriving at Nauvoo simply made an address as
above outlined, and hurried back to Carthage without even looking
for counterfeit money. He had not gone more than two miles when
messengers met him with the news that the Smith brothers had been
killed in the jail.

The Warsaw regiment (it is so called in the local histories),

under command of Colonel Levi Williams, set out on the morning of
June 27 for the rendezvous on the Mississippi, preparatory to the
march to Nauvoo. The resolutions adopted in Warsaw and the tone
of the local press had left no doubt about the feeling of the
people of that neighborhood toward the Mormons, and fully
justified the decision of the governor in countermanding the
march proposed. His unexpected order disbanding the militia
reached the Warsaw troops when they had advanced about eight
miles. A decided difference of opinion was expressed regarding
it. Some of the most violent, including Editor Sharp of the
Signal, wanted to continue the march to Carthage in order to
discuss the situation with the other forces there; the more
conservative advised an immediate return to Warsaw. Each party
followed its own inclination, those who continued toward Carthage
numbering, it is said, about two hundred.

While there is no doubt that the Warsaw regiment furnished the

men who made the attack on the jail, there is evidence that the
Carthage Grays were in collusion with them. William N. Daniels,
in his account of the assault, says that the Warsaw men, when
within four miles of Carthage, received a note from the Grays
(which he quotes) telling them of the good opportunity presented
"to murder the Smiths" in the governor's absence. His testimony
alone would be almost valueless, but Governor Ford confirms it,
and Gregg (who holds that the only purpose of the mob was to
seize the prisoners and run them into Missouri) says he is
"compelled" to accept the report. According to Governor Ford, one
of the companies designated as a guard for the jail disbanded and
went home, and the other was stationed by its captain 150 yards
from the building, leaving only a sergeant and eight men at the
jail itself. "A communication," he adds, "was soon established
between the conspirators and the company, and it was arranged
that the guards should have their guns charged with blank
cartridges, and fire at the assailants when they attempted to
enter the jail."

Both Willard Richards and John Taylor were in the larger room
with the Smith brothers when the attack was made (other visitors
having recently left), and both gave detailed accounts of the
shooting, Richards soon afterward, in a statement printed in the
Neighbor and the Times and Seasons under the title "Two Minutes
in Gaol," and Taylor in his "Martyrdom of Joseph Smith." * They
differ only in minor particulars.

* To be found in Burton's "City of the Saints."

All in the room were sitting in their shirt sleeves except

Richards, when they saw a number of men, with blackened faces,
advancing around the corner of the jail toward the stairway. The
door leading from the room to the stairs was hurriedly closed,
and, as it was without a lock, Hyrum Smith and Richards placed
their shoulders against it. Finding their entrance opposed, the
assailants fired a shot through the door (Richards says they
fired a volley up the stairway), which caused Hyrum and Richards
to leap back. While Hyrum was retreating across the room, with
his face to the door, a second shot fired through the door struck
him by the side of the nose, and at the same moment another ball,
fired through the window at the other side of the room, entered
his back, and, passing through his body, was stopped by the watch
in his vest pocket, smashing the works. He fell on his back
exclaiming, "I am a dead man," and did not speak again.

One of their callers had left a six-shooting pistol with the

prisoners, and, when Joseph saw his brother shot, he advanced
with this weapon to the door, and opening it a few inches,
snapped each barrel toward the men on the other side. Three
barrels missed fire, but each of the three that exploded seems to
have wounded a man; accounts differ as to the seriousness of
their injuries. While Joseph was firing, Taylor stood by him
armed with a stout hickory stick, and Richards was on his other
side holding a cane. As soon as Joseph's firing, which had
checked the assailants for a moment, ceased, the latter stuck
their weapons through the partly opened doorway, and fired into
the room. Taylor tried to parry the guns with his cudgel. "That's
right, Brother Taylor, parry them off as well as you can," said
the prophet, and these are the last words he is remembered to
have spoken. The assailants hesitated to enter the room, perhaps
not knowing what weapons the Mormons had, and Taylor concluded to
take his chances of a leap through an open window opposite the
door, and some twenty-five feet from the ground. But as he was
about to jump out, a ball struck him in the thigh, depriving him
of all power of motion. He fell inside the window, and as soon as
he recovered power to move, crawled under a bed which stood in
one corner of the room. The men in the hallway continued to
thrust in their guns and fire, and Richards kept trying to knock
aside the muzzles with his cane. Taylor in this way, before he
reached the bed, received three more balls, one below the left
knee, one in the left arm, and another in the left hip.

Almost as soon as Taylor fell, the prophet made a dash for the
window. As he was part way out, two balls fired through the
doorway struck him, and one from outside the building entered his
right breast. Richards says: "He fell outward, exclaiming 'O
Lord, my God.' As his feet went out of the window, my head went
in, the balls whistling all around. At this instant the cry was
raised, 'He's leaped the window,' and the mob on the stairs and
in the entry ran out. I withdrew from the window, thinking it of
no use to leap out on a hundred bayonets, then around General
Smith's body. Not satisfied with this, I again reached my head
out of the window and watched some seconds, to see if there were
any signs of life, regardless of my own, determined to see the
end of him I loved. Being fully satisfied that he was dead, with
a hundred men near the body and more coming round the corner of
the gaol, and expecting a return to our room, I rushed toward the
prison door at the head of the stairs." Finding the inner doors
of the jail unlocked, Richards dragged Taylor into a cell and
covered him with an old mattress. Both expected a return of the
mob, but the lynchers disappeared as soon as they satisfied
themselves that the prophet was dead. Richards was not injured at
all, although his large size made him an ample target.

Most Mormon accounts of Smith's death say that, after he fell,

the body was set up against a well curb in the yard and riddled
with balls. Taylor mentions this report, but Richards, who
specifically says that he saw the prophet die, does not. Governor
Ford's account says that Smith was only stunned by the fall and
was shot in the yard. Perhaps the original authority for this
version was a lad named William N. Daniels, who accompanied the
Warsaw men to Carthage, and, after the shooting, went to Nauvoo
and had his story published by the Mormons in pamphlet form, with
two extravagant illustrations, in which one of the assailants is
represented as approaching Smith with a knife to cut off his
head.*

*A detailed account of the murder of the Smiths, and events

connected with it, was contributed to the Atlantic Monthly for
December, 1869, by John Hay. This is accepted by Kennedy as
written by "one whose opportunities for information were
excellent, whose fairness cannot be questioned, and whose ability
to distinguish the true from the false is of the highest order."
H. H. Bancroft, whose tone is always pro-Mormon, alludes to this
article as "simply a tissue of falsehoods." In reply to a note of
inquiry Secretary Hay wrote to the author, under date of November
17, 1900: "I relied more upon my memory and contemporary
newspapers for my facts than on certified documents. I will not
take my oath to everything the article contains, but I think in
the main it is correct." This article says that Joseph Smith was
severely wounded before he ran to the window, "and half leaped,
half fell into the jail yard below. With his last dying energies
he gathered himself up, and leaned in a sitting posture against
the rude stone well curb. His stricken condition, his vague
wandering glances, excited no pity in the mob thirsting for his
life. A squad of Missourians, who were standing by the fence,
leveled their pieces at him, and, before they could see him again
for the smoke they made, Joe Smith was dead:" This is not an
account of an eye-witness.

The bodies of the two brothers were removed to the hotel in

Carthage, and were taken the next day to Nauvoo, arriving there
about three o'clock in the afternoon. They were met by
practically the entire population, and a procession made up of
the City Council, the generals of the Legion with their staffs,
the Legion and the citizens generally, all under command of the
city marshal, escorted them to the Nauvoo Mansion, where
addresses were made by Dr. Richards, W. W. Phelps, the lawyers
Woods and Reid, and Colonel Markham. The utmost grief was shown
by the Mormons, who seemed stunned by the blow.

The burial followed, but the bodies did not occupy the graves.
Stenhouse is authority for the statement that, fearing a grave
robbery (which in fact occurred the next night), the coffins were
filled with stones, and the bodies were buried secretly beneath
the unfinished Temple. Mistrustful that even this concealment
would not be sufficient, they were soon taken up and reburied
under the brick wall back of the Mansion House.*

* "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 174.

Brigham Young said at the conference in the Temple on October 8,

1845, "We will petition Sister Emma, in the name of Israel's God,
to let us deposit the remains of Joseph according as he has
commanded us, and if she will not consent to it, our garments are
clear." She did not consent. For the following statement about
the future disposition of the bodies I am indebted to the
grandson of the prophet, Mr. Frederick Madison Smith, one of the
editors of the Saints' Herald (Reorganized Church) at Lamoni,
Iowa, dated December 15, 1900:--

"The burial place of the brothers Joseph and Hyrum has always
remained a secret, being known only to a very few of the
immediate family. In fact, unless it has lately been revealed to
others, the exact spot is known only to my father and his
brother. Others who knew the secret are now silent in death. The
reasons for the secrecy were that it was feared that, if the
burial place was known at the time, there might have been an
inclination on the part of the enemies of those men to desecrate
their bodies and graves. There is not now, and probably has not
been for years, any danger of such desecration, and the only
reason I can see for still keeping it a secret is the natural
disinclination on the part of the family to talk about such
matters.

"However, I have been on the ground with my father when I knew I

was standing within a few feet of where the remains were lying,
and it is known to many about where that spot is. It is a short
distance from the Nauvoo House, on the bank of the Mississippi.
The lot is still owned by the family, the title being in my
father's name. There is not, that I know, any intention of ever
taking the bodies to Far West or Independence, Missouri. The
chances are that their resting places will never be disturbed
other than to erect on the spot a monument. In fact, a movement
is now underway to raise the means to do that. A monument fund is
being subscribed to by the members of the church. The monument
would have been erected by the family, but it is not financially
able to do it."

In the October following, indictments were found against Colonel

Williams of the Warsaw regiment, State Senator J. C. Davis,
Editor Sharp, and six others, including three who were said to
have been wounded by Smith's pistol shots, but the sheriff did
not succeed in making any arrests. In the May following some of
the accused appeared for trial. A struck jury was obtained, but,
in the existing state of public feeling, an acquittal was a
foregone conclusion. The guards at the jail would identify no
one, and Daniels, the pamphlet writer, and another leading
witness for the prosecution gave contradictory accounts.

But the prophet, according to Mormon recitals, did not go

unavenged. Lieutenant Worrell, who commanded the detachment of
the guards at the jail, was shot not long after, as we shall see.
Murray McConnell, who represented the governor in the prosecution
of the alleged lynchers, was assassinated twenty-four years
later. P. P. Pratt gives an account of the fate of other
"persecutors." The arm of one Townsend, who was wounded by Joe's
pistol, continued to rot until it was taken off, and then would
not heal. A colonel of the Missouri forces, who died in
Sacramento in 1849, "was eaten with worms, a large, black-headed
kind of maggot, seeming a half-pint at a time." Another
Missourian's "face and jaw on one side literally rotted, and half
his face actually fell off." *

*Pratt's "Autobiography," pp. 475-476.

It is difficult for the most fair-minded critic to find in the

character of Joseph Smith anything to commend, except an
abundance of good-nature which made him personally popular with
the body of his followers. He has been credited with power as a
leader, and it was certainly little less than marvellous that he
could maintain his leadership after his business failure in Ohio,
and the utter break-down of his revealed promises concerning a
Zion in Missouri. The explanation of this success is to be found
in the logically impregnable position of his character as a
prophet, so long as the church itself retained its organization,
and in the kind of people who were gathered into his fold. If it
was not true that HE received the golden plates from an angel; if
it was not true that HE translated them with divine assistance;
if it was not true that HE received from on high the
"revelations" vouchsafed for the guidance of the church,--then
there was no new Bible, no new revelation, no Mormon church. If
Smith was pulled down, the whole church structure must crumble
with him. Lee, referring to the days in Missouri, says, "Every
Mormon, if true to his faith, believed as freely in Joseph Smith
and his holy character as they did that God existed."* Some of
the Mormons who knew Smith and his career in Missouri and
Illinois were so convinced of the ridiculousness of his claims
that they proposed, after the gathering in Utah, to drop him
entirely. Proof of this, and of Brigham Young's realization of
the impossibility of doing so, is found in Young's remarks at the
conference which received the public announcement of the
"revelation" concerning polygamy. Referring to the suggestion
that had been made, "Don't mention Joseph Smith, never mention
the Book of Mormon and Zion, and all the people will follow you,"
Young boldly declared: "What I have received from the Lord, I
have received by Joseph Smith; he was the instrument made use of.
If I drop him, I must drop these principles. They have not been
revealed, declared, or explained by any other man since the days
of the apostles." This view is accepted by the Mormons in Utah
to-day.

* "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 76.

If it seems still more surprising that Smith's associates placed

so little restraint on his business schemes, it must be
remembered that none of his early colaborers--Rigdon, Harris,
Cowdery, and the rest--was a better business man than he, and
that he absolutely brooked no interference. It was Smith who
decided every important step, as, for instance, the land
purchases in and around Nauvoo; and men who would let him
originate were compelled to let him carry out. We have seen how
useless better business men like the Laws found it to argue with
him on any practical question. The length to which he dared go in
discountenancing any restriction, even regarding his moral ideas,
is illustrated in an incident related in his autobiography.* At a
service on Sunday, November 7, 1841, in Nauvoo, an elder named
Clark ventured to reprove the brethren for their lack of
sanctity, enjoining them to solemnity and temperance. "I reproved
him," says the prophet, "as pharisaical and hypocritical, and not
edifying the people, and showed the Saints what temperance,
faith, virtue, charity, and truth were. I charged the Saints not
to follow the example of the adversary non-ormons in accusing the
brethren, and said, 'If you do not accuse each other, God will
not accuse you. If you have no accuser, you will enter heaven; if
you will follow the revelations and instructions which God gives
you through me, I will take you into heaven as my back load. If
you will not accuse me, I will not accuse you. If you will throw
a cloak of charity over my sins, I will over yours--for charity
covereth a multitude of sins. What many people call sin is not
sin. I do many things to break down superstition."' A
congregation that would accept such teaching without a protest,
would follow their leader in any direction which he chose to
indicate.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XVIII, p. 743.

Smith was the farthest possible from being what Spinoza has been
called, "a God-intoxicated man." Real reverence for sacred things
did not enter into his mental equipment. A story illustrating his
lack of reverence for what he called "long-faced" brethren was
told by J. M. Grant in Salt Lake City. A Baptist minister, who
talked much of "my dee-e-ar brethren," called on Smith in Nauvoo,
and, after conversing with him for a short time, stood up before
Smith and asked in solemn tones if it were possible that he saw a
man who was a prophet and who had conversed with the Saviour.
"'Yes,' says the prophet, 'I don't know but you do; would you not
like to wrestle with me?' After he had whirled around a few
times, like a duck shot in the head, he concluded that his piety
had been awfully shocked."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. III, p. 67.

In manhood Smith was about six feet tall, weighing something over
two hundred pounds. From among a number of descriptions of him by
visitors at Nauvoo, the following may be cited. Josiah Quincy,
describing his arrival at what he calls "the tavern" in Nauvoo,
in May, 1844, gives this impression of the prophet: "Pre-eminent
among the stragglers at the door stood a man of commanding
appearance, clad in the costume of a journeyman carpenter when
about his work. He was a hearty, athletic fellow, with blue eyes
standing prominently out on his light complexion, a long nose,
and a retreating forehead. He wore striped pantaloons, a linen
jacket which had not lately seen the wash-tub, and a beard of
three days' growth. A fine-looking man, is what the passer-by
would instinctively have murmured upon meeting the remarkable
individual who had fashioned the mould which was to shape the
feelings of so many thousands of his fellow-mortals." *

*" Figures of the Past," p. 380.

The Rev. Henry Caswall, M.A., who had an interview with the
prophet at Nauvoo, in 1842, thus describes him: "He is a coarse,
plebeian, sensual person in aspect, and his countenance exhibits
a curious mixture of the knave and the clown. His hands are large
and fat, and on one of his fingers he wears a massive gold ring,
upon which I saw an inscription. His eyes appear deficient in
that open and straightforward expression which often
characterizes an honest man."

* Millennial Star, November 1, 1850.

John Taylor had death-casts taken of the faces of Joseph and

Hyrum after their murder. By the aid of these and of sketches of
the brothers which he had secured while they were living, he had
busts of them made by a modeller in Europe named Gahagan, and
these were offered to the Saints throughout the world, for a
price, of course.*

The proofs already cited of Smith's immorality are convincing.

Caswall names a number of occasions on which, he charges, the
prophet was intoxicated after his settlement in Nauvoo. He
relates that on one of these, when Smith was asked how it
happened that a prophet of the Lord could get drunk, Smith
answered that it was necessary that he should do so to prevent
the Saints from worshipping him as a god!*

* "Mormonism and its Author," 1852.

No Mormon ever concedes that proof of Smith's personal failings
affects his character as a prophet. A Mormon doctor, with whom
Caswall argued at Nauvoo, said that Smith might be a murderer and
an adulterer, and yet be a true prophet. He cited St. Peter as
saying that, in his time, David had not yet ascended into heaven
(Acts ii. 34); David was in hell as a murderer; so if Smith was
"as infamous as David, and even denied his own revelations, that
would not affect the revelations which God had given him."

CHAPTER XV. After Smith's Death--Rigdon's Last Days

The murder of the Smiths caused a panic, not among the Mormons,
but among the other inhabitants of Hancock County, who looked for
summary vengeance at the hands of the prophet's followers, with
their famous Legion to support them. The state militia having
been disbanded, the people considered themselves without
protection, and Governor Ford shared their apprehension. Carthage
was at once almost depopulated, the people fleeing in wagons, on
horseback, and on foot, and most of the citizens of Warsaw placed
the river between them and their enemies. "I was sensible," says
Governor Ford, "that my command was at an end; that my
destruction was meditated as well as the Mormons', and that I
could not reasonably confide longer in one party or the other."
The panic-stricken executive therefore set out at once for
Quincy, forty miles from the scene of the murder.

From that city the governor issued a statement to the people of

the state, reciting the events leading up to the recent tragedy,
and, under date of June 29, ordered the enlistment of as many men
as possible in the militia of Adams, Marquette, Pike, Brown,
Schuyler, Morgan, Scott, Cass, Fulton, and McDonough counties,
and the regiments of General Stapp's brigade, for a twelve days'
campaign. The independent companies of all sorts, in the same
counties, were also told to hold themselves in readiness, and the
federal government was asked to station a force of five hundred
men from the regular army in Hancock County. This last request
was not complied with. The governor then sent Colonel Fellows and
Captain Jonas to Nauvoo by the first boat, to find out the
intentions of the Mormons as well as those of the people of
Warsaw.

Meanwhile the voice of the Mormon leaders was for peace. Willard
Richards, John Taylor, and Samuel H. Smith united in a letter
(written in the first person singular by Richards), on the night
of the murders, addressed to the prophet's widow, General Deming
(commanding at Carthage), and others, which said:--

"The people of the county are greatly excited, and fear the
Mormons will come out and take vengeance. I have pledged my word
the Mormons will stay at home as soon as they can be informed,
and no violence will be on their part. And say to my brethren in
Nauvoo, in the name of the Lord, be still, be patient; only let
such friends as choose come here to see the bodies. Mr. Taylor's
wounds are dressed and not serious. I am sound."

This quieting advice was heeded without even a protest, and after
the funeral of the victims the Mormons voted unanimously to
depend on the law for retribution.

While things temporal in Nauvoo remained quiet, there were deep

feeling and great uncertainty concerning the future of the
church. The First Presidency had consisted, since the action of
the conference at Far West in 1837, of Joseph and Hyrum Smith and
Sidney Rigdon. Two of these were now dead. Did this leave Rigdon
as the natural head, did Smith's son inherit the successorship,
or did the supreme power rest with the Twelve Apostles?
Discussion of this matter brought out many plans, including a
general reorganization of the church, and the appointment of a
trustee or a president. Rigdon had been sent to Pittsburg to
build up a church,* and Brigham Young was electioneering in New
Hampshire for Smith. Accordingly, Phelps, Richards; and Taylor,
on July 1 issued a brief statement to the church at large, asking
all to await the assembling of the Twelve.

"John Taylor so stated at Rigdon's coming trial. This, perhaps,

contradicts the statement in the Cannons' "Life of Brigham Young"
that Rigdon had gone there "to escape the turmoils of Nauvoo."

Rigdon arrived in Nauvoo on August 3, and preached the next day

in the grove. He said the Lord had shown him a vision, and that
there must be a "guardian" appointed to "build the church up to
Joseph" as he had begun it. Cannon's account, in the "Juvenile
Instructor," says that at a meeting at John Taylor's the next day
Rigdon declared that the church was in confusion and must have a
head, and he wanted a special meeting called to choose a
"guardian." On the evening of August 6, Young, H. C. Kimball,
Lyman Wight, Orson Pratt, Orson Hyde, and Wilford Woodruff
arrived from the East. A meeting of the Twelve Apostles, the High
Council, and high priests was called for August 7, at 4 P.m.,
which Rigdon attended. He declared that in a vision at Pittsburg
it had been shown to him that he had been ordained a spokesman to
Joseph, and that he must see that the church was governed in a
proper manner. "I propose," said he, "to be a guardian of the
people. In this I have discharged my duty and done what God has
commanded me, and the people can please themselves, whether they
accept me or not."

A special meeting of the church was held on the morning of August

8. Rigdon had previously addressed a gathering in the grove, but
he had not been winning adherents. As we have seen, he had
alienated himself from the men who had accepted Smith's new
social doctrines, and a plan which he proposed, that the church
should move to Pennsylvania, appealed neither to the good
judgment nor the pecuniary interests of those to whom it was
presented. Young made an address at this meeting which so wrought
up his hearers that they declared that they saw the mantle of
Joseph fall upon him. When he asked, "Do you want a guardian, a
prophet, a spokesman, or what do you want?" not a hand went up.
Young then went on to give his own view of the situation; his
argument pointed to a single result--the demolition of Rigdon's
claim and the establishment of the supreme authority of the
Twelve, of whom Young himself was the head. W. W. Phelps, P. P.
Pratt, and others sustained Young's view. Before a vote was
taken, according to the minutes quoted, Rigdon refused to have
his name voted on as "spokesman" or guardian. The meeting then
voted unanimously in favor of "supporting the Twelve in their
calling," and also that the Twelve should appoint two Bishops to
act as trustees for the church, and that the completion of the
Temple should be pushed.*

* For minutes of this church meeting, see Times and Seasons, Vol.
V, p. 637. For a full account of the happenings at Nauvoo, from
August 3 to 8, see "Historical Record" (Mormon), Vol VIII,
pp.785-800.

On August 15 Young, as president of the Twelve, issued an epistle

to the church in all the world in which he said:--

"Let no man presume for a moment that his [the Prophet's] place
will be filled by another; for, remember he stands in his own
place , and always will, and the Twelve Apostles of this
dispensation stand in their own place, and always will, both in
time and eternity, to minister, preside, and regulate the affairs
of the whole church." The epistle told the Saints also that "it
is not wisdom for the Saints to have anything to do with
politics, voting, or president-making at present."

Rigdon remained in Nauvoo after the decision of the church in

favor of the Twelve, preaching as of old, declaring that he was
with the brethren heart and soul, and urging the completion of
the Temple. But Young regarded him as a rival, and determined to
put their strength to a test. Accordingly, on Tuesday, September
3, he had a notice printed in the Neighbor directing Rigdon to
appear on the following Sunday for trial before a High Council
presided over by Bishop Whitney. Rigdon did not attend this
trial, not only because he was not well, but because, after a
conference with his friends, he decided that the case against him
was made up and that his presence would do no good.*

* For the minutes of this High Council, see Times and Seasons,
Vol. V, pp. 647-655, 660-667.

When the High Council met, Young expressed a disbelief in

Rigdon's reported illness. He said that, having heard that Rigdon
had ordained men to be prophets, priests, and kings, he and Orson
Hyde had obtained from Rigdon a confession that he had performed
the act of ordination, and that he believed he held authority
above any man in the church. That evening eight of the Twelve had
visited him at his house, and, getting confirmation of his
position, had sent a committee to him to demand his license. This
he had refused to surrender, saying, "I did not receive it from
you, neither shall I give it up to you." Then came the order for
his trial.

Orson Hyde presented the case against Rigdon in detail. He

declared that, when they demanded the surrender of his license,
Rigdon threatened to turn traitor, "His own language was,
'Inasmuch as you have demanded my license, I shall feel it my
duty to publish all your secret meetings, and all the history of
the secret works of this church, in the public journals.'* He
intimated that it would bring a mob upon us." Parley P. Pratt,
the member of Rigdon's old church in Ohio, who, according to his
own account, first called Rigdon's attention to the Mormon Bible,
next spoke against his old friend.

* Lee thus explains one of these "secret works": "The same winter
[1843] he [Smith] organized what was called 'The Council of
Fifty.' This was a confidential organization. This Council was
designated as a lawmaking department, but no record was ever kept
of its doings, or, if kept, they were burned at the close of each
meeting. Whenever anything of importance was on foot, this
Council was called to deliberate upon it. The Council was called
the 'Living Constitution.' Joseph said that no legislature could
enact laws that would meet every case, or attain the ends of
justice in all respells." --"Mormonism Unveiled," p.173.

After Amasa Lyman, John Taylor, and H. C. Kimball had spoken

against Rigdon, Brigham Young took the floor again, and in reply
to the threat that Rigdon would expose the secrets of the church,
he denounced him in the following terms:--

"Brother Sidney says, if we go to opposing him, he will tell our

secrets. But I would say, 'O, don't, brother Sidney! don't tell
our secrets--O, don't!' But if he tells our secrets, we will tell
his. Tit for tat. He has had long visions in Pittsburg, revealing
to him wonderful iniquity among the Saints. Now, if he knows of
so much iniquity, and has got such wonderful power, why don't he
purge it out? He professes to have the keys of David. Wonderful
power and revelations! And he will publish our iniquity. O, dear
brother Sidney, don't publish our iniquity! Now don't! If Sidney
Rigdon undertakes to publish all our secrets, as he says, he will
lie the first jump he takes. If he knew of all our iniquity why
did he not publish it sooner? If there is so much iniquity in the
church as you talk of, Elder Rigdon, and you have known of it so
long, you are a black-hearted wretch because you have not
published it sooner. If there is not this iniquity, you are a
blackhearted wretch for endeavoring to bring a mob upon us, to
murder innocent men, women and children. Any man that says the
Twelve are bogus-makers, or adulterers, or wicked men is a liar;
and all who say such things shall have the fate of liars, where
there is weeping and gnashing of teeth. Who is there who has seen
us do such things? No man. The spirit that I am of tramples such
slanderous wickedness under my feet." *

* William Small, in a letter to the Pittsburg Messenger and

Advocate, p. 70, relates that when be met Rigdon on his arrival
at St. Louis by boat after this trial, Orson Hyde, who was also a
passenger and thought Small was with the Twelve, addressed Small,
asking him to intercede with Rigdon not to publish the secret
acts of the church, and telling him that if Rigdon would come
back and stand equal with the Twelve and counsel with them, he
would pledge himself, in behalf of the Twelve, that all they had
said against Rigdon would be revoked.
At this point the proceedings had a rather startling
interruption. William Marks, president of the Stake at Nauvoo,
and a member of the High Council (who, as we have seen, had
rebelled against the doctrine of polygamy when it was presented
to him) took the floor in Rigdon's defence. But it was in vain.

W. W. Phelps moved that Rigdon "be cut off from the church, and
delivered over to the buffetings of Satan until he repents." The
vote by the Council in favor of this motion was unanimous, but
when it was offered to the church, some ten members voted against
it. Phelps at once moved that all who had voted to follow Rigdon
should be suspended until they could be tried by the High
Council, and this was agreed to unanimously, with an amendment
including the words, "or shall hereafter be found advocating his
principles." After compelling President Marks, by formal motion,
to acknowledge his satisfaction with the action of the church,
the meeting adjourned.

Rigdon's next steps certainly gave substance to his brother's

theory that his mind was unbalanced, the family having noticed
his peculiarities from the time he was thrown from a horse, when
a boy.* He soon returned to Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, where his
first step was to "resuscitate" the Messenger and Advocate, which
had died at Kirtland. In a signed article in the first number he
showed that he then intended "to contend for the same doctrines,
order of government, and discipline maintained by that paper when
first published at Kirtland," in other words, to uphold the
Mormon church as he had known it, with himself at its head. But
his old desire for original leadership got the better of him, and
after a conference of the membership he had gathered around him,
held in Pittsburg in April, 1845, at which he was voted "First
President, Prophet, Seer, Revelator, and Translator," he issued
an address to the public in which he declared that his Church of
Christ was neither a branch nor connection of the church at
Nauvoo, and that it received members of the Church of Latter-Day
Saints only after baptism and repentance.** In an article in his
organ, on July 15, 1845, he made assertions like these: "The
Church of Christ and the Mormons are so widely different in their
respective beliefs that they are of necessity opposed to one
another, as far as religion is concerned . . . . There is
scarcely one point of similarity . . . . The Church of Christ has
obtained a distinctive character."

* Baptist Witness, March I, 1875.

**Pittsburg Messenger and Advocate, p, 220.

Rigdon told the April conference that he had one unceasing

desire, namely, to know whether God would accept their work. At
the suggestion of the spirit, he had taken some of the brethren
into a room in his house that morning, and had consecrated them.
What there occurred he thus described:--

"After the washing and anointing, and the patriarchal seal, as

the Lord had directed me, we kneeled and in solemn prayer asked
God to accept the work we had done. During the time of prayer
there appeared over our heads in the room a ray of light forming
a hollow square, inside of which stood a company of heavenly
messengers, each with a banner in his hand, with their eyes
looking downward upon us, their countenance expressive of the
deep interest they felt in what was passing on the earth. There
also appeared heavenly messengers on horseback, with crowns upon
their heads, and plumes floating in the air, dressed in glorious
attire, until, like Elisha, we cried in our hearts, 'The chariots
of Israel and the horsemen thereof.' Even my little son of
fourteen years of age saw the vision, and gazed with great
astonishment, saying that he thought his imagination was running
away with him. After which we arose and lifted our hands to
heaven in holy convocation to God; at which time was shown an
angel in heaven registering the acceptance of our work, and the
decree of the Great God that the kingdom is ours and we shall
prevail."

While the conference was in session, Pittsburg was visited by a

disastrous conflagration. Rigdon prayed for the sufferers by the
fire and asked God to check it. "During the prayer" (this
quotation is from the official report of the conference in the
Messenger and Advocate, p. i86), "an escort of the heavenly
messengers that had hovered around us during the time of this
conference were seen leaving the room; the course of the wind was
instantly changed, and the violence of the flames was stayed."

Rigdon's attempt to build up a new church in the East was a

failure. Urgent appeals in its behalf in his periodical were made
in vain. The people addressed could not be cajoled with his
stories of revelations and miraculous visions, which both the
secular and religious press held up to ridicule, and he had no
system of foreign immigration to supply ignorant recruits. He
soon after took up his residence in Friendship, Allegheny County,
New York, where he died at the residence of his son-in-law, Earl
Wingate, on July 14, 1876. In an obituary sketch of him the
Standard of that place said:--

"He was approached by the messengers of young Joseph Smith of

Plano, Ill., but he refused to converse or answer any
communication which in any way would bring him into notice in
connection with the Mormon church of to-day. It was his daily
custom to visit the post-office, get the daily paper, read and
converse upon the chief topics of the day. He often engaged in a
friendly dispute with the local ministers, and always came out
first best on New Testament doctrinal matters. Patriarchal in
appearance, and kindly in address, he was often approached by
citizens and strangers with a view to obtaining something of the
unrecorded mysteries of his life; but citizen, stranger and
persistent reporter all alike failed in eliciting any information
as to his knowledge of the Mormon imposture, the motives of his
early life, or the religious faith, fears and hopes of his
declining years. Once or twice he spoke excitedly, in terms of
scorn, of those who attributed to him the manufacture of the
Mormon Bible; but beyond this, nothing. His library was small: he
left no manuscripts, and refused persistently to have a picture
of himself taken. It can only be said that he was a compound of
ability, versatility, honesty, duplicity, and mystery."
One person succeeded in drawing out from Rigdon in his later
years a few words on his relations with the Mormon church. This
was Charles L. Woodward, a New York bookseller, who some years
ago made an important collection of Mormon literature. While
making this collection he sent an inquiry to Rigdon, and received
a reply, dated May 25, 1873. After apologizing for his
handwriting on account of his age and paralysis, the letter
says:--

"We know nothing about the people called Mormons now.* The Lord
notified us that the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints
were going to be destroyed, and for us to leave. We did so, and
the Smiths were killed a few days after we started. Since that, I
have had no connection with any of the people who staid and built
up to themselves churches; and chose to themselves leaders such
as they chose, and then framed their own religion.

* The statement has been published that, after Young had

established himself in Utah, be received from Rigdon an
intimation that the latter would be willing to join him. I could
obtain no confirmation of this in Salt Lake City. On the
contrary, a leading member of the church informed me that Young
invited Rigdon to join the Mormons is Utah, but that Rigdon did
not accept the invitation.

"The Church of Latter-Day Saints had three books that they

acknowledged as Canonical, the Bible, the Book of Mormon, and the
Commandments. For the existence of that church there had to be a
revelater, one who received the word of the Lord; a spokesman,
one inspired of God to expound all revelation, so that the church
might all be of one faith. Without these two men the Church of
Latter-Day Saints could not exist. This order ceased to exist,
being overcome by the violence of armed men, by whom houses were
beaten down by cannon which the assalents had furnished
themselves with.

'Thus ended the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, and

it never can move again till the Lord inspires men and women to
believe it. All the societies and assemblies of men collected
together since then is not the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-Day Saints, nor never can there be such a church till the
Lord moves it by his own power, as he did the first.

"Should you fall in with one who was of the Church [of] Christ,
though now of advanced age, you will find one deep red in the
revelations of heaven. But many of them are dead, and many of
them have turned away, so there are few left.

"I have a manuscript paper in my possession, written with my own

hands while in my [Both. year}, but I am to poor to do anything
with it; and therefore it must remain where it [is]. During the
great fight of affliction I have had, I have lost all my
property, but I struggle along in poverty to which I am
consigned. I have finished all I feel necessary to write.

Respectfully,"SIDNEY RIGDON."*
* The original of this letter is in the collection of Mormon
literature in the New York Public Library. An effort to learn
from Rigdon's descendants something about the manuscript paper
referred to by him has failed.

Rigdon's affirmation of his belief in Smith as a prophet and the

Mormon Bible when he returned to Pennsylvania was proclaimed by
the Mormons as proof that there was no truth in the Spaulding
manuscript story, but it carries no weight as such evidence.
Rigdon burned all his old theological bridges behind him when he
entered into partnership with Smith, and his entire course after
his return to Pittsburg only adds to the proof that he was the
originator of the Mormon Bible, and that his object in writing it
was to enable him to be the head of a new church. Surely no one
would accept as proof of the divinity of the Mormon Bible any
declaration by the man who told the story of angel visits in
Pittsburg.

CHAPTER XVI. Rivalries Over The Succession

Rigdon was not alone in contending for the successorship to

Joseph Smith as the head of the Mormon church. The prophet's
family defended vigorously the claim of his eldest son to be his
successor.* Lee says that the prophet had bestowed the right of
succession on his eldest son by divination, and that "it was then
[after his father's death understood among the Saints that young
Joseph was to succeed his father, and that right justly belonged
to him," when he should be old enough. Lee says further that he
heard the prophet's mother plead with Brigham Young, in Nauvoo,
in 1845, with tears, not to rob young Joseph of his birthright,
and that Young conceded the son's claim, but warned her to keep
quiet on the subject, because "you are only laying the knife to
the throat of the child. If it is known that he is the rightful
successor of his father, the enemy of the Priesthood will seek
his life."** Strang says, "Anyone who was in Nauvoo in 1846 or
1847 knows that the majority of those who started to the Western
exodus, started in this hope," that the younger Joseph would take
his father's place .***

* The prophet's sons were Joseph, born November 6, 1832; Fred G.

W., June 20, 1836; Alexander, June 2, 1838; Don Carlos, June 13,
1840; and David H., November 18, 1844.

** "Mormonism Unveiled," pp. 155, 161.

*** Strang's "Prophetic Controversy," p. 4.

At the last day of the Conference held in the Temple in Nauvoo,

in October, 1845, Mother Smith, at her request, was permitted to
make an address. She went over the history of her family, and
asked for an expression of opinion whether she was "a mother in
Israel." One universal "yes" rang out. She said she hoped all her
children would accompany the Saints to the West, and if they did
she would go; but she wanted her bones brought back to be buried
beside her husband and children. Brigham Young then said: "We
have extended the helping hand to Mother Smith. She has the best
carriage in the city, and, while she lives, shall ride in it when
and where she pleases." * Mother Smith died in the summer of 1856
in Nauvoo, where she spent the last two years of her life with
Joseph's first wife, Emma, who had married a Major Bideman.

* Millennial Star, Vol. VII, p. 23.

Emma caused the Twelve a good deal of anxiety after her husband's
death. Pratt describes a council held by her, Marks, and others
to endeavor to appoint a trustee-in-trust for the whole church,
the necessity of which she vigorously urged. Pratt opposed the
idea, and nothing was done about it.* Soon after her husband's
death the Times and Seasons noticed a report that she was
preparing, with the assistance of one of the prophet's Iowa
lawyers, an exposure of his "revelations," etc. James Arlington
Bennett, who visited Nauvoo after the prophet's death, acting as
correspondent for the New York Sun, gave in one of his letters
the text of a statement which he said Emma had written, to this
effect, "I never for a moment believed in what my husband called
his apparitions or revelations, as I thought him laboring under a
diseased mind; yet they may all be true, as a prophet is seldom
without credence or honor, excepting in his own family or
country." Mrs. Smith, in a letter to the Sun, dated December 30,
1845, pronounced this letter a forgery, while Bennett maintained
that he knew that it was genuine.**

*Pratt's "Autobiography," p. 373.

** Emma Smith is described as "a tall, dark, masculine looking

woman" in "Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers."

The organization--or, as they define it, the reorganization of a

church by those who claim that the mantle of Joseph Smith, Jr.,
descended on his sons, had its practical inception at a
conference at Beloit, Wisconsin, in June, 1852, at which
resolutions were adopted disclaiming all fellowship with Young
and other claimants to the leadership of the church, declaring
that the successor of the prophet "must of necessity be the seed
of Joseph Smith, Jr." At a conference held in Amboy, Illinois, in
April, 1860, Joseph Smith's son and namesake was placed at the
head of this church, a position which he still holds. The
Reorganized Church has been twice pronounced by United States
courts to be the one founded under the administration of the
prophet. Its teachings may be called pure Mormonism, free from
the doctrines engrafted in after years. It holds that "the
doctrines of a plurality and community of wives are heresies, and
are opposed to the law of God." Its declaration of faith declares
its belief in baptism by immersion, the same kind of organization
(apostles, prophets, pastors, etc.) that existed in the primitive
church, revelations by God to man from time to time "until the
end of time," and in "the powers and gifts of the everlasting
gospel, viz., the gift of faith, discerning of spirits, prophesy,
revelation, healing, visions, tongues, and the interpretation of
tongues." No one ever heard of this church having any trouble
with its Gentile neighbors.

The Reorganized Church moved its headquarters to Lamoni, Iowa, in

1881. It has a present membership of 45,381, according to the
report of the General Church Recorder to the conference of April,
1901. Of these members, 6964 were foreign,--286 in Canada, 1080
in England, and 1955 in the Society Islands. The largest
membership in this country is 7952 in Iowa, 6280 in Missouri, and
3564 in Michigan. Utah reported 685 members.

The most determined claimant to the successorship of Smith was

James J. Strang. Born at Scipio, New York, in 1813, Strang was
admitted to the bar when a young man, and moved to Wisconsin.
Some of the Mormons who went into the north woods to get lumber
for the Nauvoo Temple planted a Stake near La Crosse, under Lyman
Wight, in 1842. Trouble ensued very soon with their non-Mormon
neighbors, and after a rather brief career the supporters of this
Stake moved away quietly one night. Strang heard of the Mormon
doctrines from these settlers, accepted their truth, and visiting
Nauvoo, was baptized in February, 1844, made an elder, and
authorized to plant another Stake in Wisconsin. He first
attempted to found a city called Voree, where a temple covering
more than two acres of ground, with twelve towers, was begun.

When Smith was killed, Strang at once came forward with a

declaration that the prophet's revelations indicated that, at the
close of his own prophetic office, another would be called to the
place by revelation, and ordained at the hands of angels; that
not only had he (Strang) been so ordained, but that Smith had
written to him in June, 1844, predicting the end of his own work,
and telling Strang that he was to gather the people in a Zion in
Wisconsin. Strang began at once giving out revelations,
describing visions, and announcing that an angel had shown him
"plates of the sealed record," and given him the Urim and Thummim
to translate them.

Although Strang's whole scheme was a very clumsy imitation of

Smith's, he drew a considerable number of followers to his
Wisconsin branch, where he published a newspaper called the Voree
Herald, and issued pamphlets in defence of his position, and a
"Book of the Law," explaining his doctrinal teachings, which
included polygamy. He had five wives. His Herald printed a
statement, signed by the prophet's mother and his brother
William, his three married sisters, and the husband of one of
them, certifying that "the Smith family do believe in the
appointment of J. J. Strang." Among other Mormons of note who
gave in their allegiance to Strang were John E. Page, one of the
Twelve (whom Phelps had called "the sun-dial"), General John C.
Bennett, and Martin Harris.

Strang gave the Mormon leaders considerable anxiety, especially

when he sent missionaries to England to work up his cause. The
Millennial Star of November 15, 1846, devoted a good deal of
space to the subject. The article began:--

"SKETCHES OF NOTORIOUS CHARACTERS: James J. Strang, successor of

Sidney Rigdon, Judius Iscariot, Cain & Co., Envoy Extraordinary
and a Minister Plenipotentiary to His Most Gracious Majesty
Lucifer L, assisted by his allied contemporary advisers, John C.
Bennett, William Smith, G. T. Adams, and John E. Page, Secretary
of Legation."

Strang announced a revelation which declared that he was to be

"King in Zion," and his coronation took place on July 8, 1850,
when he was crowned with a metal crown having a cluster of stars
on its front. Burnt offerings were included in the programme.

This ceremony took place on Beaver Island, in Lake Superior,

where in 1847 Strang had gathered his people and assumed both
temporal and spiritual authority. Both of these claims got him
into trouble. His non-Mormon neighbors, fishermen and lumbermen,
accused the Mormons of wholesale thefts; his assumption of regal
authority brought him before the United States court, (where he
was not held); and his advocacy of the practice of polygamy by
his followers aroused insubordination, and on June 15, 1856, he
was shot by two members of his flock whom he had offended, and
who were at once regarded as heroes by the people of the
mainland. A mob secured a vessel, visited Beaver Island, where
Strang had maintained a sort of fort, and compelled the Mormon
inhabitants to embark immediately, with what little property they
could gather up. They were landed at different places, most of
them in Milwaukee. Thus ended Strang's Kingdom.*

* "A Moses of the Mormons," by Henry E. Legler, Parkman Club

Publications, Nos. 15-16, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, May 11, 1897; "An
American Kingdom of Mormons," Magazine of Western History,
Cleveland, Ohio, April, 1886.

Another leader who "set up for himself " after Smith's death was
Lyman Wight, who had been one of the Twelve in Missouri, and was
arrested with Smith there. Wight did not lay claim to the
position of President of the church, but he resented what he
called Brigham Young's usurpation. In 1845 he led a small company
of his followers to Texas, where they first settled on the
Colorado River, near Austin. They made successive moves from that
place into Gillespie, Burnett, and Bandera counties. He died near
San Antonio in March, 1858. The fact that Wight entered into the
practice of polygamy almost as soon as he reached Texas, and
still escaped any conflict with his non-Mormon neighbors, affords
proof of his good character in other respects. The Galveston
News, in its notice of his death, said, "Mr. Wight first came to
Texas in November, 1845, and has been with his colony on our
extreme frontier ever since, moving still farther west as
settlements formed around him, thus always being the pioneer of
advancing civilization, affording protection against the
Indians."

After Wight's death his people scattered. A majority of them

became identified with the Reorganized Church, a few gave in
their allegiance to the organization in Utah, and others
abandoned Mormonism entirely.
CHAPTER XVII. Brigham Young

Brigham Young, the man who had succeeded in expelling Rigdon and
establishing his own position as head of the church, was born in
Whitingham, Windham County, Vermont, on June 1, 1801. The precise
locality of his birth in that town is in dispute. His father, a
native of Massachusetts, is said to have served under Washington
during the Revolutionary War. The family consisted of eleven
children, five sons and six daughters, of whom Brigham was the
ninth. The Youngs moved to Whitingham in January, 1801. In his
address at the centennial celebration of that town in 1880, Clark
Jillson said, "Henry Goodnow, Esq., of this town says that
Brigham Young's father came here the poorest man that ever had
been in town; that he never owned a cow, horse, or any land, but
was a basket maker." Mormon accounts represent the elder Young as
having been a farmer.

His circumstances permitted him to give his children very little

education, and, when sixteen years old, Brigham seems to have
started out to make his own living, working as a carpenter,
painter, and glazier, as jobs were offered. He was living in
Aurelius, Cayuga County, New York, in 1824, working at his trade,
and there, in October of that year, he married his first wife,
Miriam Works. In 1829 they moved to Mendon, Monroe County, New
York.

Joseph Smith's brother, in the following year, left a copy of the

Mormon Bible at the house of Brigham's brother Phineas in Mendon,
and there Brigham first saw it. Occasional preaching by Mormon
elders made the new faith a subject of conversation in the
neighborhood, and Phineas was an early convert. Brigham stated in
a sermon in Salt Lake City, on August 8, 1852, that he examined
the new Bible for two years before deciding to receive it. He was
baptized into the Mormon church on April 14, 1832. His wife, who
also embraced the faith, died in September of that year, leaving
him two daughters.

Young married his second wife, Mary A. Angel, in Kirtland on

March 31, 1834. His application for a marriage license is still
on file among the records of the Probate Court at Chardon, now
the shire town of Geauga County, Ohio, and his signature is a
proof of his illiterateness, showing that he did not know how to
spell his own baptismal name, spelling it "Bricham."

Young began preaching and baptizing in the neighborhood, having

at once been made an elder, and in the autumn of 1832, after
Smith's second return from Missouri, he visited Kirtland and
first saw the prophet. Mormon accounts of this visit say that
Young "spoke in tongues," and that Smith pronounced his language
"the pure Adamic," and then predicted that he would in time
preside over the church. It is not at all improbable that Joseph
did not hesitate to interpret Brigham's "tongues," but at that
time he was thinking of everything else but a successor to
himself.

Young, with his brother Joseph, went from Kirtland on foot to

Canada, where he preached and baptized, and whence he brought
back a company of converts. He worked at his trade in Kirtland
(preaching as called upon) from that time until 1834, when he
accompanied the "Army of Zion" to Missouri, being one of the
captains of tens. Returning with the prophet, he was employed on
the Temple and other church buildings for the next three years
(superintending the painting of the Temple), when he was not
engaged in other church work. Having been made one of the
original Quorum of Twelve in 1835, he devoted a good deal of time
in the warmer months holding conferences in New York State and
New England.

When open opposition to Smith manifested itself in Kirtland,

Young was one of his firmest defenders. He attended a meeting in
an upper room of the Temple, the object of which was to depose
Smith and place David Whitmer in the Presidency, leading in the
debate, and declaring that he "knew that Joseph was a prophet."
According to his own statement, he learned of a plot to kill
Smith as he was returning from Michigan in a stage-coach, and met
the coach with a horse and buggy, and drove the prophet to
Kirtland unharmed. When Smith found it necessary to flee from
Ohio, Young followed him to Missouri with his family, arriving at
Far West on March 14, 1838. He sailed to Liverpool on a mission
in 1840, remaining there a little more than a year.

In all the discords of the church that occurred during Smith's

life, Young never incurred the prophet's displeasure, and there
is no evidence that he ever attempted to obtain any more power or
honor for himself than was voluntarily accorded to him. He gave
practical assistance to the refugees from Missouri as they
arrived at Quincy, but there is no record of his prominence in
the discussions there over the future plans for the church. The
prophet's liking for him is shown in a revelation dated at
Nauvoo, July 9; 1841 (Sec. 126), which said:--

"Dear and beloved brother Brigham Young, verily thus saith the
Lord unto you, my servant Brigham, it is no more required at your
hand to leave your family as in times past, for your offering is
acceptable to me; I have seen your labor and toil in journeyings
for my name. I therefore command you to send my word abroad, and
take special care of your family from this time, henceforth, and
forever. Amen."

The apostasy of Marsh and the death of Patton had left Young the
President of the Twelve, and that was the position in which he
found himself at the time of Smith's death.

One of the first subjects which Young had to decide concerned

"revelations." Did they cease with Smith's death, or, if not, who
would receive and publish them? Young made a statement on this
subject at the church conference held at Nauvoo on October 6 of
that year, which indicated his own uncertainty on the subject,
and which concluded as follows, "Every member has the right of
receiving revelations for themselves, both male and female." As
if conscious that all this was not very clear, he closed by
making a declaration which was very characteristic of his future
policy: "If you don't know whose right it is to give revelations,
I will tell you. It is I."* We shall see that the discontinuance
of written "revelations" was a cause of complaint during all of
Young's subsequent career in Utah, but he never yielded to the
demand for them.

* Times and Seasons, Vol. V, pp. 682-683.

At the conference in Nauvoo Young selected eighty-five men from

the Quorum of high priests to preside over branches of the church
in all the congressional districts of the United States; and he
took pains to explain to them that they were not to stay six
months and then return, but "to go and settle down where they can
take their families and tarry until the Temple is built, and then
come and get their endowments, and return to their families and
build up a Stake as large as this." Young's policy evidently was,
while not imitating Rigdon's plan to move the church bodily to
the East, to build up big branches all over the country, with a
view to such control of affairs, temporal and spiritual, as could
be attained. "If the people will let us alone," he said to this
same conference, "we will convert the world."

Many members did not look on the Twelve as that head of the
church which Smith's revelations had decreed. It was argued by
those who upheld Rigdon and Strang, and by some who remained with
the Twelve, that the "revelations" still required a First
Presidency. The Twelve allowed this question to remain unsettled
until the brethren were gathered at Winter Quarters, Iowa, after
their expulsion from Nauvoo, and Young had returned from his
first trip to Salt Lake valley. The matter was taken up at a
council at Orson Hyde's house on December 5, 1847, and it was
decided, but not without some opposing views, to reorganize the
church according to the original plan, with a First Presidency
and Patriarch. In accordance with this plan, a conference was
held in the log tabernacle at Winter Quarters on December 24, and
Young was elected President and John Smith Patriarch. Young
selected Heber C. Kimball and Willard Richards to be his
counsellors, and the action of this conference was confirmed in
Salt Lake City the following October. Young wrote immediately
after his election, "This is one of the happiest days of my
life."

The vacancies in the Twelve caused by these promotions, and by

Wight's apostasy, were not filled until February 12, 1849, in
Salt Lake City, when Lorenzo Snow, Erastus Snow, C. C. Rich, and
F. D. Richards were chosen.

CHAPTER XVIII. Renewed Trouble For The Mormons--"The Burnings"

The death of the prophet did not bring peace with their outside
neighbors to the Mormon church. Indeed, the causes of enmity were
too varied and radical to be removed by any changes in the
leadership, so long as the brethren remained where they were.

In the winter of 1844-1845 charges of stealing made against the

Mormons by their neighbors became more frequent. Governor Ford,
in his message to the legislature, pronounced such reports
exaggerated, but it probably does the governor no injustice to
say that he now had his eye on the Mormon vote. The non-Mormons
in Hancock and the surrounding counties held meetings and
appointed committees to obtain accurate information about the
thefts, and the old complaints of the uselessness of tracing
stolen goods to Nauvoo were revived. The Mormons vigorously
denied these charges through formal action taken by the Nauvoo
City Council and a citizens' meeting, alleging that in many cases
"outlandish men" had visited the city at night to scatter
counterfeit money and deposit stolen goods, the responsibility
for which was laid on Mormon shoulders.

It is not at all improbable that many a theft in western Illinois

in those days that was charged to Mormons had other authors; but
testimony regarding the dishonesty of many members of the church,
such as we have seen presented in Smith's day, was still
available. Thus, Young, in one of his addresses to the conference
assembled at Nauvoo about two months after Smith's death, made
this statement: "Elders who go to borrowing horses or money, and
running away with it, will be cut off from the church without any
ceremony. THEY WILL NOT HAVE SO MUCH LENITY AS HERETOFORE."*

* Times and Seasons, Vol. V, p. 696.

A lady who published a sketch of her travels in 1845 through

Illinois and Iowa wrote:--

"We now entered a part of the country laid waste by the

desperadoes among the Mormons. Whole farms were deserted, fields
were still covered with wheat unreaped, and cornfields stood
ungathered, the inhabitants having fled to a distant part of the
country . . . . Friends gave us a good deal of information about
the doings of these Saints at Nauvoo--said that often, when their
orchards were full of fruit, some sixteen of these monsters would
come with bowie knives and drive the owners into their houses
while they stripped their trees of the fruit. If these rogues
wanted cattle they would drive off the cattle of the Gentiles."*

* "Book for the Married and Single," by Ann Archbold.

A trial concerning the title to some land in Adams County in that

year brought out the fact that there existed in the Mormon church
what was called a "Oneness." Five persons would associate and
select one of their members as a guardian; then, if any of the
property they jointly owned was levied on, they would show that
one or more of the other five was the real owner.

While the Mormons continued to send abroad glowing pictures of

the prosperity of Nauvoo, less prejudiced accounts gave a very
different view. The latter pointed out that the immigrants, who
supplied the only source of prosperity, had expended most of
their capital on houses and lots, that building operations had
declined, because houses could be bought cheaper than they could
be built, and that mechanics had been forced to seek employment
in St. Louis. Published reports that large numbers of the poor in
the city were dependent on charity received confirmation in a
letter published in the Millennial Star of October 1, 1845, which
said that on a fast-day proclaimed by Young, when the poor were
to be remembered, "people were seen trotting in all directions to
the Bishops of the different wards" with their contributions.

We have seen that the gathering of the Saints at Nauvoo was an

idea of Joseph Smith, and was undertaken against the judgment of
some of the wiser members of the church. The plan, so far as its
business features were concerned, was on a par with the other
business enterprises that the prophet had fathered. There was
nothing to sustain a population of 15,000 persons, artificially
collected, in this frontier settlement, and that disaster must
have resulted from the experiment, even without the hostile
opposition of their neighbors, is evident from the fact that
Nauvoo to day, when fifty years have settled up the surrounding
district and brought it in better communication with the world,
is a village of only 1321 inhabitants (census of 1900).

Politics were not eliminated from the causes of trouble by

Smith's death. Not only was 1844 a presidential year, but the
citizens of Hancock County were to vote for a member of Congress,
two members of the legislature, and a sheriff. Governor Ford
urgently advised the Mormons not to vote at all, as a measure of
peace; but political feeling ran very high, and the Democrats got
the Mormon vote for President, and with the same assistance
elected as sheriff General Deming, the officer left by Governor
Ford in command of the militia at Carthage when the Smiths were
killed, as well as two members of the legislature who had voted
against the repeal of the Nauvoo city charter.

The tone of the Mormons toward their non-Mormon neighbors seemed

to become more defiant at this time than ever. The repeal of the
Nauvoo charter, in January, 1845, unloosened their tongues. Their
newspaper, the Neighbor, declared that the legislature "had no
more right to repeal the charter than the United States would
have to abrogate and make void the constitution of the state, or
than Great Britain would have to abolish the constitution of the
United States--and the man that says differently is a coward, a
traitor to his own rights, and a tyrant; no odds what Blackstone,
Kent or Story may have written to make themselves and their names
popular, to the contrary."

The Neighbor, in the same article, thus defined its view of the
situation, after the repeal:--

"Nor is it less legal for an insulted individual or community to

resist oppression. For this reason, until the blood of Joseph and
Hyrum Smith has been atoned for by hanging, shooting or slaying
in some manner every person engaged in that cowardly, mean
assassination, no Latter-Day Saint should give himself up to the
law; for the presumption is that they wilt murder him in the same
manner . . . . Neither should civil process come into Nauvoo till
the United States by a vigorous course, causes the State of
Missouri and the State of Illinois to redress every man that has
suffered the loss of lands, goods or anything else by expulsion .
. . . If any man is bound to maintain the law, it is for the
benefit he may derive from it . . . . Well, our charter is
repealed; the murderers of the Smiths are running at large, and
if the Mormons should wish to imitate their forefathers and
fulfil the Scriptures by making it 'hard to kick against the
pricks' by wearing cast steel pikes about four or five inches
long in their boots and shoes to kick with, WHAT'S THE HARM?"
Such utterances, which found imitation in the addresses of the
leaders, and were echoed in the columns of Pratt's Prophet in New
York, made it easy for their hostile neighbors to believe that
the Mormons considered themselves beyond the reach of any law but
their own. Some daring murders committed across the river in Iowa
in the spring of 1845 afforded confirmation to the non-Mormons of
their belief in church-instigated crimes of this character, and
in the existence and activity of the Danite organization. The
Mormon authorities had denied that there were organized Danites
at Nauvoo, but the weight of testimony is against the denial.
Gregg, a resident of the locality when the Mormons dwelt there,
gives a fair idea of the accepted. view of the Danites at that
time:--

"They were bound together with oaths of the most solemn

character, and the punishment of traitors to the order was death.
John A. Murrell's Band of Pirates, who flourished at one time
near Jackson, Tennessee, and up and down the Mississippi River
above New Orleans, was never so terrible as the Danite Band, for
the latter was a powerful organization, and was above the law.
The band made threats, and they were not idle threats. They went
about on horseback, under cover of darkness, disguised in long
white robes with red girdles. Their faces were covered with masks
to conceal their identity."*

* "History of Hancock County." See also "Sketches and Anecdotes

of the Old Settlers," p. 34.

Phineas Wilcox, a young man of good reputation, went to Nauvoo on

September 16, 1845, to get some wheat ground, and while there
disappeared completely. The inquiry made concerning him led his
friends to believe that he was suspected of being a Gentile spy,
and was quietly put out of the way.*

* See Lee's "Mormonism Unveiled," pp. 158-159, for accounts of

methods of disposing of objectionable persons at Nauvoo.

William Smith, the prophet's brother, contributed to the

testimony against the Mormon leaders. Returning from the East,
where he had been living for three years when Joseph was killed,
he was warmly welcomed by the Mormon press, and elevated to the
position of Patriarch, and, as such, issued a sort of
advertisement of his patriarchal wares in the Times and Seasons*
and Neighbor, inviting those in want of blessings to call at his
residence. William was not a man of tact, and it required but a
little time for him to arouse the jealousy of the leaders, the
result of which was a notice in the Times and Seasons of November
1, 1845, that he had been "cut off and left in the hands of God."
But William was not a man to remain quiet even in such a retreat,
and he soon afterward issued to the Saints throughout the world
"a proclamation and faithful warning," which filled eight and a
half columns of the Warsaw Signal of October 29, 1845, in which,
"in all meekness of spirit, and without anger or malice" (William
possessed most of the family traits), he accused Young of
instigating murders, and spoke of him in this way:--

* Vol. VI, p. 904.

"It is my firm and sincere conviction that, since the murder of

my two brothers, usurpation, and anarchy, and spiritual
wickedness in high places have crept into the church, with the
cognizance and acquiescence of those whose solemn duty It was to
guardedly watch against such a state of things. Under the reign
of one whom I may call a Pontius Pilate, under the reign, I say,
of this Brigham Young, no greater tyrant ever existed since the
days of Nero. He has no other justification than ignorance to
cover the most cruel acts--acts disgraceful to any one bearing
the stamp of humanity; and this being has associated around him
men, bound by oaths and covenants, who are reckless enough to
commit almost any crime, or fulfil any command that their
self-crowned head might give them"

William was, of course, welcomed as a witness by the non-Mormons.

He soon after went to St. Louis, and while there received a
letter from Orson Hyde, which called his proclamation "a cruel
thrust," but urged him to return, pledging that they would not
harm him. William did not accept the invitation, but settled in
Illinois, became a respected citizen, and in later years was
elected to the legislature. When invited to join the Reorganized
Church by his nephew Joseph, he declined, saying, "I am not in
sympathy, very strongly, with any of the present organized bands
of Mormons, your own not excepted."

By the spring of 1845 the Mormons were deserted even by their

Democratic allies, some three hundred of whom in Hancock County
issued an address denying that the opposition to them was
principally Whig, and declaring that it had arisen from
compulsion and in self-defence. Governor Ford, anxious to be rid
of his troublesome constituents, sent a confidential letter to
Brigham Young, dated April 8, 1845, saying, "If you can get off
by yourselves you may enjoy peace," and suggesting California as
opening "a field for the prettiest enterprise that has been
undertaken in modern times."

An era of the most disgraceful outrages that marked any of the

conflicts between the Mormons and their opponents east of the
Rocky Mountains began in Hancock County on the night of September
9, when a schoolhouse in Green Plain, south of Warsaw, in which
the anti-Mormons were holding a meeting, was fired upon. The
Mormons always claimed that this was a sham attack, made by the
anti-Mormons to give an excuse for open hostilities, and
probabilities favor this view. Straightway ensued what were known
as the "burnings." A band of men, numbering from one hundred to
two hundred, and coming mostly from Warsaw, began burning the
houses, outbuildings, and grain stacks of Mormons all over the
southwest part of the county. The owners were given time to
remove their effects, and were ordered to make haste to Nauvoo,
and in this way the country region was rapidly rid of Mormon
settlers.*

* Gregg's "History of Hancock County," p. 374.

The sheriff of the county at that time was J. B. Backenstos, who,
Ford says, went to Hancock County from Sangamon, a fraudulent
debtor, and whose brother married a niece of the Prophet Joseph.*
He had been elected to the legislature the year before, and had
there so openly espoused the Mormon cause opposing the repeal of
the Nauvoo charter that his constituents proposed to drive him
from the county when he returned home. Backenstos at once took up
the cause of the Mormons, issued proclamation after
proclamation,** breathing the utmost hostility to the Mormon
assailants, and calling on the citizens to aid him as a posse in
maintaining order.

* Ford's "History of Illinois," pp. 407-408.

** For the text of five of these proclamations, see Millennial

Star, Vol. VI.

A sheriff of different character might have secured the help that

was certainly his due on such an occasion, but no non-Mormon
would respond to a call by Backenstos. An occurrence incidental
to these disturbances now added to the public feeling. On
September 16, Lieutenant Worrell, who had been in command of the
guard at the jail when the Smith brothers were killed, was shot
dead while riding with two companions from Carthage to Warsaw.
His death was charged to Backenstos and to O. P. Rockwell,* the
man accused of the attempted assassination of Governor Boggs, and
both were afterward put on trial for it, but were acquitted. The
sheriff now turned to the Nauvoo Legion for recruits, and in his
third proclamation he announced that he then had a posse of
upward of two thousand "well-armed men" and two thousand more
ready to respond to his call. He marched in different directions
with this force, visiting Carthage, where he placed a number of
citizens under arrest and issued his Proclamation No. 4., in
which he characterized the Carthage Grays as "a band of the most
infamous and villanous scoundrels that ever infested any
community."

* "Who was the actual guilty party may never be known. We have
lately been informed from Salt Lake that Rockwell did the deed,
under order of the sheriff, which is probably the case."--Gregg,
"History of Hancock County," p. 341.

"During the ascendency of the sheriff and the absence of the

anti-Mormons from their homes," said Governor Ford,* "the people
who had been burnt out of their houses assembled at Nauvoo, from
whence, with many others, they sallied forth and ravaged the
country, stealing and plundering whatever was convenient to carry
or drive away." Thus it seems that the governor had changed his
opinion about the honesty of the Mormons. To remedy the chaotic
condition of affairs in the county, Governor Ford went to
Jacksonville, Morgan County, where, in a conference, it was
decided that judge Stephen A. Douglas, General J. J. Hardin,
Attorney General T. A. McDougal, and Major W. B. Warren should go
to Hancock County with such forces as could be raised, to put an
end to the lawlessness. When the sheriff heard of this, he
pronounced the governor's proclamation directing the movement a
forgery, and said, in his own Proclamation No. 5, "I hope no
armed men will come into Hancock County under such circumstances.
I shall regard them in the character of a mob, and shall treat
them accordingly."

*Ford's "History of Illinois," p. 410.

The sheriff labored under a mistake. The steps now taken

resulted, not in a demonstration of his authority, but in the
final expulsion of all the Mormons from Illinois and Iowa.

CHAPTER XIX. The Expulsion Of The Mormons

General Hardin announced the coming of his force, which numbered

about four hundred men, in a proclamation addressed "To the
Citizens of Hancock County," dated September 27. He called
attention to the lawless acts of the last two years by both
parties, characterizing the recent burning of houses as "acts
which disgrace your county, and are a stigma to the state, the
nation, and the age." His force would simply see that the laws
were obeyed, without taking part with either side. He forbade the
assembling of any armed force of more than four men while his
troops remained in the county, urged the citizens to attend to
their ordinary business, and directed officers having warrants
for arrests in connection with the recent disturbances to let the
attorney-general decide whether they needed the assistance of
troops.

But the citizens were in no mood for anything like a restoration

of the recent order of things, or for any compromise. The Warsaw
Signal of September 17 had appealed to the non-Mormons of the
neighboring counties to come to the rescue of Hancock, and the
citizens of these counties now began to hold meetings which
adopted resolutions declaring that the Mormons "must go," and
that they would not permit them to settle in any of the counties
interested. The most important of these meetings, held at Quincy,
resulted in the appointment of a committee of seven to visit
Nauvoo, and see what arrangements could be made with the Mormons
regarding their removal from the state. Notwithstanding their
defiant utterances, the Mormon leaders had for some time realized
that their position in Illinois was untenable. That Smith himself
understood this before his death is shown by the following entry
in his diary:--

"Feb. 20, 1844. I instructed the Twelve Apostles to send out a

delegation, and investigate the locations of California and
Oregon, and hunt out a good location where we can remove to after
the Temple is completed, and where we can build a city in a day,
and have a government of our own, get up into the mountains,
where the devil cannot dig us out, and live in a healthy climate
where we can live as old as we have a mind to."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. XX, p. 819.

The Mormon reply to the Quincy committee was given under date of
September 24 in the form of a proclamation signed by President
Brigham Young.* In a long preamble it asserted the desire of the
Mormons "to live in peace with all men, so far as we can, without
sacrificing the right to worship God according to the dictates of
our own consciences"; recited their previous expulsion from their
homes, and the unfriendly view taken of their "views and
principles" by many of the people of Illinois, finally announcing
that they proposed to leave that country in the spring "for some
point so remote that there will not need to be a difficulty with
the people and ourselves." The agreement to depart was, however,
conditioned on the following stipulations: that the citizens
would help them to sell or rent their properties, to get means to
assist the widows, the fatherless, and the destitute to move with
the rest; that "all men will let us alone with their vexatious
lawsuits"; that cash, dry goods, oxen, cattle, horses, wagons,
etc., be given in exchange for Mormon property, the exchanges to
be conducted by a committee of both parties; and that they be
subjected to no more house burnings nor other depredations while
they remained.

* Millennial Star, Vol. VI, p. 187.

The adjourned meeting at Quincy received the report of its

committee on September 26, and voted to accept the proposal of
the Mormons to move in the spring, but stated explicitly, "We do
not intend to bring ourselves under any obligation to purchase
their property, nor to furnish purchasers for the same;. but we
will in no way hinder or obstruct them in their efforts to sell,
and will expect them to dispose of their property and remove at
the time appointed." To manifest their sympathy with the
unoffending poor of Nauvoo, a committee of twenty was appointed
to receive subscriptions for their aid. The resignation of
Sheriff Backenstos was called for, and the judge of that circuit
was advised to hold no court in Hancock County that year.

The outcome of the meetings in the different counties was a

convention which met in Carthage on October 1 and 2, and at which
nine counties (Hancock not included) were represented. This
convention adopted resolutions setting forth the inability of
non-Mormons to secure justice at the hands of juries under Mormon
influence, declaring that the only settlement of the troubles
could be through the removal of the Mormons from the state, and
repudiating "the impudent assertion, so often and so constantly
put forth by the Mormons, that they are persecuted for
righteousness' sake." The counties were advised to form a
military organization, and the Mormons were warned that their
opponents "solemnly pledge ourselves to be ready to act as the
occasion may require."

Meanwhile, the commissioners appointed by Governor Ford had been

in negotiation with the Mormon authorities, and on October 1
they, too, asked the latter to submit their intentions in
writing. This they did the same day. Their reply, signed by
Brigham Young, President, and Willard Richards, Clerk,* referred
the commission to their response to the Quincy committee, and
added that they had begun arrangements to remove from the county
before the recent disturbances, one thousand families, including
the heads of the church, being determined to start in the spring,
without regard to any sacrifice of their property; that the whole
church desired to go with them, and would do so if the necessary
means could be secured by sales of their possessions, but that
they wished it "distinctly understood that, although we may not
find purchasers for our property, we will not sacrifice it or
give it away, or suffer it illegally to be wrested from us." To
this the commissioners on October 3 sent a reply, informing the
Mormons that their proposition seemed to be acquiesced in by the
citizens of all the counties interested, who would permit them to
depart in peace the next spring without further violence. They
closed as follows:--

* Text in Millennial Star, Vol. VI, p. 190.

"After what has been said and written by yourselves, it will be

confidently expected by us and the whole community, that you will
remove from the state with your whole church, in the manner you
have agreed in your statement to us. Should you not do so, we are
satisfied, however much we may deprecate violence and bloodshed,
that violent measures will be resorted to, to compel your
removal, which will result in most disastrous consequences to
yourselves and your opponents, and that the end will be your
expulsion from the state. We think that steps should be taken by
you to make it apparent that you are actually preparing to remove
in the spring.

"By carrying out, in good faith, your proposition to remove, as

submitted to us, we think you should be, and will be, permitted
to depart peaceably next spring for your destination, west of the
Rocky Mountains. For the purpose of maintaining law and order in
this county, the commanding general purposes to leave an armed
force in this county which will be sufficient for that purpose,
and which will remain so long as the governor deems it necessary.
And for the purpose of preventing the use of such force for
vexatious or improper objects, we will recommend the governor of
the state to send some competent legal officer to remain here,
and have the power of deciding what process shall be executed by
said military force.

"We recommend to you to place every possible restraint in your

power over the members of your church, to prevent them from
committing acts of aggression or retaliation on any citizens of
the state, as a contrary course may, and most probably will,
bring about a collision which will subvert all efforts to
maintain the peace in this county; and we propose making a
similar request of your opponents in this and the surrounding
counties.

"With many wishes that you may find that peace and prosperity in
the land of your destination which you desire, we have the honor
to subscribe ourselves,

JOHN J. HARDIN, W. B. WARREN.

S. A. DOUGLAS, J. A. MCDOUGAL."

On the following day these commissioners made official

announcement of the result of their negotiations, "to the
anti-Mormon citizens of Hancock and the surrounding counties."
They expressed their belief in the sincerity of the Mormon
promises; advised that the non-Mormons be satisfied with
obtaining what was practicable, even if some of their demands
could not be granted, beseeching them to be orderly, and at the
same time warning them not to violate the law, which the troops
left in the county by General Hardin would enforce at all
hazards. The report closed as follows:--

"Remember, whatever may be the aggression against you, the

sympathy of the public may be forfeited. It cannot be denied that
the burning of the houses of the Mormons in Hancock County, by
which a large number of women and children have been rendered
homeless and houseless, in the beginning of the winter, was an
act criminal in itself, and disgraceful to its perpetrators. And
it should also be known that it has led many persons to believe
that, even if the Mormons are so bad as they are represented,
they are no worse than those who have burnt their houses. Whether
your cause is just or unjust, the acts of these incendiaries have
thus lost for you something of the sympathy and good-will of your
fellow-citizens; and a resort to, or persistence in, such a
course under existing circumstances will make you forfeit all the
respect and sympathy of the community. We trust and believe, for
this lovely portion of our state, a brighter day is dawning; and
we beseech all parties not to seek to hasten its approach by the
torch of the incendiary, nor to disturb its dawn by the clash of
arms."

The Millennial Star of December 1, 1845, thus introduced this

correspondence:--

THE END OF AMERICAN LIBERTY

"The following official correspondence shows that this government

has given thirty thousand American citizens THE CHOICE OF DEATH
or BANISHMENT beyond the Rocky Mountains. Of these two evils they
have chosen the least. WHAT BOASTED LIBERTY! WHAT an honor to
American character!"

CHAPTER XX. The Evacuation Of Nauvoo--"The Last Mormon War"

The winter of 1845-1846 in Hancock County passed without any

renewed outbreak, but the credit for this seems to have been due
to the firmness and good judgment of Major W. B. Warren, whom
General Hardin placed in command of the force which he left in
that county to preserve order, rather than to any improvement in
the relations between the two parties, even after the Mormons had
agreed to depart.

Major Warren's command, which at first consisted of one hundred

men, and was reduced during the winter to fifty and later to ten,
came from Quincy, and had as subordinate officers James D. Morgan
and B. M. Prentiss, whose names became famous as Union generals
in the war of the rebellion. Warren showed no favoritism in
enforcing his authority, and he was called on to exercise it
against both sides. The local newspapers of the day contain
accounts of occasional burnings during the winter, and of murders
committed here and there. On November 17, a meeting of citizens
of Warsaw, who styled. themselves "a portion of the anti-Mormon
party," was held to protest against such acts as burnings and the
murder of a Mormon, ten miles south of Warsaw, and to demand
adherence to the agreement entered into. On February 5, Major
Warren had to issue a warning to an organization of anti-Mormons
who had ordered a number of Mormon families to leave the county
by May 1, if they did not want to be burned out.

Governor Ford sent Mr. Brayman to Hancock County as legal counsel

for the military commander. In a report dated December 14, 1845,
Mr. Brayman said of the condition of affairs as he found them:--

"Judicial proceedings are but mockeries of the forms of law;

juries, magistrates and officers of every grade concerned in the
civil affairs of the county partake so deeply of the prevailing
excitement that no reliance, as a general thing, can be placed on
their action. Crime enjoys a disgraceful impunity, and each one
feels at liberty to commit any aggression, or to avenge his own
wrongs to any extent, without legal accountability . . . .
Whether the parties will become reconciled or quieted, so as to
live together in peace, is doubted . . . . Such a series of
outrages and bold violations of law as have marked the history of
Hancock County for several years past is a blot upon our
institutions; ought not to be endured by a civilized people." *

* Warsaw Signal, December 24, 1845.

Meanwhile, the Mormons went on with their preparations for their

westward march, selling their property as best they could, and
making every effort to trade real estate in and out of the city,
and such personal property as they could not take with them, for
cattle, oxen, mules, horses, sheep, and wagons. Early in February
the non-Mormons were surprised to learn that the Mormons at
Nauvoo had begun crossing the river as a beginning of their
departure for the far West. "We scarcely know what to make of
this movement," said the Warsaw Signal, the general belief being
that the Mormons would be slow in carrying out their agreement to
leave "so soon as grass would grow and water run." The date of
the first departure, it has since been learned, was hastened by
the fact that the grand jury in Springfield, Illinois, in
December, 1845, had found certain indictments for counterfeiting,
in regard to which the journal of that city, on December 25, gave
the following particulars:--

"During the last week twelve bills of indictment for

counterfeiting Mexican dollars and our half dollars and dimes
were found by the Grand Jury, and presented to the United States
Circuit Court in this city against different persons in and about
Nauvoo, embracing some of the 'Holy Twelve' and other prominent
Mormons, and persons in league with them. The manner in which the
money was put into circulation was stated. At one mill $1500 was
paid out for wheat in one week. Whenever a land sale was about to
take place, wagons were sent off with the coin into the land
district where such sale was to take place, and no difficulty
occurred in exchanging off the counterfeit coin for paper . . . .
So soon as the indictments were found, a request was made by the
marshal of the Governor of this state for a posse, or the
assistance of the military force stationed in Hancock County, to
enable him to arrest the alleged counterfeiters. Gov. Ford
refused to grant the request. An officer has since been sent to
Nauvoo to make the arrests, but we apprehend. there is no
probability of his success"

The report that a whole city was practically for sale had been
widely spread, and many persons--some from the Eastern
states--began visiting it to see what inducements were offered to
new settlers, and what bargains were to be had. Among these was
W. E. Matlack, who on April 10 issued, in Nauvoo, the first
number of a weekly newspaper called the Hancock Eagle. Matlack
seems to have been a fair-minded man, possessed of the courage of
his convictions, and his paper was a better one in, a literary
sense than the average weekly of the day. In his inaugural
editorial he said that he favored the removal of the Mormons as a
peace measure, but denounced mob rule and threats against the
Mormons who had not departed. The ultra-Antis took offence at
this at once, and, so far as the Eagle was supposed to represent
the views of the new-comers,--who were henceforth called New
Citizens,--counted them little better than the Mormons
themselves. Among these, however, was a class whom the county
should have welcomed, the boats, in one week in May, landing four
or five merchants, six physicians, three or four lawyers, two
dentists, and two or three hundred others, including laborers.

The people of Hancock and the surrounding counties still refused

to believe that the Mormons were sincere in their intention to
depart, and the county meetings of the year before were
reassembled to warn the Mormons that the citizens stood ready to
enforce their order. The vacillating course of Governor Ford did
not help the situation. He issued an order disbanding Major
Warren's force on May 1, and on the following day instructed him
to muster it into service again. Warren was very outspoken in his
determination to protect the departing Mormons, and in a
proclamation which he issued he told them to "leave the fighting
to be done by my detachment. If we are overpowered, then recross
the river and defend yourselves and your property."

The peace was preserved during May, and the Mormon exodus
continued, Young with the first company being already well
advanced in his march across Iowa. Major Warren sent a weekly
report on the movement to the Warsaw Signal. That dated May 14
said that the ferries at Nauvoo and at Fort Madison were each
taking across an average of 35 teams in twenty-four hours. For
the week ending May 22 he reported the departure of 539 teams and
1617 persons; and for the week ending May 29, the departure of
269 teams and 800 persons, and he said he had counted the day
before 617 wagons in Nauvoo ready to start.

But even this activity did not satisfy the ultra element among
the anti-Mormons, and at a meeting in Carthage, on Saturday, June
6, resolutions drawn by Editor Sharp of the Signal expressed the
belief that many of the Mormons intended to remain in the state,
charged that they continued to commit depredations, and declared
that the time had come for the citizens of the counties affected
to arm and equip themselves for action. The Signal headed its
editorial remarks on this meeting, "War declared in Hancock."

When the news of the gathering at Carthage reached Nauvoo it

created a panic. The Mormons, lessened in number by the many
departures, and with their goods mostly packed for moving, were
in no situation to repel an attack; and they began hurrying to
the ferry until the streets were blocked with teams. The New
Citizens, although the Carthage meeting had appointed a committee
to confer with them, were almost as much alarmed, and those who
could do so sent away their families, while several merchants
packed up their goods for safety. On Friday, June 12, the
committee of New Citizens met some 600 anti-Mormons who had
assembled near Carthage, and strenuously objected to their
marching into Nauvoo. As a sort of compromise, the force
consented to rendezvous at Golden Point, five miles south of
Nauvoo, and there they arrived the next day. This force,
according to the Signal's own account, was a mere mob,
three-fourths of whom went there against their own judgment, and
only to try to prevent extreme measures. A committee was at once
sent to Nauvoo to confer with the New Citizens, but it met with a
decided snubbing. The Nauvoo people then sent a committee to the
camp, with a proposition that thirty men of the Antis march into
the city, and leave three of their number there to report on the
progress of the Mormon exodus.

On Sunday morning, before any such agreement was reached, word

came from Nauvoo that Sheriff Backenstos had arrived there and
enrolled a posse of some 500 men, the New Citizens uniting with
the Mormons for the protection of the place. This led to an
examination of the war supplies of the Antis, and the discovery
that they had only five rounds of ammunition to a man, and one
day's provision. Thereupon they ingloriously broke camp and made
off to Carthage.

After this nothing more serious than a war of words occurred

until July 11, when an event happened which aroused the feeling
of both parties to the fighting pitch. Three Mormons from Nauvoo
had been harvesting a field of grain about eight miles from the
city.* In some way they angered a man living near by (according
to his wife's affidavit, by shooting around his fields, using his
stable for their horses, and feeding his oats), and he collected
some neighbors, who gave the offenders a whipping, more or less
severe, according to the account accepted. The men went at once
to Nauvoo, and exhibited their backs, and that night a Mormon
posse arrested seventeen Antis and conveyed them to Nauvoo. The
Antis in turn seized five Mormons whom they held as "hostages,"
and the northern part of Hancock County and a part of McDonough
were in a state of alarm.

* The Eagle stated that the farm where the Mormons were at work
had been bought by a New Citizen, who had sent out both Mormons
and New Citizens to cut the grain.
Civil chaos ensued. General Hardin and Major Warren had joined
the federal army that was to march against Mexico, and their cool
judgment was greatly missed. One Carlin, appointed as a special
constable, called on the citizens of Hancock County to assemble
as his posse to assist in executing warrants in Nauvoo, and the
Mormons of that city at once took steps to resist arrests by him.
Governor Ford sent Major Parker of Fulton County, who was a Whig,
to make an inquiry at Nauvoo and defend that city against
rioting, and Mr. Brayman remained there to report to him on the
course of affairs.

What was called at that time, in Illinois, "the last Mormon war"
opened with a fusillade of correspondence between Carlin and
Major Parker. Parker issued a proclamation, calling on all good
citizens to return to their homes, and Carlin declared that he
would obey no authority which tried to prevent him from doing his
duty, telling the major that it would "take something more than
words" to disperse his posse. While Parker was issuing a series
of proclamations, the so-called posse was, on August 25, placed
under the command of Colonel J. B. Chittenden of Adams County,
who was superseded three days later by Colonel Singleton. Colonel
Singleton was successful in arranging with Major Parker terms of
peace, which provided among other things that all the Mormons
should be out of the state in sixty days, except heads of
families who remained to close their business; but the colonel's
officers rejected this agreement, and the colonel thereupon left
the camp. Carlin at once appointed Colonel Brockman to the chief
command. He was a Campbellite preacher who, according to Ford,
had been a public defaulter and had been "silenced" by his
church. After rejecting another offer of compromise made by the
Mormons, Brockman, on September 11, with about seven hundred men
who called themselves a posse, advanced against Nauvoo, with some
small field pieces. Governor Ford had authorized Major Flood,
commanding the militia of Adams County, to raise a force to
preserve order in Hancock; but the major, knowing that such
action would only incense the force of the Antis, disregarded the
governor's request. At this juncture Major Parker was relieved of
the command at Nauvoo and succeeded by Major B. Clifford, Jr., of
the 33rd regiment of Illinois Volunteers.

On the morning of September 12, Brockman sent into Nauvoo a

demand for its surrender, with the pledge that there would be no
destruction of property or life "unless absolutely necessary in
self-defence." Major Clifford rejected this proposition, advised
Brockman to disperse his force, and named Mayor Wood of Quincy
and J. P. Eddy, a St. Louis merchant then in Nauvoo, as
recipients of any further propositions from the Antis.

The forces at this time were drawn up against one another, the
Mormons behind a breastwork which they had erected during the
night, and the Antis on a piece of high ground nearer the city
than their camp. Brayman says that an estimate which placed the
Mormon force at five hundred or six hundred was a great
exaggeration, and that the only artillery they had was six pieces
which they fashioned for themselves, by breaking some steamboat
shafts to the proper length and boring them out so that they
would receive a six-pound shot.

When Clifford's reply was received, the commander of the Antis

sent out the Warsaw riflemen as flankers on the right and left;
directed the Lima Guards, with one cannon, to take a position a
mile to the front of the camp and occupy the attention of the men
behind the Mormon breastwork, who had opened fire; and then
marched the main body through a cornfield and orchard to the city
itself. Both sides kept up an artillery fire while the advance
was taking place.

When the Antis reached the settled part of the city, the firing
became general, but was of an independent character. The Mormons
in most cases fired from their houses, while the Antis found such
shelter as they could in a cornfield and along a worm fence.
After about an hour of such fighting, Brockman, discovering that
all of the sixty-one cannon balls with which he had provided
himself had been shot away, decided that it was perilous "to risk
a further advance without these necessary instruments."
Accordingly, he ordered a retreat and his whole force returned to
its camp. In this engagement no Antis were killed, and the
surgeon's list named only eight wounded, one of whom died. Three
citizens of Nauvoo were killed. The Mormons had the better
protection in their houses, but the other side made rather
effective use of their artillery.

The Antis began at once intrenching their camp, and sent to

Quincy for ammunition. There were some exchanges of shots on
Sunday and Monday, and three Antis were wounded on the latter
day.

Quincy responded promptly to the request for ammunition, but the

people of that town were by no means unanimously in favor of the
"war." On Sunday evening a meeting of the peaceably inclined
appointed a committee of one hundred to visit the scene of
hostilities and secure peace "on the basis of a removal of the
Mormons." The negotiations of this committee began on the
following Tuesday, and were continued, at times with apparent
hopelessness of success, until Wednesday evening, when terms of
peace were finally signed. It required the utmost effort of the
Quincy committee to induce the anti-Mormon force to delay an
assault on the city, which would have meant conflagration and
massacre. The terms of peace were as follows:

"1. The city of Nauvoo will surrender. The force of Col. Brockman
to enter and take possession of the city tomorrow, the 17th of
September, at 3 o'clock P.m.

"2. The arms to be delivered to the Quincy Committee, to be

returned on the crossing of the river.

"3. The Quincy Committee pledge themselves to use their influence

for the protection of persons and property from all violence; and
the officers of the camp and the men pledge themselves to protect
all persons and property from violence.

"4. The sick and helpless to be protected and treated with

humanity.
"5. The Mormon population of the city to leave the State, or
disperse, as soon as they can cross the river.

"6. Five men, including the trustees of the church, and five
clerks, with their families (William Pickett not one of the
number), to be permitted to remain in the city for the
disposition of property, free from all molestation and personal
violence.

"7. Hostilities to cease immediately, and ten men of the Quincy

Committee to enter the city in the execution of their duty as
soon as they think proper."

The noticeable features of these terms are the omission of any

reference to the execution of Carlin's writs, and the engagement
that the Mormons should depart immediately. The latter was the
real object of the "posse's" campaign.

The Mormons had realized that they could not continue their
defence, as no reenforcements could reach them, while any
temporary check to their adversaries would only increase the
animosity of the latter. They acted, therefore, in good faith as
regards their agreement to depart. How they went is thus
described in Brayman's second report to Governor Ford: *

* For Brayman's reports, see Warsaw Signal, October 20, 1846.

"These terms were not definitely signed until the morning of

Thursday, the 17th, but, confident of their ratification, the
Mormon population had been busy through the night in removing. So
firmly had they been taught to believe that their lives, their
city, and Temple, would fall a sacrifice to the vengeance of
their enemies, if surrendered to them, that they fled in
consternation, determined to be beyond their reach at all
hazards. This scene of confusion, fright and distress was
continued throughout the forenoon. In every part of the city
scenes of destitution, misery and woe met the eye. Families were
hurrying away from their homes, without a shelter,--without means
of conveyance,--without tents, money, or a day's provision, with
as much of their household stuff as they could carry in their
hands. Sick men and women were carried upon their beds--weary
mothers, with helpless babes dying in the arms, hurried away--all
fleeing, they scarcely knew or cared whither, so it was from
their enemies, whom they feared more than the waves of the
Mississippi, or the heat, and hunger and lingering life and
dreaded death of the prairies on which they were about to be
cast. The ferry boats were crowded, and the river bank was lined
with anxious fugitives, sadly awaiting their turn to pass over
and take up their solitary march to the wilderness."

On the afternoon of the 17th, Brockman's force, with which the

members of the Quincy committee had been assigned a place,
marched into Nauvoo and through it, encamping near the river on
the southern boundary. Curiosity to see the Mormon city had
swelled the number who entered at the same time with the posse to
nearly two thousand men, but there was no disorder. The streets
were practically deserted, and the few Mormons who remained were
busy with their preparations to cross the river. Brockman, to
make his victory certain, ordered that all citizens of Nauvoo who
had sided with the Mormons should leave the state, thus including
many of the New Citizens. The order was enforced on September 18,
"with many circumstances of the utmost cruelty and injustice,"
according to Brayman's report. "Bands of armed men," he said,
"traversed the city, entering the houses of citizens, robbing
them of arms, throwing their household goods out of doors,
insulting them, and threatening their lives."

CHAPTER XXI. Nauvoo After The Exodus

Brockman's force was disbanded after its object had been

accomplished, and all returned to their homes but about one
hundred, who remained in Nauvoo to see that no Mormons came back.
These men, whose number gradually decreased, provided what
protection and government the place then enjoyed. Governor Ford
received much censure from the state at large for the lawless
doings of the recent months. A citizens' meeting at Springfield
demanded that he call out a force sufficient "to restore the
supremacy of the law, and bring the offenders to justice." He did
call on Hancock County for volunteers to restore order, but a
public meeting in Carthage practically defied him. He, however,
secured a force of about two hundred men, with which he marched
into Nauvoo, greatly to the indignation of the Hancock County
people. His stay there was marked by incidents which showed how
his erratic course in recent years had deprived him of public
respect, and which explain some of the bitterness toward the
county which characterizes his "History." One of these was the
presentation to him of a petticoat as typical of his rule. When
Ford was succeeded as governor by French, the latter withdrew the
militia from the county, and, in an address to the citizens,
said, "I confidently rely upon your assistance and influence to
aid in preventing any act of a violent character in future."
Matters in the county then quieted down. The Warsaw newspapers,
in place of anti-Mormon literature, began to print appeals to new
settlers, setting forth the advantages of the neighborhood. But a
newspaper war soon followed between two factions in Nauvoo, one
of which contended that the place was an assemblage of gamblers
and saloon-keepers, while the other defended its reputation. This
latter view, however, was not established, and most of the houses
remained tenantless.

Amid all their troubles in Nauvoo the Mormon authorities never

lost sight of one object, the completion of the Temple. To the
non-Mormons, and even to many in the church, it seemed
inexplicable why so much zeal and money should be expended in
finishing a structure that was to be at once abandoned. Before
the agreement to leave the state was made, a Warsaw newspaper
predicted that the completion of the Temple would end the reign
of the Mormon leaders, since their followers were held together
by the expectation of some supernatural manifestation of power in
their behalf at that time* Another outside newspaper suggested
that they intended to use it as a fort.
* A man from the neighborhood who visited Nauvoo in 1843 to buy
calves called on a blind man, of whom he says: "He told me he had
a nice home in Massachusetts, which gave them a good support. But
one of the Mormon elders preaching in that country called on him
and told him if he would sell out and go to Nauvoo the Prophet
would restore his sight. He sold out and had come to the city and
spent all his means, and was now in great need. I asked why the
Prophet did not open his eyes. He replied that Joseph had
informed him that he could not open his eyes till the Temple was
finished."--Gregg, "History of Hancock County," p. 375.

Orson Pratt, in a letter to the Saints in the Eastern states,

written at the time of the agreement to depart, answering the
query why the Lord commanded them to build a house out of which
he would then suffer them to be driven at once, quoted a
paragraph from the "revelation" of January 19, 1841, which
commanded the building of the Temple "that you may prove
yourselves unto me, that ye are faithful in all things whatsoever
I command you, that I may bless you and cover you with honor,
immortality, and eternal life."

The cap-stone of the Temple was laid in place early on the

morning of May 24, 1845, amid shouts of "Hosannah to God and the
Lamb," music by the band, and the singing of a hymn.

The first meeting was held in the Temple on October 5, 1845, and
from that time the edifice was used almost constantly in
administering the ordinances (baptism, endowment,etc.). Brigham
Young says that on one occasion he continued this work from 5
P.M. to 3.30 A.M., and others of the Quorum assisted.

The ceremony of the "endowment," although considered very secret,

has been described by many persons who have gone through it. The
descriptions by Elder Hyde and I. McGee Van Dusen and his wife go
into details. A man and wife received notice to appear at the
Temple at Nauvoo at 5 A.m., he to wear white drawers, and she to
bring her nightclothes with her. Passing to the upper floor, they
were told to remove their hats and outer wraps, and were then led
into a narrow hall, at the end of which stood a man who directed
the husband to pass through a door on the right, and the wife to
one on the left. The candidates were then questioned as to their
preparation for the initiation, and if this resulted
satisfactorily, they were directed to remove all their outer
clothing. This ended the "first degree." In the next room their
remaining clothing was removed and they received a bath, with
some mummeries which may best be omitted. Next they were anointed
all over with oil poured from a horn, and pronounced "the Lord's
anointed," and a priest ordained them to be "king (or queen) in
time and eternity." The man was now furnished with a white cotton
undergarment of an original design, over which he put his shirt,
and the woman was given a somewhat similar article, together with
a chemise, nightgown,, and white stockings. Each was then
conducted into another apartment and left there alone in silence
for some time. Then a rumbling noise was heard, and Brigham Young
appeared, reciting some words, beginning "Let there be light,"
and ending "Now let us make man in our image, after our
likeness." Approaching the man first, he went through a form of
making him out of the dust; then, passing into the other room, he
formed the woman out of a rib he had taken from the man. Giving
this Eve to the man Adam, he led them into a large room decorated
to represent Eden, and, after giving them divers instructions,
left them to themselves.

Much was said in later years about the requirement of the

endowment oath. When General Maxwell tried to prevent the seating
of Cannon as Delegate to Congress in 1873, one of his charges was
that Cannon had, in the Endowment House, taken an oath against
the United States government. This called out affidavits by some
of the leading anti-Young Mormons of the day, including E. L. T.
Harrison, that they had gone through the Endowment House without
taking any oath of the kind. But Hyde, in his description of the
ceremony, says:--

"We were sworn to cherish constant enmity toward the United

States Government for not avenging the death of Smith, or
righting the persecutions of the Saints; to do all that we could
toward destroying, tearing down or overturning that government;
to endeavor to baffle its designs and frustrate its intentions;
to renounce all allegiance and refuse all submission. If unable
to do anything ourselves toward the accomplishment of these
objects, to teach it to our children from the nursery, impress it
upon them from the death bed, entail it upon them as a legacy." *

* Hyde's "Mormonism," p. 97.

In the suit of Charlotte Arthur against Brigham Young's estate,

to recover a lot in Salt Lake City which she alleged that Young
had unlawfully taken possession of, her verified complaint (filed
July 11, 1874) alleged that the endowment oath contained the
following declaration:-- "To obey him, the Lord's anointed, in
all his orders, spiritual and temporal, and the priesthood or
either of them, and all church authorities in like manner; that
this obligation is superior to all the laws of the United States,
and all earthly laws; that enmity should be cherished against the
government of the United States; that the blood of Joseph Smith,
the Prophet, and Apostles slain in this generation shall be
avenged."

As soon as the agreement to leave the state was made, the Mormons
tried hard to sell or lease the Temple, but in vain; and when the
last Mormon departed, the structure was left to the mercy of the
Hancock County "posse." Colonel Kane, in his description of his
visit to Nauvoo soon after the evacuation, says that the militia
had defiled and defaced such features as the shrines and the
baptismal font, the apartment containing the latter being
rendered "too noisome to abide in."

Had the building been permitted to stand, it would have been to

Nauvoo something on which the town could have looked as its most
remarkable feature. But early on the morning of November 19,
1848, the structure was found to be on fire, evidently the work
of an incendiary, and what the flames could eat up was soon
destroyed. The Nauvoo Patriot deplored the destruction of "a work
of art at once the most elegant in its construction, and the most
renowned in its celebrity, of any in the whole West."

When the Icarians, a band of French Socialists, settled in

Nauvoo, they undertook, in 1850, to rebuild the edifice for use
as their halls of reunion and schools. After they had expended on
this work a good deal of time and labor, the city was visited by
a cyclone on May 27 of that year, which left standing only a part
of the west wall. Out of the stone the Icarians then built a
school house, but nothing original now remains on the site except
the old well.

The Nauvoo of to-day is a town of only 1321 inhabitants. The

people are largely of German origin, and the leading occupation
is fruit growing. The site of the Temple is occupied by two
modern buildings. A part of Nauvoo House is still standing, as
are Brigham Young's former residence, Joseph Smith's "new
mansion," and other houses which Mormons occupied.

The Mormons in Iowa were no more popular with their non-Mormon

neighbors there than were those in Illinois, and after the
murders by the Hodges, and other crimes charged to the brethren,
a mass meeting of Lee County inhabitants was held, which adopted
resolutions declaring that the Mormons and the old settlers could
not live together and that the Mormons must depart, citizens
being requested to aid in this movement by exchanging property
with the emigrants. In 1847 the last of these objectionable
citizens left the county.

BOOK V. The Migration To Utah

CHAPTER I. Preparations For The Long March

Two things may be accepted as facts with regard to the migration

of the Mormons westward from Illinois: first, that they would not
have moved had they not been compelled to; and second, that they
did not know definitely where they were going when they started.
Although Joseph Smith showed an uncertainty of his position by
his instruction that the Twelve should look for a place in
California or Oregon to which his people might move, he
considered this removal so remote a possibility that he was at
the same time beginning his campaign for the presidency of the
United States. As late as the spring of 1845, removal was
considered by the leaders as only an alternative. In April,
Brigham Young, Willard Richards, the two Pratts, and others
issued an address to President Polk, which was sent to the
governors of all the states but Illinois and Missouri, setting
forth their previous trials, and containing this declaration:--
"In the name of Israel's God, and by virtue of multiplied ties of
country and kindred, we ask your friendly interposition in our
favor. Will it be too much for us to ask you to convene a special
session of Congress and furnish us an asylum where we can enjoy
our rights of conscience and religion unmolested? Or will you, in
special message to that body when convened, recommend a
remonstrance against such unhallowed acts of oppression and
expatriation as this people have continued to receive from the
states of Missouri and Illinois? Or will you favor us by your
personal influence and by your official rank? Or will you express
your views concerning what is called the Great Western Measure of
colonizing the Latter-Day Saints in Oregon, the Northwestern
Territory, or some location remote from the states, where the
hand of oppression will not crush every noble principle and
extinguish every patriotic feeling?" After the publication of the
correspondence between the Hardin commission and the Mormon
authorities, Orson Pratt issued an appeal "to American citizens,"
in which, referring to what he called the proposed "banishment"
of the Mormons, he said: "Ye fathers of the Revolution! Ye
patriots of '76! Is it for this ye toiled and suffered and bled?
. . . Must they be driven from this renowned republic to seek an
asylum among other nations, or wander as hopeless exiles among
the red men of the western wilds? Americans, will ye suffer this?
Editors, will ye not speak? Fellow-citizens, will ye not awake?"*

* Millennial Star, Vol. VI, p. 193.

Their destination could not have been determined in advance,

because so little was known of the Far West. The territory now
embraced in the boundaries of California and Utah was then under
Mexican government, and "California" was, in common use, a name
covering the Pacific coast and a stretch of land extending
indefinitely eastward. Oregon had been heard of a good deal, and
it, as well as Vancouver Island, had been spoken of as a possible
goal if a westward migration became necessary. Lorenzo Snow, in
describing the westward start, said: "On the first of March, the
ground covered with snow, we broke encampment about noon, and
soon nearly four hundred wagons were moving to--WE KNEW NOT
WHERE." *

* "Biography of Lorenzo Snow," p. 86.

The first step taken by the Mormon authorities to explain the

removal to their people was an explanation made at a conference
in the new Temple, three days after the correspondence with the
commission closed. P. P. Pratt stated to the conference that the
removal meant that the Lord designed to lead them to a wider
field of action, where no one could say that they crowded their
neighbors. In such a place they could, in five years, become
richer than they then were, and could build a bigger and a better
Temple. "It has cost us," said he, "more for sickness, defence
against mob exactions, persecutions, and to purchase lands in
this place, than as much improvement will cost in another." It
was then voted unanimously that the Saints would move en masse to
the West, and that every man would give all the help he could to
assist the poorer members of the community in making the
journey.*

* Millennial Star, Vol. VI, p. 196. Wilford Woodruff, in an

appeal to the Saints in Great Britain, asked them to buy Mormon
books in order to assist the Presidency with funds with which to
take the poor Saints with them westward.

Brigham Young next issued an address to the church at large,

stating that even the Mormon Bible had foretold what might be the
conduct of the American nation toward "the Israel of the last
days," and urging all to prepare to make the journey. A
conference of Mormons in New York City on November 12, 1845,
attended by brethren from New York State, New Jersey, and
Connecticut, voted that "the church in this city move, one and
all, west of the Rocky Mountains between this and next season,
either by land or by water."

Active preparations for the removal began in and around Nauvoo at

once. All who had property began trading it for articles that
would be needed on the journey. Real estate was traded or sold
for what it would bring, and the Eagle was full of advertisements
of property to sell, including the Mansion House, Masonic Hall,
and the Armory. The Mormons would load in wagons what furniture
they could not take West with them, and trade it in the
neighborhood for things more useful. The church authorities
advertised for one thousand yokes of oxen and all the cattle and
mules that might be offered, oxen bringing from $40 to $50 a
yoke. The necessary outfit for a family of five was calculated to
be one wagon, three yokes of cattle, two cows, two beef cattle,
three sheep, one thousand pounds of flour, twenty pounds of
sugar, a tent and bedding, seeds, farming tools, and a rifle--all
estimated to cost about $250. Three or four hundred Mormons were
sent to more distant points in Illinois and Iowa for draft
animals, and, when the Western procession started, they boasted
that they owned the best cattle and horses in the country.

In the city the men were organized into companies, each of which
included such workmen as wagonmakers, blacksmiths, and
carpenters, and the task of making wagons, tents, etc., was
hurried to the utmost. "Nauvoo was constituted into one great
wagon shop," wrote John Taylor. If any members of the community
were not skilled in the work now in demand, they were sent to St.
Louis, Galena, Burlington, or some other of the larger towns, to
find profitable employment during the winter, and thus add to the
moving fund.

On January 20, 1846, the High Council issued a circular

announcing that, early in March, a company of hardy young men,
with some families, would be sent into the Western country, with
farming utensils and seed, to put in a crop and erect houses for
others who would follow as soon as the grass was high enough for
pasture.

This circular contained also the following declaration:--

"We venture to say that our brethren have made no counterfeit

money; and if any miller has received $1500 base coin in a week
from us, let him testify. If any land agent of the general
government has received wagon loads of base coin from us in
payment for lands, let him say so. Or if he has received any at
all, let him tell it. These witnesses against us have spun a long
yarn."

This referred to the charges of counterfeiting, which had

resulted in the indictment of some of the Twelve at Springfield,
and which hastened the first departures across the river. That
counterfeiting was common in the Western country at that time is
a matter of history, and the Mormons themselves had accused such
leading members of their church as Cowdery of being engaged in
the business. The persons indicted at Springfield were never
tried, so that the question of their guilt cannot be decided.
Tullidge's pro-Mormon "Life of Brigham Young" mentions an
incident which occurred when the refugees had gone only as far as
the Chariton River in Iowa, which both admits that they had
counterfeit money among them, and shows the mild view which a
Bishop of the church took of the offence of passing it:-- "About
this time also an attempt was made to pass counterfeit money. It
was the case of a young man who bought from a Mr. Cochran a yoke
of oxen, a cow and a chain for $50. Bishop Miller wrote to
Brigham to excuse the young man, but to help Cochran to
restitution. The President was roused to great anger, the Bishop
was severely rebuked, and the anathemas of the leader from that
time were thundered against thieves and 'bogus men,' and passers
of bogus money .... The following is a minute of his diary of a
council on the next Sunday, with the twelve bishops and captains:
"I told them I was satisfied the course we were taking would
prove to be the salvation, not only of the camp but of the Saints
left behind. But there had been things done which were wrong.
Some pleaded our sufferings from persecution, and the loss of our
homes and property, as a justification for retaliating on our
enemies; but such a course tends to destroy the Kingdom of God."

As soon as the leaders decided to make a start, they sent a

petition to the governor of Iowa Territory, explaining their
intention to pass through that domain, and asking for his
protection during the temporary stay they might make there. No
opposition to them seems to have been shown by the Iowans, who on
the contrary employed them as laborers, sold them such goods as
they could pay for, and invited their musicians to give concerts
at the resting points. Lee's experience in Iowa confirmed him, he
says, in his previous opinion that much of the Mormons' trouble
was due to "wild, ignorant fanatics"; "for," he adds, "only a few
years before, these same people were our most bitter enemies,
and, when we came again and behaved ourselves, they treated us
with the utmost kindness and hospitality."*

* "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 179.

How much property the Mormons sacrificed in Illinois cannot be

ascertained with accuracy. An investigation of all the testimony
obtainable on the subject leads to the conclusion that a good
deal of their real estate was disposed of at a fair price, and
that there were many cases of severe individual loss. Major
Warren, in a communication to the Signal from Nauvoo, in May,
1846, said that few of the Mormons' farms remained unsold, and
that three-fourths of the improved property on the flat in Nauvoo
had been disposed of.

A correspondent of the Signal, answering on April 11 an assertion

that the Mormons had a good deal of real estate to dispose of
before they could leave, replied that most of their farms were
sold, and that there were more inquiries after the others than
there were farms. As to the real estate in the city, he
explained:--

"It is scattered over an area of eight or ten square miles, and

contains from 1500 to 2000 houses, four-fifths of which, at
least, are wretched cabins of no permanent value whatever. There
are, however, 200 or 300 houses, large and small, built of brick
and other desirable material. Such will mostly sell, though many
of them, owing to the distance from the river and other
unfavorable circumstances, only at a very great sacrifice." *

* "A score or more of chimneys on the northern boundary of the

city marked the site of houses deliberately burned for fuel
during the winter of 1845-1846." --Hancock Eagle, May 29,1846.

A general epistle to the church from the Twelve, dated Winter

Quarters, December 23, 1847, stated that the property of the
Saints in Hancock County was "little or no better than
confiscated." *

* See John Taylor's address, p. 411 post.

CHAPTER II. From The Mississippi To The Missouri

The first party to leave Nauvoo began crossing the Mississippi

early in February, 1846, using flatboats propelled by oars for
the wagons and animals, and small boats for persons and the
lighter baggage. It soon became colder and snow fell, and after
the 16th those who remained were able to cross on the ice.

Brigham Young, with a few attendants, had crossed on February 10,

and selected a point on Sugar Creek as a gathering place.* He
seems to have returned secretly to the city for a few days to
arrange for the departure of his family, and Lee says that he did
not have teams enough at that time for their conveyance, adding,
"such as were in danger of being arrested were helped away
first." John Taylor says that those who crossed the river in
February included the Twelve, the High Council, and about four
hundred families.**

* "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 171.

** "February 14 I crossed the river with my family and teams, and

encamped not far from the Sugar Creek encampment, taking
possession of a vacant log house on account of the extreme
cold."--P. P. Pratt, "Autobiography," p. 378.

"Camp of Israel" was the name adopted for the camp in which
President Young and the Twelve might be, and this name moved
westward with them. The camp on Sugar Creek was the first of
these, and there, on February 17, Young addressed the company
from a wagon. He outlined the journey before them, declaring that
order would be preserved, and that all who wished to live in
peace when the actual march began "must toe the mark," ending
with a call for a show of hands by those who wanted to make the
move. The vote in favor of going West was unanimous.*
* "At a Council in Nauvoo of the men who were to act as the
captains of the people in that famous exodus, one after the other
brought up difficulties in their path, until the prospect was
without one poor speck of daylight. The good nature of George A.
Smith was provoked at last, when he sprang up and observed, with
his quaint humor, that had now a touch of the grand in it, 'If
there is no God in Israel we are a sucked-in set of fellows. But
I am going to take my family and the Lord will open the
way.'"--Tullidge, "History of Salt Lake City," p.17.

The turning out of doors in midwinter of so many persons of all

ages and both sexes, accustomed to the shelter of comfortable
homes, entailed much suffering. A covered wagon or a tent is a
poor protection from wintry blasts, and a camp fire in the open
air, even with a bright sky overhead, is a poor substitute for a
stove. Their first move, therefore, gave the emigrants a taste of
the trials they were to endure. While they were at Sugar Creek
the thermometer dropped to 20 degrees below zero, and heavy falls
of snow occurred. Several children were born at this point,
before the actual Western journey began, and the sick and the
feeble entered upon their sufferings at once. Before that camp
broke up it was found necessary, too, to buy grain for the
animals.

The camp was directly in charge of the Twelve until the Chariton
River was reached. There, on March 27, it was divided into
companies containing from 50 to 60 wagons, the companies being
put in charge of captains of fifties and captains of
tens--suggesting Smith's "Army of Zion." The captains of fifties
were responsible directly to the High Council. There were also a
commissary general, and, for each fifty, a contracting commissary
"to make righteous distribution of grains and provisions." Strict
order was maintained by day while the column was in motion, and,
whenever there was a halt, special care was taken to secure the
cattle and the horses, while at night watches were constantly
maintained. The story of the march to the Missouri does not
contain a mention of any hostile meeting with Indians.

The company remained on Sugar Creek for about a month, receiving

constant accessions from across the river, and on the first of
March the real westward movement began. The first objective point
was Council Bluffs, Iowa, on the Missouri River, about 400 miles
distant; but on the way several camps were established, at which
some of the emigrants stopped to plant seeds and make other
arrangements for the comfort of those who were to follow. The
first of these camps was located at Richardson's Point in Lee
County, Iowa, 55 miles from Nauvoo; the next on Chariton River;
the next on Locust Creek; the next, named by them Garden Grove,
on a branch of Grand River, some 150 miles from Nauvoo; and
another, which P. P. Pratt named Mt. Pisgah, on Grand River, 138
miles east of Council Bluffs. The camp on the Missouri first made
was called Winter Quarters, and was situated just north of the
present site of Omaha, where the town now called Florence is
located. It was not until July that the main body arrived at
Council Bluffs.
The story of this march is a remarkable one in many ways. Begun
in winter, with the ground soon covered with snow, the travellers
encountered arctic weather, with the inconveniences of ice, rain,
and mud, until May. After a snowfall they would have to scrape
the ground when they had selected a place for pitching the tents.
After a rain, or one of the occasional thaws, the country (there
were no regular roads) would be practically impassable for teams,
and they would have to remain in camp until the water
disappeared, and the soil would bear the weight of the wagons
after it was corduroyed with branches of trees. At one time bad
roads caused a halt of two or three weeks. Fuel was not always
abundant, and after a cold night it was no unusual thing to find
wet garments and bedding frozen stiff in the morning. Here is an
extract from Orson Pratt's diary:-- "April 9. The rain poured
down in torrents. With great exertion a part of the camp were
enabled to get about six miles, while others were stuck fast in
the deep mud. We encamped at a point of timber about sunset,
after being drenched several hours in rain. We were obliged to
cut brush and limbs of trees, and throw them upon the ground in
our tents, to keep our beds from sinking in the mud. Our animals
were turned loose to look out for themselves; the bark and limbs
of trees were their principal food." **

* Millennial Star, Vol. XI, p. 370.

Game was plenty,--deer, wild turkeys, and prairie hens,--but

while the members of this party were better supplied with
provisions than their followers, there was no surplus among them,
and by April many families were really destitute of food. Eliza
Snow mentions that her brother Lorenzo--one of the captains of
tens--had two wagons, a small tent, a cow, and a scanty supply
of provisions and clothing, and that "he was much better off than
some of our neighbors." Heber C. Kimball, one of the Twelve, says
of the situation of his family, that he had the ague, and his
wife was in bed with it, with two children, one a few days old,
lying by her, and the oldest child well enough to do any
household work was a boy who could scarcely carry a two-quart
pail of water. Mrs. F. D. Richards, whose husband was ordered on
a mission to England while the camp was at Sugar Creek, was
prematurely confined in a wagon on the way to the Missouri. The
babe died, as did an older daughter. "Our situation," she says,
"was pitiable; I had not suitable food for myself or my child;
the severe rain prevented our having any fire."

The adaptability of the American pioneer to his circumstances was

shown during this march in many ways. When a halt occurred, a
shoemaker might be seen looking for a stone to serve as a lap
stone in his repair work, or a gunsmith mending a rifle, or a
weaver at a wheel or loom. The women learned that the jolting
wagons would churn their milk, and, when a halt occurred, it took
them but a short time to heat an oven hollowed out of a hillside,
in which to bake the bread already "raised." Colonel Kane says
that he saw a piece of cloth, the wool for which was sheared,
dyed, spun, and woven during this march.

The leaders of the company understood the people they had in

charge, and they looked out for their good spirits. Captain
Pitt's brass band was included in the equipment, and the camp was
not thoroughly organized before, on a clear evening, a dance--the
Mormons have always been great dancers--was announced, and the
visiting Iowans looked on in amazement, to see these exiles from
comfortable homes thus enjoying themselves on the open prairie,
the highest dignitaries leading in Virginia reels and Copenhagen
jigs.

John Taylor, whose pictures of this march, painted with a view to

attract English emigrants, were always highly colored, estimated
that, when he left Council Bluffs for England, in July, 1846,
there were in camp and on the way 15,000 Mormons, with 3000
wagons, 30,000 head of cattle, a great many horses and mules, and
a vast number of sheep. Colonel Kane says that, besides the
wagons, there was "a large number of nondescript turnouts, the
motley makeshifts of poverty; from the unsuitable heavy cart that
lumbered on mysteriously, with its sick driver hidden under its
counterpane cover, to the crazy two-wheeled trundle, such as our
own poor employ in the conveyance of their slop barrels, this
pulled along, it may be, by a little dry-dugged heifer, and
rigged up only to drag some such light weight as a baby, a sack
of meal or a pack of clothes and bedding." *

* "The Mormons," a lecture by Colonel T. L. Kane.

There was no large supply of cash to keep this army and its
animals in provisions. Every member who could contribute to the
commissary department by his labor was expected to do so. The
settlers in the territory seem to have been in need of such
assistance, and were very glad to pay for it in grain, hay, or
provisions. A letter from one of the emigrants to a friend in
England* said that, in every settlement they passed through, they
found plenty of work, digging wells and cellars, splitting rails,
threshing, ploughing, and clearing land. Some of the men in the
spring were sent south into Missouri, not more than forty miles
from Far West, in search of employment. This they readily
secured, no one raising the least objection to a Mormon who was
not to be a permanent settler. Others were sent into that state
to exchange horses, feather beds, and other personal property for
cows and provisions.

* Millennial Star, Vol. VIII, p. 59.

A part of the plan of operations provided for sending out

pioneers to select the route and camping sites, to make bridges
where they were necessary, and to open roads. The party carried
light boats, but a good many bridges seem to have been required
because of the spring freshets. It was while resting after a
march through prolonged rain and mud, late in April, that it was
decided to establish the permanent camp called Garden Grove.
Hundreds of men were at once set to work, making log houses and
fences, digging wells, and ploughing, and soon hundreds of acres
were enclosed and planted.

The progress made during April was exasperatingly slow. There was
soft mud during the day, and rough ruts in the early morning.
Sometimes camp would be pitched after making only a mile;
sometimes they would think they had done well if they had made
six. The animals, in fact, were so thin from lack of food that
they could not do a day's work even under favorable
circumstances. The route, after the middle of April, was turned
to the north, and they then travelled over a broken prairie
country, where the game had been mostly killed off by the
Pottawottomi Indians, whose trails and abandoned camps were
encountered constantly.

On May 16, as the two Pratts and others were in advance, locating
the route, P. P. Pratt discovered the site of what was called Mt.
Pisgah (the post-office of Mt. Pisgah of to-day) which he thus
describes: "Riding about three or four miles over beautiful
prairies, I came suddenly to some round sloping hills, grassy,
and crowned with beautiful groves of timber, while alternate open
groves and forests seemed blended into all the beauty and harmony
of an English park. Beneath and beyond, on the west, rolled a
main branch of Grand River, with its rich bottoms of alternate
forest and prairie."* As soon as Young and the other high
dignitaries arrived, it was decided to form a settlement there,
and several thousand acres were enclosed for cultivation, and
many houses were built.

* Pratt's "Autobiography," p. 381.

Young and most of the first party continued their westward march
through an uninhabited country, where they had to make their own
roads. But they met with no opposition from Indians, and the head
of the procession reached the banks of the Missouri near Council
Bluffs in June, other companies following in quite rapid
succession.

The company which was the last to leave Nauvoo (on September 17),
driven out by the Hancock County forces, endured sufferings much
greater than did the early companies who were conducted by
Brigham Young. The latter comprised the well-to-do of the city
and all the high officers of the church, while the remnant left
behind was made up of the sick and those who had not succeeded in
securing the necessary equipment for the journey. Brayman, in his
second report to Governor Ford, said:--

"Those of the Mormons who were wealthy or possessed desirable

real estate in the city had sold and departed last spring. I am
inclined to the opinion that the leaders of the church took with
them all the movable wealth of their people that they could
control, without making proper provision for those who remained.
Consequently there was much destitution among them; much sickness
and distress. I traversed the city, and visited in company with a
practising physician the sick, and almost invariably found them
destitute, to a painful extent, of the comforts of life."*

* Warsaw Signal, October 20, 1846.

It was on the 18th of September that the last of these

unfortunates crossed the river, making 640 who were then
collected on the west bank. Illness had not been accepted by the
"posse" as an excuse for delay. Thomas Bullock says that his
family, consisting of a husband, wife, blind mother-in-law, four
children, and an aunt, "all shaking with the ague," were given
twenty minutes in which to get their goods into two wagons and
start.* The west bank in Iowa, where the people landed, was
marshy and unhealthy, and the suffering at what was called "Poor
Camp," a short distance above Montrose, was intense. Severe
storms were frequent, and the best cover that some of the people
could obtain was a tent made of a blanket or a quilt, or even of
brush, or the shelter to be had under the wagons of those who
were fortunate enough to be thus equipped. Bullock thus describes
one night's experience: "On Monday, September 23, while in my
wagon on the slough opposite Nauvoo, a most tremendous
thunderstorm passed over, which drenched everything we had. Not a
dry thing left us--the bed a pool of water, my wife and
mother-in-law lading it out by basinfuls, and I in a burning
fever and insensible, with all my hair shorn off to cure me of my
disease. A poor woman stood among the bushes, wrapping her cloak
around her three little orphan children, to shield them from the
storm as well as she could." The, supply of food, too, was
limited, their flour being wheat ground in hand mills, and even
this at times failing; then roasted corn was substituted, the
grain being mixed by some with slippery elm bark to eke it out.**
The people of Hancock County contributed something in the way of
clothing and provisions and a little money in aid of these
sufferers, and the trustees of the church who were left in Nauvoo
to sell property gave what help they could.

*Millennial Star, Vol. X, p. 28.

** Bancrofts "History of Utah," p. 233,

On October 9 wagons sent back by the earlier emigrants for their

unfortunate brethren had arrived, and the start for the Missouri
began. Bullock relates that, just as they were ready to set out,
a great flight of quails settled in the camp, running around the
wagons so near that they could be knocked over with sticks, and
the children caught some alive. One bird lighted upon their tea
board, in the midst of the cups, while they were at breakfast. It
was estimated that five hundred of the birds were flying about
the camp that day, but when one hundred had been killed or
caught, the captain forbade the killing of any more, "as it was a
direct manifestation and visitation by the Lord." Young closes
his account of this incident with the words, "Tell this to the
nations of the earth! Tell it to the kings and nobles and great
ones."

Wells, in his manuscript, "Utah Notes" (quoted by H. H.

Bancroft), says: "This phenomenon extended some thirty or forty
miles along the river, and was generally observed. The quail in
immense quantities had attempted to cross the river, but this
being beyond their strength, had dropped into the river boats or
on the banks."*

* Bancroft's "History of Utah," p. 234, note.

The westward march of these refugees was marked by more hardships
than that of the earlier bodies, because they were in bad
physical condition and were in no sense properly equipped.
Council Bluffs was not reached till November 27.

The division of the emigrants and their progress was thus noted
in an interview, printed in the Nauvoo Eagle of July 10, with a
person who had left Council Bluffs on June 26, coming East. The
advance company, including the Twelve, with a train of 1000
wagons, was then encamped on the east bank of the Missouri, the
men being busy building boats. The second company, 3000 strong,
were at Mt. Pisgah, recruiting their cattle for a new start. The
third company had halted at Garden Grove. Between Garden Grove
and the Mississippi River the Eagle's informant counted more than
1000 wagons on their way west. He estimated the total number of
teams engaged in this movement at about 3700, and the number of
persons on the road at 12,000. The Eagle added:--

"From 2000 to 3000 have disappeared from Nauvoo in various

directions, and about 800 or less still remain in Illinois. This
comprises the entire Mormon population that once flourished in
Hancock County. In their palmy days they probably numbered 15,000
or 16,000."

The camp that had been formed at Mt. Pisgah suffered severely
from the start. Provisions were scarce, and a number of families
were dependent for food on neighbors who had little enough for
themselves. Fodder for the cattle gave out, too, and in the early
spring the only substitute was buds and twigs of trees. Snow
notes as a calamity the death of his milch cow, which had been
driven all the way from Ohio. Along with their destitution came
sickness, and at times during the following winter it seemed as
if there were not enough of the well to supply the needed nurses.
So many deaths occurred during that autumn and winter that a
funeral came to be conducted with little ceremony, and even the
customary burial clothes could not be provided.* Elder W.
Huntington, the presiding officer of the settlement, was among
the early victims, and Lorenzo Snow, the recent head of the
Mormon church, succeeded him. During Snow's stay there three of
his four wives gave birth to children.

* "Biography of Lorenzo Snow," p. 90.

Notwithstanding these depressing circumstances, the camp was by

no means inactive during the winter. Those who were well were
kept busy repairing wagons, and making, in a rude way, such
household articles as were most needed--chairs, tubs, and
baskets. Parties were sent out to the settlements within reach to
work, accepting food and clothing as pay, and two elders were
selected to visit the states in search of contributions. These
efforts were so successful that about $600 was raised, and the
camp sent to Brigham Young at Council Bluffs a load of provisions
as a New Year's gift.

The usual religious meetings were kept up during the winter, and
the utility of amusements in such a settlement was not forgotten.
Ingenuity was taxed to give variety to the social entertainments.
Snow describes a "party" that he gave in his family mansion--"a
one-story edifice about fifteen by thirty feet, constructed of
logs, with a dirt roof, a ground floor, and a chimney made of
sod." Many a man compelled to house four wives (one of them with
three sons by a former husband) in such a mansion would have felt
excused from entertaining company. But the Snows did not. For a
carpet the floor was strewn with straw. The logs of the sides of
the room were concealed with sheets. Hollowed turnips provided
candelabras, which were stuck around the walls and suspended from
the roof. The company were entertained with songs, recitations,
conundrums, etc., and all voted that they had a very jolly time.

In the larger camps the travellers were accustomed to make what

they called "boweries"--large arbors covered with a framework of
poles, and thatched with brush or branches. The making of such
"boweries" was continued by the Saints in Utah.

CHAPTER III. The Mormon Battalion

During the halt of a part of the main body of the Mormons at Mt.
Pisgah, an incident occurred which has been made the subject of a
good deal of literature, and has been held up by the Mormons as a
proof both of the severity of the American government toward them
and of their own patriotism. There is so little ground for either
of these claims that the story of the Battalion should be
correctly told.

When hostilities against Mexico began, early in 1846, the plan of

campaign designed by the United States authorities comprised an
invasion of Mexico at two points, by Generals Taylor and Wool,
and a descent on Santa Fe, and thence a march into California.
This march was to be made by General Stephen F. Kearney, who was
to command the volunteers raised in Missouri, and the few hundred
regular troops then at Fort Leavenworth. In gathering his force
General (then Colonel) Kearney sent Captain J. Allen of the First
Dragoons to the Mormons at Mt. Pisgah, not with an order of any
kind, but with a written proposition, dated June 26, 1846, that
he "would accept the service, for twelve months, of four or five
companies of Mormon men" (each numbering from 73 to 109), to
unite with the Army of the West at Santa Fe, and march thence to
California, where they would be discharged. These volunteers were
to have the regular volunteers' pay and allowances, and
permission to retain at their discharge the arms and equipments
with which they would be provided, the age limit to be between
eighteen and forty-five years. The most practical inducement held
out to the Mormons to enlist was thus explained: "Thus is offered
to the Mormon people now--this year --an opportunity of sending a
portion of their young and intelligent men to the ultimate
destination of their whole people, and entirely at the expense of
the United States; and this advance party can thus pave the way
and look out the land for their brethren to come after them."

There was nothing like a "demand" on the Mormons in this

invitation, and the advantage of accepting it was largely on the
Mormon side. If it had not been, it would have been rejected.
That the government was in no stress for volunteers is shown by
the fact that General Kearney reported to the War Department in
the following August that he had more troops than he needed, and
that he proposed to use some of them to reenforce General Wool.*

* Chase's "History of the Polk Administration," p. 16.

The initial suggestion about the raising of these Mormon

volunteers came from a Mormon source.* In the spring of 1846
Jesse C. Little, a Mormon elder of the Eastern states, visited
Washington with letters of introduction from Governor Steele of
New Hampshire and Colonel Thomas L. Kane of Philadelphia, hoping
to secure from the government a contract to carry provisions or
naval stores to the Pacific coast, and thus pay part of the
expense of conveying Mormons to California by water. According to
Little, this matter was laid before the cabinet, who proposed
that he should visit the Mormon camp and raise 1000 picked men to
make a dash for California overland, while as many more would be
sent around Cape Horn from the Eastern states. This big scheme,
according to Mormon accounts, was upset by one of the hated
Missourians, Senator Thomas H. Benton, whose Macchiavellian mind
had designed the plan of taking from the Mormons 500 of their
best men for the Battalion, thus crippling them while in the
Indian country. All this part of their account is utterly
unworthy of belief. If 500 volunteers for the army "crippled" the
immigrants where they were, what would have been their condition
if 1000 of their number had been hurried on to California ? **

* Tullidge's "Life of Brigham Young," p. 47#

** Delegate Berahisel, in a letter to President Fillmore

(December 1, 1851), replying to a charge by Judge Brocchus that
the 24th of July orators had complained of the conduct of the
government in taking the Battalion from them for service against
Mexico, said, "The government did not take from us a battalion of
men," the Mormons furnishing them in response to a call for
volunteers.

Aside from the opportunity afforded by General Kearney's

invitation to send a pioneer band, without expense to themselves,
to the Pacific coast, the offer gave the Mormons great, and
greatly needed, pecuniary assistance. P. P. Pratt, on his way
East to visit England with Taylor and Hyde, found the Battalion
at Fort Leavenworth, and was sent back to the camp* with between
$5000 and $6000, a part of the Battalion's government allowance.
This was a godsend where cash was so scarce, as it enabled the
commissary officers to make purchases in St. Louis, where prices
were much lower than in western Iowa.** John Taylor, in a letter
to the Saints in Great Britain on arriving there, quoted the
acceptance of this Battalion as evidence that "the President of
the United States is favorably disposed to us," and said that
their employment in the army, as there was no prospect of any
fighting, "amounts to the same as paying them for going where
they were destined to go without."***

* "Unexpected as this visit was, a member of my family had been

warned in a dream, and had predicted my arrival and the
day."--Pratt, "Autobiography," p. 384.

** "History of Brigham Young," Ms., 1846, p. 150.

*** Millennial Star, Vol. VIII, p. 117.

The march of the federal force that went from Santa Fe (where the
Mormon Battalion arrived in October) to California was a notable
one, over unexplored deserts, where food was scarce and water for
long distances unobtainable. Arriving at the junction of the Gila
and Colorado rivers on December 26, they received there an order
to march to San Diego, California, and arrived there on January
29, after a march of over two thousand miles.

The war in California was over at that date, but the Battalion
did garrison duty at San Luis Rey, and then at Los Angeles.
Various propositions for their reenlistment were made to them,
but their church officers opposed this, and were obeyed except in
some individual instances. About 150 of those who set out from
Santa Fe were sent back invalided before California was reached,
and the number mustered out was only about 240. These at once
started eastward, but, owing to news received concerning the
hardships of the first Mormons who arrived in Salt Lake Valley,
many of them decided to remain in California, and a number were
hired by Sutter, on whose mill-race the first discovery of gold
in that state was made. Those who kept on reached Salt Lake
Valley on October 16, 1847. Thirty-two of their number continued
their march to Winter Quarters on the Missouri, where they
arrived on December 18.

Mormon historians not only present the raising of the Battalion

as a proof of patriotism, but ascribe to the members of that
force the credit of securing California to the United States, and
the discovery of gold.*

* "The Mormons have always been disposed to overestimate the

value of their services during this period, attaching undue
importance to the current rumors of intending revolt on the part
of the Californians, and of the approach of Mexican troops to
reconquer the province. They also claim the credit of having
enabled Kearney to sustain his authority against the
revolutionary pretensions of Fremont. The merit of this claim
will be apparent to the readers of preceding
chapters."--Bancroft, "History of California," Vol. V, p. 487.

When Elder Little left Washington for the West with despatches
for General Kearney concerning the Mormon enlistments, he was
accompanied by Colonel Thomas L. Kane, a brother of the famous
Arctic explorer. On his way West Colonel Kane visited Nauvoo
while the Hancock County posse were in possession of it, saw the
expelled Mormons in their camp across the river, followed the
trail of those who had reached the Missouri, and lay ill among
them in the unhealthy Missouri bottom in 1847. From that time
Colonel Kane became one of the most useful agents of the Mormon
church in the Eastern states, and, as we shall see, performed for
them services which only a man devoted to the church, but not
openly a member of it, could have accomplished.

It was stated at the time that Colonel Kane was baptized by Young
at Council Bluffs in 1847. His future course gives every reason
to accept the correctness of this view. He served the Mormons in
the East as a Jesuit would have served his order in earlier days
in France or Spain. He bore false witness in regard to polygamy
and to the character of men high in the church as unblushingly as
a Brigham Young or a Kimball could have done. His lecture before
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in 1850 was highly colored
where it stated facts, and so inaccurate in other parts that it
is of little use to the historian. A Mormon writer who denied
that Kane was a member of the church offered as proof of this the
statement that, had Kane been a Mormon, Young would have
commanded him instead of treating him with so much respect. But
Young was not a fool, and was quite capable of appreciating the
value of a secret agent at the federal capital.

CHAPTER IV. The Camps On The Missouri

Mormon accounts of the westward movement from Nauvoo represent

that the delay which occurred when they reached the Missouri
River was an interruption of their leaders' plans, attributing it
to the weakening of their force by the enlistment of the
Battalion, and the necessity of waiting for the last Mormons who
were driven out of Nauvoo. But after their experiences in a
winter march from the Mississippi, with something like a base of
supplies in reach, it is inconceivable that the Council would
have led their followers farther into the unknown West that same
year, when their stores were so nearly exhausted, and there was
no region before them in which they could make purchases, even if
they had the means to do so.

When the Mormons arrived on the Missouri they met with a very
friendly welcome. They found the land east of the river occupied
by the Pottawottomi Indians, who had recently been removed from
their old home in what is now Michigan and northern Illinois and
Indiana; and the west side occupied by the Omahas, who had once
"considered all created things as made for their peculiar use and
benefit," but whom the smallpox and the Sioux had many years
before reduced to a miserable remnant.

The Mormons won the heart of the Pottawottomies by giving them a

concert at their agent's residence. A council followed, at which
their chief, Pied Riche, surnamed Le Clerc, made an address,
giving the Mormons permission to cut wood, make improvements, and
live where they pleased on their lands.

The principal camp on the Missouri, known as Winter Quarters, was

on the west bank, on what is now the site of Florence, Nebraska.
A council was held with the Omaha chiefs in the latter apart of
August, and Big Elk, in reply to an address by Brigham Young,
recited their sufferings at the hands of the Sioux, and told the
whites that they could stay there for two years and have the use
of firewood and timber, and that the young men of the Indians
would watch their cattle and warn them of any danger. In return,
the Indians asked for the use of teams to draw in their harvest,
for assistance in housebuilding, ploughing, and blacksmithing,
and that a traffic in goods be established. An agreement to this
effect was put in writing.

The arrival of party after party of Mormons made an unusually

busy scene on the river banks. On the east side every hill that
helped to make up the Council Bluffs was occupied with tents and
wagons, while the bottom was crowded with cattle and vehicles on
the way to the west side. Kane counted four thousand head of
cattle from a single elevation, and says that the Mormon herd
numbered thirty thousand. Along the banks of the river and creeks
the women were doing their family washing, while men were making
boats and superintending in every way the passage of the river by
some, and the preparations for a stay on the east side by
others--building huts, breaking the sod for grain, etc. The
Pottawottomies had cut an approach to the river opposite a
trading post of the American Fur Company, and established a ferry
there, and they now did a big business carrying over, in their
flat-bottom boats, families and their wagons, and the cows and
sheep. As for the oxen, they were forced to swim, and great times
the boys had, driving them to the bank, compelling them to take
the initial plunge, and then guiding them across by taking the
lead astride some animal's back.

Sickness in the camps began almost as soon as they were formed.

"Misery Bottom," as it was then called, received the rich deposit
brought down by the river in the spring, and, when the river
retired into its banks, became a series of mud flats, described
as "mere quagmires of black dirt, stretching along for miles,
unvaried except by the limbs of half-buried carrion, tree trunks,
or by occasional yellow pools of what the children called frog's
spawn; all together steaming up vapors redolent of the savor of
death." In the previous year--not an unusually bad one--one-ninth
of the Indian population on these flats had died in two months.
The Mormons suffered not only from the malaria of the river
bottom, but from the breaking up of many acres of the soil in
their farming operations.

The illness was diagnosed as, the usual malarial fever,

accompanied in many cases with scorbutic symptoms, which they
called "black canker," due to a lack of vegetable food. In and
around Winter Quarters there were more than 600 burials before
cold weather set in, and 334 out of a population of 3483 were
reported on the sick list as late as December. The Papillon Camp,
on the Little Butterfly River, was a deadly site. Kane, who had
the fever there, in passing by the place earlier in the season
had opened an Indian mound, leaving a deep trench through it. "My
first airing," he says, "upon my convalescence, took me to the
mound, which, probably to save digging, had been readapted to its
original purpose. In this brief interval they had filled the
trench with bodies, and furrowed the ground with graves around
it, like the ploughing of a field."

But amid such affliction, in which cows went unmilked and corpses
became loathsome before men could be found to bury them,
preparations continued at all the camps for the winter's stay and
next year's supplies. Brigham Young, writing from Winter Quarters
on January 6, 1847, to the elders in England, said: "We have
upward of seven hundred houses in our miniature city, composed
mostly of logs in the body, covered with puncheon, straw, and
dirt, which are warm and wholesome; a few are composed of turf,
willows, straw, etc., which are comfortable this winter, but will
not endure the thaws, rain, and sunshine of spring." * This city
was divided into twenty-two wards, each presided over by a
Bishop. The principal buildings were the Council House,
thirty-two by twenty-four feet, and Dr. Richard's house, called
the Octagon, and described as resembling the heap of earth piled
up over potatoes to shield them from frost. In this Octagon the
High Council held most of their meetings. A great necessity was a
flouring mill, and accordingly they sent to St. Louis for the
stones and gearing, and, under Brigham Young's personal direction
as a carpenter, the mill was built and made ready for use in
January. The money sent back by the Battalion was expended in St.
Louis for sugar and other needed articles.

* Millennial Star, Vol. IX, p. 97.

As usual with the pictures sent to Europe, Young's description of

the comfort of the winter camp was exaggerated. P. P. Pratt, who
arrived at Winter Quarters from his mission to Europe on April 8,
1847, says:--

"I found my family all alive, and dwelling in a log cabin. They
had, however, suffered much from cold, hunger, and sickness. They
had oftentimes lived for several days on a little corn meal,
ground in a hand mill, with no other food. One of the family was
then lying very sick with the scurvy--a disease which had been
very prevalent in camp during the winter, and of which many had
died. I found, on inquiry, that the winter had been very severe,
the snow deep, and consequently that all my four horses were
lost, and I afterward ascertained that out of twelve cows, I had
but seven left, and, out of some twelve or fourteen oxen, only
four or five were saved."

If this was the plight in which the spring found the family of
one of the Twelve, imagination can picture the suffering of the
hundreds who had arrived with less provision against the rigors
of such a winter climate.

CHAPTER V. The Pioneer Trip Across The Plains

During the winter of 1846-1847 preparations were under way to

send an organization of pioneers across the plains and beyond the
Rocky Mountains, to select a new dwelling-place for the Saints.
The only "revelation" to Brigham Young found in the "Book of
Doctrine and Covenants" is a direction about the organization and
mission of this expedition. It was dated January 14, 1847, and it
directed the organization of the pioneers into companies, with
captains of hundreds, of fifties, and of tens, and a president
and two counsellors at their head, under charge of the Twelve.
Each company was to provide its own equipment, and to take seeds
and farming implements. "Let every man," it commanded, "use all
his influence and property to remove this people to the place
where the Lord shall locate a Stake of Zion." The power of the
head of the church was guarded by a threat that "if any man shall
seek to build up himself he shall have no power," and the
"revelation" ended, like a rustic's letter, with the words, "So
no more at present," "amen and amen" being added.

In accordance with this command, on April 14* a pioneer band of

volunteers set out to blaze a path, so to speak, across the
plains and mountains for the main body which was to follow.

* Date given in the General Epistle of December 23, 1847. Others

say April 7.

It is difficult to-day, when this "Far West" is in possession of

the agriculturist, the merchant, and the miner, dotted with
cities and flourishing towns, and cut in all directions by
railroads, which have made pleasure routes for tourists of the
trail over which the pioneers of half a century ago toiled with
difficulty and danger, to realize how vague were the ideas of
even the best informed in the thirties and forties about the
physical characteristics of that country and its future
possibilities. The conception of the latter may be best
illustrated by quoting Washington Irving's idea, as expressed in
his "Astoria," written in 1836:--

"Such is the nature of this immense wilderness of the far West;

which apparently defies cultivation and the habitation of
civilized life. Some portion of it, along the rivers, may
partially be subdued by agriculture, others may form vast
pastoral tracts like those of the East; but it is to be feared
that a great part of it will form a lawless interval between the
abodes of civilized man, like the wastes of the ocean or the
deserts of Arabia, and, like them, be subject to the depredations
of the marauders. There may spring up new and mongrel races, like
new formations in zoology, the amalgamation of the 'debris' and
'abrasions' of former races, civilized and savage; the remains of
broken and extinguished tribes; the descendants of wandering
hunters and trappers; of fugitives from the Spanish-American
frontiers; of adventurers and desperadoes of every class and
country, yearly ejected from the bosom of society into the
wilderness . . . . Some may gradually become pastoral hordes,
like those rude and migratory people, half shepherd, half
warrior, who, with their flocks and herds, roam the plains of
upper Asia; but others, it is to be apprehended, will become
predatory bands, mounted on the fleet steeds of the prairies,
with the open plains for their marauding grounds, and the
mountains for their retreats and lurking places. There they may
resemble those great hordes of the North, 'Gog and Magog with
their bands,' that haunted the gloomy imaginations of the
prophets--'A great company and a mighty host, all riding upon
horses, and warring upon those nations which were at rest, and
dwelt peaceably, and had gotten cattle and goods."'

"What about the country between the Missouri River and the
Pacific," asked a father living near the Missouri, of his son on
his return from California across the plains in 1851--"Oh, it's
of no account," was the reply; "the soil is poor, sandy, and too
dry to produce anything but this little short grass afterward
learned to be so rich in nutriment, and, when it does rain, in
three hours afterward you could not tell that it had rained at
all."*

* Nebraska Historical Society papers.

But while this distant West was still so unknown to the settled
parts of the country, these Mormon pioneers were by no means the
first to traverse it, as the records of the journeyings of Lewis
and Clark, Ezekiel Williams, General W. H. Ashley, Wilson Price
Hunt, Major S. H. Long, Captain W. Sublette, Bonneville, Fremont,
and others show.

The pioneer band of the Mormons consisted of 143 men, three women
(wives of Brigham and Lorenzo Young and H. C. Kimball), and two
children. They took with them seventy-three wagons. Their chief
officers were Brigham Young, Lieutenant General; Stephen Markham,
Colonel; John Pack, First Major; Shadrack Roundy, Second Major,
two captains of hundreds, and fourteen captains of companies. The
order of march was intelligently arranged, with a view to the
probability of meeting Indians who, if not dangerous to life, had
little regard for personal property. The Indians of the Platte
region were notorious thieves, but had not the reputation as
warriors of their more northern neighbors. The regulations
required that each private should walk constantly beside his
wagon, leaving it only by his officer's command. In order to make
as compact a force as possible, two wagons were to move abreast
whenever this could be done. Every man was to keep his weapons
loaded, and special care was insisted upon that the caps, flints,
and locks should be in good condition. They had with them one
small cannon mounted on wheels.

The bugle for rising sounded at 5 A.M., and two hours were
allowed for breakfast and prayers. At night each man was to
retire into his wagon for prayer at 8.30 o'clock, and for the
night's rest at 9. The night camp was formed by drawing up the
wagons in a semicircle, with the river in the rear, if they
camped near its bank, or otherwise with the wagons in a circle, a
forewheel of one touching the hind wheel of the next. In this way
an effective corral for the animals was provided within.

At the head of Grand Island, on April 30, they had their first
sight of buffaloes. A hunting party was organized at once, and a
herd of sixty-five of the animals was pursued for several miles
in full view of the camp (when game and hunters were not hidden
by the dust), and so successfully that eleven buffaloes were
killed.

The first alarm of Indians occurred on May 4, when scouts

reported a band of about four hundred a few miles ahead. The
wagons were at once formed five abreast, the cannon was fired as
a means of alarm, and the company advanced in close formation.
The Indians did not attack them, but they set fire to the
prairie, and this caused a halt. A change of wind the next
morning and an early shower checked the flames, and the column
moved on again at daybreak. During the next few days the
buffaloes were seen in herds of hundreds of thousands on both
sides of the Platte. So numerous were they that the company had
to stop at times and let gangs of the animals pass on either
side, and several calves were captured alive.* With or near the
buffaloes were seen antelopes and wolves.

* "The vast herds of buffalo were often in our way, and we were
under the necessity of sending out advance guards to clear the
track so that our teams might pass." Erastus SNOW, " Address to
the Pioneers," in Mo.

At Grand Island the question of their further route was carefully

debated. There was a well-known trail to Fort Laramie on the
south side of the river, used by those who set out from
Independence, Missouri, for Oregon. Good pasture was assured on
that side, but it was argued that, if this party made a new trail
along the north side of the river, the Mormons would have what
might be considered a route of their own, separated from other
westward emigrants. This view prevailed, and the course then
selected became known in after years as the Mormon Trail
(sometimes called the "Old Mormon Road"); the line of the Union
Pacific Railroad follows it for many miles.

Their decision caused them a good deal of anxiety about forage

for their animals before they reached Fort Laramie. It had not
rained at the latter point for two years, and the drought,
together with the vast herds of buffaloes and the Indian fires,
made it for days impossible to find any pasture except in small
patches. When the fort was reached, they had fed their animals
not only a large part of their grain, but some of their crackers
and other breadstuff, and the beasts were so weak that they could
scarcely drag the wagons.

During the previous winter the church officers had procured for
their use from England two sextants and other instruments needed
for taking solar observations, two barometers, thermometers,
etc., and these were used by Orson Pratt daily to note their
progress.* Two of the party also constructed a sort of pedometer,
and, after leaving Fort Laramie, a mile-post was set up every ten
miles, for the guidance of those who were to follow.

* His diary of the trip will be found in the Millennial Star for
1849-1850, full of interesting details, but evidently edited for
English readers.

In the camp made on May 10 the first of the Mormon post-offices

on the plains was established. Into a board six inches wide and
eighteen long, a cut was made with a saw, and in this cut a
letter was placed. After nailing on cleats to retain the letter,
and addressing the board to the officers of the next company, the
board was nailed to a fifteen-foot pole, which was set firmly in
the ground near the trail, and left to its fate. How successful
this attempt at communication proved is not stated, but similar
means of communication were in use during the whole period of
Mormon migration. Sometimes a copy of the camp journal was left
conspicuously in the crotch of a tree, for the edification of the
next camp, and scores of the buffaloes' skulls that dotted the
plains were marked with messages and set up along the trail.

The weakness of the draught animals made progress slow at this

time, and marches of from 4 to 7 miles a day were recorded. The
men fared better, game being abundant. Signs of Indians were seen
from time to time, and precautions were constantly taken to
prevent a stampede of the animals; but no open attack was made. A
few Indians visited the camp on May 21, and gave assurances of
their friendliness; and on the 24th they had a visit from a party
of thirty-five Dakotas (or Sioux who tendered a written letter of
recommendation in French from one of the agents of the American
Fur Company. The Mormons had to grant their request for
permission to camp with them over night, which meant also giving
them supper and breakfast--no small demand on their hospitality
when the capacity of the Indian stomach is understood).

Little occurred during May to vary the monotony of the journey.

On the afternoon of June 1 they arrived nearly opposite Fort
Laramie and the ruins of old Fort Platte, a point 522 miles from
Winter Quarters, and 509 from Great Salt Lake. The so-called
forts were in fact trading posts, established by the fur
companies, both as points of supply for their trappers and
trading places with the Indians for peltries. On the evening of
their arrival at this point they had a visit from members of a
party of Mormons gathered principally from Mississippi and
southern Illinois, who had passed the winter in Pueblo, and were
waiting to join the emigrants from Winter Quarters.

The Platte, usually a shallow stream, was at that place 108 yards
wide, and too deep for wading. Brigham Young and some others
crossed over the next morning in a sole-leather skiff which
formed a part of their equipment, and were kindly welcomed by the
commandant. There they learned that it would be impracticable--or
at least very difficult--to continue along the north bank of the
Platte, and they accordingly hired a flatboat to ferry the
company and their wagons across. The crossing began on June 3,
and on an average four wagons were ferried over in an hour.

Advantage was taken of this delay to set up, a bellows and forge,
and make needed repairs to the wagons. At the Fort the Mormons
learned that their old object of hatred in Missouri, ex-Governor
Boggs, had recently passed by with a company of emigrants bound
for the Pacific coast. Young's company came across other
Missourians on the plains; but no hostilities ensued, the
Missourians having no object now to interfere with the Saints,
and the latter contenting themselves by noting in their diaries
the profanity and quarrelsomeness of their old neighbors.

The journey was resumed at noon on June 4, along the Oregon

trail. A small party of the Mormons was sent on in advance to the
spot where the Oregon trail crossed the Platte, 124 miles west of
Fort Laramie. This crossing was generally made by fording, but
the river was too high for this, and the soleleather boat, which
would carry from 1500 to 1800 pounds, was accordingly employed.
The men with this boat reached the crossing in advance of the
first party of Oregon emigrants whom they had encountered, and
were employed by the latter to ferry their goods across while the
empty wagons were floated. This proved a happy enterprise for the
Mormons. The drain on their stock of grain and provisions had by
this time so reduced their supply that they looked forward with
no little anxiety to the long march. The Oregon party offered
liberal pay in flour, sugar, bacon, and coffee for the use of the
boat, and the terms were gladly accepted, although most of the
persons served were Missourians. When the main body of pioneers
started on from that point, they left ten men with the boat to
maintain the ferry until the next company from Winter Quarters
should come up.*

* "The Missourians paid them $1.50 for each wagon and load, and
paid it in flour at $2.50; yet flour was worth $10 per
hundredweight, at least at that point. They divided their
earnings among the camp equally."--Tullidge, "Life of Brigham
Young," p. 165.

The Mormons themselves were delayed at this crossing until June

19, making a boat on which a wagon could cross without unloading.
During the first few days after leaving the North Platte grass
and water were scarce. On June 21 they reached the Sweet Water,
and, fording it, encamped within sight of Independence Rock, near
the upper end of Devil's Gate.

CHAPTER VI. From The Rockies To Salt Lake Valley

More than one day's march was now made without finding water or
grass. Banks of snow were observed on the near-by elevations, and
overcoats were very comfortable at night. On June 26 they reached
the South Pass, where the waters running to the Atlantic and to
the Pacific separate. They found, however, no well-marked
dividing ridge-only, as Pratt described it, "a quietly undulating
plain or prairie, some fifteen or twenty miles in length and
breadth, thickly covered with wild sage." There were good pasture
and plenty of water, and they met there a small party who were
making the journey from Oregon to the states on horseback.

All this time the leaders of the expedition had no definite view
of their final stopping-place. Whenever Young was asked by any of
his party, as they trudged along, what locality they were aiming
for, his only reply was that he would recognize the site of their
new home when he saw it, and that they would surely go on as the
Lord would direct them.*

* Erastus Snow's "Address to the Pioneers," 1880.

While they were camping near South Pass, an incident occurred

which narrowly escaped changing the plans of the Lord, if he had
already selected Salt Lake Valley. One of the men whom the
company met there was a voyager whose judgment about a desirable
site for a settlement naturally seemed worthy of consideration.
This was T. L. Smith, better known as "Pegleg" Smith. He had been
a companion of Jedediah S. Smith, one of Ashley's company of
trappers, who had started from Great Salt Lake in August, 1826,
and made his way to San Gabriel Mission in California, and thence
eastward, reaching the Lake again in the spring of 1827. "Pegleg"
had a trading post on Bear River above Soda Springs (in the
present Idaho). He gave the Mormons a great deal of information
about all the valley which lay before them, and to the north and
south. "He earnestly advised us," says Erastus Snow, "to direct
our course northwestward from Bridger, and make our way into
Cache Valley; and he so far made an impression upon the camp that
we were induced to enter into an engagement with him to meet us
at a certain time and place two weeks afterward, to pilot our
company into that country. But for some reason, which to this day
never to my knowledge has been explained, he failed to meet us;
and I have ever recognized his failure to do so as a providence
of an all-wise God."*

* "Address to the Pioneers," 1880.

"Pegleg's" reputation was as bad as that of any of those reckless

trappers of his day, and perhaps, if the Mormons had known more
about him, they would have given less heed to his advice, and
counted less on his keeping his engagement.

With the returning Oregonians they also made the acquaintance of

Major Harris, an old trapper and hunter in California and Oregon,
who gave them little encouragement about Salt Lake Valley, as a
place of settlement, principally because of the lack of timber.
Two days later they met Colonel James Bridger, an authority on
that part of the country, whose "fort" was widely known. Young
told him that he proposed to take a look at Great Salt Lake
Valley with a view to its settlement. Bridger affirmed that his
experiments had more than convinced him that corn would not grow
in those mountains, and, when Young expressed doubts about this,
he offered to give the Mormon President $1000 for the first ear
raised in that valley. Next they met a mountaineer named
Goodyear, who had passed the last winter on the site of what is
now Ogden, Utah, where he had tried without success to raise a
little grain and a few vegetables. He told of severe cold in
winter and drought in summer. Irrigation had not suggested itself
to a man who had a large part of a continent in which to look for
a more congenial farm site.

Mormons in all later years have said that they were guided to the
Salt Lake Valley in fulfilment of the prediction of Joseph Smith
that they would have to flee to the Rocky Mountains. But in their
progress across the plains the leaders of the pioneers were not
indifferent to any advice that came in their way, and in a
manuscript "History of Brigham Young" (1847), quoted by H. H.
Bancroft, is the following entry, which may indicate the first
suggestion that turned their attention from "California" to Utah:
"On the 15th of June met James H. Grieve, William Tucker, James
Woodrie, James Bouvoir, and six other Frenchmen, from whom we
learned that Mr. Bridger was located about three hundred miles
west, that the mountaineers could ride to Salt Lake from Fort
Bridger in two days, and that the Utah country was beautiful." *
* Bancroft's "History of Utah," p. 257.

The pioneers resumed their march on June 29, over a desolate

country, travelling seventeen miles without finding grass or
water, until they made their night camp on the Big Sandy. There
they encountered clouds of mosquitoes, which made more than one
subsequent camping-place very uncomfortable. A march of eight
miles the next morning brought them to Green River. Finding this
stream 180 yards wide, and deep and swift, they stopped long
enough to make two rafts, on which they successfully ferried over
all their wagons without unloading them.

At this point the pioneers met a brother Mormon who had made the
journey to California round the Horn, and had started east from
there to meet the overland travellers. He had an interesting
story to tell, the points of which, in brief, were as follows:--
A conference of Mormons, held in New York City on November 12,
1845, resolved to move in a body to the new home of the Saints.
This emigration scheme was placed in charge of Samuel Brannan, a
native of Maine, and an elder in the church, who was then editing
the New York Prophet, and preaching there. Why so important a
project was confided to Brannan seems a mystery, in view of P. P.
Pratt's statement that, as early as the previous January, he had
discovered that Brannan was among certain elders who "had been
corrupting the Saints by introducing among them all manner of
false doctrines and immoral practices"; he was afterward
disfellowshipped at Nauvoo. By Pratt's advice he immediately went
to that city, and was restored to full standing in the church, as
any bad man always was when he acknowledged submission to the
church authorities.* Plenty of emigrants offered themselves under
Orson Pratt's call, but of the 300 first applicants for passage
only about 60 had money enough to pay their expenses,

* Pratt's "Autobiography," p. 374.

Although it was estimated that $75 would cover the outlay for the
trip. Brannan chartered the Brooklyn, a ship of 450 tons, and on
February 4, 1846, she sailed with 70 men, 68 women, and 100
children.*

* Bancrofts figures, "History of California," Vol. V, Chap. 20.

The voyage to San Francisco ended on July 31. Ten deaths and two
births occurred during the trip, and four of the company,
including two elders and one woman, had to be excommunicated "for
their wicked and licentious conduct." Three others were dealt
with in the same way as soon as the company landed.* On landing
they found the United States in possession of the country, which
led to Brannan's reported remark, "There is that d--d flag
again." The men of the party, some of whom had not paid all their
passage money, at once sought work, but the company did not hold
together. Before the end of the year some 20 more "went astray,"
in church parlance; some decided to remain on the coast when they
learned that the church was to make Salt Lake Valley its
headquarters, and some time later about 140 reached Utah and took
up their abode there.

* Brannan's letter, Millennial Star, Vol. IX, pp. 306-307.

Brannan fell from grace and was pronounced by P. P. Pratt "a

corrupt and wicked man." While he was getting his expedition in
shape, he sent to the church authorities in the West a copy of an
agreement which he said he had made with A. G. Benson, an alleged
agent of Postmaster General Kendall. Benson was represented as
saying that, unless the Mormon leaders signed an agreement, to
which President Polk was a "silent partner," by which they would
"transfer to A. G. Benson and Co., and to their heirs and
assigns, the odd number of all the lands and town lots they may
acquire in the country where they settle," the President would
order them to be dispersed. This seems to have been too
transparent a scheme to deceive Young, and the agreement was not
signed.

The march of the pioneers was resumed on July 3. That evening

they were told that those who wished to return eastward to meet
their families, who were perhaps five hundred miles back with the
second company, could do so; but only five of them took advantage
of this permission. The event of Sunday, July 4, was the arrival
of thirteen members of the Battalion, who had pushed on in
advance of the main body of those who were on the way from
Pueblo, in order that they might recover some horses stolen from
them, which they were told were at Bridger's Fort. They said that
the main body of 140 were near at hand. This company had been
directed in their course by instructions sent to them by Brigham
Young from a point near Fort Laramie.

The hardships of the trip had told on the pioneers, and a number
of them were now afflicted with what they called "mountain
fever." They attributed this to the clouds of dust that enveloped
the column of wagons when in motion, and to the decided change of
temperature from day to night. For six weeks, too, most of them
had been without bread, living on the meat provided by the
hunters, and saving the little flour that was left for the sick.

The route on July 5 kept along the right bank of the Green River
for about three miles, and then led over the bluffs and across a
sandy, waterless plain for sixteen miles, to the left bank of
Black's Fork, where they camped for the night. The two following
days took them across this Fork several times, but, although
fording was not always comfortable, the stream added salmon trout
to their menu. On the 7th the party had a look at Bridger's Fort,
of which they had heard often. Orson Pratt described it at the
time as consisting "of two adjoining log houses, dirt roofs, and
a small picket yard of logs set in the ground, and about eight
feet high. The number of men, squaws, and halfbreed children in
these houses and lodges may be about fifty or sixty."

At the camp, half a mile from the fort, that night ice formed.
The next day the blacksmiths were kept busy repairing wagons and
shoeing horses in preparation for a trail through the mountains.
On the 9th and 10th they passed over a hilly country, camping on
Beaver River on the night of the 10th.
The fever had compelled several halts on account of the condition
of the patients, and on the 12th it was found that Brigham Young
was too ill to travel. In order not to lose time, Orson Pratt,
with forty-three men and twentythree wagons, was directed to push
on into Salt Lake Valley, leaving a trail that the others could
follow. From the information obtainable at Fort Bridger it was
decided that the canon leading into the valley would be found
impassable on account of high water, and that they should direct
their course over the mountains.

These explorers set out on July 14, travelling down Red Fork, a
small stream which ran through a narrow valley, whose sides in
places were from eight hundred to twelve hundred feet high,--red
sandstone walls, perpendicular or overhanging. This route was a
rough one, requiring frequent fordings of the stream, and they
did well to advance thirteen miles that day. On the 15th they
discovered a mountain trail that had been recommended to them,
but it was a mere trace left by wagons that had passed over it a
year before. They came now to the roughest country they had
found, and it became necessary to send sappers in advance to open
a road before the wagons could pass over it. Almost discouraged,
Pratt turned back on foot the next day, to see if he could not
find a better route; but he was soon convinced that only the one
before them led in the direction they were to take. The wagons
were advanced only four and three-quarters miles that day, even
the creek bottom being so covered with a growth of willows that
to cut through these was a tiresome labor. Pratt and a companion,
during the day, climbed a mountain, which they estimated to be
about two thousand feet high, but they only saw, before and
around them, hills piled on hills and mountains on
mountains,--the outlines of the Wahsatch and Uinta ranges.

On Monday, the 18th, Pratt again acted as advance explorer, and

went ahead with one companion. Following a ravine on horseback
for four miles, they then dismounted and climbed to an elevation
from which, in the distance, they saw a level prairie which they
thought could not be far from Great Salt Lake. The whole party
advanced only six and a quarter miles that day and six the next.

One day later Erastus Snow came up with them, and Pratt took him
along as a companion in his advance explorations. They discovered
a point where the travellers of the year before had ascended a
hill to avoid a canon through which a creek dashed rapidly.
Following in their predecessors' footsteps, when they arrived at
the top of this hill there lay stretched out before them "a
broad, open valley about twenty miles wide and thirty long, at
the north end of which the waters of the Great Salt Lake
glistened in the sunbeams." Snow's account of their first view of
the valley and lake is as follows:-- "The thicket down the
narrows, at the mouth of the canon, was so dense that we could
not penetrate through it. I crawled for some distance on my hands
and knees through this thicket, until I was compelled to return,
admonished to by the rattle of a snake which lay coiled up under
my nose, having almost put my hand on him; but as he gave me the
friendly warning, I thanked him and retreated. We raised on to a
high point south of the narrows, where we got a view of the Great
Salt Lake and this valley, and each of us, without saying a word
to the other, instinctively, as if by inspiration, raised our
hats from our heads, and then, swinging our hats, shouted,
'Hosannah to God and the Lamb!' We could see the canes down in
the valley, on what is now called Mill Creek, which looked like
inviting grain, and thitherward we directed our course."*

* "Address to the Pioneers," 1880.

Having made an inspection of the valley, the two explorers

rejoined their party about ten o'clock that evening. The next
day, with great labor, a road was cut through the canon down to
the valley, and on July 22 Pratt's entire company camped on City
Creek, below the present Emigration Street in Salt Lake City. The
next morning, after sending word of their discovery to Brigham
Young, the whole party moved some two miles farther north, and
there, after prayer, the work of putting in a crop was begun. The
necessity of irrigation was recognized at once. "We found the
land so dry," says Snow, "that to plough it was impossible, and
in attempting to do so some of the ploughs were broken. We
therefore had to distribute the water over the land before it
could be worked." When the rest of the pioneers who had remained
with Young reached the valley the next day, they found about six
acres of potatoes and other vegetables already planted.

While Apostles like Snow might have been as transported with

delight over the aspect of the valley as he professed to be,
others of the party could see only a desolate, treeless plain,
with sage brush supplying the vegetation. To the women especially
the outlook was most depressing.

CHAPTER VII. The Following Companies--Last Days On The Missouri

When the pioneers set out from the Missouri, instructions were
left for the organization of similar companies who were to follow
their trail, without waiting to learn their ultimate destination
or how they fared on the way. These companies were in charge of
prominent men like Parley P. Pratt, John Taylor, Bishop Hunter,
Daniel Spencer, who succeeded Smith as mayor of Nauvoo, and J. M.
Grant, the first mayor of Salt Lake City after its incorporation.

P. P. Pratt set out early in June, as soon as he could get his

wagons and equipment in order, for Elk Horn River, where a sort
of rendezvous was established, and a rough ferry boat put in
operation. Hence started about the Fourth of July the big company
which has been called "the first emigration." It consisted,
according to the most trustworthy statistics, of 1553 persons,
equipped with 566 wagons, 2213 oxen, 124 horses, 887 cows, 358
sheep, 35 hogs, and 716 chickens. Pratt had brought back from
England 469 sovereigns, collected as tithing, which were used in
equipping the first parties for Utah. This company had at its
head, as president, Brigham Young's brother John, with P. P.
Pratt as chief adviser.

Nothing more serious interrupted the movement of these hundreds

of emigrants than dissatisfaction with Pratt, upsets, broken
wagons, and the occasional straying of cattle, and all arrived in
the valley in the latter part of September, Pratt's division on
the 25th.

The company which started on the return trip with Young on August
26 embraced those Apostles who had gone West with him, some
others of the pioneers, and most of the members of the Battalion
who had joined them, and whose families were still on the banks
of the Missouri. The eastward trip was made interesting by the
meetings with the successive companies who were on their way to
the Salt Lake Valley. Early in September some Indians stole 48 of
their hoses, and ten weeks later 200 Sioux charged their camp,
but there was no loss of life.

On the 19th of October the party were met by a mounted company

who had left Winter Quarters to offer any aid that might be
needed, and were escorted to that camp. They arrived there on
October 31, where they were welcomed by their families, and
feasted as well as the supplies would permit.

The winter of 1847-1848 was employed by Young and his associates

in completing the church organization, mapping out a scheme of
European immigration, and preparing for the removal of the
remaining Mormons to Salt Lake Valley.

That winter was much milder than its predecessor, and the health
of the camps was improved, due, in part, to the better physical
condition of their occupants. On the west side of the river,
however, troubles had arisen with the Omahas, who complained to
the government that the Mormons were killing off the game and
depleting their lands of timber. The new-comers were accordingly
directed to recross the river, and it was in this way that the
camp near Council Bluffs in 1848 secured its principal
population. In Mormon letters of that date the name Winter
Quarters is sometimes applied to the settlement east of the river
generally known as Kanesville.

The programme then arranged provided for the removal in the

spring of 1848 to Salt Lake Valley of practically all Mormons who
remained on the Missouri, leaving only enough to look after the
crops there and to maintain a forwarding point for emigrants from
Europe and the Eastern states. The legislature of Iowa by request
organized a county embracing the camps on the east side of the
river. There seems to have been an idea in the minds of some of
the Mormons that they might effect a permanent settlement in
western Iowa. Orson Pratt, in a general epistle to the Saints in
Europe, encouraging emigration, dated August 15, 1848, said, "A
great, extensive, and rich tract of country has also been, by the
providence of God, put in the possession of the Saints in the
western borders of Iowa," which the Saints would have the first
chance to purchase, at five shillings per acre. A letter from G.
A. Smith and E. T. Benson to O. Pratt, dated December 20 in that
year, told of the formation of a company of 860 members to
enclose an additional tract of 11,000 acres, in shares of from 5
to 80 acres, and of the laying out of two new cities, ten miles
north and south. Orson Hyde set up a printing-press there, and
for some time published the Frontier Guardian. But wiser counsel
prevailed, and by 1853 most of the emigrants from Nauvoo had
passed on to Utah,* and Linforth found Kanesville in 1853 "very
dirty and unhealthy," and full of gamblers, lawyers, and dealers
in "bargains," the latter made up principally of the outfits of
discouraged immigrants who had given up the trip at that point.

* On September 21, 1851, the First Presidency sent a letter to

the Saints who were still in Iowa, directing them all to come to
Salt Lake Valley, and saying: "What are you waiting for? Have you
any good excuse for not coming? No. You have all of you unitedly
a far better chance than we had when we started as pioneers to
find this place."--Millennial Star, Vol. XIV, p. 29.

Young himself took charge of the largest body that was to cross
the plains in 1848. The preparations were well advanced by the
first of May, and on the 24th he set out for Elk Horn (commonly
called "The Horn") where the organization of the column was to be
made. The travellers were divided into two large companies, the
first four "hundreds" comprising 1229 persons and 397 wagons; the
second section, led by H. C. Kimball, 662 persons and 226 wagons;
and the third, under Elders W. Richards and A. Lyman, about 300
wagons. A census of the first two companies, made by the clerk of
the camp, showed that their equipment embraced the following
items: horses, 131; mules, 44; oxen, 2012; cows and other cattle,
1317; sheep, 654; pigs, 237; chickens, 904; cats, 54; dogs, 134;
goats, 3; geese, 10; ducks, 5; hives of bees, 5; doves, 11; and
one squirrel.*

* Millennial Star, Vol. X, p. 319.

The expense of fitting out these companies was necessarily large,

and the heads of the church left at Kanesville a debt amounting
to $3600, "without any means being provided for its payment."*

* Ibid, Vol. XI, p. 14.

President Young's company began its actual westward march on June

5, and the last detachment got away about the 25th. They reached
the site of Salt Lake City in September. The incidents of the
trip were not more interesting than those of the previous year,
and only four deaths occurred on the way.

BOOK VI. In Utah

CHAPTER I. The Founding Of Salt Lake City

The first white men to enter what is now Utah were a part of the
force of Coronado, under Captain Garcia Lopez de Cardinas, if the
reader of the evidence decides that their journey from Zuni took
them, in 1540, across the present Utah border line.* A more
definite account has been preserved of a second exploration,
which left Santa Fe in 1776, led by two priests, Dominguez and
Escalate, in search of a route to the California coast. A two
months' march brought them to a lake, called Timpanogos by the
natives--now Utah Lake on the map--where they were told of
another lake, many leagues in extent, whose waters were so salt
that they made the body itch when wet with them; but they turned
to the southwest without visiting it. Lahontan's report of the
discovery of a body of bad-tasting water on the western side of
the continent in 1689 is not accepted as more than a part of an
imaginary narrative. S. A. Ruddock asserted that, in 1821, he
with a trading party made a journey from Council Bluffs to Oregon
by way of Santa Fe and Great Salt Lake.**

* See Bancroft's "History of Utah," Chap. I.

** House Report, No. 213, 1st Session, 19th Congress.

Bancroft mentions this claim "for what it is worth," but awards

the honor of the discovery of the lake, as the earliest
authenticated, to James Bridger, the noted frontiersman who, some
twelve years later, built his well-known trading fort on Green
River. Bridger, with a party of trappers who had journeyed west
from the Missouri with Henry and Ashley in 1824, got into a
discussion that winter with his fellows, while they were camped
on Bear River, about the course of that stream, and, to decide a
bet, Bridger followed it southward until he came to Great Salt
Lake. In the following spring four of the party explored the lake
in boats made of skins, hoping to find beavers, and they, it is
believed, were the first white men to float upon its waters.
Fremont saw the lake from the summit of a butte on September 6,
1843. "It was," he says, "one of the great objects of the
exploration, and, as we looked eagerly over the lake in the first
emotions of excited pleasure, I am doubtful if the followers of
Balboa felt more enthusiasm when, from the heights of the Andes,
they saw for the first time the great Western Ocean." This
practical claim of discovery was not well founded, nor was his
sail on the lake in an India-rubber boat "the first ever
attempted on this interior sea."

Dating from 1825, the lake region of Utah became more and more
familiar to American trappers and explorers. In 1833 Captain
Bonneville, of the United States army, obtained leave of absence,
and with a company of 110 trappers set out for the Far West by
the Platte route. Crossing the Rockies through the South Pass, he
made a fortified camp on Green River, whence he for three years
explored the country. One of his parties, under Joseph Walker,
was sent to trap beavers on Great Salt Lake and to explore it
thoroughly, making notes and maps. Bonneville, in his description
of the lake to Irving, declared that lofty mountains rose from
its bosom, and greatly magnified its extent to the south.*
Walker's party got within sight of the lake, but found themselves
in a desert, and accordingly changed their course and crossed the
Sierras into California. In Bonneville's map the lake is called
"Lake Bonneville or Great Salt Lake," and Irving calls it Lake
Bonneville in his "Astoria."

* Bonneville's "Adventures," p. 184.

The day after the first arrival of Brigham Young in Salt Lake
Valley (Sunday, July 25), church services were held and the
sacrament was administered. Young addressed his followers,
indicating at the start his idea of his leadership and of the
ownership of the land, which was then Mexican territory. "He said
that no man should buy any land who came here," says Woodruff;
"that he had none to sell; but every man should have his land
measured out to him for city and farming purposes. He might till
it as he pleased, but he must be industrious and take care of
it." *

* "After the assignments were made, persona commenced the usual

speculations of selling according to eligibility of situation.
This called out anathemas from the spiritual powers, and no one
was permitted to traffic for fancy profit; if any sales were
made, the first cost and actual value of improvements were all
that was to be allowed. All speculative sales were made sub rosa.
Exchanges are made and the records kept by the
register."--Gunnison, "The Mormons" (1852), p. 145.

The next day a party, including all the Twelve who were in the
valley, set out to explore the neighborhood. They visited and
bathed in Great Salt Lake, climbed and named Ensign Peak, and met
a party of Utah Indians, who made signs that they wanted to
trade. On their return Young explained to the people his ideas of
an exploration of the country to the west and north.

Meanwhile, those left in the valley had been busy staking off
fields, irrigating them, and planting vegetables and grain. Some
buildings, among them a blacksmith shop, were begun. The members
of the Battalion, about four hundred of whom had now arrived,
constructed a "bowery." Camps of Utah Indians were visited, and
the white men witnessed their method of securing for food the
abundant black crickets, by driving them into an enclosure fenced
with brush which they set on fire.

On July 28, after a council of the Quorum had been held, the site
of the Temple was selected by Brigham Young, who waved his hand
and said: "Here is the 40 acres for the Temple. The city can be
laid out perfectly square, east and west."* The 40 acres were a
few days later reduced to 10, but the site then chosen is that on
which the big Temple now stands. It was also decided that the
city should be laid out in lots measuring to by 20 rods each, 8
lots to a block, with streets 8 rods wide, and sidewalks 20 feet
wide; each house to be erected in the centre of a lot, and 20
feet from the front line. Land was also reserved for four parks
of to acres each.

* Tullidge's "Life of Brigham Young," p. 178.

Men were at once sent into the mountains to secure logs for
cabins, and work on adobe huts was also begun. On August y those
of the Twelve present selected their "inheritances," each taking
a block near the Temple. A week later the Twelve in council
selected the blocks on which the companies under each should
settle. The city as then laid out covered a space nearly four
miles long and three broad.*
* Tullidge says: "The land portion of each family, as a rule, was
the acre-and-a-quarter lot designated in the plan of the city;
but the chief men of the pioneers, who had a plurality of wives
and numerous children, received larger portions of the city lots.
The giving of farms, as shown is the General Epistle, was upon
the same principle as the apportioning of city lots. The farm of
five, ten, or twenty acres was not for the mechanic, nor the
manufacturer, nor even for the farmer, as a mere personal
property, but for the good of the community at large, to give the
substance of the earth to feed the population . . . . While the
farmer was planting and cultivating his farm, the mechanic and
tradesman produced his supplies and wrought his daily work for
the community." He adds,"It can be easily understood how some
departures were made from this original plan." This understanding
can be gained in no better way than by inspecting the list of
real estate left by Brigham Young in his will as his individual
possession.

On August 22 a General Conference decided that the city should be

called City of the Great Salt Lake. When the city was
incorporated, in 1851, the name was changed to Salt Lake City. In
view of the approaching return of Young and his fellow officers
to the Missouri River, the company in the valley were placed in
charge of the prophet's uncle, John Smith, as Patriarch, with a
high council and other officers of a Stake.

When P. P. Pratt and the following companies reached the valley

in September, they found a fort partly built, and every one busy,
preparing for the winter. The crops of that year had been a
disappointment, having been planted too late. The potatoes raised
varied in size from that of a pea to half an inch in diameter,
but they were saved and used successfully for seed the next year.
A great deal of grain was sown during the autumn and winter,
considerable wheat having been brought from California by members
of the Battalion. Pratt says that the snow was several inches
deep when they did some of their ploughing, but that the ground
was clear early in March. A census taken in March, 1848, gave the
city a population of 1671, with 423 houses erected.

The Saints in the valley spent a good deal of that winter working
on their cabins, making furniture, and carting fuel. They
discovered that the warning about the lack of timber was well
founded, all the logs and firewood being hauled from a point
eight miles distant, over bad roads, and with teams that had not
recovered from the effect of the overland trip. Many settlers
therefore built huts of adobe bricks, some with cloth roofs. Lack
of experience in handling adobe clay for building purposes led to
some sad results, the rains and frosts causing the bricks to
crumble or burst, and more than one of these houses tumbled down
around their owners. Even the best of the houses had very flat
roofs, the newcomers believing that the climate was always dry;
and when the rains and melted snow came, those who had umbrellas
frequently raised them indoors to protect their beds or their
fires.

Two years later, when Captain Stansbury of the United States

Topographical Engineers, with his surveying party, spent the
winter in Salt Lake City, in "a small, unfurnished house of
unburnt brick or adobe, unplastered, and roofed with boards
loosely nailed on," which let in the rains in streams, he says
they were better lodged than many of their neighbors. "Very many
families," he explains, "were obliged still to lodge wholly or in
part in their wagons, which, being covered, served, when taken
off from the wheels and set upon the ground, to make bedrooms, of
limited dimensions, it is true, but exceedingly comfortable. In
the very next enclosure to that of our party, a whole family of
children had no other shelter than one of these wagons, where
they slept all winter."

The furniture of the early houses was of the rudest kind, since
only the most necessary articles could be brought in the wagons.
A chest or a barrel would do for a table, a bunk built against
the side logs would be called a bed, and such rude stools as
could be most easily put together served for chairs.

The letters sent for publication in England to attract emigrants

spoke of a mild and pleasant winter, not telling of the
privations of these pioneers. The greatest actual suffering was
caused by a lack of food as spring advanced. A party had been
sent to California, in November, for cattle, seeds, etc., but
they lost forty of a herd of two hundred on the way back. The
cattle that had been brought across the plains were in poor
condition on their arrival, and could find very little winter
pasturage. Many of the milk cows driven all the way from the
Missouri had died by midsummer. By spring parched grain was
substituted for coffee, a kind of molasses was made from beets,
and what little flour could be obtained was home-ground and
unbolted. Even so high an officer of the church as P. P. Pratt,
thus describes the privations of his family: "In this labor
[ploughing, cultivating, and sowing] every woman and child in my
family, so far as they were of sufficient age and strength, had
joined to help me, and had toiled incessantly in the field,
suffering every hardship which human nature could well endure.
Myself and most of them were compelled to go with bare feet for
several months, reserving our Indian moccasins for extra
occasions. We toiled hard, and lived on a few greens, and on
thistle and other roots."

This was the year of the great visitation of crickets, the

destruction of which has given the Mormons material for the story
of one of their miracles. The crickets appeared in May, and they
ate the country clear before them. In a wheat-field they would
average two or three to a head of grain. Even ditches filled with
water would not stop them. Kane described them as "wingless,
dumpy, black, swollen-headed, with bulging eyes in cases like
goggles, mounted upon legs of steel wire and clock spring, and
with a general personal appearance that justified the Mormons in
comparing them to a cross of a spider and the buffalo." When this
plague was at its worst, the Mormons saw flocks of gulls descend
and devour the crickets so greedily that they would often
disgorge the food undigested. Day after day did the gulls appear
until the plague was removed. Utah guide-books of to-day refer to
this as a divine interposition of Heaven in behalf of the Saints.
But writers of that date, like P. P. Pratt, ignore the miraculous
feature, and the white gulls dot the fields between Salt Lake
City and Ogden in 1901 just as they did in the summer of 1848,
and as Fremont found them there in September, 1843. Gulls are
abundant all over the plains, and are found with the snipe and
geese as far north as North Dakota. Heaven's interposition, if
exercised, was not thorough, for, after the crickets, came
grasshoppers in such numbers that one writer says, "On one
occasion a quarter of one cloudy dropped into the lake and were
blown on shore by the wind, in rows sometimes two feet deep, for
a distance of two miles."

But the crops, with all the drawbacks, did better than had been
deemed possible, and on August 10 the people held a kind of
harvest festival in the "bowery" in the centre of their fort,
when "large sheaves of wheat, rye, barley, oats, and other
productions were hoisted on poles for public exhibition."* Still,
the outlook was so alarming that word was sent to Winter Quarters
advising against increasing their population at that time, and
Brigham Young's son urged that a message be sent to his father
giving similar advice.** Nevertheless P. P. Pratt did not
hesitate in a letter addressed to the Saints in England, on
September 5, to say that they had had ears of corn to boil for a
month, that he had secured "a good harvest of wheat and rye
without irrigation," and that there would be from ten thousand to
twenty thousand bushels of grain in the valley more than was
needed for home consumption.

* Pratt's "Autobiography," p. 406.

** Bancroft's "History of Utah;' p. 281.

CHAPTER II. Progress Of The Settlement

With the arrival of the later companies from Winter Quarters the
population of the city was increased by the winter of 1848 to
about five thousand, or more than one-quarter of those who went
out from Nauvoo. The settlers then had three sawmills, one
flouring mill, and a threshing machine run by water, another
sawmill and flour mill nearly completed, and several mills under
way for the manufacture of sugar from corn stalks.

Brigham Young, again on the ground, took the lead at once in

pushing on the work. To save fencing, material for which was hard
to obtain, a tract of eight thousand acres was set apart and
fenced for the common use, within which farmhouses could be
built. The plan adopted for fencing in the city itself was to
enclose each ward separately, every lot owner building his share.
A stone council house, forty-five feet square, was begun, the
labor counting as a part of the tithe; unappropriated city lots
were distributed among the new-comers by a system of drawing, and
the building of houses went briskly on, the officers of the
church sharing in the labor. A number of bridges were also
provided, a tax of one per cent being levied to pay for them.

Among the incidents of the winter mentioned in an epistle of the

First Presidency was the establishment of schools in the
different wards, in which, it was stated, "the Hebrew, Greek,
Latin, French, German, Tahitian and English languages have been
taught successfully"; and the organization of a temporary local
government, and of a Stake of Zion, with Daniel Spencer as
president. It was early the policy of the church to carry on an
extended system of public works, including manufacturing
enterprises. The assisted immigrants were expected to repay by
work on these buildings the advance made to them to cover their
travelling expenses. Young saw at once the advantage of starting
branches of manufacture, both to make his people independent of a
distant supply and to give employment to the population. Writing
to Orson Pratt on October 14, 1849, when Pratt was in England, he
said that they would have the material for cotton and woollen
factories ready by the time men and machinery were prepared to
handle it, and urged him to send on cotton operatives and "all
the necessary fixtures." The third General Epistle spoke of the
need of furnaces and forges, and Orson Pratt, in an address to
the Saints in Great Britain, dated July 2, I850, urged the
officers of companies "to seek diligently in every branch for
wise, skilful and ingenious mechanics, manufacturers, potters,
etc."*

* The General Epistle of April, 1852, announced two potteries in

operation, a small woollen factory begun, a nail factory, wooden
bowl factory, and many grist and saw mills. The General Epistle
of October, 1855, enumerated, as among the established
industries, a foundery, a cutlery shop, and manufactories of
locks, cloth, leather, hats, cordage, brushes, soap, paper,
combs, and cutlery.

The General Conference of October, 1849, ordered one man to build

a glass factory in the valley, and voted to organize a company to
transport passengers and freight between the Missouri River and
California, directing that settlements be established along the
route. This company was called the Great Salt Lake Valley
Carrying Company. Its prospectus in the Frontier Guardian in
December, 1849, stated that the fare from Kanesville to Sutter's
Fort, California, would be $300, and the freight rate to Great
Salt Lake City $12.50 per hundredweight, the passenger wagons to
be drawn by four horses or mules, and the freight wagons by oxen.

But the work of making the new Mormon home a business and
manufacturing success did not meet with rapid encouragement.
Where settlements were made outside of Salt Lake City, the people
were not scattered in farmhouses over the country, but lived in
what they called "forts," squalid looking settlements, laid out
in a square and defended by a dirt or adobe wall. The inhabitants
of these settlements had to depend on the soil for their
subsistence, and such necessary workmen as carpenters and
shoemakers plied their trade as they could find leisure after
working in the fields. When Johnston's army entered the valley in
1858, the largest attempt at manufacturing that had been
undertaken there--a beet sugar factory, toward which English
capitalists had contributed more than $100,000--had already
proved a failure. There were tanneries, distilleries, and
breweries in operation, a few rifles and revolvers were made from
iron supplied by wagon tires, and in the larger settlements a few
good mechanics were kept busy. But if no outside influences had
contributed to the prosperity of the valley, and hastened the day
when it secured railroad communication, the future of the people
whom Young gathered in Utah would have been very different.

A correspondent of the New York Tribune, on his way to

California, writing on July 8, 1849, thus described Salt Lake
City as it presented itself to him at that time:-- "There are no
hotels, because there had been no travel; no barber shops,
because every one chose to shave himself and no one had time to
shave his neighbor; no stores, because they had no goods to sell
nor time to traffic; no center of business, because all were too
busy to make a center. There was abundance of mechanics' shops,
of dressmakers, milliners and tailors, etc., but they needed no
sign, nor had they any time to paint or erect one, for they were
crowded with business. Besides their several trades, all must
cultivate the land or die; for the country was new, and no
cultivation but their own within 1000 miles. Everyone had his lot
and built on it; every one cultivated it, and perhaps a small
farm in the distance. And the strangest of all was that this
great city, extending over several square miles, had been
erected, and every house and fence made, within nine or ten
months of our arrival; while at the same time good bridges were
erected over the principal streams, and the country settlements
extended nearly 100 miles up and down the valley."*

* New York Tribune, October 9, 1849.

The winter of 1848 set in early and severe, with frequent

snowstorms from December 1 until late in February, and the
temperature dropping one degree below zero as late as February 5.
The deep snow in the canons, the only outlets through the
mountains, rendered it difficult to bring in fuel, and the
suffering from the cold was terrible, as many families had
arrived too late to provide themselves with any shelter but their
prairie wagons. The apprehended scarcity of food, too, was
realized. Early in February an inventory of the breadstuffs in
the valley, taken by the Bishops, showed only three-quarters of a
pound a day per head until July 5, although it was believed that
many had concealed stores on hand. When the first General Epistle
of the First Presidency was sent out from Salt Lake City in the
spring of 1849,* corn, which had sold for $2 and $3 a bushel, was
not to be had, wheat had ranged from $4 to $5 a bushel, and
potatoes from $6 to $20, with none then in market.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XI, p. 227.

The people generally exerted themselves to obtain food for those

whose supplies had been exhausted, but the situation became
desperate before the snow melted. Three attempts to reach Fort
Bridger failed because of the depth of snow in the canons. There
is a record of a winter hunt of two rival parties of 100 men
each, but they killed "varmints" rather than game, the list
including 700 wolves and foxes, 20 minks and skunks, 500 hawks,
owls and magpies, and 1000 ravens.* Some of the Mormons, with the
aid of Indian guides, dug roots that the savages had learned to
eat, and some removed the hide roofs from their cabins and stewed
them for food. The lack of breadstuffs continued until well into
the summer, and the celebration of the anniversary of the arrival
of the pioneers in the valley, which had been planned for July 4,
was postponed until the 24th, as Young explained in his address,
"that we might have a little bread to set on our tables."

* General Epistle, Millennial Star, Vol. XI, p. 227.

Word was now sent to the states and to Europe that no more of the
brethren should make the trip to the valley at that time unless
they had means to get through without assistance, and could bring
breadstuffs to last them several months after their arrival.

But something now occurred which turned the eyes of a large part
of the world to that new acquisition of the United States on the
Pacific coast which was called California, which made the Mormon
settlement in Utah a way station for thousands of travellers
where a dozen would not have passed it without the new incentive,
and which brought to the Mormon settlers, almost at their own
prices, supplies of which they were desperately in need, and
which they could not otherwise have obtained. This something was
the discovery of gold in California.

When the news of this discovery reached the Atlantic states and
those farther west, men simply calculated by what route they
could most quickly reach the new El Dorado, and the first
companies of miners who travelled across the plains sacrificed
everything for speed. The first rush passed through Salt Lake
Valley in August, 1849. Some of the Mormons who had reached
California with Brannan's company had by that time arrived in the
valley, bringing with them a few bags of gold dust. When the
would-be miners from the East saw this proof of the existence of
gold in the country ahead of them, their enthusiasm knew no
limits, and their one wish was to lighten themselves so that they
could reach the gold-fields in the shortest time possible. Then
the harvest of the Mormons began. Pack mules and horses that had
been worth only $25 or $30 would now bring $200 in exchange for
other articles at a low price, and the travellers were auctioning
off their surplus supplies every day. For a light wagon they did
not hesitate to offer three or four heavy ones, with a yoke of
oxen sometimes thrown in. Such needed supplies as domestic
sheetings could be had at from five to ten cents a yard, spades
and shovels, with which the miners were overstocked, at fifty
cents each, and nearly everything in their outfit, except sugar
and coffee, at half the price that would have been charged at
wholesale in the Eastern states.*

* Salt Lake City letter to the Frontier Guardian.

The commercial profit to the Mormons from this emigration was

greater still in 1850, when the rush had increased. Before the
grain of that summer was cut, the gold seekers paid $1 a pound
for flour in Salt Lake City. After the new grain was harvested
they eagerly bought the flour as fast as five mills could grind
it, at $25 per hundredweight. Unground wheat sold for $8 a
bushel, wood for $10 a cord, adobe bricks for more than seven
shillings a hundred, and skilled mechanics were getting twelve
shillings and sixpence a day.* At the same time that the
emigrants were paying so well for what they absolutely required,
they were sacrificing large supplies of what they did not need on
almost any terms. Some of them had started across the plains with
heavy loads of machinery and miscellaneous goods, on which they
expected to reap a big profit in California. Learning, however,
when they reached Salt Lake City, that ship-loads of such
merchandise were on their way around the Horn, the owners
sacrificed their stock where it was, and hurried on to get their
share of the gold.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XII, p. 350.

This is not the place in which to tell the story of that rush of
the gold seekers. The clerk at Fort Laramie reported, "The total
number of emigrants who passed this post up to June 10, 1850,
included 16,915 men, 235 women, 242 children, 4672 wagons, 14,974
horses, 4641 mules, 7475 oxen, and 1653 cows." A letter from
Sacramento dated September 10, 1850, gave this picture of the
trail left by these travellers: "Many believed there are dead
animals enough on the desert (of 45 miles) between Humboldt Lake
and Carson River to pave a road the whole distance. We will make
a moderate estimate and say there is a dead animal to every five
feet, left on the desert this season. I counted 153 wagons within
a mile and a half. Not half of those left were to be seen, many
having been burned to make lights in the night. The desert is
strewn with all kinds of property--tools, clothes, crockery,
harnesses, etc."

Naturally, in this rush for sudden riches, many a Mormon had a

desire to join. A dozen families left Utah for California early
in 1849, and in March, 1851, a company of more than five hundred
assembled in Payson, preparatory to making the trip. Here was an
unexpected danger to the growth of the Mormon population, and one
which the head of the church did not delay in checking. The
second General Epistle, dated October 12, 1849,* stated that the
valley of the Sacramento was unhealthy, and that the Saints could
do better raising grain in Utah, adding, "The true use of gold is
for paving streets, covering houses, and making culinary dishes,
and when the Saints shall have preached the Gospel, raised grain,
and built up cities enough, the Lord will open up the way for a
supply of gold, to the perfect satisfaction of his people."

* Millennial Star, Vol. XII, p. 119.

Notwithstanding this advice, a good many Mormons acted on the

idea that the Lord would help those who helped themselves, and
that if they were to have golden culinary dishes they must go and
dig the gold. Accordingly, we find the third General Epistle,
dated April 12, 1850, acknowledging that many brethren had gone
to the gold mines, but declaring that they were counselled only
"by their own wills and covetous feelings," and that they would
have done more good by staying in the valley. Young did not,
however, stop with a mere rebuke. He proposed to check the
exodus. "Let such men," the Epistle added, "remember that they
are not wanted in our midst. Let such leave their carcasses where
they do their work; we want not our burial grounds polluted with
such hypocrites." Young was quite as plain spoken in his remarks
to the General Conference that spring, naming as those who "will
go down to hell, poverty-stricken and naked," the Mormons who
felt that they were so poor that they would have to go to the
gold mines.* Such talk had its effect, and Salt Lake Valley
retained most of its population.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XII, p. 274,

The progress of the settlement received a serious check some

years later in the failure of the crops in 1855, followed by a
near approach to a famine in the ensuing winter. Very little
reference to this was made in the official church correspondence,
but a picture of the situation in Salt Lake City that winter was
drawn in two letters from Heber C. Kimball to his sons in
England.* In the first, written in February, he said that his
family and Brigham Young's were then on a ration of half a pound
of bread each per day, and that thousands had scarcely any
breadstuff at all. Kimball's family of one hundred persons then
had on hand about seventy bushels of potatoes and a few beets and
carrots, "so you can judge," he says, "whether we can get through
until harvest without digging roots." There were then not more
than five hundred bushels of grain in the tithing office, and all
public work was stopped until the next harvest, and all mechanics
were advised to drop their tools and to set about raising grain.
"There is not a settlement in the territory," said the writer,
"but is also in the same fix as we are. Dollars and cents do not
count in these times, for they are the tightest I have ever seen
in the territory of Utah." In April he wrote: "I suppose one-half
the church stock is dead. There are not more than one-half the
people that have bread, and they have not more than one-half or
one quarter of a pound a day to a person. A great portion of the
people are digging roots, and hundreds and thousands, their teams
being dead, are under the necessity of spading their ground to
put in their grain." The harvest of 1856 also suffered from
drought and insects, and the Deseret News that summer declared
that "the most rigid economy and untiring, well-directed industry
may enable us to escape starvation until a harvest in 1857, and
until the lapse of another year emigrants and others will run
great risks of starving unless they bring their supplies with
them." The first load of barley brought into Salt Lake City that
summer sold for $2 a bushel.

* Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 395-476.

The first building erected in Salt Lake City in which to hold

church services was called a tabernacle. It was begun in 1851,
and was consecrated on April 6, 1852. It stood in Temple block,
where the Assembly Hall now stands, measuring about 60 by 120
feet, and providing accommodation for 2500 people. The present
Tabernacle, in which the public church services are held, was
completed in 1870. It stands just west of the Temple, is
elliptical in shape, and, with its broad gallery running around
the entire interior, except the end occupied by the organ loft
and pulpit, it can seat about 9000 persons. Its acoustic
properties are remarkable, and one of the duties of any guide who
exhibits the auditorium to visitors is to station them at the end
of the gallery opposite the pulpit, and to drop a pin on the
floor to show them how distinctly that sound can be heard.

The Temple in Salt Lake City was begun in April, 1853, and was
not dedicated until April, 1893. This building is devoted to the
secret ceremonies of the church, and no Gentile is ever admitted
to it. The building, of granite taken from the near-by mountains,
is architecturally imposing, measuring 200 by 100 feet. Its cost
is admitted to have been about $4,000,000. The building could
probably be duplicated to-day for one-half that sum. The excuse
given by church authorities for the excessive cost is that,
during the early years of the work upon it, the granite had to be
hauled from the mountains by ox teams, and that everything in the
way of building material was expensive in Utah when the church
there was young. The interior is divided into different rooms, in
which such ceremonies as the baptism for the dead are performed;
the baptismal font is copied after the one that was in the Temple
at Nauvoo.

There are three other temples in Utah, all of which were

completed before the one in Salt Lake City, namely, at St.
George, at Logan, and at Manti.

CHAPTER III. The Foreign Immigration To Utah

When the Mormons began their departure westward from Nauvoo, the
immigration of converts from Europe was suspended because of the
uncertainty about the location of the next settlement, and the
difficulty of transporting the existing population. But the
necessity of constant additions to the community of new-comers,
and especially those bringing some capital, was never lost sight
of by the heads of the church. An evidence of this was given even
before the first company reached the Missouri River.

While the Saints were marching through Iowa they received

intelligence of a big scandal in connection with the emigration
business in England, and P. P. Pratt, Orson Hyde, and John Taylor
were hurriedly sent to that country to straighten the matter out.
The Millennial Star in the early part of 1846 had frequent
articles about the British and American Commercial Joint Stock
Company, an organization incorporated to assist poor Saints in
emigrating. The principal emigration agent in Great Britain at
that time was R. Hedlock. He was the originator of the Joint
Stock Company, and Thomas Ward was its president. The Mormon
investigators found that more than 1644 pounds of the
contributions of the stockholders had been squandered, and that
Ward had been lending Hedlock money with which to pay his
personal debts. Ward and Hedlock were at once disfellowshipped,
and contributions to the treasury of the company were stopped.
Pratt says that Hedlock fled when the investigators arrived,
leaving many debts, "and finally lived incog. in London with a
vile woman." Thus it seems that Mormon business enterprises in
England were no freer from scandals than those in America.
The efforts of the leaders of the church were now exerted to make
the prospects of the Saints in Utah attractive to the converts in
England whom they wished to add to the population of their
valley. Young and his associates seem to have entertained the
idea, without reckoning on the rapid settlement of California,
the migration of the "Forty-niners," and the connection of the
two coasts by rail, that they could constitute a little empire
all by itself in Utah, which would be self-supporting as well as
independent, the farmer raising food for the mechanic, and the
mechanic doing the needed work for the farmer. Accordingly, the
church did not stop short of every kind of misrepresentation and
deception in belittling to the foreigners the misfortunes of the
past, and picturing to them the fruitfulness of their new
country, and the ease with which they could become landowners
there.

Naturally, after the expulsion from Illinois, in which so many

foreign converts shared, an explanation and palliation of the
emigration thence were necessary. In the United States, then and
ever since, the Mormons pictured themselves as the victims of an
almost unprecedented persecution. But as soon as John Taylor
reached England, in 1846, he issued an address to the Saints in
Great Britain* in which he presented a very different picture.
Granting that, on an average, they had not obtained more than
one-third the value of their real and personal property when they
left Illinois, he explained that, when they settled there, land
in Nauvoo was worth only from $3 to $20 per acre, while, when
they left, it was worth from $50 to $1500 per acre; in the same
period the adjoining farm lands had risen in value from $1.25 and
$5 to from $5 to $50 per acre. He assured his hearers, therefore,
that the one-third value which they had obtained had paid them
well for their labor. Nor was this all. When they left, they had
exchanged their property for horses, cattle, provisions,
clothing, etc., which was exactly what was needed by settlers in
a new country. As a further bait he went on to explain: "When we
arrive in California, according to the provisions of the Mexican
government, each family will be entitled to a large tract of
land, amounting to several hundred acres," and, if that country
passed into American control, he looked for the passage of a law
giving 640 acres to each male settler. "Thus," he summed up, "it
will be easy to see that we are in a better condition than when
we were in Nauvoo!"

* Millennial Star, Vol. VIII, p. 115.

The misrepresentation did not cease here, however. After

announcing the departure of Brigham Young's pioneer company,
Taylor* wound up with this tissue of false statements: "The way
is now prepared; the roads, bridges, and ferry-boats made; there
are stopping places also on the way where they can rest, obtain
vegetables and corn, and, when they arrive at the far end,
instead of finding a wild waste, they will meet with friends,
provisions and a home, so that all that will be requisite for
them to do will be to find sufficient teams to draw their
families, and to take along with them a few woollen or cotton
goods, or other articles of merchandise which will be light, and
which the brethren will require until they can manufacture for
themselves." How many a poor Englishman, toiling over the plains
in the next succeeding years, and, arriving in arid Utah to find
himself in the clutches of an organization from which he could
not escape, had reason to curse the man who drew this picture!

* John Taylor was born in England in 1808, and emigrated to

Canada in 1829, where, after joining the Methodists, he, like
Joseph Smith, found existing churches unsatisfactory, and was
easily secured as a convert by P. P. Pratt. He was elected to the
Quorum, and was sent to Great Britain as a missionary in 1840,
writing several pamphlets while there. He arrived in Nauvoo with
Brigham Young in 1841, and there edited the Times and Seasons,
was a member of the City Council, a regent of the university, and
judge advocate of the Legion, and was in the room with the
prophet when the latter was shot. He was the Mormon
representative in France in 1849, publishing a monthly paper
there, translating the Mormon Bible into the French language, and
preaching later at Hamburg, Germany. He was superintendent of the
Mormon church in the Eastern states in 1857, when Young declared
war against the United States, and he succeeded Young as head of
the church.

In 1847, at the suggestion of Taylor, Hyde, and Pratt, who were

still in England, a petition bearing nearly 13,000 names was
addressed to Queen Victoria, setting forth the misery existing
among the working classes in Great Britain, suggesting, as the
best means of relief, royal aid to those who wished to emigrate
to "the island of Vancouver or to the great territory of Oregon,"
and asking her "to give them employment in improving the harbors
of those countries, or in erecting forts of defence; or, if this
be inexpedient, to furnish them provisions and means of
subsistence until they can produce them from the soil." These
American citizens did not hesitate to point out that the United
States government was favoring the settlement of its territory on
the Pacific coast, and to add: "While the United States do
manifest such a strong inclination, not only to extend and
enlarge their possessions in the West, but also to people them,
will not your Majesty look well to British interests in those
regions, and adopt timely precautionary measures to maintain a
balance of power in that quarter which, in the opinion of your
memorialists, is destined at no very distant period to
participate largely in the China trade?" *

* See Linforth's "Route," pp. 2-5.

The Oregon boundary treaty was less than a year old when this
petition was presented. It was characteristic of Mormon duplicity
to find their representatives in Great Britain appealing to Queen
Victoria on the ground of self-interest, while their chiefs in
the United States were pointing to the organization of the
Battalion as a proof of their fidelity to the home government.
Practically no notice was taken of this petition. Vancouver
Island, was, however, held out to the converts in Great Britain
as the one "gathering point of the Saints from the islands and
distant portions of the earth," until the selection of Salt Lake
Valley as the Saints' abiding place.
On December 23, 1847, Young, in behalf of the Twelve, issued from
Winter Quarters a General Epistle to the church a which gave an
account of his trip to the Salt Lake Valley, directed all to
gather themselves speedily near Winter Quarters in readiness for
the march to Salt Lake Valley, and said to the Saints in
Europe:--

"Emigrate as speedily as possible to this vicinity. Those who

have but little means, and little or no labor, will soon exhaust
that means if they remain where they are. Therefore, it is wisdom
that they remove without delay; for here is land on which, by
their labor, they can speedily better their condition for their
further journey." The list of things which Young advised the
emigrants to bring with them embraced a wide assortment: grains,
trees, and vines; live stock and fowls; agricultural implements
and mills; firearms and ammunition; gold and silver and zinc and
tin and brass and ivory and precious stones; curiosities, "sweet
instruments of music, sweet odors, and beautiful colors." The
care of the head of the church, that the immigrants should not
neglect to provide themselves with cologne and rouge for use in
crossing the prairies, was most thoughtful.

* Millennial Star, Vol. X, p. 81.

The Millennial Star of February 1, 1848, made this announcement

to the faithful in the British Isles:--

"The channel of Saints' emigration to the land of Zion is now

opened. The resting place of Israel for the last days has been
discovered. In the elevated valley of the Salt and Utah Lakes,
with the beautiful river Jordan running through it, is the newly
established Stake of Zion. There vegetation flourishes with magic
rapidity. And the food of man, or staff of life, leaps into
maturity from the bowels of Mother Earth with astonishing
celerity. Within one month from planting, potatoes grew from six
to eight inches, and corn from two to four feet. There the
frequent clouds introduce their fertilizing contents at a modest
distance from the fat valley, and send their humid influences
from the mountain tops. There the saline atmosphere of Salt Lake
mingles in wedlock with the fresh humidity of the same vegetable
element which comes over the mountain top, as if the nuptial
bonds of rare elements were introduced to exhibit a novel
specimen of a perfect vegetable progeny in the shortest possible
time," etc.

Contrast this with Brigham Young's letter to Colonel Alexander in

October, 1857,--"We had hoped that in this barren, desolate
country we could have remained unmolested."

On the 20th of February, 1848, the shipment of Mormon emigrants

began again with the sailing of the Cornatic, with 120
passengers, for New Orleans.

In the following April, Orson Pratt was sent to England to take

charge of the affairs of the church there. On his arrival, in
August, he issued an "Epistle" which was influential in
augmenting the movement. He said that "in the solitary valleys of
the great interior" they hoped to hide "while the indignation of
the Almighty is poured upon the nations"; and urged the rich to
dispose of their property in order to help the poor, commanding
all who could do so to pay their tithing. "O ye saints of the
Most High," he said, "linger not! Make good your retreat before
the avenues are closed up!"

Many other letters were published in the Millennial Star in

1848-1849, giving glowing accounts of the fertility of Salt Lake
Valley. One from the clerk of the camp observed: "Many cases of
twins. In a row of seven houses joining each other eight births
in one week."

In order to assist the poor converts in Europe, the General

Conference held in Salt Lake City in October, 1849, voted to
raise a fund, to be called "The Perpetual Emigrating Fund," and
soon $5000 had been secured for this purpose. In September, 1850,
the General Assembly of the Provisional State of Deseret
incorporated the Perpetual Emigration Fund Company, and Brigham
Young was elected its first president. Collections for this fund
in Great Britain amounted to 1410 pounds by January, 1852, and
the emigrants sent out in that year were assisted from this fund.
These expenditures required an additional $5000, which was
supplied from Salt Lake City. A letter issued by the First
Presidency in October, 1849, urged the utmost economy in the
expenditure of this money, and explained that, when the assisted
emigrants arrived in Salt Lake City, they would give their
obligations to the church to refund as soon as possible what had
been expended on them.* In this way, any who were dissatisfied on
their arrival in Utah found themselves in the church clutches,
from which they could not escape.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XII, p. 124.

There were outbreaks of cholera among the emigrant parties

crossing the plains in 1849, and many deaths.

In October, 1849, an important company left Salt Lake City to

augment the list of missionaries in Europe. It included John
Taylor and two others, assigned to France; Lorenzo Snow and one
other, to Italy; Erastus Snow and one other, to Denmark;* F. D.
Richards and eight others, to England; and J. Fosgreene, to
Sweden.

* Elder Dykes reported in October, 1851, that, on his arrival in

Aalborg, Denmark, he found that a mob had broken in the windows
of the Saints' meeting-house and destroyed the furniture, and had
also broken the windows of the Saints' houses, and, by the
mayor's advice, he left the city by the first steamer. Millennial
Star, Vol. XIII, p. 346.

The system of Mormon emigration from Great Britain at that time

seems to have been in the main a good one. The rule of the agent
in Liverpool was not to charter a vessel until enough passengers
had made their deposits to warrant him in doing so. The rate of
fare depended on the price paid for the charter.* As soon as the
passengers arrived in Liverpool they could go on board ship, and,
when enough came from one district, all sailed on one vessel.
Once on board, they were organized with a president and two
counsellors,--men who had crossed the ocean, if possible,--who
allotted the staterooms, appointed watchmen to serve in turn, and
looked after the sanitary arrangements. When the first through
passengers for Salt Lake City left Liverpool, in 1852, an
experienced elder was sent in advance to have teams and supplies
in readiness at the point where the land journey would begin, and
other men of experience accompanied them to engage river
portation when they reached New Orleans. The statistics of the
emigration thus called out were as follows:--

* See Linforth's "Route," pp. to, 17-22; Mackay's "History of the

Mormons," pp. 298-302; Pratt's letter to the Millennial Star,
Vol. XI, p. 277.

YEAR VESSELS EMIGRANTS

1848 5 754
1849 9 2078
1850 6 1612
1851 4 1869

The Frontier Guardian at Kanesville estimated the Mormon movement

across the plains in 1850 at about 700 wagons, taking 5000 horses
and cattle and 4000 sheep.

Of the class of emigrants then going out, the manager of the

leading shipping agents at Liverpool who furnished the ships
said, "They are principally farmers and mechanics, with some few
clerks, surgeons, and so forth." He found on the company's books,
for the period between October, 1849, and March, 1850, the names
of 16 miners, 20 engineers, 19 farmers, 108 laborers, 10 joiners,
25 weavers, 15 shoemakers, 12 smiths, 19 tailors, 8 watchmakers,
25 stone masons, 5 butchers, 4 bakers, 4 potters, 10 painters, 7
shipwrights, and 5 dyers.

The statistics of the Mormon emigration given by the British

agency for the years named were as follows:--

YEAR VESSELS EMIGRANTS

1852 3 732
1853 7 2312
1854 9 2456
1852 1854, Scandinavian
and German via Liverpool 1053
1855 13 4425

In 1853 the experiment was made of engaging to send adults from

Liverpool to Utah for 10 pounds each and children for half price;
but this did not succeed, and those who embraced the offer had to
borrow money or teams to complete the journey.

In 1853, owing to extortions practised on the emigrants by the

merchants and traders at Kanesville, as well as the
unhealthfulness of the Missouri bottoms, the principal point of
departure from the river was changed to Keokuk, Iowa. The
authorities and people there showed the new-comers every
kindness, and set apart a plot of ground for their camp. In this
camp each company on its arrival was organized and provided with
the necessary teams, etc. In 1854 the point of departure was
again changed to Kansas, in western Missouri, fourteen miles west
of Independence, the route then running to the Big Blue River,
and through what are now the states of Kansas and Nebraska.

CHAPTER IV. The Hand-Cart Tragedy

In 1855 the crops in Utah were almost a failure, and the church
authorities found themselves very much embarrassed by their
debts. A report in the seventh General Epistle, of April 18,
1852, set forth that, from their entry into the valley to March
27, of that year, there had been received as tithing, mostly in
property, $244,747.03, and in loans and from other sources
$145,513.78, of which total there had been expended in assisting
immigrants and on church buildings, city lots, manufacturing
industries, etc., $353,765.69. Young found it necessary therefore
to cut down his expenses, and he looked around for a method of
doing this without checking the stream of new-comers. The method
which he evolved was to furnish the immigrants with hand-carts on
their arrival in Iowa, and to let them walk all the way across
the plains, taking with them only such effects as these carts
would hold, each party of ten to drive with them one or two cows.

Although Young tried to throw the result of this experiment on

others, the evidence is conclusive that he devised it and worked
out its details. In a letter to Elder F. D. Richards, in
Liverpool, dated September 30, 1855, Young said: "We cannot
afford to purchase wagons and teams as in times past. I am
consequently thrown back upon MY OLD PLAN--to make hand-carts,
and let the emigration foot it." To show what a pleasant trip
this would make, this head of the church, who had three times
crossed the plains, added, "Fifteen miles a day will bring them
through in 70 days, and, after they get accustomed to it, they
will travel 20, 25, or even 30 with all ease, and no danger of
giving out, but will continue to get stronger and stronger; the
little ones and sick, if there are any, can be carried on the
carts, but there will be none sick in a little time after they
get started."*

* Millennial Star, Vol. VII, p. 813.

Directions in accordance with this plan were issued in the form

of a circular in Liverpool in February, 1856, naming Iowa City,
Iowa, as the point of outfit. The charge for booking through to
Utah by the Perpetual Emigration Fund Company was fixed at 9
pounds for all over one year old, and 4 pounds 10 shillings. for
younger infants. The use of trunks or boxes was discouraged, and
the emigrants were urged to provide themselves with oil-cloth or
mackintosh bags.

About thirteen hundred persons left Liverpool to undertake this

foot journey across the plains, placing implicit faith in the
pictures of Salt Lake Valley drawn by the missionaries, and not
doubting that the method of travel would be as enjoyable as it
seemed economical. Five separate companies were started that
summer from Iowa City. The first and second of these arrived at
Florence, Nebraska, on July 17, the third, made up mostly of
Welsh, on July 19, and the fourth on August 11. The first company
made the trip to Utah without anything more serious to report
than the necessary discomforts of such a march, and were received
with great acclaim by the church authorities, and welcomed with
an elaborate procession. It was the last companies whose story
became a tragedy.*

* The experiences of those companies were told in detail by a

member of one, John Chislett, and printed in the "Rocky Mountain
Saints." Mrs. Stenhouse gives additional experiences in her "Tell
it All."

The immigrants met with their first disappointment on arriving at

Iowa City. Instead of finding their carts ready for them, they
were told that no advance agent had prepared the way. The last
companies were subjected to the most delay from this cause. Even
the carts were still to be manufactured, and, while they were
making, many a family had to camp in the open fields, without
even the shelter of a tent or a wagon top. The carts, when
pronounced finished, moved on two light wheels, the only iron
used in their construction being a very thin tire. Two projecting
shafts of hickory or oak were joined by a cross piece, by means
of which the owner propelled the vehicle. When Mr. Chislett's
company, after a three weeks' delay, made a start, they were five
hundred strong, comprising English, Scotch, and Scandanavians.
They were divided, as usual, into hundreds, to each hundred being
allotted five tents, twenty hand-carts, and one wagon drawn by
three yokes of oxen, the latter carrying the tents and
provisions. Families containing more young men than were required
to draw their own carts shared these human draught animals with
other families who were not so well provided; but many carts were
pulled along by young girls.

The Iowans bestowed on the travellers both kindness and

commiseration. Knowing better than did the new-comers from Europe
the trials that awaited them, they pointed out the lateness of
the season, and they did persuade a few members to give up the
trip. But the elders who were in charge of the company were
watchful, the religious spirit was kept up by daily meetings, and
the one command that was constantly reiterated was, "Obey your
leaders in all things."

A march of four weeks over a hot, dusty route was required to

bring them to the Missouri River near Florence. Even there they
were insufficiently supplied with food. With flour costing $3 per
hundred pounds, and bacon seven or eight cents a pound, the daily
allowance of food was ten ounces of flour to each adult, and four
ounces to children under eight years old, with bacon, coffee,
sugar, and rice served occasionally. Some of the men ate all
their allowance for the day at their breakfast, and depended on
the generosity of settlers on the way, while there were any, for
what further food they had until the next morning.

After a week's stay at Florence (the old Winter Quarters), the

march across the plains was resumed on August 18. The danger of
making this trip so late in the season, with a company which
included many women, children, and aged persons, gave even the
elders pause, and a meeting was held to discuss the matter. But
Levi Savage, who had made the trip to and from the valley, alone
advised against continuing the march that season. The others
urged the company to go on, declaring that they were God's
people, and prophesying in His name that they would get through
the mountains in safety. The emigrants, "simple, honest, eager to
go to Zion at once, and obedient as little children to the
'servants of God,' voted to proceed." *

* A "bond," which each assisted emigrant was required to sign in

Liverpool, contained the following stipulations: "We do severally
and jointly promise and bind ourselves to continue with and obey
the instructions of the agent appointed to superintend our
passage thither to [Utah]. And that, on our arrival in Utah, we
will hold ourselves, our time, and our labor, subject to the
appropriation of the Perpetual Emigration Fund Company until the
full cost of our emigration is paid, with interest if required."

As the teams provided could not haul enough flour to last the
company to Utah, a sack weighing ninety-eight pounds was added to
the load of each cart. One pound of flour a day was now allowed
to each adult, and occasionally fresh beef. Soon after leaving
Florence trouble began with the carts. The sand of the dry
prairie got into the wooden hubs and ground the axles so that
they broke, and constant delays were caused by the necessity of
making repairs., No axle grease had been provided, and some of
the company were compelled to use their precious allowance of
bacon to grease the wheels. At Wood River, where the plains were
alive with buffaloes, a stampede of the cattle occurred one
night, and thirty of them were never recovered. The one yoke of
oxen that was left to each wagon could not pull the load; an
attempt to use the milch cows and heifers as draught animals
failed, and the tired cart pullers had to load up again with
flour.

While pursuing their journey in this manner, their camp was

visited one evening by Apostle F. D. Richards and some other
elders, on their way to Utah from mission work abroad. Richards
severely rebuked Savage for advising that the trip be given up at
Florence, and prophesied that the Lord would keep open a way
before them. The missionaries, who were provided with carriages
drawn by four horses each, drove on, without waiting to see this
prediction confirmed.

On arriving at Fort Laramie, about the first of September,

another evidence of the culpable neglect of the church
authorities manifested itself. The supply of provisions that was
to have awaited them there was wanting. They calculated the
amount that they had on hand, and estimated that it would last
only until they were within 350 miles of Salt Lake City; but,
perhaps making the best of the situation, they voted to reduce
the daily ration and to try to make the supply last by travelling
faster. When they reached the neighborhood of Independence Rock,
a letter sent back by Richards informed them that supplies would
meet them at South Pass; but another calculation showed that what
remained would not last them to the Pass, and again the ration
was reduced, working men now receiving twelve ounces a day, other
adults nine, and children from four to eight. Another source of
discomfort now manifested itself. In order to accommodate matters
to the capacity of the carts, the elders in charge had made it
one of the rules that each outfit should be limited to seventeen
pounds of clothing and bedding. As they advanced up the
Sweetwater it became cold. The mountains appeared snow-covered,
and the lack of extra wraps and bedding caused first discomfort,
and then intense suffering, to the half-fed travellers. The
necessity of frequently wading the Sweetwater chilled the
stronger men who were bearing the brunt of the labor, and when
morning dawned the occupants of the tents found themselves numb
with the cold, and quite unfitted to endure the hardships of the
coming day. Chislett draws this picture of the situation at that
time:--

"Our old and infirm people began to droop, and they no sooner
lost spirit and courage than death's stamp could be traced upon
their features. Life went out as smoothly as a lamp ceases to
burn when the oil is gone. At first the deaths occurred slowly
and irregularly, but in a few days at more frequent intervals,
until we soon thought it unusual to leave a camp ground without
burying one or more persons. Death was not long confined in its
ravages to the old and infirm, but the young and naturally strong
were among its victims. Weakness and debility were accompanied by
dysentery. This we could not stop or even alleviate, no proper
medicines being in the camp; and in almost every instance it
carried off the parties attacked. It was surprising to an
unmarried man to witness the devotion of men to their families
and to their faith under these trying circumstances. Many a
father pulled his cart, with his little children on it, until the
day preceding his death. These people died with the calm faith
and fortitude of martyrs."

An Oregonian returning East, who met two of the more fortunate of

these handcart parties, gave this description to the Huron (Ohio)
Reflector in 1857:--

"It was certainly the most novel and interesting sight I have
seen for many a day. We met two trains, one of thirty and the
other of fifty carts, averaging about six to the cart. The carts
were generally drawn by one man and three women each, though some
carts were drawn by women alone. There were about three women to
one man, and two-thirds of the women single. It was the most
motley crew I ever beheld. Most of them were Danes, with a
sprinkling of Welsh, Swedes, and English, and were generally from
the lower classes of their countries. Most could not understand
what we said to them. The road was lined for a mile behind the
train with the lame, halt, sick, and needy. Many were quite aged,
and would be going slowly along, supported by a son or daughter.
Some were on crutches; now and then a mother with a child in her
arms and two or three hanging hold of her, with a forlorn
appearance, would pass slowly along; others, whose condition
entitled them to a seat in a carriage, were wending their way
through the sand. A few seemed in good spirits."

The belated company did not meet anyone to carry word of their
condition to the valley, but among Richard's party who visited
the camp at Wood River was Brigham Young's son, Joseph A. He
realized the plight of the travellers, and when his father heard
his report he too recognized the fact that aid must be sent at
once. The son was directed to get together all the supplies he
could obtain in the city or pick up on the way, and to start
toward the East immediately. Driving on himself in a light wagon,
he reached the advanced line, as they were toiling ahead through
their first snowstorm. The provisions travelled slower, and could
not reach them in less than one or two days longer. There was
encouragement, of course, even in the prospect of release, but
encouragement could not save those whose vitality was already
exhausted. Camp was pitched that night among a grove of willows,
where good fires were possible, but in the morning they awoke to
find the snow a foot deep, and that five of their companions had
been added to the death list during the night.

To add to the desperate character of the situation came the

announcement that the provisions were practically exhausted, the
last of the flour having been given out, and all that remained
being a few dried apples, a little rice and sugar, and about
twenty-five pounds of hardtack. Two of the cattle were killed,
and the camp were informed that they would have to subsist on the
supplies in sight until aid reached them. The best thing to do in
these circumstances, indeed, the only thing, was to remain where
they were and send messengers to advise the succoring party of
the desperateness of their case. Their captain, Mr. Willie, and
one companion acted as their messengers. They were gone three
days, and in their absence Mr. Chislett had the painful duty of
doling out what little food there was in camp. He speaks of his
task as one that unmanned him. More cattle were killed, but beef
without other food did not satisfy the hungry, and the epidemic
of dysentery grew worse. The commissary officer was surrounded by
a crowd of men and women imploring him for a little food, and it
required all his power of reasoning to make them see that what
little was left must be saved for the sick.

The party with aid from the valley had also encountered the
snowstorm, and, not appreciating the desperate condition of the
hand-cart immigrants, had halted to wait for better weather. As
soon as Captain Willie took them the news, they hastened
eastward, and were seen by the starving party at sunset, the
third day after their captain's departure. "Shouts of joy rent
the air," says Chislett. "Strong men wept till tears ran freely
down their furrowed and sunburnt cheeks, and little children
partook of the joy which some of them hardly understood, and
fairly danced around with gladness. Restraint was set aside in
the general rejoicing, and, as the brethren entered our camp, the
sisters fell upon them and deluged them with kisses."

The timely relief saved many lives, but the end of the suffering
had not been reached. A good many of the foot party were so
exhausted by what they had gone through, that even their near
approach to their Zion and their prophet did not stimulate them
to make the effort to complete the journey. Some trudged along,
unable even to pull a cart, and those who were still weaker were
given places in the wagons. It grew colder, too, and frozen hands
and feet became a common experience. Thus each day lessened by a
few who were buried the number that remained.

Then came another snowstorm. What this meant to a weakened party

like this dragging their few possessions in carts can easily be
imagined. One family after another would find that they could not
make further progress, and when a hill was reached the human
teams would have to be doubled up. In this way, by travelling
backward and forward, some progress was made. That day's march
was marked by constant additions to the stragglers who kept
dropping by the way. When the main body had made their camp for
the night, some of the best teams were sent back for those who
had dropped behind, and it was early morning before all of these
were brought in.

The next morning Captain Willie was assigned to take count of the
dead. An examination of the camp showed thirteen corpses, all
stiffly frozen. They were buried in a large square hole, three or
four abreast and three deep. "When they did not fit in," says
Chislett, "we put one or two crosswise at the head or feet of the
others. We covered them with willows and then with the earth."
Two other victims were buried before nightfall. Parties passing
eastward by this place the following summer found that the wolves
had speedily uncovered the corpses, and that their bones were
scattered all over the neighborhood.

Further deaths continued every day until they arrived at South

Pass. There more assistance from the valley met them, the weather
became warmer, and the health of the party improved, so that when
they arrived at Salt Lake City they were in better condition and
spirits. The date of their arrival there was November 9. The
company which set out from Iowa City numbered about 500, of whom
400 set out from Florence across the plains. Of these 400, 67
died on the way, and there were a few deaths after they reached
the end of their journey.

Another company of these hand-cart travellers left Florence still

later than the ones whose sufferings have been described. They
were in charge of an elder named Martin. Like their predecessors,
they were warned against setting out so late as the middle of
August, and many of them tried to give up the trip, but
permission to do so was refused. Their sufferings began soon
after they crossed the Platte, near Fort Laramie, and snow was
encountered sixty miles east of Devil's Gate. When they reached
that landmark, they decided that they could make no further
progress with their hand-carts. They accordingly took possession
of half a dozen dilapidated log houses, the contents of the
wagons were placed in some of these, the hand-carts were left
behind, and as many people as the teams could drag were placed in
the wagons and started forward. One of the survivors of this
party has written: "The track of the emigrants was marked by
graves, and many of the living suffered almost worse than death.
Men may be seen to-day in Salt Lake City, who were boys then,
hobbling around on their club-feet, all their toes having been
frozen off in that fearful march." * Twenty men who were left at
Devil's Gate had a terrible experience, being compelled, before
assistance reached them, to eat even the pieces of hide wrapped
round their cart-wheels, and a piece of buffalo skin that had
been used as a door-mat. Strange to say, all of these men reached
the valley alive.

* "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 337.

We have seen that Brigham Young was the inventor of this

hand-cart immigration scheme. Alarmed by the result of the
experiment, as soon as the wretched remnant of the last two
parties arrived in Salt Lake City, he took steps to place the
responsibility for the disaster on other shoulders. The idea
which he carried out was to shift the blame to F. D. Richards on
the ground that he allowed the immigrants to start too late. In
an address in the Tabernacle, while Captain Willie's party was
approaching the city, he told the returned missionaries from
England that they needed to be careful about eulogizing Richards
and Spencer, lest they should have "the big head." When these men
were in Salt Lake City he cursed them with the curse of the
church. E. W. Tullidge, who was an editor of the Millennial Star
in Liverpool under Richards when the hand-cart emigrants were
collected, proposed, when in later years he was editing the Utah
Magazine, to tell the facts about that matter; but when Young
learned this, he ordered Godbe, the controlling owner of the
magazine, to destroy that issue, after one side of the sheets had
been printed, and he was obeyed.* Fortunately Young was not able
to destroy the files of the Millennial Star.

* "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 342.

There is much that is thoroughly typical of Mormonism in the

history of these expeditions. No converts were ever instilled
with a more confident belief in the divine character of the
ridiculous pretender, Joseph Smith. To no persons were more
flagrant misrepresentations ever made by the heads of the church,
and over none was the dictatorial authority of the church
exercised more remorselessly. Not only was Utah held out to them
as "a land where honest labor and industry meet with a suitable
reward, and where the higher walks of life are open to the
humblest and poorest," * but they were informed that, if they had
not faith enough to undertake the trip to Utah, they had not
"faith sufficient to endure, with the Saints in Zion, the
celestial law which leads to exaltation and eternal life." Young
wrote to Richards privately in October, 1855, "Adhere strictly to
our former suggestion of walking them through across the plains
with hand-carts";** and Richards in an editorial in the Star
thereupon warned the Saints: "The destroying angel is abroad.
Pestilence and gaunt famine will soon increase the terrors of the
scene to an extent as yet without a parallel in the records of
the human race. If the anticipated toils of the journey shake
your faith in the promises of the Lord, it is high time that you
were digging about the foundation of it, and seeing if it be
founded on the root of the Holy Priesthood," etc.

* Thirteenth General Epistle, Millennial Star, Vol. XVIII, p. 49.

** Millennial Star, Vol. XVIII, p, 61.

The direct effect of such teaching is shown in two letters

printed in the Millennial Star of June 14, 1856. In the first of
these, a sister, writing to her brother in Liverpool from
Williamsburg, New York, confesses her surprise on learning that
the journey was to be made with hand-carts, says that their
mother cannot survive such a trip, and that she does not think
the girls can, points out that the limitation regarding baggage
would compel them to sell nearly all their clothes, and proposes
that they wait in New York or St. Louis until they could procure
a wagon. In his reply the brother scorns this advice, says that
he would not stop in New York if he were offered 10,000 pounds
besides his expenses, and adds "Brothers, sisters, fathers or
mothers, when they put a stumbling block in the way of my
salvation, are nothing more to me than Gentiles. As for me and my
house, we will serve the Lord, and when we start we will go right
up to Zion, if we go ragged and barefoot."

Young found himself hard put to meet the church obligations in

1856, notwithstanding the economy of the hand-cart system; and
the Millennial Star of December 27 announced that no assisted
emigrants would be sent out during the following year. Saints
proposing to go through at their own expense were informed,
however, that the church bureau would supply them with teams.
Those proposing to use hand-carts were told of the "indispensable
necessity" of having their whole outfit ready on their arrival at
Iowa City, and the bureau offered to supply this at an estimated
cost of 3 pounds per head, any deficit to be made up on their
arrival there.*

* "The agency of the Mormon emigration at that time was a very

profitable appointment. By arrangement with ship brokers at
Liverpool, a commission of half a guinea per head was allowed the
agent for every adult emigrant that he sent across the Atlantic,
and the railroad companies in New York allowed a percentage on
every emigrant ticket. But a still larger revenue was derived
from the outfitting on the frontiers. The agents purchased all
the cattle, wagons, tents, wagon-covers, flour, cooking utensils,
stoves, and the staple articles for a three months' journey
across the Plains, and from them the Saints supplied
themselves."--" Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 340.

CHAPTER V. Early Political History

We have seen that Joseph Smith's desire was, when he suggested a

possible removal of the church to the Far West, that they should
have, not only an undisturbed place of residence, but a
government of their own. This idea of political independence
Young never lost sight of. Had Utah remained a distant province
of the Mexican government, the Mormons might have been allowed to
dwell there a long time, practically without governmental
control. But when that region passed under the government of the
United States by the proclamation of the Treaty of
Guadalupe-Hidalgo, on July 4, 1848, Brigham Young had to face
anew situation. He then decided that what he wanted was an
independent state government, not territorial rule under the
federal authorities, and he planned accordingly. Every device was
employed to increase the number of the Saints in Utah, to bring
the population up to the figure required for admission as a
state, and he encouraged outlying settlements at every attractive
point. In this way, by 1851, Ogden and Provo had become large
enough to form Stakes, and in a few years the country around Salt
Lake City was dotted with settlements, many of them on lands to
which the "Lamanites," who held so deep a place in Joseph Smith's
heart, asserted in vain their ancestral titles.

The first General Epistle sent out from Great Salt Lake City, in
1849, thus explained the first government set up there, "In
consequence of Indian depredations on our horses, cattle, and
other property, and the wicked conduct of a few base fellows who
came among the Saints, the inhabitants of this valley, as is
common in new countries generally, have organized a temporary
government to exist during its necessity, or until we can obtain
a charter for a territorial government, a petition for which is
already in progress."

On March 4, 1849, a convention, to which were invited all the

inhabitants of upper California east of the Sierra Nevadas, was
held in Great Salt Lake City to frame a system of government. The
outcome was the adoption of a constitution for a state to be
called the State of Deseret, and the election of a full set of
state officers. The boundaries of this state were liberal.
Starting at a point in what is now New Mexico, the line was to
run down to the Mexican border, then west along the border of
lower California to the Pacific, up the coast to 118 degrees 30
minutes west longitude, north to the dividing ridge of the Sierra
Nevadas, and along their summit to the divide between the
Columbia River and the Salt Lake Basin, and thence south to the
place of beginning, "by the dividing range of mountains that
separate the waters flowing into the Gulf of Mexico from the
waters flowing into the Gulf of California." The constitution
adopted followed the general form of such instruments in the
United States. In regard to religion it declared, "All men have a
natural and inalienable right to worship God according to the
dictates of their own consciences; and the General Assembly shall
make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or
prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or disturb any person in
his religious worship or sentiments." *

*For text of this constitution and the memorial to Congress, see

Millennial Star, January 15, 1850.

An epistle of the Twelve to Orson Pratt in England, explaining

this subject, said, "We have petitioned the Congress of the
United States for the organization of a territorial government
here. Until this petition is granted, we are under the necessity
of organizing a local government for the time being."* The
territorial government referred to was that of the State of
Deseret. The local government mentioned was organized on March
12, by the election of Brigham Young as governor, H. C. Kimball
as chief justice, John Taylor and N. K. Whitney as associate
justices, and the Bishops of the wards as city magistrates, with
minor positions filled. Six hundred and seventy-four votes were
polled for this ticket.

* Millennial Star, Vol. XI, p. 244.

The General Assembly, chosen later, met on July 2, and adopted a

memorial to Congress setting forth the failure of that body to
provide any form of government for the territory ceded by
Mexico,* declaring that "the revolver and the bowie knife have
been the highest law of the land," and asking for the admission
of the State of Deseret into the Union. That same year the
Californians framed a government for themselves, and a plan was
discussed to consolidate California and Deseret until 1851, when
a separation should take place. The governor of California
condemned this scheme, and the legislature gave it no
countenance.

* "When Congress adjourned on March 4, 1849, all that had been

done toward establishing some form of government for the immense
domain acquired by the treaty with Mexico was to extend over it
the revenue laws and make San Francisco a port of
entry."--Bancroft's "Utah," p. 446.

The Mormons had a confused idea about the government that they
had set up. In the constitution adopted they called their domain
the State of Deseret, but they allowed their legislature to elect
their representative in Congress, sending A. W. Babbitt as their
delegate to Washington, with their memorial asking for the
admission of Deseret, or that they be given "such other form of
civil government as your wisdom and magnanimity may award to the
people of Deseret." The Mormons' old political friend in
Illinois, Stephen A. Douglas, presented this memorial in the
Senate on December 27, 1849, with a statement that it was an
application for admission as a state, but with the alternative of
admission as a territory if Congress should so direct. The
memorial was referred to the Committee on Territories.

On the 31st of December, a counter memorial against the admission

of the Mormon state was presented by Mr. Underwood of Kentucky, a
Whig. This was signed by William Smith, the prophet's brother,
and Isaac Sheen (who called themselves the "legitimate
presidents" of the Mormon church), and by twelve other members.
This memorial alleged that fifteen hundred of the emigrants from
Nauvoo to Salt Lake City, before their departure for Illinois,
took the following oath:--

"You do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, his holy

angels, and these witnesses, that you will avenge the blood of
Joseph Smith upon this nation; and so teach your children; and
that you will from this day henceforth and forever begin and
carry out hostility against this nation, and keep the same a
profound secret now and ever. So help you God."

This memorial also set forth that the Mormons were practising
polygamy in the Salt Lake Valley; that since their arrival there
they had tried two Indian agents on a charge of participation in
the expulsion of the Mormons from Missouri, and that they were,
by their own assumed authority, imposing duties on all goods
imported into the Salt Lake region from the rest of the United
States. Senator Douglas, in an explanation concerning the latter
charge, admitted that Delegate Babbitt acknowledged the levying
of duties, the excuse being that the Mormons had found it
necessary to set up a government for themselves, pending the
action of Congress, and as a means of revenue they had imposed
duties on all goods brought into and sold within the limits of
Great Salt Lake City, but asserted that goods simply passing
through were not molested. This tax seems to have been
established entirely by the church authorities, the first of the
"ordinances" of the Deseret legislature being dated January 15,
1850.

The constitution of Deseret was presented to the House of

Representatives by Mr. Boyd, a Kentucky Democrat, on January 28,
1850, and referred to the Committee on Territories. On July 25,
John Wentworth, an Illinois Democrat, presented a petition from
citizens of Lee County, in his state, asking Congress to protect
the rights of American citizens passing through the Salt Lake
Valley, and charging on the organizers of the State of Deseret
treason, a desire for a kingly government, murder, robbery, and
polygamy.

The Mormon memorial was taken up in the House of Representatives

on July 18, after the committee had unanimously reported that "it
is inexpedient to admit Almon W. Babbitt, Esq., to a seat in this
body from the alleged State of Deseret." A long debate on the
admission of the delegate from New Mexico had deferred action.
The chairman of the committee, Mr. Strong, a Pennsylvania Whig,
explained that their report was founded on the terms of the
Mormon memorial, which did not ask for Babbitt's reception as a
delegate until some form of government was provided for them. Mr.
McDonald, an Indiana Whig, offered an amendment admitting
Babbitt, and a debate of considerable length followed, in which
the slavery question received some attention. The Committee of
the Whole voted to report to the House the resolution against
seating Babbitt, and then the House, by a vote of 104 yeas to 78
nays, laid the resolution on the table (on motion of its
friends), and tabled a motion for reconsideration. On the 9th of
September following, the law for the admission of Utah as a
territory was signed. The boundaries defined were California on
the west, Oregon on the north, the summit of the Rocky Mountains
on the east, and the 37th parallel of north latitude on the
south.

CHAPTER VI. Brigham Young's Despotism

There is no reason to believe that, to the date of Joseph Smith's

death, Brigham Young had inspired his fellow-Mormons with an idea
of his leadership. This was certified to by one of the most
radical of them, Mayor Jedediah M. Grant of Salt Lake City, in
1852, in these words:--
"When Joseph Smith lived, a man about whose real character and
pretensions we differ, Joseph was often and almost invariably
imposed upon by those in whom he placed his trust. There was one
man--only one of his early adherents--he could always rely upon
to stick to him closer than a brother, steadfast in faith, clear
in counsel, and foremost in fight. He seemed a plain man in those
days, of a wonderful talent for business and hundred horse-power
of industry, but least of everything affecting cleverness or
quickness. 'Honest Brigham Young,' or 'hard-working Brigham
Young,' was nearly as much as you would ever hear him called,
though he was the almost universal executor and trustee of men's
wills and trusteed estates, and a confidential manager of our
most intricate church affairs."*

* Grant's pamphlet, "Truth about the Mormons."

When the Saints found themselves in Salt Lake Valley they had
learned something from experience. They could not fail to realize
that, distant as they now were from outside interference, union
among themselves was an essential to success. The body of the
church was soon composed of two elements--those who had
constituted the church in the East, and the new members who were
pouring in from Europe. Young established his leadership with
both of these parties in the early days. There was much to
discourage in those days--a soil to cultivate that required
irrigation, houses to build where material was scarce, and
starvation to fight year after year. Young encouraged everybody
by his talk at the church meetings, shared in the manual labor of
building houses and cultivating land, and devised means to
entertain and encourage those who were disposed to look on their
future darkly. No one ever heard him, whatever others might say,
doubt the genuineness of Joseph Smith's inspiration and
revelations, and he so established his own position as Smith's
successor that he secured the devout allegiance of the old flock,
without making such business mistakes as weakened Smith's
reputation. "I believed," says John D. Lee, one of the most
trusted and prominent of the church members almost to the day of
his death, "that Brigham Young spoke by the direction of the God
of heaven. I would have suffered death rather than have disobeyed
any command of his." Said Young's associate in the First
Presidency, Heber C. Kimball, "To me the word comes from Brother
Brigham as the word of God," and again, "His word is the word of
God to his people."*

The new-comers from Europe were simply helpless. They were, in

the first place, religious enthusiasts, who believed, when they
set out on their journey, that they were going to a real Zion.
Large numbers of them were indebted to the church for at least a
part of their passage money from the day of their arrival. Few of
those who had paid their own way brought much cash capital, all
depending on the representations about the richness of the valley
which had been held out to them. Once, there, they soon realized
that all must sustain the same policy if the church was to be a
success. They were, too, of that superstitious class which was
ready, not only to believe in modern miracles, "signs," and
revelations, but actually hungered for such manifestations, and,
once accepting membership in the church, they accepted with it
the dictation of the head of the church in all things. Secretary
Fuller has told me that, after he ascertained the existence of
gold near Salt Lake City, he said to an intelligent goldsmith
there, "Why do you not look for the gold you need in your
business in the mountains?" "Why," was the reply, "if I went to
the mountains and found gold, and put it into my pouch, the pouch
would be empty when I got back to the city. I know this is so,
because Brigham Young has told me so."

* Journal of Discourses, VOL IV, p. 47.

The extent of the dictatorship which Young prescribed and carried

out in all matters, spiritual and commercial, might be questioned
if we were not able to follow the various steps taken in
establishing his authority, and to illustrate its scope, by the
testimony, not of men who suffered from it, but by his own words
and those of his closest associates. With a blindness which seems
incomprehensible, the sermons, or "discourses," delivered in the
early days in Salt Lake City were printed under church authority,
and are preserved in the journal of Discourses. The student of
this chapter of the church's history can obtain what information
he wants by reading the volumes of this Journal. The language
used is often coarse, but there is never any difficulty in
understanding the speakers.

Young referred to his own plain speaking in a discourse on

October 6, 1855. He said that he had received advice about
bridling his tongue--a wheelbarrow load of such letters from the
East, especially on the subject of his attacks on the Gentiles.
"Do you know," he asked, "how I feel when I get such
communications? I will tell you. I feel just like rubbing their
noses with them."* In a discourse on February 17, 1856, he
vouchsafed this explanation, "If I were preaching abroad in the
world, I should feel myself somewhat obliged, through custom, to
adhere to the wishes and feelings of the people in regard to
pursuing the thread of any given subject; but here I feel as free
as air." **

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. III, p. 48.

** Ibid., p. 211.

Mention has already been made of Young's refusal to continue

Smith's series of "revelations." In doing this he never admitted
for a moment any lack of authority as spokesman for the Almighty.
A few illustrations will make clear his position in this matter.
Defining his view of his own authority, before the General
Conference in Salt Lake City, on April 6, 1850, he said, "It is
your privilege and it is mine to receive revelation; and my
privilege to dictate to the church." *

* Millennial Star, VOL XII, p, 273.

When the site of the Temple was consecrated, in 1853, there were
many inquiries whether a revelation had been given about its
construction. Young said, "If the Lord and all the people want a
revelation, I can give one concerning this Temple"; but he did
not do so, declaring that a revelation was no more necessary
concerning the building of a temple than it was concerning a
kitchen or a bedroom.* We must certainly concede to this man a
dictator's daring.

* Ibid., Vol. XV, p. 391.

An early illustration of Young's policy toward all Mormon

offenders was given in the case of the so-called "Gladdenites."
There were members of the church even in Utah who were ready to
revolt when the open announcement of the "revelation" regarding
polygamy was made in 1852, and they found a leader in Gladden
Bishop, who had had much experience in apostasy, repentance, and
readmission.* These men held meetings and made considerable
headway, but when the time came for Brigham to exercise his
authority he did it.

* "This Gladden gave Joseph much trouble; was cut off from the
church and taken back and rebaptized nine times."--Ferris, "Utah
and the Mormons," p. 326.

On Sunday, March 20, 1853, a meeting, orderly in every respect,

which the Gladdenites were holding in front of the Council House,
was dispersed by the city marshal, and another, called for the
next Sunday, was prohibited entirely. Then Alfred Smith, a
leading Gladdenite, who had accused Young of robbing him of his
property, was arrested and locked up until he gave a promise to
discontinue his rebellion. On the 27th of March Young made the
Gladdenites the subject of a large part of his discourse in the
Tabernacle. What he said is thus stated in the church report of
the address:--

"I say to those persons: You must not court persecution here,
lest you get so much of it you will not know what to do with it.
Do not court persecution. We have known Gladden Bishop for more
than twenty years, and know him to be a poor, dirty curse . . . .
I say again, you Gladdenites, do not court persecution, or you
will get more than you want, and it will come quicker than you
want it. I say to you Bishops, do not allow them to preach in
your wards." (After telling of a dream he had had, in which he
saw two men creep into the bed where one of his wives was lying,
whereupon he took a large bowie knife and cut one of their
throats from ear to ear, saying, "Go to hell across lots," he
continued:) "I say, rather than that apostates should flourish
here I will unsheath my bowie knife and conquer or die." (Great
commotion in the congregation, and a simultaneous burst of
feeling, assenting to the declaration.) "Now, you nasty
apostates, clear out, or judgment will be put to the line and
righteousness to the plummet." (Voices generally, "Go it," "go
it.") "If you say it is all right, raise your hand." (All hands
up.) "Let us call upon the Lord to assist us in this and every
good work." *
*Journal of Discourses, Vol. I, p. 82.

This was the practical end of Gladdenism.

Young's dictatorship was quite as broad and determined in things

temporal as in things spiritual. He made no concealment of the
fact that he was a moneygetter, only insisting on his readiness
to contribute to the support of church enterprises. The canons
through the mountains which shut in the valley were the source of
wood supply for the city, and their control was very valuable.
Young brought this matter before the Conference of October 9,
1852, speaking on it at length, and finally putting his own view
in the form of a resolution that the canons be placed in the
hands of individuals, who should make good roads through them,
and obtain their pay by taking toll at the entrance. After
getting the usual unanimous vote on his proposition, he said:
"Let the Judges of the County of Great Salt Lake take due notice
and govern themselves accordingly . . . . This is my order for
the judges to take due notice of. It does not come from the
Governor, but from the President of the church. You will not see
any proclamation in the paper to this effect, but it is a mere
declaration of the President of the Conference."* The
"declaration," of course, had all the effect of a law, and Young
got one of the best canons.

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. I, pp. 217, 218.

Very early in his rule Young defined his views about the property
rights of the Saints. "A man," he declared in the Tabernacle on
June 5, 1853, "has no right with property which, according to the
laws of the land, legally belongs to him, if he does not want to
use it . . . . When we first came into the valley, the question
was asked me if men would ever be allowed to come into this
church, and remain in it, and hoard up their property. I say,
no." *

* Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 252-253

Another view of property rights was thus set forth in his

discourse of December 5, 1853:--

"If an Elder has borrowed [a hundred or a thousand dollars from

you], and you find he is going to apostatize, then you may
tighten the screws on him. But if he is willing to preach the
Gospel without purse or scrip, it is none of your business what
he does with the money he has borrowed from you." *

* Ibid, Vol. I, p. 340.

Addressing the people in the trying business year of 1856, when

his own creditors were pushing him hard, Young said:

"I wish to give you one text to preach upon, 'From this time
henceforth do not fret thy gizzard.' I will pay you when I can
and not before. Now I hope you will apostatize if you would
rather do it."*

* Ibid., Vol. III, p. 4.

Kimball, in giving Young's order to some seventy men, who had

displeased him, to leave the territory, used these words: "When a
man is appointed to take a mission, unless he has a just and
honorable reason for not going, if he does not go he will be
severed from the church. Why? Because you said you were willing
to be passive, and, if you are not passive, that lump of clay
must be cut off from the church and laid aside, and a lump put on
that will be passive." *

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. III, p. 242.

With this testimony of men inside the church may be placed that
of Captain Howard Stansbury, of the United Stated Topographical
Engineers, who arrived in the valley in August, 1849, under
instructions from the government to make a survey of the lakes of
that region. The Mormons thought that it was the intention of the
government to divide the land into townships and sections, and to
ignore their claim to title by occupation. In his official
report, after mentioning his haste to disabuse Young's mind on
this point, Captain Stansbury says, "I was induced to pursue this
conciliatory course, not only in justice to the government, but
also because I knew, from the peculiar organization of this
singular community, that, unless the 'President' was fully
satisfied that no evil was intended to his people, it would be
useless for me to attempt to carry out my instructions." The
choice between abject conciliation or open conflict was that
which Brigham Young extended to nearly every federal officer who
entered Utah during his reign.

The Mormons of Utah started in to assert their independence of

the government of the United States in every way. The rejection
of the constitution of Deseret by Congress did not hinder the
elected legislature from meeting and passing laws. The ninth
chapter of the "ordinances," as they were called, passed by this
legislature (on January 19, 1851) was a charter for Great Salt
Lake City. This charter provided for the election of a mayor,
four aldermen, nine councillors, and three judges, the first
judges to be chosen viva voce, and their successors by the City
Council. The appointment of eleven subordinate officers was
placed in the Council's hands. The mayor and aldermen were to be
the justices of the peace, with a right of appeal to the
municipal court, consisting of the same persons sitting together,
and from that to the probate court. The first mayor, aldermen,
and councillors were appointed by the governor of the State of
Deseret. Similar charters were provided for Ogden, Provo City,
and other settlements.

As soon as Salt Lake City was laid off into wards, Young had a
Bishop placed over each of these, and, always under his
direction, these Bishops practically controlled local affairs to
the date of the city charter. Each Bishop came to be a magistrate
of his ward,* and under them in all the settlements all public
work was carried on and all revenue collected. The High Council
of ten is defined by Tullidge as "a quorum of judges, in equity
for the people, at the head of which is the President of the
state."

* Brigham Young testified in the Tabernacle as to the kind of

justice that was meted out in the Bishops' courts. In his sermon
of March 6, 1856, he said: "There are men here by the score who
do not know their right hands from their left, so far as the
principles of justice are concerned. Does our High Council? No,
for they will let men throw dirt in their eyes until you cannot
find the one hundred millionth part of an ounce of common sense
in them. You may go to the Bishops' courts, and what are they? A
set of old grannies. They cannot judge a case pending between two
old women, to say nothing of a case between man and man:' Journal
of Discourses, Vol. III, p. 225.

These men did not hesitate to attempt a currency of their own. On

the arrival of the Mormons in the valley, they first made their
exchanges through barter. Paper currency was issued in 1849 and
some years later. When gold dust from California appeared in
1849, some of it was coined in Salt Lake City by means of
homemade dies and crucibles. The denominations were $2.50, $5,
$10, and $20. Some of these coins, made without alloy, were
stamped with a bee-hive and eagle on one side, and on the reverse
with the motto, "Holiness to the Lord" in the so-called Deseret
alphabet. This alphabet was invented after their arrival in Salt
Lake Valley, to assist in separating the Mormons from the rest of
the nation, its preparation having been intrusted to a committee
of the board of regents in 1853. It contained thirty-two
characters. A primer and two books of the Mormon Bible were
printed in the new characters, the legislature in 1855 having
voted $2500 to meet the expense; but the alphabet was never
practically used, and no attempt is any longer made to remember
it. Early in 1849 the High Council voted that the Kirtland
bank-bills (of which a supply must have remained unissued) be put
out on a par with gold, and in this they saw a fulfilment of the
prophet's declaration that these notes would some day be as good
as gold.

Another early ordinance passed by the Deseret legislature

incorporated "The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints,"
authorizing the appointment of a trustee in trust to hold and
manage all the property of the church, which should be free from
tax, and giving the church complete authority to make its own
regulations, "provided, however, that each and every act or
practice so established, or adopted for law or custom, shall
relate to solemnities, sacraments, ceremonies, consecrations,
endowments, tithing, marriages, fellowship, or the religious
duties of man to his Maker, inasmuch as the doctrines,
principles, practices, or performances support virtue and
increase morality, and are not inconsistent with or repugnant to
the constitution of the United States or of this State, and are
founded on the revelations of the Lord." Thus early was the
ground taken that the practice of polygamy was a constitutional
right. Brigham Young was chosen as the trustee.
The second ordinance passed by this legislature incorporated the
University of the State of Deseret, at Salt Lake City, to be
governed by a chancellor and twelve regents.

The earliest non-Mormons to experience the effect of that

absolute Mormon rule, the consequences of which the Missourians
had feared, were the emigrants who passed through Salt Lake
Valley on their way to California after the discovery of gold, or
on their way to Oregon. The complaints of the Californians were
set forth in a little book, written by one of them, Nelson
Slater, and printed in Colona, California, in 1851, under the
title, "Fruits of Mormonism." The general complaints were set
forth briefly in a petition to Congress containing nearly two
hundred and fifty signatures, dated Colona, June 1, 1851, which
asked that the territorial government be abrogated, and a
military government be established in its place. This petition
charged that many emigrants had been murdered by the Mormons when
there was a suspicion that they had taken part in the earlier
persecutions; that when any members of the Mormon community,
becoming dissatisfied, tried to leave, they were pursued and
killed; that the Mormons levied a tax of two per cent on the
property of emigrants who were compelled to pass a winter among
them; that it was nearly impossible for emigrants to obtain
justice in the Mormon courts; that the Mormons, high and low,
openly expressed treasonable sentiments against the United States
government; and that letters of emigrants mailed at Salt Lake
City were opened, and in many instances destroyed.

Mr. Slater's book furnishes the specifications of these general

charges.

CHAPTER VII. The "Reformation"

Young soon had occasion to make practical use of the dictatorial

power that he had assumed. The character which those members of
the flock who had migrated from Missouri and Illinois had
established among their neighbors in those states was not changed
simply by their removal to a wilderness all by themselves. They
had no longer the old excuse that their misdeeds were reprisals
on persecuting enemies, but this did not save them from the
temptation to exercise their natural propensities. Again we shall
take only the highest Mormon testimony on this subject.

One of the first sins for which Young openly reproved his
congregation was profane swearing. He brought this matter
pointedly to their attention in an address to the Conference of
October 9, 1852, when he said: "You Elders of Israel will go into
the canons, and curse and swear--damn and curse your oxen, and
swear by Him who created you. I am telling the truth. Yes, you
rip and curse and swear as bad as any pirates ever did."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. I, p. 211.

Possibly the church authorities could have overlooked the

swearing, but a matter which gave them more distress was the
insecurity of property. This became so great an annoyance that
Young spoke out plainly on the subject, and he did not attempt to
place the responsibility outside of his own people. A few
citations will illustrate this.

In an address in the Tabernacle on June 5, 1853, noticing

complaints about the stealing and rebranding of cattle, he said:
"I will propose a plan to stop the stealing of cattle in coming
time, and it is this--let those who have cattle on hand join in a
company, and fence in about fifty thousand acres of land, and so
keep on fencing until all the vacant land is substantially
enclosed. Some persons will perhaps say, 'I do not know how good
or how high a fence it will be necessary to build to keep thieves
out.' I do not know either, except you build one that will keep
out the devil."* On another occasion, with a personal grievance
to air, he said in the Tabernacle: "I have gone to work and made
roads to get wood, and have not been able to get it. I have cut
it down and piled it up, and still have not got it. I wonder if
anybody else can say so. Have any of you piled up your wood, and,
when you have gone back, could not find it? Some stories could be
told of this kind that would make professional thieves
ashamed."**

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. I, p. 252.

** Ibid., Vol. I, p. 213.

Young made no concealment of the fact that men high in the

councils of the church were among the peculators. In his
discourse of June 15, 1856, he said: "I have proof ready to show
that Bishops have taken in thousands of pounds in weight of
tithing which they have never reported to the General Tithing
Office. We have documents to show that Bishops have taken in
hundreds of bushels of wheat, and only a small portion of it has
come into the General Tithing Office. They stole it to let their
friends speculate upon."*

* Ibid., Vol. III, p. 342.

The new-comers from Europe also received his attention. Referring

to unkept promises of speedy repayment by assisted immigrants of
advances made to them, Young said, in 1855: "And what will they
do when they get here? Steal our wagons, and go off with them to
Canada, and try to steal the bake-kettles, fryingpans, tents, and
wagon-covers; and will borrow the oxen and run away with them, if
you do not watch them closely. Do they all do this? No, but many
of them will try to do it."* And again, a month later: "What
previous characters some of you had in Wales, in England, in
Scotland, and perhaps in Ireland. Do not be scared if it is
proven against some one in the Bishop's court that you did steal
the poles from your neighbor's garden fence. If it is proven that
you have been to some person's wood pile and stolen wood, don't
be frightened, for if you will steal it must be made manifest."
** J. M. Grant was quite as plain spoken. In an address in the
bowery in Salt Lake City in September, 1856, he declared that
"you can scarcely find a place in this city that is not full of
filth and abominations."***

* Ibid., Vol. III, p. 3.

** Ibid., Vol. III, p. 49.

*** Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 51.

Young's denunciations were not quietly accepted, but protests and

threats were alike wasted upon him. Referring to complaints of
some of the flock that his denunciation was more than they could
bear, he replied, "But you have got to bear it, and, if you will
not, make up your minds to go to hell at once and have done with
it." * On another occasion he said, "You need, figuratively, to
have it rain pitchforks, tines downward, from this pulpit, Sunday
after Sunday." On another occasion, alluding to letters he had
received, warning him against attacking men's characters, he
said, "When such epistles come to me, I feel like saying, I ask
no advice of you nor of all your clan this side of hell."**

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. III, p. 49.

** Ibid, p. 50.

When mere denunciation did not reform his followers, Young became
still plainer in his language, and began to explain to them the
latitude which the church proposed to take in applying
punishment. In a remarkable sermon on October 6, 1855, on the
"stealing, lying, deceiving, wickedness, and covetousness" of the
elders in Israel, he spoke as follows:--

"Live on here, then, you poor miserable curses, until the time of
retribution, when your heads will have to be severed from your
bodies. Just let the Lord Almighty say, Lay judgment to the line
and righteousness to the plummet,* and the time of thieves is
short in this community. What do you suppose they would say in
old Massachusetts should they hear that the Latter-day Saints had
received a revelation or commandment to 'lay judgment to the line
and righteousness to the plummet'? What would they say in old
Connecticut? They would raise a universal howl of, 'How wicked
the Mormons are. They are killing the evil doers who are among
them. Why, I hear that they kill the wicked away up yonder in
Utah.' . . . What do I care for the wrath of man? No more than I
do for the chickens that run in my door yard. I am here to teach
the ways of the Lord, and lead men to life everlasting; but if
they have not a mind to go there, I wish them to keep out of my
path."**

* These words, from Isaiah xxviii. 17, are constantly used by

Young to denote the extreme punishment which the church might
inflict on any offender.

** Journal of Discourses, Vol. III, p. 50.

From this time Young and his closest associates seemed to make
no concealment of their intention to take the lives of any
persons whom they considered offenders. One or two more citations
from his discourses may be made to sustain this statement. On
February 24, 1856, he declared, "I am not afraid of all hell, nor
of all the world, in laying judgment to the line when the Lord
says so."* In the following month he told his congregation: "The
time is coming when justice will be laid to the line and
righteousness to the plummet; when we shall take the old
broadsword and ask, Are you for God? And if you are not heartily
on the Lord's side, you will be hewn down."** Heber C. Kimball
was equally plain spoken. A year earlier he had said in the
Tabernacle: "If a man rebels, I will tell him of it, and if he
resents a timely warning, HE IS UNWISE . . . . I have never yet
shed man's blood, and I pray to God that I never may, unless it
is actually necessary."*** Sultans and doges have freely used
assassination as a weapon, but it seems to have remained for the
Mormon church under Brigham Young to declare openly its intention
to make whatever it might call church apostasy subject to capital
punishment.

*Journal of Discourses, Vol. III, p. 241.

** Ibid., p. 266.

*** Ibid., pp, 163-164.

Out of the lawless condition of the Mormon flock, as we have thus

seen it pictured, and out of this radical view of the proper
punishment of offenders, resulted, in 1856, that remarkable
movement still known in Mormondon as "The Reformation "--a
movement that has been characterized by one writer as "a reign of
lust and fanatical fury unequalled since the Dark Ages," and by
another as "a fanaticism at once blind, dangerous, and terrible."
During its continuance the religious zealot, the amorous priest,
the jealous lover, the man covetous of worldly goods, and the
framers of the church policy, from acknowledged Apostle to secret
Danite, all had their own way. " Were I counsel for a Mormon on
trial for a crime committed at the time under consideration, I
should plead wholesale insanity," said J. H. Beadle. It was
during this period that that system was perfected under which the
life of no man,--or company of men,--against whom the wrath of
the church was directed, was of any value; no household was safe
from the lust of any aged elder; no person once in the valley
could leave it alive against the church's consent.

The active agent in starting "The Reformation" was the inventor

of "blood atonement," Jedediah M. Grant.* That his censure of a
Bishop and his counsellors at Kayesville was the actual origin of
the movement, as has been stated,** cannot be accepted as proven,
in view of the preparation made for the era of blood, as
indicated in the church discourses. Lieutenant Gunnison, for whom
the Mormons in later years always asserted their friendship,
writing concerning his observations as early as 1852, said:--

* A correspondent of the. New York Times at this date described

Grant as "a tall, thin, repulsive-looking man, of acute, vigorous
intellect, a thorough-paced scoundrel, and the most essential
blackguard in the pulpit. He was sometimes called Brigham's
sledge hammer."

** "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 293.

"Witnesses are seldom put on oath in the lower courts, and there
is nothing known of the 'law's delay,' and the quibbles whereby
the ends of truth and justice may be defeated. But they have a
criminal code called 'The Laws of the Lord,' which has been given
by revelation and not promulgated, the people not being able
quite to bear it, or the organization still too imperfect. It is
to be put in force, however, before long, and when in vogue, all
grave crimes will be punished and atoned for by cutting off the
head of the offender. This regulation arises from the fact that
without shedding of blood there is no remission."*

* "History of the Mormons," Book 1, Chapter X.

Gunnison's statement furnishes indisputable proof that this legal

system was so generally talked of some four years before it was
put in force that it came to the ears of a non-Mormon temporary
resident.

After the condemnation of the Kayesville offenders and their

rebaptism, the next move was the appointment of missionaries to
hold services in every ward, and the sending out of what were
really confessors, appointed for every block, to inquire of
all--young and old--concerning the most intimate details of their
lives. The printed catechism given to these confessors was so
indelicate that it was suppressed in later years. These prying
inquisitors found opportunity to gain information for their
superiors about any persons suspected of disloyalty, and one use
they made of their visitations was to urge the younger sisters to
be married to the older men, as a readier means of salvation than
union with men of their own age. That there was opposition to
this espionage is shown by some remarks of H. C. Kimball in the
Tabernacle, in March, 1856, when he said: "I have heard some
individuals saying that, if the Bishops came into their houses
and opened their cupboards, they would split their heads open.
THAT WOULD NOT BE A WISE OR SAFE OPERATION." *

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. III, p. 271.

Some of the information secured by the church confessional was

embarrassing to the leaders. At a meeting of male members in
Social Hall, Young, Grant, and others denounced the sinners in
scathing terms, Young ending his remarks by saying, "All you who
have been guilty of committing adultery, stand up." At once more
than three-quarters of those present arose.* For such confessors
a way of repentance was provided through rebaptism, but the
secretly accused had no such avenue opened to them.

* "A leading Bishop in Salt Lake City stated to the author that
Brigham was as much appalled at this sight as was Macbeth when he
beheld the woods of Birnam marching on to Dunsinane. A Bishop
arose and asked if there were not some misunderstanding among the
brethren concerning the question. He thought that perhaps the
elders understood Brigham's inquiry to apply to their conduct
before they had thrown off the works of the devil and embraced
Mormonism; but upon Brigham reiterating that it was the adultery
committed since they had entered the church, the brethren to a
man still stood up:"--"Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 296.

One of the first victims of the reformers was H. J. Jarvis, a

reputable merchant of Salt Lake City. He was dragged over his
counter one evening and thrown into the street by men who then
robbed his store and defiled his household goods, giving him as
the cause of the visitation the explanation that he had spoken
evil of the authorities, and had invited Gentiles to supper. His
two wives could not secure even a hearing from Young in his
behalf.* This, however, was a minor incident.

* "Rocky Mountain Saints;" p. 297.

That Young's rule should be objected to by some members of the

church was inevitable. There were men in the valley at that early
day who would rebel against such a dictatorship under any name;
others--men of means--who were alarmed by the declarations about
property rights, and others to whom the announcement concerning
polygamy was repugnant. When such persons gave expression to
their discontent, they angered the church officers; when they
indicated their purpose to leave the valley, they alarmed them.
Anything like an exodus of the flock would have broken up all of
Young's plans, and have undone the scheme of immigration that had
cost so much time and money. Accordingly, when this movement for
"reform" began, the church let it be known that any desertion of
the flock would be considered the worst form of apostasy, and
that the deserter must take the consequences. To quote Brigham
Young's own words: "The moment a person decides to leave this
people, he is cut off from every object that is desirable for
time and eternity. Every possession and object of affection will
be taken from those who forsake the truth, and their identity and
existence will eventually cease."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. IV, p. 31.

The almost unbreakable hedge that surrounded the inhabitants of

the valley at this time, under the system of church espionage,
has formed a subject for the novelist, and has seemed to many
persons, as described, a probable exaggeration. But, while Young
did not narrate in his pulpit the tales of blood which his
instructions gave rise to, there is testimony concerning them
which leaves no reasonable doubt of their truthfulness.

CHAPTER VIII. SOME CHURCH-INSPIRED MURDERS

The murders committed during the "Reformation" which attracted

most attention, both because of the parties concerned, the effort
made by a United States judge to convict the guilty, and the
confessions of the latter subsequently obtained, have been known
as the Parrish, or Springville, murders. The facts concerning
them may be stated fairly as follows:--

William R. Parrish was one of the most outspoken champions of the

Twelve when the controversy with Rigdon occurred at Nauvoo after
Smith's death, and he accompanied the fugitives to Salt Lake
Valley. One evening, early in March, 1857, a Bishop named Johnson
(husband of ten wives), with two companions, called at Parrish's
house in Springville, and put to him some of the questions which
the inquisitors of the day were wont to ask--if he prayed,
something about his future plans, etc. It had been rumored that
Parrish's devotion to the church had cooled, and that he was
planning to move with his family--a wife and six children--to
California; and at a meeting in Bishop Johnson's council house a
letter had been read from Brigham Young directing them to
ascertain the intention of certain "suspicious characters in the
neighborhood,"* and if they should make a break and, being
pursued, which he required, he 'would be sorry to hear a
favorable report; but the better way is to lock the stable door
before the horse is stolen.' This letter was over Brigham's
signature."** This letter was the real cause of the Bishop's
visit to Parrish. At a meeting about a week later, A. Durfee and
G. Potter were deputed to find out when the Parrishes proposed to
leave the territory. Accordingly, Durfee got employment with
Parrish, and both of them gave him the idea that they sympathized
with his desire to depart. One morning, about a week later,
Parrish discovered that his horses had been stolen, and efforts
to recover them were fruitless.

* "There had been public preaching in Springville to the effect

that no Apostles would be allowed to leave; if they did, hog-
holes in the fences would be stopped up with them. I heard these
sermons."--Affidavit of Mrs. Parrish; appendix to "Speech of Hon.
John Cradlebaugh".

** Confession of J. M. Stewart, one of the Bishop's counsellors

and precinct magistrate.

Meanwhile, Parrish, unsuspicious of Potter and Durfee,* was

telling them of his continued plans to escape, how constantly his
house was watched, and how difficult it was for him to get out
the few articles required for the trip. Finally, at Parrish's
suggestion, it was arranged that he and Durfee should walk out of
the village in the daytime, as the method best calculated to
allay suspicion.

* Durfee's confession, appendix to Cradlebaugh's speech.

They carried out this plan, and when they got to a stream called
Dry Creek, Parrish asked Durfee to go back to the house and bring
his two sons, Beason and Orrin, to join him. When Durfee returned
to the house, at about sunset, he found Potter there, and Potter
set off at once for the meeting-place, ostensibly to carry some
of the articles needed for the journey.
Potter met Parrish where he was waiting for Durfee's return, and
they walked down a lane to a fence corner, where a Mormon named
William Bird was lying, armed with a gun. Here occurred what
might be called an illustration of "poetic justice." In the
twilight, Bird mistook his victim, and fired, killing Potter. As
Bird rose and stepped forward, Parrish asked if it was he who had
fired the unexpected shot. For a reply Bird drew a knife,
clenched with Parrish, and, as he afterward expressed it, "worked
the best he could in stabbing him." He "worked" so well that, as
afterward described by one of the men concerned in the plot,* the
old man was cut all over, fifteen times in the back, as well as
in the left side, the arms, and the hands. But Bird knew that his
task was not completed, and, as soon as the murder of the elder
Parrish was accomplished, taking his own and Potter's gun, he
again concealed himself in the fence corner, awaiting the
appearance of the Parrish boys. They soon came up in company with
Durfee, and Bird fired at Beason with so good aim that he dropped
dead at once. Turning the weapon on Orrin, the first cap snapped,
but he tried again and put a ball through Orrin's cartridge box.
The lad then ran and found refuge in the house of an uncle.

* Affidavit of J. Bartholemew before Judge Cradlebaugh.

The outcome of this crime? The arrest of ORRIN and Durfee as the
murderers by a Mormon officer; a farcical hearing by a coroner's
jury, with a verdict of assassins unknown; distrusted
participants in the crime themselves the object of the Mormon
spies and would-be assassins; the robbery of a neighbor who dared
to condemn the crime; a vain appeal by Mrs. Parrish to Brigham
Young, who told her he "would have stopped it had he known
anything about it," and who, when she persisted in seeking
another interview, had her advised to "drop it," and a failure by
the widow to secure even the stolen horses. "The wife of Mr.
Parrish told me," said Judge Cradlebaugh, when he charged the
jury concerning this case, "that since then at times she had
lived on bread and water, and still there are persons in this
community riding about on those horses."

The effort to have the men concerned in this and similar crimes
convicted, forms a part of the history of Judge Cradlebaugh's
judicial career after the "Mormon War," but it failed. When the
grand jury would not bring in indictments, he issued bench
warrants for the arrest of the accused, and sent the United
States marshal, sustained by a military posse, to serve the
papers. It was thus that the affidavits and confessions cited
were obtained. Then followed a stampede among the residents of
the Springville neighborhood, as the judge explained in his
subsequent speech, in Congress, the church officials and civil
officers being prominent in the flight, and, when their houses
were reached, they were occupied only by many wives and many
children. "I am justified," he told the House of Representatives,
"in charging that the Mormons are guilty, and that the Mormon
church is guilty, of the crimes, of murder and robbery, as taught
in their books of faith."*

* "I say as a fact that there was no escape for any one that the
leaders of the church in southern Utah selected as a victim....
It was a rare thing for a man to escape from the territory with
all his property until after the Pacific Railroad was built
through Utah."--LEE, "Mormonism Unveiled," pp. 275, 287.

Charles Nordhoff, in a Utah letter to the New York Evening Post

in May, 1871, said: "A friend said to me this afternoon, 'I saw a
great change in Salt Lake since I was there three years ago. The
place is free; the people no longer speak in whispers. Three
years ago it was unsafe to speak aloud in Salt Lake City about
Mormonism, and you were warned to be cautious.'"

Another of the murders under this dispensation, which Judge

Cradlebaugh mentioned as "peculiarly and shockingly prominent,"
was that of the Aikin party, in the spring of 1857. This party,
consisting of six men, started east from San Francisco in May,
1857, and, falling in with a Mormon train, joined them for
protection against the Indians. "When they got to a safer
neighborhood, the Californians pushed on ahead. Arriving in
Kayesville, twenty-five miles north of Salt Lake City, they were
at once arrested as federal spies, and their animals (they had an
outfit worth in all, about $25,000) were put into the public
corral. When their Mormon fellow-travellers arrived, they scouted
the idea that the men even knew of an impending "war," and the
party were told that they would be sent out of the territory. But
before they started, a council, held at the call of a Bishop in
Salt Lake City, decided on their death.

Four of the party were attacked in camp by their escort while

asleep; two were killed at once, and two who escaped temporarily
were shot while, as they supposed, being escorted back to Salt
Lake City. The two others were attacked by O. P. Rockwell and
some associates near the city; one was killed outright, and the
other escaped, wounded, and was shot the next day while under the
escort of "Bill" Hickman, and, according to the latter, by
Young's order. *

* Brigham's "Destroying Angel," p. 128.

A story of the escape of one man from the valley, notwithstanding

elaborate plans to prevent his doing so, has been preserved, not
in the testimony of repentant participants in his persecution,
but in his own words.*

* Leavenworth, Kansas, letter to New York Times, published May 1,

1858.

Frederick Loba was a prosperous resident of Lausanne,

Switzerland, where for some years he had been introducing a new
principle in gas manufacture, when, in 1853, some friends called
his attention to the Mormons' professions and promises. Loba was
induced to believe that all mankind who did not gather in Great
Salt Lake Valley would be given over to destruction, and that,
not only would his soul be saved by moving there, but that his
business opportunities would be greatly advanced. Accordingly he
gave up the direction of the gas works at Lausanne, and reached
St. Louis in December, 1853, with about $8000 worth of property.
There he was made temporary president of a Mormon church, and
there he got his first bad impression of the Mormon brotherhood.
On the way to Utah his wife died of cholera, leaving six
children, from six to twelve years old. Welcomed as all men with
property were, he was made Professor of Chemistry in the
University, and soon learned many of the church secrets. "These,"
to quote his own words, "opened my eyes at once, and I saw at a
glance the terrible position in which I was placed. I now found
myself in the midst of a wicked and degraded people, shut up in
the midst of the mountains, with a large family, and deprived of
all resources with which to extricate myself. The conviction had
been forced upon my mind that Brigham himself was at the bottom
of all the clandestine assassinations, plundering of trains, and
robbing of mails." The manner, too, in which polygamy was
practised aroused his intense disgust.

He married as his second wife an English woman, and his family

relations were pleasant; but the church officers were distrustful
of him. He was again and again urged to marry more wives, being
assured that with less than three he could not rise to a high
place in the church. "This neglect on my part," he explained,
"and certain remarks that I made with respect to Brigham's
friends, determined the prophet to order my private execution, as
I am able to prove by honest and competent witnesses." Loba
adopted every precaution for his own safety, night and day. Then
came the news of the Parrish murders, and there was so much alarm
among the people that there was talk of the departure of a great
many of the dissatisfied. To check this, when the plain threats
made in the Tabernacle did not avail, Young had a band of four
hundred organized under the name of "Wolf Hunters" (borrowed from
their old Hancock County neighbors), whose duty it was to see
that "the wolves" did not stray abroad.

Loba now communicated his fears to his wife, and found that she
also realized the danger of their position, and was ready to
advise the risk of flight. The plan, as finally decided on, was
that they two should start alone on April l, leaving the children
in care of the wife's mother and brother, the latter a recent
comer not yet initiated in the church mysteries.

At ten o'clock on the appointed night Loba and his wife--the

latter dressed in men's clothes--stole out of their house. Their
outfit consisted of one blanket, twelve pounds of crackers, a
little tea and sugar, a double-barrelled gun, a sword, and a
compass. They were without horses, and their route compelled them
to travel the main road for twenty-five miles before they reached
the mountains, amid which they hoped to baffle pursuit. They were
fortunate enough to gain the mountains without detention. There
they laid their course, not with a view to taking the easiest or
most direct route, but one so far up the mountain sides that
pursuit by horsemen would be impossible. This entailed great
suffering. The nights were so cold that sometimes they feared to
sleep. Add to this the necessity of wading through creeks in ice-
cold water, and it is easy to understand that Loba had difficulty
to prevent his companion from yielding to despair.
Their objective point was Greene River (170 miles from Salt Lake
City by road, but probably almost 300 by the route taken), where
they expected to find Indians on whose mercy they would throw
themselves. Two days before that river was reached they ate the
last of their food, and they kept from freezing at night by
getting some sage wood from underneath the snow, and using Loba's
pocket journal for kindling. Mrs. Loba had to be carried the
whole of the last six miles, but this effort brought them to a
camp of Snake Indians, among whom were some Canadian traders, and
there they received a kindly welcome. News of their escape
reached Salt Lake City, and Surveyor General Burr sent them the
necessary supplies and a guide to conduct them to Fort Laramie,
where, a month later, all the rest of the family joined them, in
good health, but entirely destitute.

They then learned that, as soon as their flight was discovered,

the church authorities sent out horsemen in every direction to
intercept them, but their route over the mountains proved their
preservation*

* Referring to the frequent Mormon declarations that there were

fewer deeds of violence in Utah than in other pioneer settlements
of equal population, the Salt Lake Tribune of January 25, 1876,
said: "It is estimated that no less than 600 murders have been
committed by the Mormons, in nearly every case at the instigation
of their priestly leaders, during the occupation of the
territory. Giving a mean average of 50,000 persons professing
that faith in Utah, we have a murder committed every year to
every 2500 of population. The same ratio of crime extended to the
population of the United States would give 16,000 murders every
year."

The Messenger, the organ of the Reorganized Church in Salt Lake

City, said in November, 1875: "While laying the waste pipes in
front of the residence of Brigham Young recently the skeleton of
a man--a white man--was dug up. A similar discovery was made last
winter in digging a cellar in this city. What can have been the
necessity of these secret burials, without coffins, in such
places?"

CHAPTER IX. BLOOD ATONEMENT

As early as 1853 intimations of the doctrine that an offending

member might be put out of the way were given from the Tabernacle
pulpit. Orson Hyde, on April 9 of that year, spoke, in the form
of a parable, of the fate of a wolf that a shepherd discovered in
his flock of sheep, saying that, if let alone, he would go off
and tell the other wolves, and they would come in; "whereas, if
the first should meet with his just deserts, he could not go back
and tell the rest of his hungry tribe to come and feast
themselves on the flock. If you say the priesthood, or
authorities of the church here, are the shepherd, and the church
is the flock, you can make your own application of this figure."

In September, 1856, there was a notable service in the bowery in

Salt Lake City at which several addresses were made. Heber C.
Kimball urged repentance, and told the people that Brigham
Young's word was "the word of God to this people." Then Jedediah
M. Grant first gave open utterance to a doctrine that has given
the Saints, in late years, much trouble to explain, and the
carrying out of which in Brigham Young's days has required many a
Mormon denial. This is, what has been called in Utah the doctrine
of "blood atonement," and what in reality was the doctrine of
human sacrifice.

Grant declared that some persons who had received the priesthood
committed adultery and other abominations, "get drunk, and wallow
in the mire and filth." "I say," he continued, "there are men and
women that I would advise to go to the President immediately, and
ask him to appoint a committee to attend to their case; and then
let a place be selected, and let that committee shed their blood.
We have those amongst us that are full of all manner of
abominations; those who need to have their blood shed, for water
will not do; their sins are too deep for that."* He explained
that he was only preaching the doctrine of St. Paul, and
continued: "I would ask how many covenant breakers there are in
this city and in this kingdom. I believe that there are a great
many; and if they are covenant breakers, we need a place
designated where we can shed their blood.... If any of you ask,
Do I mean you, I answer yes. If any woman asks, Do I mean her, I
answer yes.... We have been trying long enough with these people,
and I go in for letting the sword of the Almighty be unsheathed,
not only in word, but in deed."**

* Elder C. W. Penrose made an explanation of the view taken by

the church at that time, in an address in Salt Lake City on
October 12, 1884, that was published in a pamphlet entitled
"Blood Atonement as taught by Leading Elders." This was deemed
necessary to meet the criticisms of this doctrine. He pleaded
misrepresentation of the Saints' position, and defined it as
resting on Christ's atonement, and on the belief that that
atonement would suffice only for those who have fellowship with
Him. He quoted St. Paul as authority for the necessity of blood
shedding (Hebrews ix. 22), and Matthew xii. 31, 32, and Hebrews
x. 26, to show that there are sins, like blasphemy against the
Holy Ghost, which will not be forgiven through the shedding of
Christ's blood. He also quoted 1 John v. 16 as showing that the
apostle and Brigham Young were in agreement concerning "sins unto
death," just as Young and the apostle agreed about delivering men
unto Satan that their spirits might be saved through the
destruction of their flesh (1 Corinthians v. 5). Having justified
the teaching to his satisfaction, he proceeded to challenge proof
that any one had ever paid the penalty, coupling with this a
denial of the existence of Danites.

Elder Hyde, in his "Mormonism," says (p. 179): "There are several
men now living in Utah whose lives are forfeited by Mormon law,
but spared for a little time by Mormon policy. They are certain
to be killed, and they know it. They are only allowed to live
while they add weight and influence to Mormonism, and, although
abundant opportunities are given them for escape, they prefer to
remain. So strongly are they infatuated with their religion that
they think their salvation depends on their continued obedience,
and their 'blood being shed by the servants of God.' Adultery is
punished by death, and it is taught, unless the adulterer's blood
be shed, he can have no remission for this sin. Believing this
firmly, there are men who have confessed this crime to Brigham,
and asked him to have them killed. Their superstitious fears make
life a burden to them, and they would commit suicide were not
that also a crime."

** Journal of Discourses, Vol. IV, pp. 49, 50.

Brigham Young, who followed Grant, said that he would explain how
judgment would be "laid to the line." "There are sins," he
explained, "that men commit, for which they cannot receive
forgiveness in this world nor in that which is to come; and, if
they had their eyes open to see their true condition, they would
be perfectly willing to have their blood spilt upon the ground,
that the smoke thereof might ascend to heaven for their sins...I
know, when you hear my brethren telling about cutting people off
from the earth, that you consider it a strong doctrine; but it is
to save them, not to destroy them."

That these were not the mere expressions of a sudden impulse is

shown by the fact that Young expounded this doctrine at even
greater length a year later. Explaining what Christ meant by
loving our neighbors as ourselves, he said: "Will you love your
brothers and sisters likewise when they have committed a sin that
cannot be atoned for without the shedding of blood? Will you love
that man or woman well enough to shed their blood? That is what
Jesus Christ meant.... I have seen scores and hundreds of people
for whom there would have been a chance (in the last resurrection
there will be) if their lives had been taken, and their blood
spilled on the ground as a smoking incense to the Almighty, but
who are now angels to the devil."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. IV, pp. 219, 220.

Stenhouse relates, as one of the "few notable cases that have

properly illustrated the blood atonement doctrine," that one of
the wives of an elder who was sent on a mission broke her
marriage vows during his absence. On his return, during the
height of the "Reformation," she was told that "she could not
reach the circle of the gods and goddesses unless her blood was
shed," and she consented to accept the punishment. Seating
herself, therefore, on her husband's knee, she gave him a last
kiss, and he then drew a knife across her throat. "That kind and
loving husband still lives near Salt Lake City (1874), and
preaches occasionally with great zeal."*

* "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 470.

John D. Lee, who says that this doctrine was "justified by all
the people," gives full particulars of another instance. Among
the Danish converts in Utah was Rosmos Anderson, whose wife had
been a widow with a grown daughter. Anderson desired to marry his
step-daughter also, and she was quite willing; but a member of
the Bishop's council wanted the girl for his wife, and he was
influential enough to prevent Anderson from getting the necessary
consent from the head of the church. Knowing the professed horror
of the church toward the crime of adultery, Anderson and the
young woman, at one of the meetings during the "Reformation,"
confessed their guilt of that crime, thinking that in this way
they would secure permission to marry. But, while they were
admitted to rebaptism on their confession, the coveted permit was
not issued and they were notified that to offend would be to
incur death. Such a charge was very soon laid against Anderson
(not against the girl), and the same council, without hearing
him, decided that he must die. Anderson was so firm in the Mormon
faith that he made no remonstrance, simply asking half a day for
preparation. His wife provided clean clothes for the sacrifice,
and his executioners dug his grave. At midnight they called for
him, and, taking him to the place, allowed him to kneel by the
grave and pray. Then they cut his throat, "and held him so that
his blood ran into the grave." His wife, obeying instructions,
announced that he had gone to California.*

* "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 282.

As an illustration of the opportunity which these times gave a

polygamous priesthood to indulge their tastes, may be told the
story of "the affair at San Pete." Bishop Warren Snow of Manti,
San Pete County, although the husband of several wives, desired
to add to his list a good-looking young woman in that town When
he proposed to her, she declined the honor, informing him that
she was engaged to a younger man. The Bishop argued with her on
the ground of her duty, offering to have her lover sent on a
mission, but in vain. When even the girl's parents failed to gain
her consent, Snow directed the local church authorities to
command the young man to give her up. Finding him equally
obstinate, he was one evening summoned to attend a meeting where
only trusted members were present. Suddenly the lights were put
out, he was beaten and tied to a bench, and Bishop Snow himself
castrated him with a bowie knife. In this condition he was left
to crawl to some haystacks, where he lay until discovered "The
young man regained his health," says Lee, "but has been an idiot
or quiet lunatic ever since, and is well known by hundreds of
Mormons or Gentiles in Utah."* And the Bishop married the girl.
Lee gives Young credit for being very "mad" when he learned of
this incident, but the Bishop was not even deposed.**

* Ibid., p. 285.

** Stenhouse quotes the following as showing that the San Pete

outrage was scarcely concealed by the Mormon authorities: "I was
at a Sunday meeting, in the spring of 1857, in Provo, when the
news of the San Pete incident was referred to by the presiding
Bishop, Blackburn. Some men in Provo had rebelled against
authority in some trivial matter, and Blackburn shouted in his
Sunday meeting--a mixed congregation of all ages and both sexes:
'I want the people of Provo to understand that the boys in Provo
can use the knife as well as the boys in San Pete. Boys, get your
knives ready.'" "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 302.
CHAPTER X. The Territorial Government--Judge Brocchus's
Experience

In March, 1851, the two houses of the legislature of Deseret,

sitting together, adopted resolutions "cheerfully and cordially"
accepting the law providing a territorial government for Utah,
and tendering Union Square in Salt Lake City as a site for the
government buildings. The first territorial election was held on
August 4, and the legislative assembly then elected held its
first meeting on September 22. An act was at once passed
continuing in force the laws passed by the legislature of Deseret
(an unauthorized body) not in conflict with the territorial law,
and locating the capital in the Pauvan Valley, where the town was
afterward named Fillmore* and the county Millard, in honor of the
President.

* Only one session of the legislature was held at Fillmore

(December, 1855). The lawmakers afterward met there, but only to
adjourn to Salt Lake City.

The federal law, establishing the territory, provided that the

governor, secretary, chief justice and two associate justices of
the Supreme Court, the attorney general, or state's attorney, and
marshal should be appointed by the President of the United
States. President Fillmore on September 22, 1850, filled these
places as follows: governor, Brigham Young; secretary, B. D.
Harris of Vermont; chief justice, Joseph Buffington of
Pennsylvania; associate justices, Perry E. Brocchus and
Zerubbabel Snow; attorney general, Seth M. Blair of Utah;
marshal, J. L. Heywood of Utah, Young, Snow, Blair, and Heywood
being Mormons. L. G. Brandebury was later appointed chief
justice, Mr. Buffington declining that office.

The selection of Brigham Young as governor made him, in addition

to his church offices, ex-officio commander-in-chief of the
militia and superintendent of Indian affairs, the latter giving
him a salary of $1000 a year in addition to his salary of $1500
as governor. Had the character of the Mormon church government
been understood by President Fillmore, it does not seem possible
that he would, by Young's appointment, have so completely united
the civil and religious authority of the territory in one man;
or, if he had had any comprehension of Young's personal
characteristics, it is fair to conclude that the appointment
would not have been made.

The voice which the President listened to in the matter was that
of that adroit Mormon agent, Colonel Thomas L. Kane. Kane's part
in the business came out after these appointments were announced,
and after the Buffalo (New York) Courier had printed a
communication attacking Young's character on the ground of his
record both in Illinois and Utah. President Fillmore sent these
charges to Kane (on July 4, 1851) with a letter in which he said,
"You will recollect that I relied much upon you for the moral
character of Mr. Young," and asking him to "truly state whether
these charges against the moral character of Governor Young are
true." Kane sent two letters in reply, dated July 11. In a short
open one he said: "I reiterate without reserve the statement of
his excellent capacity, energy, and integrity, which I made you
prior to the appointment. I am willing to say that I VOLUNTEERED
to communicate to you the facts by which I was convinced of his
patriotism and devotion to the Union. I made no qualification
when I assured you of his irreproachable moral character, because
I was able to speak of this from my own intimate personal
knowledge."

The second letter, marked "personal," went into these matters

much more in detail. It declared that the tax levied by Young on
non-Mormons who sold goods in Salt Lake City was a liquor tax,
creditable to Mormon temperance principles. Had the President
consulted the report of the debate on Babbitt's admission as a
Delegate, he would have discovered that this was falsehood number
one. The charges against Young while in Illinois, including
counterfeiting, Kane swept aside as "a mere rehash of old
libels," and he cited the Battalion as an illustration of Mormon
patriotism. The extent to which he could go in falsifying in
Young's behalf is illustrated, however, most pointedly in what he
had to say regarding the charge of polygamy: "The remaining
charge connects itself with that unmixed outrage, the spiritual
wife story; which was fastened on the Mormons by a poor ribald
scamp whom, though the sole surviving brother and representative
of their Jo. Smith, they were literally forced to excommunicate
for licentiousness, and who therefore revenged himself by editing
confessions and disclosures of savor to please the public that
peruses novels in yellow paper covers."* In regard to William
Smith, the fact was that he opposed polygamy both before and
after his expulsion from the church. Kane's stay among the
Mormons on the Missouri must have acquainted him with the
practically open practice of polygamy at that time. His entire
correspondence with Fillmore stamps him as a man whose word could
be accepted on no subject. It would have been well if President
Buchanan had availed himself of the existence of these letters.
Fillmore stated in later years that at that time neither he nor
the Senate knew that polygamy was an accepted Mormon doctrine.

* For correspondence in full, see Millennial Star, Vol. XIII, pp.

341-344.

Young took the oath of office as governor in February, 1851. The

non-Mormon federal officers arrived in June and July following,
and with them came Babbitt, bringing $20,000 which had been
appropriated by Congress for a state-house, and J. M. Bernhisel,
the first territorial Delegate to Congress, with a library
purchased by him in the East for which Congress had provided. The
arrival of the Gentile officers gave a speedy opportunity to test
the temper of the church in regard to any interference with, or
even discussion of, their "peculiar" institutions or Young's
authority.

Their first welcome was cordial, with balls and dinners at the
Bath House at the Hot Springs at which, for their special
benefit, says a local historian, was served "champagne wine from
the grocery," with home-brewed porter and ale for the rest. When
Judge Brocchus reached Salt Lake City, his two non-Mormon
associates had been there long enough to form an opinion of the
Mormon population and of the aims of the leading church officers.
They soon concluded that "no man else could govern them against
Brigham Young's influence, without a military force,"* and they
heard many expressions, public and private, indicating the
contempt in which the federal government was held. The
anniversary of the arrival of the pioneers, July 24, was always
celebrated with much ceremony, and that year the principal
addresses were made by "General" D. H. Wells and Brigham Young.
Some of the new officers occupied seats on the platform. Wells
attacked the government for "requiring" the Battalion to enlist.
Young paid especial attention to President Taylor, who had
recently died, and whose course toward the Mormons did not please
them, closing this part of his remarks with the declaration, "but
Zachary Taylor is dead and in hell, and I am glad of it," adding,
"and I prophesy in the name of Jesus Christ, by the power of the
priesthood that's upon me, that any President of the United
States who lifts his finger against this people, shall die an
untimely death, and go to hell."

* Report of the three officers to President Fillmore, Ex. Doc.

No. 25, 1st Session, 32d Congress.

Judge Brocchus had been commissioned by the Washington Monument

Association to ask the people of the territory for a block of
stone for that structure, and, on signifying a desire to make
known his commission, he was invited to do so at the General
Conference to be held on September 7 and 8. The judge thought
that, with the life of Washington as a text, he could read these
people a lesson on their duty toward the government, and could
correct some of the impressions under which they rested. The idea
itself only showed how little he understood anything pertaining
to Mormonism.

There was no newspaper in Salt Lake City in that time, and for a
report of the judge's address and of Brigham Young's reply, we
must rely on the report of the three federal officers to
President Fillmore, on a letter from Judge Brocchus printed in
the East, and on three letters on the subject addressed to the
New York Herald (one of which that journal printed, and all of
which the author published in a pamphlet entitled "The Truth for
the Mormons",) by J. M. Grant, first mayor of Salt Lake City,
major general of the Legion, and Speaker of the house in the
Deseret legislature.

Judge Brocchus spoke for two hours. He began with expressions of

sympathy for the sufferings of the Mormons in Missouri and
Illinois, and then referred to the unfriendliness of the people
toward the federal government, pointing out what he considered
its injustice, and alluding pointedly to Brigham Young's remarks
about President Taylor. He defended the President's memory, and
told his audience that, "if they could not offer a block of
marble for the Washington Monument in a feeling of full
fellowship with the people of the United States, as brethren and
fellow citizens, they had better not offer it at all, but leave
it unquarried in the bosom of its native mountain." The officers'
report to President Fillmore says that the address "was entirely
free from any allusions, even the most remote, to the peculiar
religion of the community, or to any of their domestic or social
customs." Even if the Mormons had so construed it, the rebuke of
their lack of patriotism would have aroused their resentment, and
Bernhisel, in a letter to President Fillmore, characterized it as
"a wanton insult."

But the judge did make, according to other reports, what was
construed as an uncomplimentary reference to polygamy, and this
stirred the church into a tumult of anger and indignation.
According to Mormon accounts,* the judge, addressing the ladies,
said: "I have a commission from the Washington Monument
Association, to ask of you a block of marble, as a test of your
citizenship and loyalty to the government of the United States.
But in order to do it acceptably you must become virtuous, and
teach your daughters to become virtuous, or your offering had
better remain in the bosom of your native mountains."

* The report of what follows, including Young's address, is taken

from Grant's pamphlet...

Mild as this language may seem, no Mormon audience, since the

marrying of more wives than one had been sanctioned by the
church, had ever listened to anything like it. To permit even
this interference with their "religious belief" was entirely
foreign to Young's purpose, and he took the floor in a towering
rage to reply. "Are you a judge," he asked, "and can't even talk
like a lawyer or a politician?" George Washington was first in
war, but he was first in peace, too, and Young could handle a
sword as well as Washington. "But you [addressing the judge]
standing there, white and shaking now at the howls which you have
stirred up yourself--you are a coward.... Old General Taylor,
what was he?* A mere soldier with regular army buttons on; no
better to go at the head of brave troops than a dozen I could
pick out between here and Laramie." He concluded thus:--

* In a discourse on June 19, 1853, Young said that he never heard

of his alleged expression about General Taylor until Judge
Brocchus made use of it, but he added: "When he made the
statement there, I surely bore testimony to the truth of it. But
until then I do not know that it ever came into my mind whether
Taylor was in hell or not, any more than it did that any other
wicked man was there," etc.--Journal of Discourses, Vol. 1, p.
185.

"What you have been afraid to intimate about our morals I will
not stoop to notice, except to make my particular personal
request to every brother and husband present not to give you back
what such impudence deserves. You talk of things you have on
hearsay since your coming among us. I'll talk of hearsay then--
the hearsay that you are discontented, and will go home, because
we cannot make it worth your while to stay. What it would satisfy
you to get out of us I think it would be hard to tell; but I am
sure that it is more than you'll get. If you or any one else is
such a baby-calf, we must sugar your soap to coax you to wash
yourself of Saturday nights. Go home to your mammy straight away,
and the sooner the better."

This was the language addressed by the governor of the territory

and the head of the church, to one of the Supreme Court judges
appointed by the President of the United States!

Young alluded to his reference to the judge's personal safety in

a discourse on June 19, 1853, in which, speaking of the judge's
remarks, he said: "They [the Mormons] bore the insult like saints
of God. It is true, as it was said in the report of these
affairs, if I had crooked my little finger, he would have been
used up, but I did not bend it. If I had, the sisters alone felt
indignant enough to have chopped him in pieces." A little later,
in the same discourse, he added: "Every man that comes to impose
on this people, no matter by whom they are sent, or who they are
that are sent, lay the axe at the root of the tree to kill
themselves. I will do as I said I would last conference.
Apostates, or men who never made any profession of religion, had
better be careful how they come here, lest I should bend my
little finger."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. I, p. 187.

If the records of the Mormon church had included acts as well as

words, how many times would we find that Young's little finger
was bent to a purpose?

Bold as he was, Young seems to have felt that he had gone too far
in his abuse of Judge Brocchus, and on September 19 he addressed
a note to him, inviting him to attend a public meeting in the
bowery the next Sunday morning, "to explain, satisfy, or
apologize to the satisfaction of the ladies who heard your
address on the 8th," a postscript assuring the judge that "no
gentleman will be permitted to make any reply." The judge in
polite terms declined this offer, saying that he had been, at the
proper time, denied a chance to explain, "at the peril of having
my hair pulled or my throat cut." He added that his speech was
deliberately prepared, that his sole design was "to vindicate the
government of the United States from those feelings of prejudice
and that spirit of defection which seemed to pervade the public
sentiment," and that he had had no intention to offer insult or
disrespect to his audience. This called out, the next day, a very
long reply from Young, of which the following is a paragraph:
"With a war of words on party politics, factions, religious
schisms, current controversy of creeds, policy of clans or state
clipper cliques, I have nothing to do; but when the eternal
principles of truth are falsified, and light is turned into
darkness by mystification of language or a false delineation of
facts, so that the just indignation of the true, virtuous,
upright citizens of the commonwealth is aroused into vigilance
for the dear-bought liberties of themselves and fathers, and that
spirit of intolerance and persecution which has driven this
people time and time again from their peaceful homes, manifests
itself in the flippancy of rhetoric for female insult and
desecration, it is time that I forbear to hold my peace, lest the
thundering anathemas of nations, born and unborn, should rest
upon my head, when the marrow of my bones shall be ill prepared
to sustain the threatened blow."*

* For correspondence in full, see Tullidge's "History of Salt

Lake City," pp. 86--91.

Judge Brocchus wrote to a friend in the East, on September 20:

"How it will end, I do not know. I have just learned that I have
been denounced, together with the government and officers, in the
bowery again to-day by Governor Young. I hope I shall get off
safely. God only knows. I am in the power of a desperate and
murderous sect."

The non-Mormon federal officers now announced their determination

to abandon their places and return to the East. Young foresaw
that so radical a course would give his conduct a wide
advertisement, and attract to him an unpleasant notoriety. He,
therefore, called on the offended judges personally, and urged
them to remain.* Being assured that they would not reconsider
their determination, and that Secretary Harris would take with
him the $24,000 appropriated for the pay and mileage of the
territorial legislature, Young, on September 18, issued a
proclamation declaring the result of the election of August 4,
which he had neglected to do, and convening the legislature in
session on September 22. "So solicitous was the governor that the
secretary and other non-Mormon officers should be kept in
ignorance of this step," says the report of the latter to
President Fillmore, "that on the 19th, two days after the date of
a personal notice sent to members, he most positively and
emphatically denied, as communicated to the secretary, that any
such notice had been issued."

* Young to the President, House Doc. No. 25, 1st Session, 32d
Congress.

As soon as the legislature met, it passed resolutions directing

the United States marshal to take possession of all papers and
property (including money) in the hands of Secretary Harris, and
to arrest him and lock him up if he offered any resistance. On
receipt of a copy of this resolution, Secretary Harris sent a
reply, giving several reasons for refusing to hand over the money
appropriated for the legislature, among them the failure of the
governor to have a census taken before the election, as provided
by the territorial act, the defective character of the governor's
proclamation ordering the election, allowing aliens to vote, and
the governor's failure to declare the result of the election, his
delayed proclamation being pronounced "worthless for all legal
purposes."

On September 28 the three non-Mormon officers took their

departure, carrying with them to Washington the disputed money,
which was turned over to the proper officer.*

* Tullidge, in his "History of Salt Lake City," says: "Under the

censure of the great statesman, Daniel Webster, and with ex- Vice
President Dallas and Colonel Kane using their potent influence
against them, and also Stephen A. Douglas, Brandebury, Brocchus,
and Harris were forced to retire." As these officers left the
territory of their own accord, and contrary to Brigham Young's
urgent protest, this statement only furnishes another instance of
the Mormon plan to attack the reputation of any one whom they
could not control. The three officers were criticized by some
Eastern newspapers for leaving their post through fear of bodily
injury, but Congress voted to pay their salaries.

All the correspondence concerning the failure of this first

attempt to establish non-Mormon federal officers in Utah was
given to Congress in a message from President Fillmore, dated
January 9, 1852. The returned officers made a report which set
forth the autocratic attitude of the Mormon church, the open
practice of polygamy,* and the non-enforcement of the laws, not
even murderers being punished. Of one of the allegations of
murder set forth,--that a man from Ithaca, New York, named James
Munroe, was murdered on his way to Salt Lake City by a member of
the church, his body brought to the city and buried without an
inquest, the murderer walking the streets undisturbed, H. H.
Bancroft says, "There is no proof of this statement."** On the
contrary, Mayor Grant in his "Truth for the Mormons" acknowledges
it, and gives the details of the murder, justifying it on the
ground of provocation, alleging that while Egan, the murderer,
was absent in California, Munroe, "from his youth up a member of
the church, Egan's friend too, therefore a traitor," seduced
Egan's wife.

* J. D. Grant, following the example of Colonel Kane, had the

affrontery to say of the charge of polygamy, in one of his
letters to the New York Herald: "I pronounce it false.... Suppose
I should admit it at once? Whose business is it? Does the
constitution forbid it?"

** "History of Utah," p. 460, note.

Young, in a statement to the President, defended his acts and the

acts of the territorial legislature, and attacked the character
and motives of the federal officers. The legislature soon after
petitioned President Fillmore to fill the vacancies by appointing
men "who are, indeed, residents amongst us."

CHAPTER XI. MORMON TREATMENT OF FEDERAL OFFICERS

The next federal officers for Utah appointed by the President (in
August, 1852) were Lazarus H. Reid of New York to be chief
justice, Leonidas Shaver, associate justice, and B. G. Ferris,
secretary. Neither of these officers incurred the Mormon wrath.
Both of the judges died while in office, and the next chief
justice was John F. Kinney, who had occupied a seat on the Iowa
Supreme Bench, with W. W. Drummond of Illinois, and George P.
Stiles, one of Joseph Smith's counsel at the time of the
prophet's death, as associates. A. W. Babbitt received the
appointment of secretary of the territory.*
* Some years later Babbitt was killed. Mrs. Waite, in "The Mormon
Prophet" (p. 34) says: "In the summer of 1862 Brigham was
referring to this affair in a tea-table conversation at which
judge Waite and the writer of this were present. After making
some remarks to impress upon the minds of those present the
necessity of maintaining friendly relations between the federal
officers and the authorities of the church, he used language
substantially as follows: 'There is no need of any difficulty,
and there need be none if the officers do their duty and mind
their affairs. If they do not, if they undertake to interfere
with affairs that do not concern them, I will not be far off.
There was Almon W. Babbitt. He undertook to quarrel with me, but
soon afterward was killed by Indians."

The territorial legislature had continued to meet from time to

time, Young having a seat of honor in front of the Speaker at
each opening joint session, and presenting his message. The most
important measure passed was an election law which practically
gave the church authorities control of the ballot. It provided
that each voter must hand his ballot, folded, to the judge of
election, who must deposit it after numbering it, and after the
clerk had recorded the name and number. This, of course, gave the
church officers knowledge concerning the candidate for whom each
man voted. Its purpose needs no explanation.

In August, 1854, a force of some three hundred soldiers, under

command of Lieutenant Colonel E. J. Steptoe of the United States
army, on their way to the Pacific coast, arrived in Salt Lake
City and passed the succeeding winter there. Young's term as
governor was about to expire, and the appointment of his
successor rested with President Pierce. Public opinion in the
East had become more outspoken against the Mormons since the
resignation of the first federal officers sent to the territory,
the "revelation" concerning polygamy having been publicly avowed
meanwhile, and there was an expressed feeling that a non- Mormon
should be governor. Accordingly, President Pierce, in December,
1854, offered the governorship to Lieutenant Colonel Steptoe.

Brigham Young, just before and after this period, openly declared
that he would not surrender the actual government of the
territory to any man. In a discourse in the Tabernacle, on June
19, 1853, in which he reviewed the events of 1851, he said, "We
have got a territorial government, and I am and will be governor,
and no power can hinder it, until the Lord Almighty says,
'Brigham, you need not be governor any longer.'"* In a defiant
discourse in the Tabernacle, on February 18, 1855, Young again
stated his position on this subject: "For a man to come here [as
governor] and infringe upon my individual rights and privileges,
and upon those of my brethren, will never meet my sanction, and I
will scourge such a one until he leaves. I am after him."
Defining his position further, and the independence of his
people, he said: "Come on with your knives, your swords, and your
faggots of fire, and destroy the whole of us rather than we will
forsake our religion. Whether the doctrine of plurality of wives
is true or false is none of your business. We have as good a
right to adopt tenets in our religion as the Church of England,
or the Methodists, or the Baptists, or any other denomination
have to theirs."**

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. 1, p. 187.

** Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 187-188.

Having thus defied the federal appointing power, the nomination

of Colonel Steptoe as Young's successor might have been expected
to cause an outbreak; but the Mormon leaders were always
diplomatic--at least, when Young did not lose his temper. The
outcome of this appointment was its declination by Steptoe, a
petition to President Pierce for Young's reappointment signed by
Steptoe himself and all the federal officers in the territory,
and the granting of the request of these petitioners.

Mrs. C. B. Waite, wife of Associate Justice C. B. Waite, one of

Lincoln's appointees, gives a circumstantial account of the
manner in which Colonel Steptoe was influenced to decline the
nomination and sign the petition in favor of Young.* Two women,
whose beauty then attracted the attention of Salt Lake City
society, were a relative by marriage of Brigham Young and an
actress in the church theatre. The federal army officers were
favored with a good deal of their society. When Steptoe's
appointment as governor was announced, Young called these women
to his assistance. In conformity with the plan then suggested,
Young one evening suddenly demanded admission to Colonel
Steptoe's office, which was granted after considerable delay.
Passing into the back room, he found the two women there, dressed
in men's clothes and with their faces concealed by their hats. He
sent the women home with a rebuke, and then described to Steptoe
the danger he was in if the women's friends learned of the
incident, and the disgrace which would follow its exposure.
Steptoe's declination of the nomination and his recommendation of
Young soon followed.

President Pierce's selection of judicial officers for Utah was

not made with proper care, nor with due regard to the dignity of
the places to be filled. Chief Justice Kinney took with him to
Utah a large stock of goods which he sold at retail after his
arrival there, and he also kept a boarding-house in Salt Lake
City. With his "trade" dependent on Mormon customers, he had
every object in cultivating their popularity. Known as a "Jack-
Mormon" in Iowa, Mrs. Waite declared that his uniform course, to
the time about which she wrote, had been "to aid and abet Brigham
Young in his ambitious schemes," and that he was then "an open
apologist and advocate of polygamy." Judge Drummond's course in
Utah was in many respects scandalous. A former member of the
bench in Illinois writes to me: "I remember that when Drummond's
appointment was announced there was considerable comment as to
his lack of fitness for the place, and, after the troubles
between him and the Mormon leaders got aired through the press,
members of the bar from his part of the state said they did not
blame the Mormons--that it was an imposition upon them to have
sent him out there as a judge. I never heard his moral character
discussed." If the Mormon leaders had shown any respect for the
government at Washington, or for the reputable men appointed to
territorial offices, more attention might be paid to their
hostility manifested to certain individuals.

* "The Mormon Prophet," p. 36, confirmed by Beadle's "Life in

Utah," p. 171.

A few of the leading questions at issue under the new territorial

officers will illustrate the nature of the government with which
they had to deal. The territorial legislature had passed acts
defining the powers and duties of the territorial courts. These
acts provided that the district courts should have original
jurisdiction, both civil and criminal, wherever not otherwise
provided by law. Chapter 64 (approved January 14, 1864) provided
as follows: "All questions of law, the meaning of writings other
than law, and the admissibility of testimony shall be decided by
the court; and no laws or parts of laws shall be read, argued,
cited, or adopted in any courts, during any trial, except those
enacted by the governor and legislative assembly of this
territory, and those passed by the Congress of the United States,
WHEN APPLICABLE; and no report, decision, or doings of any court
shall be read, argued, cited, or adopted as precedent in any
other trial." This obliterated at a stroke the whole body of the
English common law. Another act provided that, by consent of the
court and the parties, any person could be selected to act as
judge in a particular case. As the district court judges were
federal appointees, a judge of probate was provided for each
county, to be elected by joint ballot of the legislature. These
probate courts, besides the authority legitimately belonging to
such tribunals, were given "power to exercise original
jurisdiction, both civil and criminal, as well in chancery as at
common law." Thus there were in the territory two kinds of
courts, to one of which alone a non-Mormon could look for
justice, and to the other of which every Mormon would appeal when
he was not prevented.

The act of Congress organizing the territory provided for the

appointment of a marshal, approved by the President; the
territorial legislature on March 3, 1852, provided for another
marshal to be elected by joint ballot, and for an attorney
general. A nonMormon had succeeded the original Mormon who was
appointed as federal marshal, and he took the ground that he
should have charge of all business pertaining to the marshal's
office in the United States courts. Judge Stiles having issued
writs to the federal marshal, the latter was not able to serve
them, and the demand was openly made that only territorial law
should be enforced in Utah. When the question of jurisdiction
came before the judge, three Mormon lawyers appeared in behalf of
the Mormon claim, and one of them, James Ferguson, openly told
the judge that, if he decided against him, they "would take him
from the bench d--d quick." Judge Stiles adjourned his court, and
applied to Governor Young for assistance; but got only the reply
that "the boys had got their spunk up, and he would not
interfere," and that, if Judge Stiles could not enforce the
United States laws, the sooner he adjourned court the better.*
All the records and papers of the United States court were kept
in Judge Stiles's office. In his absence, Ferguson led a crowd to
the office, seized and deposited in a safe belonging to Young the
court papers, and, piling up the personal books and papers of the
judge in an outhouse, set fire to them. The judge, supposing that
the court papers were included in the bonfire, innocently made
that statement in an affidavit submitted on his return to
Washington in 1857.

* This account is given in Mrs. Waite's "The Mormon Prophet."

Tullidge omits the incident in his "History of Salt Lake City."

Judge Drummond, reversing the policy of Chief Justice Kinney and

Judge Shaver, announced, before the opening of the first session
of his court, that he should ignore all proceedings of the
territorial probate courts except such as pertained to legitimate
probate business. This position was at once recognized as a
challenge of the entire Mormon judicial system,* and steps were
promptly taken to overthrow it. There are somewhat conflicting
accounts of the method adopted. Mrs. Waite, in her "Mormon
Prophet," Hickman, in his confessions, and Remy, in his
"Journey," have all described it with variations. All agree that
a quarrel was brought about between the judge and a Jew, which
led to the arrest of both of them. "During the prosecution of the
case," says Mrs. Waite, "the judge gave some sort of a
stipulation that he would not interfere any further with the
probate courts."

* A member of the legislature wrote to his brother in England, of

Drummond: He has brass to declare in open court that the Utah
laws are founded in ignorance, and has attempted to set some of
the most important ones aside,... and he will be able to
appreciate the merits of a returned compliment some day."

* Tullidge, "History of Salt Lake City," p. 412.

Judge Stiles left the territory in the spring of 1857, and gave
the government an account of his treatment in the form of an
affidavit when he reached Washington. Judge Drummond held court a
short time for Judge Stiles in Carson County (now Nevada)* in the
spring of 1857, and then returned to the East by way of
California, not concealing his opinion of Mormon rule on the way,
and giving the government a statement of the case in a letter
resigning his judgeship.

* The settlement of what is now Nevada was begun by both Mormons

and non-Mormons in 1854, and, the latter being in the majority,
the Utah legislature organized the entire western part of the
territory as one county, called Carson, and Governor Young
appointed Orson Hyde its probate judge. Many persons coming in
after the settlement of California, as miners, farmers, or
stock-raisers, the Mormons saw their majority in danger, and
ordered the non-Mormons to leave. Both sides took up arms, and
they camped in sight of each other for two weeks. The Mormons,
learning that their opponents were to receive reenforcements from
California, agreed on equal rights for all in that part of the
territory; but when the legislature learned of this, it repealed
the county act, recalled the judge, and left the district without
any legal protection whatever. Thus matters remained until late
in 1858, when a probate judge was quietly appointed for Carson
Valley. After this an election was held, but although the
non-Mormons won at the polls, the officers elected refused to
qualify and enforce Mormon statutes.--Letter of Delegate-elect J.
M. Crane of Nevada, "The Mormon Prophet," pp. 4l-45.

After the departure of the non-Mormon federal judges from Utah,

the only non-Mormon officers left there were those belonging to
the office of the surveyor general, and two Indian agents. Toward
these officers the Mormons were as hostile as they had been
toward the judges, and the latest information that the government
received about the disposition and intentions of the Mormons came
from them.

The Mormon view of their title to the land in Salt Lake Valley
appeared in Young's declaration on his first Sunday there, that
it was theirs and would be divided by the officers of the
church.* Tullidge, explaining this view in his history published
in 1886, says that this was simply following out the social plan
of a Zion which Smith attempted in Ohio, Missouri, and Illinois,
under "revelation." He explains: "According to the primal law of
colonization, recognized in all ages, it was THEIR LAND if they
could hold and possess it. They could have done this so far as
the Mexican government was concerned, which government probably
never would even have made the first step to overthrow the
superstructure of these Mormon society builders. At that date,
before this territory was ceded to the United States, Brigham
Young, as the master builder of the colonies which were soon to
spread throughout these valleys, could with absolute propriety
give the above utterances on the land question."**

* "They will not, however, without protest, buy the land, and
hope that grants will be made to actual settlers or the state,
sufficient to cover their improvements. If not, the state will be
obliged to buy, and then confirm the titles already given."--
Gunnison. "The Mormons," 1852, p. 414.

** Captain Gunnison, who as lieutenant accompanied Stansbury's

surveying party and printed a book giving his personal
observations, was murdered in 1853 while surveying a railroad
route at a camp on Sevier River. His party were surprised by a
band of Pah Utes while at breakfast, and nine of them were
killed. The charge was often made that this massacre was inspired
by Mormons, but it has not been supported by direct evidence.

When the act organizing the territory was passed, very little of
the Indian title to the land had been extinguished, and the
Indians made bitter complaints of the seizure of their homes and
hunting-grounds, and the establishment of private rights to
canons and ferries, by the people who professed so great a regard
for the "Lamanites." Congress, in February, 1855, created the
office of surveyor general of Utah and defined his duties. The
presence of this officer was resented at once, and as soon as
Surveyor General David H. Burr arrived in Salt Lake City the
church directed all its members to convey their lands to Young as
trustee in trust for the church, "in consideration of the good
will which---- have to the church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day
Saints." Explaining this order in a discourse in the Tabernacle
on March 1, 1857, H. C. Kimball said: "I do not compel you to do
it; the trustee in trust does not; God does not. But He says that
if you will do this and the other things which He has counselled
for our good, do so and prove Him.... If you trifle with me when
I tell you the truth, you will trifle with Brother Brigham, and
if you trifle with him you will also trifle with angels and with
God, and thus you will trifle yourselves down to hell."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. IV, pp. 249, 252.

The Mormon policy toward the surveyors soon took practical shape.
On August 30, 1856, Burr reported a nearly fatal assault on one
of his deputies by three Danites. Deputy Surveyor Craig reported
efforts of the Mormons to stir up the Indians against the
surveyors, and quoted a suggestion of the Deseret News that the
surveyors be prosecuted in the territorial court for trespass. In
February, 1857, Burr reported a visit he had had from the clerk
of the Supreme Court, the acting district attorney, and the
territorial marshal, who told him plainly that the country was
theirs.

They showed him a copy of a report that he had made to

Washington, charging Young with extensive depredations, warned
him that he could not write to Washington without their
knowledge, and ordered that such letter writing should stop. "The
fact is," Burr added, "these people repudiate the authority of
the United States in this country, and are in open rebellion
against the general government.... So strong have been my
apprehensions of danger to the surveyors that I scarcely deemed
it prudent to send any out.... We are by no means sure that we
will be permitted to leave, for it is boldly asserted we would
not get away alive."* He did escape early in the spring.

* For text of reports, see House Ex. Doc. No. 71, 1st Session,
35th Congress.

The reports of the Indian agents to the commissioner at

Washington at this time were of the same character. Mormon
trespasses on Indian land had caused more than one conflict with
the savages, but, when there was a prospect of hostilities with
the government, the Mormons took steps to secure Indian aid. In
May, 1855, Indian Agent Hurt called the attention of the
commissioner at Washington to the fact that the Mormons at their
recent Conference had appointed a large number of missionaries to
preach among the "Lamanites"; that these missionaries were "a
class of lawless young men," and, as their influence was likely
to be in favor of hostilities with the whites, he suggested that
all Indian officers receive warning on the subject. Hurt was
added to the list of fugitive federal officers from Utah, deeming
it necessary to flee when news came of the approach of the troops
in the fall of 1857. His escape was quite dramatic, some of his
Indian friends assisting him. They reached General Johnston's
camp about the middle of October, after suffering greatly from
hunger and cold.
The Mormon leaders could scarcely fail to realize that a point
must be reached when the federal government would assert its
authority in Utah territory, but they deemed a conflict with the
government of less serious moment than a surrender which would
curtail their own civil and criminal jurisdiction, and bring
their doctrine of polygamy within reach of the law. A specimen of
the unbridled utterances of these leaders in those days will be
found in a discourse by Mayor Grant in the Tabernacle, on March
2, 1856:--

"Who is afraid to die? None but the wicked. If they want to send
troops here, let them come to those who have imported filth and
whores, though we can attend to that class without so much
expense to the Government. They will threaten us with United
States troops! Why, your impudence and ignorance would bring a
blush to the cheek of the veriest camp-follower among them. We
ask no odds of you, you rotten carcasses, and I am not going to
bow one hair's breadth to your influence. I would rather be cut
into inch pieces than succumb one particle to such filthiness
.... If we were to establish a whorehouse on every corner of our
streets, as in nearly all other cities outside of Utah, either by
law or otherwise, we should doubtless then be considered good
fellows."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. III, pp. 234-235

Two weeks later Brigham Young, in a sermon in the same place,

said, "I said then, and I shall always say, that I shall be
governor as long as the Lord Almighty wishes me to govern this
people.*

* Ibid., p. 258.

In January, 1853, Orson Pratt, as Mormon representative, began

the publication in Washington, D.C., of a monthly periodical
called The Seer, in which he defended polygamy, explained the
Mormon creed, and set forth the attitude of the Mormons toward
the United States government. The latter subject occupied a large
part of the issue of January, 1854, in the shape of questions and
answers. The following will give an illustration of their tone:--

"Q.--In what manner have the people of the United States treated
the divine message contained in the Book of Mormon?

"A.--They have closed their eyes, their ears, their hearts and
their doors against it. They have scorned, rejected and hated the
servants of God who were sent to bear testimony of it.

"Q.--In what manner has the United States treated the Saints who
have believed in this divine message?

"A.--They have proceeded to the most savage and outrageous

persecutions;... dragged little children from their
hiding-places, and, placing the muzzles of their guns to their
heads, have blown out their brains, with the most horrid oaths
and imprecations. They have taken the fair daughters of American
citizens, bound them on benches used for public worship, and
there, in great numbers, ravished them until death came to their
relief."

Further answers were in the shape of an argument that the federal

government was responsible for the losses of the Saints in
Missouri and Illinois.

CHAPTER XII. THE MORMON "WAR"

The government at Washington and the people of the Eastern states

knew a good deal more about Mormonism in 1856 than they did when
Fillmore gave the appointment of governor to Young in 1850. The
return of one federal officer after another from Utah with a
report that his office was untenable, even if his life was not in
danger, the practical nullification of federal law, and the light
that was beginning to be shed on Mormon social life by
correspondents of Eastern newspapers had aroused enough public
interest in the matter to lead the politicians to deem it worthy
of their attention. Accordingly, the Republican National
Convention, in June, 1856, inserted in its platform a plank
declaring that the constitution gave Congress sovereign power
over the territories, and that "it is both the right and the duty
of Congress to prohibit in the territories those twin relics of
barbarism--polygamy and slavery."

A still more striking proof of the growing political importance

of the Mormon question was afforded by the attention paid to it
by Stephen A. Douglas in a speech in Springfield, Illinois, on
June 12, 1856, when he was hoping to secure the Democratic
nomination for President. This former friend of the Mormons,
their spokesman in the Senate, now declared that reports from the
territory seemed to justify the belief that nine-tenths of its
inhabitants were aliens; that all were bound by horrid oaths and
penalties to recognize and maintain the authority of Brigham
Young; and that the Mormon government was forming alliances with
the Indians, and organizing Danite bands to rob and murder
American citizens. "Under this view of the subject," said he, "I
think it is the duty of the President, as I have no doubt it is
his fixed purpose, to remove Brigham Young and all his followers
from office, and to fill their places with bold, able, and true
men; and to cause a thorough and searching investigation into all
the crimes and enormities which are alleged to be perpetrated
daily in that territory under the direction of Brigham Young and
his confederates; and to use all the military force necessary to
protect the officers in discharge of their duties and to enforce
the laws of the land. When the authentic evidence shall arrive,
if it shall establish the facts which are believed to exist, it
will become the duty of Congress to apply the knife, and cut out
this loathsome, disgusting ulcer."*

* Text of the speech in New York Times of June 23, 1856.

This, of course, caused the Mormons to pour out on Judge Douglas

the vials of their wrath, and, when he failed to secure the
presidential nomination, they found in his defeat the
verification of one of Smith's prophecies.

The Mormons, on their part, had never ceased their demands for
statehood, and another of their efforts had been made in the
preceding spring, when a new constitution of the State of Deseret
was adopted by a convention over which the notorious Jedediah M.
Grant presided, and sent to Washington with a memorial pleading
for admission to the Union, "that another star, shedding mild
radiance from the tops of the mountains, midway between the
borders of the Eastern and Western civilization, may add its
effulgence to that bright light now so broadly illumining the
governmental pathway of nations"; and declaring that "the loyalty
of Utah has been variously and most thoroughly tested." Congress
treated this application with practical contempt, the Senate
laying the memorial on the table, and the chairman of the House
Committee on Territories, Galusha A. Grow, refusing to present
the constitution to the House.

Alarmed at the manifestations of public feeling in the East, and

the demand that President Buchanan should do something to
vindicate at least the dignity of the government, the Mormon
leaders and press renewed their attacks on the character of all
the federal officers who had criticized them, and the Deseret
News urged the President to send to Utah "one or more civilians
on a short visit to look about them and see what they can see,
and return and report." The value of observations by such "short
visitors" on such occasions need not be discussed.

President Buchanan, instead of following any Mormon advice, soon

after his inauguration directed the organization of a body of
troops to march to Utah to uphold the federal authorities, and in
July, after several persons had declined the office, appointed as
governor of Utah Alfred Cumming of Georgia. The appointee was a
brother of Colonel William Cumming, who won renown as a soldier
in the War of 1812, who was a Union party leader in the
nullification contest in Jackson's time, and who was a
participant in a duel with G. McDuffie that occupied a good deal
of attention. Alfred Cumming had filled no more important
positions than those of mayor of Augusta, Georgia, sutler in the
Mexican War, and superintendent of Indian affairs on the upper
Missouri. A much more commendable appointment made at the same
time was that of D. R. Eckles, a Kentuckian by birth, but then a
resident of Indiana, to be chief justice of the territory. John
Cradlebaugh and C. E. Sinclair were appointed associate justices,
with John Hartnett as secretary, and Peter K. Dotson as marshal.
The new governor gave the first illustration of his conception of
his duties by remaining in the East, while the troops were
moving, asking for an increase of his salary, a secret service
fund, and for transportation to Utah. Only the last of these
requests was complied with.

President Buchanan's position as regards Utah at this time was

thus stated in his first annual message to Congress (December 8,
1857):--

"The people of Utah almost exclusively belong to this [Mormon]

church, and, believing with a fanatical spirit that he [Young] is
Governor of the Territory by divine appointment, they obey his
commands as if these were direct revelations from heaven. If,
therefore, he chooses that his government shall come into
collision with the government of the United States, the members
of the Mormon church will yield implicit obedience to his will.
Unfortunately, existing facts leave but little doubt that such is
his determination. Without entering upon a minute history of
occurrences, it is sufficient to say that all the officers of the
United States, judicial and executive, with the single exception
of two Indian agents, have found it necessary for their own
safety to withdraw from the Territory, and there no longer
remained any government in Utah but the despotism of Brigham
Young. This being the condition of affairs in the Territory, I
could not mistake the path of duty. As chief executive
magistrate, I was bound to restore the supremacy of the
constitution and laws within its limits. In order to effect this
purpose, I appointed a new governor and other federal officers
for Utah, and sent with them a military force for their
protection, and to aid as a posse comitatus in case of need in
the execution of the laws.

"With the religious opinions of the Mormons, as long as they

remained mere opinions, however deplorable in themselves and
revolting to the moral and religious sentiments of all
Christendom, I have no right to interfere. Actions alone, when in
violation of the constitution and laws of the United States,
become the legitimate subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil
magistrate. My instructions to Governor Cumming have, therefore,
been framed in strict accordance with these principles."

This statement of the situation of affairs in Utah, and of the

duty of the President in the circumstances, did not admit of
criticism. But the country at that time was in a state of intense
excitement over the slavery question, with the situation in
Kansas the centre of attention; and it was charged that Buchanan
put forward the Mormon issue as a part of his scheme to "gag the
North" and force some question besides slavery to the front; and
that Secretary of War Floyd eagerly seized the opportunity to
remove "the flower of the American army" and a vast amount of
munition and supplies to a distant place, remote from Eastern
connections. The principal newspapers in this country were
intensely partisan in those days, and party organs like the New
York Tribune could be counted on to criticise any important step
taken by the Democratic President. Such Mormon agents as Colonel
Kane and Dr. Bernhisel, the Utah Delegate to Congress, were doing
active work in New York and Washington, and some of it with
effect. Horace Greeley, in his "Overland journey," describing his
call on Brigham Young a few years later, says that he was
introduced by "my friend Dr. Bernhisel." The "Tribune Almanac"
for 1859, in an article on the Utah troubles, quoted as "too
true" Young's declaration that "for the last twenty-five years we
have trusted officials of the government, from constables and
justices to judges, governors, and presidents, only to be
scorned, held in derision, insulted and betrayed."* Ulterior
motives aside, no President ever had a clearer duty than had
Buchanan to maintain the federal authority in Utah, and to secure
to all residents in and travellers through that territory the
rights of life and property. The just ground for criticising him
is, not that he attempted to do this, but that he faltered by the
way.**

* Greeley's leaning to the Mormon side was quite persistent,

leading him to support Governor Cumming a little later against
the federal judges. The Mormons never forgot this. A Washington
letter of April 24, 1874, to the New York Times said: "When Mr.
Greeley was nominated for President the Mormons heartily hoped
for his election. The church organs and the papers taken in the
territory were all hostile to the administration, and their
clamor deceived for a time people far more enlightened than the
followers of the modern Mohammed. It is said that, while the
canvass was pending, certain representatives of the
Liberal-Democratic alliance bargained with Brigham Young, and
that he contributed a very large sum of money to the treasury of
the Greeley fund, and that, in consideration of this
contribution, he received assurances that, if he should send a
polygamist to Congress, no opposition would be made by the
supporters of the administration that was to be, to his admission
to the House. Brigham therefore sent Cannon instead of returning
Hooper."

** It is curious to notice that the Utah troubles are entirely

ignored in the "Life of James Buchanan " (1883) by George Ticknor
Curtis, who was the counsel for the Mormons in the argument
concerning polygamy before the United States Supreme Court in
1886.

Early in 1856 arrangements were entered into with H. C. Kimball

for a contract to carry the mail between Independence, Missouri,
and Salt Lake City. Young saw in this the nucleus of a big
company that would maintain a daily express and mail service to
and from the Mormon centre, and he at once organized the Brigham
Young Express Carrying Company, and had it commended to the
people from the pulpit. But recent disclosures of Mormon methods
and purposes had naturally caused the government to question the
propriety of confiding the Utah and transcontinental mails to
Mormon hands, and on June 10, 1857, Kimball was notified that the
government would not execute the contract with him, "the
unsettled state of things at Salt Lake City rendering the mails
unsafe under present circumstances." Mormon writers make much of
the failure to execute this mail contract as an exciting cause of
the "war." Tullidge attributes the action of the administration
to three documents--a letter from Mail Contractor W. M. F. Magraw
to the President, describing the situation in Utah, Judge
Drummond's letter of resignation, and a letter from Indian Agent
T. S. Twiss, dated July 13, 1856, informing the government that a
large Mormon colony had taken possession of Deer Creek Valley,
only one hundred miles west of Fort Laramie, driving out a
settlement of Sioux whom the agent had induced to plant corn
there, and charging that the Mormon occupation was made with a
view to the occupancy of the country, and "under cover of a
contract of the Mormon church to carry the mails."* Tullidge's
statement could be made with hope of its acceptance only to
persons who either lacked the opportunity or inclination to
ascertain the actual situation in Utah and the President's
sources of information.
* All these may be found in House Ex. Doc. No. 71, 1st Session,
35th Congress.

As to the mails, no autocratic government like that of Brigham

Young would neglect to make what use it pleased of them in its
struggle with the authorities at Washington. As early as
November, 1851, Indian Agent Holman wrote to the Indian
commissioner at Washington from Salt Lake City: "The Gentiles, as
we are called who do not belong to the Mormon church, have no
confidence in the management of the post-office here. It is
believed by many that there is an examination of all letters
coming and going, in order that they may ascertain what is said
of them and by whom it is said. This opinion is so strong that
all communications touching their character or conduct are either
sent to Bridger or Laramie, there to be mailed. I send this
communication through a friend to Laramie, to be there mailed for
the States."

Testimony on this point four years later, from an independent

source, is found in a Salt Lake City letter, of November 3, 1855,
to the New York Herald. The writer said: "From September 5, to
the 27th instant the people of this territory had not received
any news from the States except such as was contained in a few
broken files of California papers.... Letters and papers come up
missing, and in the same mail come papers of very ancient dates;
but letters once missing may be considered as irrevocably lost.
Of all the numerous numbers of Harper's, Gleason's, and other
illustrated periodicals subscribed for by the inhabitants of this
territory, not one, I have been informed, has ever reached here."
The forces selected for the expedition to Utah consisted of the
Second Dragoons, then stationed at Fort Leavenworth in view of
possible trouble in Kansas; the Fifth Infantry, stationed at that
time in Florida; the Tenth Infantry, then in the forts in
Minnesota; and Phelps's Battery of the Fourth Artillery, that had
distinguished itself at Buena Vista--a total of about fifteen
hundred men. Reno's Battery was added later.

General Scott's order provided for two thousand head of cattle to

be driven with the troops, six months' supply of bacon,
desiccated vegetables, 250 Sibley tents, and stoves enough to
supply at least the sick. General Scott himself had advised a
postponement of the expedition until the next year, on account of
the late date at which it would start, but he was overruled. The
commander originally selected for this force was General W. S.
Harney; but the continued troubles in Kansas caused his retention
there (as well as that of the Second Dragoons), and, when the
government found that the Mormons proposed serious resistance,
the chief command was given to Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston, a
West Point graduate, who had made a record in the Black Hawk War;
in the service of the state of Texas, first in 1836 under General
Rusk, and eventually as commander-in-chief in the field, and
later as Secretary of War; and in the Mexican War as colonel of
the First Texas Rifles. He was killed at the battle of Shiloh
during the War of the Rebellion.

General Harney's letter of instruction, dated June 29, giving the

views of General Scott and the War Department, stated that the
civil government in Utah was in a state of rebellion; he was to
attack no body of citizens, however, except at the call of the
governor, the judges, or the marshals, the troops to be
considered as a posse comitatus; he was made responsible for "a
jealous, harmonious, and thorough cooperation" with the governor,
accepting his views when not in conflict with military judgment
and prudence. While the general impression, both at Washington
and among the troops, was that no actual resistance to this force
would be made by Young's followers, the general was told that
"prudence requires that you should anticipate resistance,
general, organized, and formidable, at the threshold."

Great activity was shown in forwarding the necessary supplies to

Fort Leavenworth, and in the last two weeks of July most of the
assigned troops were under way. Colonel Johnston arrived at Fort
Leavenworth on September 11, assigned six companies of the Second
Dragoons, under Lieutenant Colonel P. St. George Cooke, as an
escort to Governor Cumming, and followed immediately after them.
Major (afterward General) Fitz John Porter, who accompanied
Colonel Johnston as assistant adjutant general, describing the
situation in later years, said:--

"So late in the season had the troops started on this march that
fears were entertained that, if they succeeded in reaching their
destination, it would be only by abandoning the greater part of
their supplies, and endangering the lives of many men amid the
snows of the Rocky Mountains. So much was a terrible disaster
feared by those acquainted with the rigors of a winter life in
the Rocky Mountains, that General Harney was said to have
predicted it, and to have induced Walker [of Kansas] to ask his
retention."

Meanwhile, the Mormons had received word of what was coming. When
A. O. Smoot reached a point one hundred miles west of
Independence, with the mail for Salt Lake City, he met heavy
freight teams which excited his suspicion, and at Kansas City
obtained sufficient particulars of the federal expedition.
Returning to Fort Laramie, he and O. P. Rockwell started on July
18, in a light wagon drawn by two fast horses, to carry the news
to Brigham Young. They made the 513 miles in five days and three
hours, arriving on the evening of July 23. Undoubtedly they gave
Young this important information immediately. But Young kept it
to himself that night. On the following day occurred the annual
celebration of the arrival of the pioneers in the valley. To the
big gathering of Saints at Big Cottonwood Lake, twenty- four
miles from the city, Young dramatically announced the news of the
coming "invasion." His position was characteristically defiant.
He declared that "he would ask no odds of Uncle Sam or the
devil," and predicted that he would be President of the United
States in twelve years, or would dictate the successful
candidate. Recalling his declaration ten years earlier that,
after ten years of peace, they would ask no odds of the United
States, he declared that that time had passed, and that
thenceforth they would be a free and independent state--the State
of Deseret.

The followers of Young eagerly joined in his defiance of the

government, and in the succeeding weeks the discourses and the
editorials of the Deseret News breathed forth dire threats
against the advancing foe. Thus, the News of August 12 told the
Washington authorities, "If you intend to continue the
appointment of certain officers,"--that is, if you do not intend
to surrender to the church federal jurisdiction in Utah--"we
respectfully suggest that you appoint actually intelligent and
honorable men, who will wisely attend to their own duties, and
send them unaccompanied by troops"--that is, judges who would
acknowledge the supremacy of the Mormon courts, or who, if not,
would have no force to sustain them. This was followed by a
threat that if any other kind of men were sent "they will really
need a far larger bodyguard than twenty-five hundred soldiers."*
The government was, in another editorial, called on to "entirely
clear the track, and accord us the privilege of carrying our own
mails at our own expense," and was accused of "high handedly
taking away our rights and privileges, one by one, under pretext
that the most devilish should blush at."

* An Englishman, in a letter to the New York Observer, dated

London, May 26, 1857, said, "The English Mormons make no secret
of their expectation that a collision will take place with the
American authorities," and he quoted from a Mormon preacher's
words as follows: "As to a collision with the American
Government, there cannot be two opinions on the matter. We shall
have judges, governors, senators and dragoons invading us,
imprisoning and murdering us; but we are prepared, and are
preparing judges, governors, senators and dragoons who will know
how to dispose of their friends. The little stone will come into
collision with the iron and clay and grind them to powder. It
will be in Utah as it was in Nauvoo, with this difference, we are
prepared now for offensive or defensive war; we were not then."
Young in the pulpit was in his element. One example of his
declarations must suffice:--

"I am not going to permit troops here for the protection of the
priests and the rabble in their efforts to drive us from the land
we possess.... You might as well tell me that you can make hell
into a powder house as to tell me that they intend to keep an
army here and have peace.... I have told you that if there is any
man or woman who is not willing to destroy everything of their
property that would be of use to an enemy if left, I would advise
them to leave the territory, and I again say so to-day; for when
the time comes to burn and lay waste our improvements, if any man
undertakes to shield his, he will be treated as a traitor; for
judgment will be laid to the line and righteousness to the
plummet."*

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 160.

The official papers of Governor Young are perhaps the best

illustrations of the spirit with which the federal authorities
had to deal.

Words, however, were not the only weapons which the Mormons
employed against the government at the start. Daniel H. Wells,
"Lieutenant General" and commander of the Nauvoo Legion, which
organization had been kept up in Utah, issued, on August 1, a
despatch to each of twelve commanding officers of the Legion in
the different settlements in the territory, declaring that "when
anarchy takes the place of orderly government, and mobocratic
tyranny usurps the powers of the rulers, they [the people of the
territory] have left the inalienable right to defend themselves
against all aggression upon their constitutional privileges"; and
directing them to hold their commands ready to march to any part
of the territory, with ammunition, wagons, and clothing for a
winter campaign. In the Legion were enrolled all the able-bodied
males between eighteen and forty-five years, under command of a
lieutenant general, four generals, eleven colonels, and six
majors.

The first mobilization of this force took place on August 15,

when a company was sent eastward over the usual route to aid
incoming immigrants and learn the strength of the federal force.
By the employment of similar scouts the Mormons were thus kept
informed of every step of the army's advance. A scouting party
camped within half a mile of the foremost company near Devil's
Gate on September 22, and did not lose sight of it again until it
went into camp at Harris's Fort, where supplies had been
forwarded in advance.

Captain Stewart Van Vliet, of General Harney's staff, was sent

ahead of the troops, leaving Fort Leavenworth on July 28, to
visit Salt Lake City, ascertain the disposition of the church
authorities and the people toward the government, and obtain any
other information that would be of use. Arriving in Salt Lake
City in thirty three and a half days, he was received with
affability by Young, and there was a frank interchange of views
between them. Young recited the past trials of the Mormons
farther east, and said that "therefore he and the people of Utah
had determined to resist all persecution at the commencement, and
that the TROOPS NOW ON THE MARCH FOR UTAH SHOULD NOT ENTER THE
GREAT SALT LAKE VALLEY. As he uttered these words, all those
present concurred most heartily."* Young said they had an
abundance of everything required by the federal troops, but that
nothing would be sold to the government. When told that, even if
they did succeed in preventing the present military force from
entering the valley the coming winter, they would have to yield
to a larger force the following year, the reply was that that
larger force would find Utah a desert; they would burn every
house, cut down every tree, lay waste every field. "We have three
years' provisions on hand," Young added, "which we will cache,
and then take to the mountains and bid defiance to all the powers
of the government."

* The quotations are from Captain Van Vliet's official report in

House Ex. Doc. No. 71, previously referred to. Tullidge's
"History of Salt Lake City" (p. 16l) gives extracts from Apostle
Woodruff's private journal of notes on the interview between
Young and Captain Van Vliet, on September 12 and 13, in which
Young is reported as saying: "We do not want to fight the United
States, but if they drive us to it we shall do the best we can.
God will overthrow them. We are the supporters of the
constitution of the United States. If they dare to force the
issue, I shall not hold the Indians by the wrist any longer for
white men to shoot at them; they shall go ahead and do as they
please."

When Young called for a vote on that proposition by an audience

of four thousand persons in the Tabernacle, every hand was raised
to vote yes. Captain Van Vliet summed up his view of the
situation thus: that it would not be difficult for the Mormons to
prevent the entrance of the approaching force that season; that
they would not resort to actual hostilities until the last
moment, but would burn the grass, stampede the animals, and cause
delay in every manner.

The day after Captain Van Vliet left Salt Lake City, Governor
Young gave official expression to his defiance of the federal
government by issuing the following proclamation:--

"Citizens of Utah: We are invaded by a hostile force, who are

evidently assailing us to accomplish our overthrow and
destruction.

"For the last twenty-five years we have trusted officials of the

government, from constables and justices to judges, governors,
and Presidents, only to be scorned, held in derision, insulted,
and betrayed. Our houses have been plundered and then burned, our
fields laid waste, our principal men butchered, while under the
pledged faith of the government for their safety, and our
families driven from their homes to find that shelter in the
barren wilderness and that protection among hostile savages,
which were denied them in the boasted abodes of Christianity and
civilization.

"The constitution of our common country guarantees unto us all

that we do now or have ever claimed. If the constitutional rights
which pertain unto us as American citizens were extended to Utah,
according to the spirit and meaning thereof, and fairly and
impartially administered, it is all that we can ask, all that we
have ever asked.

"Our opponents have availed themselves of prejudice existing

against us, because of our religious faith, to send out a
formidable host to accomplish our destruction. We have had no
privilege or opportunity of defending ourselves from the false,
foul, and unjust aspersions against us before the nation. The
government has not condescended to cause an investigating
committee, or other persons, to be sent to inquire into and
ascertain the truth, as is customary in such cases. We know those
aspersions to be false; but that avails us nothing. We are
condemned unheard, and forced to an issue with an armed mercenary
mob, which has been sent against us at the instigation of
anonymous letter writers, ashamed to father the base, slanderous
falsehoods which they have given to the public; of corrupt
officials, who have brought false accusations against us to
screen themselves in their own infamy; and of hireling priests
and howling editors, who prostitute the truth for filthy lucre's
sake.

"The issue which has thus been forced upon us compels us to

resort to the great first law of self-preservation, and stand in
our own defence, a right guaranteed to us by the genius of the
institutions of our country, and upon which the government is
based. Our duty to ourselves, to our families, requires us not to
tamely submit to be driven and slain, without an attempt to
preserve ourselves; our duty to our country, our holy religion,
our God, to freedom and liberty, requires that we should not
quietly stand still and see those fetters forging around us which
were calculated to enslave and bring us in subjection to an
unlawful, military despotism, such as can only emanate, in a
country of constitutional law, from usurpation, tyranny, and
oppression.

"Therefore, I, Brigham Young, Governor and Superintendent of

Indian Affairs for the Territory of Utah, in the name of the
people of the United States in the Territory of Utah, forbid:

"First. All armed forces of every description from coming into

this Territory, under any pretence whatever.

"Second. That all forces in said Territory hold themselves in

readiness to march at a moment's notice to repel any and all such
invasion.

"Third. Martial law is hereby declared to exist in this Territory

from and after the publication of this proclamation, and no
person shall be allowed to pass or repass into or through or from
this Territory without a permit from the proper officer.

"Given under my hand and seal, at Great Salt Lake City, Territory
of Utah, this 15th day of September, A.D. 1857, and of the
independence of the United States of America the eighty-second.

"BRIGHAM YOUNG."

The advancing troops received from Captain Van Vliet as he passed

eastward their first information concerning the attitude of the
Mormons toward them, and Colonel Alexander, in command of the
foremost companies, accepted his opinion that the Mormons would
not attack them if the army did not advance beyond Fort Bridger
or Fort Supply, this idea being strengthened by the fact that one
hundred wagon loads of stores, undefended, had remained
unmolested on Ham's Fork for three weeks. The first division of
the federal troops marched across Greene River on September 27,
and hurried on thirty five miles to what was named Camp Winfield,
on Ham's Fork, a confluent of Black Fork, which emptied into
Greene River. Phelps's and Reno's batteries and the Fifth
Infantry reached there about the same time, but there was no
cavalry, the kind of force most needed, because of the detention
of the Dragoons in Kansas.

On September 30 General Wells forwarded to Colonel Alexander,

from Fort Bridger, Brigham Young's proclamation of September 15,
a copy of the laws of Utah, and the following letter addressed to
"the officer commanding the forces now invading Utah Territory":

"GOVERNOR'S OFFICE, UTAH TERRITORY,

GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, September 29, 1857.

"Sir: By reference to the act of Congress passed September 9,

1850, organizing the Territory of Utah, published in a copy of
the laws of Utah, herewith forwarded, pp. 146-147, you will find
the following:--

'Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, that the executive power and

authority in and over said Territory of Utah shall be vested in a
Governor, who shall hold his office for four years, and until his
successor shall be appointed and qualified, unless sooner removed
by the President of the United States. The Governor shall reside
within said Territory, shall be Commander-in-chief of the militia
thereof', etc., etc.

"I am still the Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs for

this Territory, no successor having been appointed and qualified,
as provided by law; nor have I been removed by the President of
the United States.

"By virtue of the authority thus vested in me, I have issued, and
forwarded you a copy of, my proclamation forbidding the entrance
of armed forces into this Territory. This you have disregarded. I
now further direct that you retire forthwith from the Territory,
by the same route you entered. Should you deem this
impracticable, and prefer to remain until spring in the vicinity
of your present encampment, Black's Fork or Greene River, you can
do so in peace and unmolested, on condition that you deposit your
arms and ammunition with Lewis Robinson, Quartermaster General of
the Territory, and leave in the spring, as soon as the condition
of the roads will permit you to march; and, should you fall short
of provisions, they can be furnished you, upon making the proper
applications therefor. General D. H. Wells will forward this, and
receive any communications you may have to make.

Very respectfully,

"BRIGHAM YOUNG,

"Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Utah Territory."

General Wells's communication added to this impudent announcement

the declaration, "It may be proper to add that I am here to aid
in carrying out the instructions of Governor Young."

On October 2 Colonel Alexander, in a note to Governor Young,

acknowledged the receipt of his enclosures, said that he would
submit Young's letter to the general commanding as soon as he
arrived, and added, "In the meantime I have only to say that
these troops are here by the orders of the President of the
United States, and their future movements and operations will
depend entirely upon orders issued by competent military
authority."

Two Mormon officers, General Robinson and Major Lot Smith, had
been sent to deliver Young's letter and proclamation to the
federal officer in command, but they did not deem it prudent to
perform this office in person, sending a Mexican with them into
Colonel Alexander's camp.* In the same way they received Colonel
Alexander's reply.

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 171.

The Mormon plan of campaign was already mapped out, and it was
thus stated in an order of their commanding general, D. H. Wells,
a copy of which was found on a Mormon major, Joseph Taylor, to
whom it was addressed:--

"You will proceed, with all possible despatch, without injuring

your animals, to the Oregon road, near the bend of Bear River,
north by east of this place. Take close and correct observations
of the country on your route. When you approach the road, send
scouts ahead to ascertain if the invading troops have passed that
way. Should they have passed, take a concealed route and get
ahead of them, express to Colonel Benton, who is now on that road
and in the vicinity of the troops, and effect a junction with
him, so as to operate in concert. On ascertaining the locality or
route of the troops, proceed at once to annoy them in every
possible way. Use every exertion to stampede their animals and
set fire to their trains. Burn the whole country before them and
on their flanks. Keep them from sleeping by night surprises;
blockade the road by felling trees or destroying river fords,
where you can. Watch for opportunities to set fire to the grass
on their windward, so as if possible to envelop their trains.
Leave no grass before them that can be burned. Keep your men
concealed as much as possible, and guard against surprise. Keep
scouts out at all times, and communications open with Colonel
Benton, Major McAllster and O. P. Rockwell, who are operating in
the same way. Keep me advised daily of your movements, and every
step the troops take, and in which direction.

"God bless you and give you success. Your brother in Christ."

The first man selected to carry out this order was Major Lot
Smith. Setting out at 4 P.M., on October 3, with forty-four men,
after an all night's ride, he came up with a federal supply train
drawn by oxen. The captain of this train was ordered to "go the
other way till he reached the States." As he persistently
retraced his steps as often as the Mormons moved away, the latter
relieved his wagons of their load and left him. Sending one of
his captains with twenty men to capture or stampede the mules of
the Tenth Regiment, Smith, with the remainder of his force,
started for Sandy Fork to intercept army trains.

Scouts sent ahead to investigate a distant cloud of dust reported

that it was made by a freight train of twenty-six wagons. Smith
allowed this train to proceed until dark, and then approached it
undiscovered. Finding the drivers drunk, as he afterward
explained, and fearing that they would be belligerent and thus
compel him to disobey his instruction "not to hurt any one except
in self-defence," he lay concealed until after midnight. His
scouts meanwhile had reported to him that the train was drawn up
for the night in two lines.

Allowing the usual number of men to each wagon, Smith decided

that his force of twenty-four was sufficient to capture the
outfit, and, mounting his command, he ordered an advance on the
camp. But a surprise was in store for him. His scouts had failed
to discover that a second train had joined the first, and that
twice the force anticipated confronted them. When this discovery
was made, the Mormons were too close to escape observation.
Members of Smith's party expected that their leader would now
make some casual inquiry and then ride on, as if his destination
were elsewhere. Smith, however, decided differently. As his force
approached the camp-fire that was burning close to the wagons, he
noticed that the rear of his column was not distinguishable in
the darkness, and that thus the smallness of their number could
not be immediately discovered. He, therefore, asked at once for
the captain of the train, and one Dawson stepped forward. Smith
directed him to have his men collect their private property at
once, as he intended to "put a little fire" into the wagons. "For
God's sake, don't burn the trains," was the reply. Dawson was
curtly told where his men were to stack their arms, and where
they were themselves to stand under guard. Then, making a torch,
Smith ordered one of the government drivers to apply it, in order
that "the Gentiles might spoil the Gentiles," as he afterward
expressed it. The destruction of the supplies was complete. Smith
allowed an Indian to take two wagon covers for a lodge, and some
flour and soap, and compelled Dawson to get out some provisions
for his own men. Nothing else was spared.

The official list of rations thus destroyed included 2720 pounds

of ham, 92,700 of bacon, 167,900 of flour, 8910 of coffee, 1400
of sugar, 1333 of soap, 800 of sperm candles, 765 of tea, 7781 of
hard bread, and 68,832 rations of desiccated vegetables. Another
train was destroyed by the same party the next day on the Big
Sandy, besides a few sutlers' wagons that were straggling behind.

On October 5 Colonel Alexander assumed command of all the troops

in the camp. He found his position a trying one. In a report
dated October 8, he said that his forage would last only fourteen
days, that no information of the position or intentions of the
commanding officer had reached him, and that, strange as it may
appear, he was "in utter ignorance of the objects of the
government in sending troops here, or the instructions given for
their conduct after reaching here." In these circumstances, he
called a council of his officers and decided to advance without
waiting for Colonel Johnston and the other companies, as he
believed that delay would endanger the entire force. He selected
as his route to a wintering place, not the most direct one to
Salt Lake City, inasmuch as the canons could be easily defended,
but one twice as long (three hundred miles), by way of Soda
Springs, and thence either down Bear River Valley or northeast
toward the Wind River Mountains, according to the resistance he
might encounter.

The march, in accordance with this decision, began on October 11,

and a weary and profitless one it proved to be. Snow was falling
as the column moved, and the ground was covered with it during
their advance. There was no trail, and a road had to be cut
through the greasewood and sage brush. The progress was so slow--
often only three miles a day--and the supply train so long, that
camp would sometimes be pitched for the night before the rear
wagons would be under way. Wells's men continued to carry out his
orders, and, in the absence of federal cavalry, with little
opposition. One day eight hundred oxen were "cut out" and driven
toward Salt Lake City.

Conditions like these destroyed the morale of both officers and

men, and there were divided counsels among the former, and
complaints among the latter. Finally, after having made only
thirty-five miles in nine days, Colonel Alexander himself became
discouraged, called another council, and, in obedience to its
decision, on October 19 directed his force to retrace their
steps. They moved back in three columns, and on November 2 all of
them had reached a camp on Black's Fork, two miles above Fort
Bridger.

Colonel Johnston had arrived at Fort Laramie on October 5, and,

after a talk with Captain Van Vliet, had retained two additional
companies of infantry that were on the way to Fort Leavenworth.
As he proceeded, rumors of the burning of trains, exaggerated as
is usual in such times, reached him. Having only about three
hundred men to guard a wagon train six miles in length, some of
the drivers showed signs of panic, and the colonel deemed the
situation so serious that he accepted an offer of fifty or sixty
volunteers from the force of the superintendent of the South Pass
wagon road. He was fortunate in having as his guide the well
known James Bridger, to whose knowledge of Rocky Mountain weather
signs they owed escapes from much discomfort, by making camps in
time to avoid coming storms.

But even in camp a winter snowstorm is serious to a moving

column, especially when it deprives the animals of their forage,
as it did now. The forage supply was almost exhausted when South
Pass was reached, and the draught and beef cattle were in a sad
plight. Then came another big snowstorm and a temperature of l6�,
during which eleven mules and a number of oxen were frozen to
death. In this condition of affairs, Colonel Johnston decided
that a winter advance into Salt Lake Valley was impracticable.
Learning of Colonel Alexander's move, which he did not approve,
he sent word for him to join forces with his own command on
Black's Fork, and there the commanding officer arrived on
November 3.

Lieutenant Colonel Cooke, of the Second Dragoons, with whom

Governor Cumming was making the trip, had a harrowing experience.
There was much confusion in organizing his regiment of six
companies at Fort Leavenworth, and he did not begin his march
until September 17, with a miserable lot of mules and
insufficient supplies. He found little grass for the animals, and
after crossing the South Platte on October 15, they began to die
or to drop out. From that point snow and sleet storms were
encountered, and, when Fort Laramie was reached, so many of the
animals had been left behind or were unable to travel, that some
of his men were dismounted, the baggage supply was reduced, and
even the ambulances were used to carry grain. After passing
Devil's Gate, they encountered a snowstorm on November 5. The
best shelter their guide could find was a lofty natural wall at a
point known as Three Crossings. Describing their night there he
says: "Only a part of the regiment could huddle behind the rock
in the deep snow; whilst, the long night through, the storm
continued, and in fearful eddies from above, before, behind,
drove the falling and drifting snow. Thus exposed, for the hope
of grass the poor animals were driven, with great devotion, by
the men once more across the stream and three-quarters of a mile
beyond, to the base of a granite ridge, which almost faced the
storm. There the famished mules, crying piteously, did not seek
to eat, but desperately gathered in a mass, and some horses,
escaping guard, went back to the ford, where the lofty precipice
first gave us so pleasant relief and shelter."

The march westward was continued through deep snow and against a
cold wind. On November 8 twenty-three mules had given out, and
five wagons had to be abandoned. On the night of the 9th, when
the mules were tied to the wagons, "they gnawed and destroyed
four wagon tongues, a number of wagon covers, ate their ropes,
and getting loose, ate the sage fuel collected at the tents." On
November 10 nine horses were left dying on the road, and the
thermometer was estimated to have marked twenty-five degrees
below zero. Their thermometers were all broken, but the freezing
of a bottle of sherry in a trunk gave them a basis of
calculation.

The command reached a camp three miles below Fort Bridger on

November 19. Of one hundred and forty-four horses with which they
started, only ten reached that camp.

CHAPTER XIII. THE MORMON PURPOSE

When Colonel Johnston arrived at the Black's Fork camp the

information he received from Colonel Alexander, and certain
correspondence with the Mormon authorities, gave him a
comprehensive view of the situation; and on November 5 he
forwarded a report to army headquarters in the East, declaring
that it was the matured design of the Mormons "to hold and occupy
this territory independent of and irrespective of the authority
of the United States," entertaining "the insane design of
establishing a form of government thoroughly despotic, and
utterly repugnant to our institutions."

The correspondence referred to began with a letter from Brigham

Young to Colonel Alexander, dated October 14. Opening with a
declaration of Young's patriotism, and the brazen assertion that
the people of Utah "had never resisted even the wish of the
President of the United States, nor treated with indignity a
single individual coming to the territory under his authority,"
he went on to say:--

"But when the President of the United States so far degrades his
high position, and prostitutes the highest gift of the people, as
to make use of the military power (only intended for the
protection of the people's rights) to crush the people's
liberties, and compel them to receive officials so lost to
self-respect as to accept appointments against the known and
expressed wish of the people, and so craven and degraded as to
need an army to protect them in their position, we feel that we
should be recreant to every principle of self-respect, honor,
integrity, and patriotism to bow tamely to such high-handed
tyranny, a parallel for which is only found in the attempts of
the British government, in its most corrupt stages, against the
rights, liberties, and lives of our forefathers."

He then appealed to Colonel Alexander, as probably "the unwilling

agent" of the administration, to return East with his force,
saying, "I have yet to learn that United States officers are
implicitly bound to obey the dictum of a despotic President, in
violating the most sacred constitutional rights of American
citizens."

On October 18 Colonel Alexander, acknowledging the receipt of

Young's letter, said in his reply that no one connected with his
force had any wish to interfere in any way with the religion of
the people of Utah, adding: "I repeat my earnest desire to avoid
violence and bloodshed, and it will require positive resistance
to force me to it. But my troops have the same right of self-
defence that you claim, and it rests entirely with you whether
they are driven to the exercise of it."

Finding that he could not cajole the federal officer, Young threw
off all disguise, and in reply to an earlier letter of Colonel
Alexander, he gave free play to his vituperative powers. After
going over the old Mormon complaints, and declaring that "both we
and the Kingdom of God will be free from all hellish oppressors,
the Lord being our helper," he wrote at great length in the
following tone:--

"If you persist in your attempt to permanently locate an army in

this Territory, contrary to the wishes and constitutional rights
of the people therein, and with a view to aid the administration
in their unhallowed efforts to palm their corrupt officials upon
us, and to protect them and blacklegs, black-hearted scoundrels,
whoremasters, and murderers, as was the sole intention in sending
you and your troops here, you will have to meet a mode of warfare
against which your tactics furnish you no information....

"If George Washington was now living, and at the helm of our
government, he would hang the administration as high as he did
Andre, and that, too, with a far better grace and to a much
greater subserving the best interests of our country....

"By virtue of my office as Governor of the Territory of Utah, I

command you to marshal your troops and leave this territory, for
it can be of no possible benefit to you to wickedly waste
treasures and blood in prosecuting your course upon the side of a
rebellion against the general government by its
administrators.... Were you and your fellow officers as well
acquainted with your soldiers as I am with mine, and did they
understand the work they were now engaged in as well as you may
understand it, you must know that many of them would immediately
revolt from all connection with so ungodly, illegal,
unconstitutional and hellish a crusade against an innocent
people, and if their blood is shed it shall rest upon the heads
of their commanders. With us it is the Kingdom of God or
nothing."
To this Colonel Alexander replied, on the 19th, that no citizen
of Utah would be harmed through the instrumentality of the army
in the performance of its duties without molestation, and that,
as Young's order to leave the territory was illegal and beyond
his authority, it would not be obeyed.

John Taylor, on October 21, added to this correspondence a letter

to Captain Marcy, in which he ascribed to party necessity the
necessity of something with which to meet the declaration of the
Republicans against polygamy--the order of the President that
troops should accompany the new governor to Utah; declared that
the religion of the Mormons was "a right guaranteed to us by the
constitution"; and reiterated their purpose, if driven to it, "to
burn every house, tree, shrub, rail, every patch of grass and
stack of straw and hay, and flee to the mountains." "How a large
army would fare without resources," he added, "you can picture to
yourself."*

* Text of this letter in House Ex. Doc. No. 71, 1st Session, 35th
Congress, and Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City."

The Mormon authorities meant just what they said from the start.
Young was as determined to be the head of the civil government of
the territory as he was to be the head of the church. He had
founded a practical dictatorship, with power over life and
property, and had discovered that such a dictatorship was
necessary to the regulation of the flock that he had gathered
around him and to the schemes that he had in mind. To permit a
federal governor to take charge of the territory, backed up by
troops who would sustain him in his authority, meant an end to
Young's absolute rule. Rather than submit to this, he stood ready
to make the experiment of fighting the government force,
separated as that force was from its Eastern base of supplies; to
lay waste the Mormon settlements, if it became necessary to use
this method of causing a federal retreat by starvation; and, if
this failed, to withdraw his flock to some new Zion farther
south.

In accordance with this view, as soon as news of the approach of

the troops reached Salt Lake Valley, all the church industries
stopped; war supplies weapons and clothing were manufactured and
accumulated; all the elders in Europe were ordered home, and the
outlying colonies in Carson Valley and in southern California
were directed to hasten to Salt Lake City. A correspondent of the
San Francisco Bulletin at San Bernardino, California, reported
that in the last six months the Mormons there had sent four or
five tons of gunpowder and many weapons to Utah, and that, when
the order to "gather" at the Mormon metropolis came, they
sacrificed everything to obey it, selling real estate at a
reduction of from 20 to 50 per cent, and furniture for any price
that it would bring. The same sacrifices were made in Carson
Valley, where 150 wagons were required to accommodate the movers.
In Salt Lake City the people were kept wrought up to the highest
pitch by the teachings of their leaders. Thus, Amasa W. Lyman
told them, on October 8, that they would not be driven away,
because "the time has come when the Kingdom of God should be
built up."* Young told them the same day, "If we will stand up as
men and women of God, the yoke shall never be placed upon our
necks again, and all hell cannot overthrow us, even with the
United States troops to help them."** Kimball told the people in
the Tabernacle, on October 18: "They [the United States] will
have to make peace with us, and we never again shall make peace
with them. If they come here, they have got to give up their
arms." Describing his plan of campaign, at the same service,
after the reading of the correspondence between Young and Colonel
Alexander, Young said: "Do you want to know what is going to be
done with the enemies now on our border? As soon as they start to
come into our settlements, let sleep depart from their eyes and
slumber from their eyelids until they sleep in death. Men shall
be secreted here and there, and shall waste away our enemies in
the name of Israel's God."***

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. V, p. 319.

** Ibid., Vol. V, p. 332

*** Ibid., Vol. V, p. 338.

Young was equally explicit in telling members of his own flock

what they might expect if they tried to depart at that time. In a
discourse in the Tabernacle, on October 25, he said:--

"If any man or woman in Utah wants to leave this community, come
to me and I will treat you kindly, as I always have, and will
assist you to leave; but after you have left our settlements you
must not then depend upon me any longer, nor upon the God I
serve. You must meet the doom you have labored for.... After this
season, when this ignorant army has passed off, I shall never
again say to a man, 'Stay your rifle ball,' when our enemies
assail us, but shall say, 'Slay them where you find them."'*

* Ibid, Vol. V, p. 352.

Kimball, on November 8, spoke with equal plainness on this

subject:--

"When it is necessary that blood should be shed, we should be as

ready to do that as to eat an apple. That is my religion, and I
feel that our platter is pretty near clean of some things, and we
calculate to keep it clean from this time henceforth and forever
.... And if men and women will not live their religion, but take
a course to pervert the hearts of the righteous, we will 'lay
judgment to the line and righteousness to the plummet,' and we
will let you know that the earth can swallow you up as did Koran
with his hosts; and, as Brother Taylor says, you may dig your
graves, and we will slay you and you may crawl into them."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. VI, p. 34.

The Mormon songs of the day breathed the same spirit of defiance
to the United States authorities. A popular one at the Tabernacle
services began:--

"Old Uncle Sam has sent, I understand,

Du dah,
A Missouri ass to rule our land,
Du dah! Du dah day.
But if he comes we'll have some fun,
Du dah,
To see him and his juries run,
Du dah! Du dah day.

Chorus: Then let us be on hand,

By Brigham Young to stand,
And if our enemies do appear,
We'll sweep them from the land."

Another still more popular song, called "Zion," contained these

words:--

"Here our voices we'll raise, and will sing to thy praise,
Sacred home of the Prophets of God;
Thy deliverance is nigh, thy oppressors shall die,
And the Gentiles shall bow 'neath thy rod."

When the Mormons found that the federal forces had gone into
winter quarters, the Nauvoo Legion was massed in a camp called
Camp Weber, at the mouth of Echo Canon. This canon they fortified
with ditches and breastworks, and some dams intended to flood the
roadway; but they succeeded in erecting no defences which could
not have been easily overcome by a disciplined force. A watch was
set day and night, so that no movement of "the invaders" could
escape them, and the officer in charge was particularly forbidden
to allow any civil officer appointed by the President to pass.

This careful arrangement was kept up all winter, but Tullidge

says that no spies were necessary, as deserting soldiers and
teamsters from the federal camp kept coming into the valley with
information.

The territorial legislature met in December, and approved

Governor Young's course, every member signing a pledge to
maintain "the rights and liberties" of the territory. The
legislators sent a memorial to Congress, dated January 6, 1858,
demanding to be informed why "a hostile course is pursued toward
an unoffending people," calling the officers who had fled from
the territory liars, declaring that "we shall not again hold
still while fetters are being forged to bind us," etc. This
offensive document reached Washington in March, and was referred
in each House to the Committee on Territories, where it remained.
When the federal forces reached Fort Bridger, they found that the
Mormons had burned the buildings, and it was decided to locate
the winter camp--named Camp Scott--on Black's Fork, two miles
above the fort. The governor and other civil officers spent the
winter in another camp near by, named "Ecklesville," occupying
dugouts, which they covered with an upper story of plastered
logs. There was a careful apportionment of rations, but no
suffering for lack of food.
An incident of the winter was the expedition of Captain Randolph
B. Marcy across the Uinta Mountains to New Mexico, with two
guides and thirty-five volunteer companions, to secure needed
animals. The story of his march is one of the most remarkable on
record, the company pressing on, even after Indian guides refused
to accompany them to what they said was certain death, living for
days only on the meat supplied by half-starved mules, and beating
a path through deep snow. This march continued from November 27
to January 10, when, with the loss of only one man, they reached
the valley of the Rio del Norte, where supplies were obtained
from Fort Massachusetts. Captain Marcy started back on March 17,
selecting a course which took him past Long's and Pike's Peaks.
He reached Camp Scott on June 8, with about fifteen hundred
horses and mules, escorted by five companies of infantry and
mounted riflemen.

During the winter Governor Cumming sent to Brigham Young a

proclamation notifying him of the arrival of the new territorial
officers, and assuring the people that he would resort to the
military posse only in case of necessity. Judge Eckles held a
session of the United States District Court at Camp Scott on
December 30, and the grand jury of that court found indictments
for treason, resting on Young's proclamation and Wells's
instructions, against Young, Kimball, Wells, Taylor, Grant,
Locksmith, Rockwell, Hickman, and many others, but of course no
arrests were made.

Meanwhile, at Washington, preparations were making to sustain the

federal authority in Utah as soon as spring opened.* Congress
made an appropriation, and authorized the enlistment of two
regiments of volunteers; three thousand regular troops and two
batteries were ordered to the territory, and General Scott was
directed to sail for the Pacific coast with large powers. But
General Scott did not sail, the army contracts created a
scandal,** and out of all this preparation for active hostilities
came peace without the firing of a shot; out of all this open
defiance and vilification of the federal administration by the
Mormon church came abject surrender by the administration itself.

* For the correspondence concerning the camp during the winter of

1858, see Sen. Doc., 2d Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II.

** Colonel Albert G. Brown, Jr., in his account of the Utah

Expedition in the Atlantic Monthly for April, 1859, said: "To the
shame of the administration these gigantic contracts, involving
an amount of more than $6,000,000, were distributed with a view
to influence votes in the House of Representatives upon the
Lecompton Bill. Some of the lesser ones, such as those for
furnishing mules, dragoon horses, and forage, were granted
arbitrarily to relatives or friends of members who were wavering
upon that question.

The principal contract, that for the transportation of all the

supplies, involving for the year 1858 the amount of $4,500,000,
was granted, without advertisement or subdivision, to a firm in
Western Missouri, whose members had distinguished themselves in
the effort to make Kansas a slave state, and now contributed
liberally to defray the election expenses of the Democratic
party."

CHAPTER XIV. COLONEL KANE'S MISSION

When Major Van Vliet returned from Utah to Washington with

Young's defiant ultimatum, he was accompanied by J. M. Bernhisel,
the territorial Delegate to Congress, who was allowed to retain
his seat during the entire "war," a motion for his expulsion,
introduced soon after Congress met, being referred to a committee
which never reported on it, the debate that arose only giving
further proof of the ignorance of the lawmakers about Mormon
history, Mormon government, and Mormon ambition.

In Washington Bernhisel was soon in conference with Colonel T. L.

Kane, that efficient ally of the Mormons, who had succeeded so
well in deceiving President Fillmore. In his characteristically
wily manner, Kane proposed himself to the President as a mediator
between the federal authorities and the Mormon leaders.* At that
early date Buchanan was not so ready for a compromise as he soon
became, and the Cabinet did not entertain Kane's proposition with
any enthusiasm. But Kane secured from the President two letters,
dated December 3.** The first stated, in regard to Kane, "You
furnish the strongest evidence of your desire to serve the
Mormons by undertaking so laborious a trip," and that "nothing
but pure philanthropy, and a strong desire to serve the Mormon
people, could have dictated a course so much at war with your
private interests." If Kane presented this credential to Young on
his arrival in Salt Lake City, what a glorious laugh the two
conspirators must have had over it! The President went on to
reiterate the views set forth in his last annual message, and to
say: "I would not at the present moment, in view of the hostile
attitude they have assumed against the United States, send any
agent to visit them on behalf of the government." The second
letter stated that Kane visited Utah from his own sense of duty,
and commended him to all officers of the United States whom he
might meet.

* H. H. Bancroft ("History of Utah," p. 529) accepts the

ridiculous Mormon assertion that Buchanan was compelled to change
his policy toward the Mormons by unfavorable comments "throughout
the United States and throughout Europe." Stenhouse says ("Rocky
Mountain Saints," p. 386): "That the initiatory steps for the
settlement of the Utah difficulties were made by the government,
as is so constantly repeated by the Saints, is not true. The
author, at the time of Colonel Kane's departure from New York for
Utah, was on the staff of the New York Herald, and was conversant
with the facts, and confidentially communicated them to Frederick
Hudson, Esq., the distinguished manager of that great journal."

** Sen. Doc., 2d Session. 35th Congress, Vol. II, pp. 162-163.

Kane's method of procedure was, throughout, characteristic of the

secret agent of such an organization as the Mormon church. He
sailed from New York for San Francisco the first week in January,
1858, under the name of Dr. Osborn. As soon as he landed, he
hurried to Southern California, and, joining the Mormons who had
been called in from San Bernardino, he made the trip to Utah with
them, arriving in Salt Lake City in February. On the evening of
the day of his arrival he met the Presidency and the Twelve, and
began an address to them as follows: "I come as ambassador from
the Chief Executive of our nation, and am prepared and duly
authorized to lay before you, most fully and definitely, the
feelings and views of the citizens of our common country and of
the Executive toward you, relative to the present position of
this territory, and relative to the army of the United States now
upon your borders." This is the report of Kane's words made by
Tullidge in his "Life of Brigham Young." How the statement agrees
with Kane's letters from the President is apparent on its face.
The only explanation in Kane's favor is that he had secret
instructions which contradicted those that were written and
published. Kane told the church officers that he wished to
"enlist their sympathies for the poor soldiers who are now
suffering in the cold and snow of the mountains!" An interview of
half an hour with Young followed--too private in its character to
be participated in even by the other heads of the church. An
informal discussion ensued, the following extracts from which, on
Mormon authority, illustrate Kane's sympathies and purpose:--

"Did Dr. Bernhisel take his seat?"

Kane--"Yes. He was opposed by the Arkansas member and a few

others, but they were treated as fools by more sagacious members;
for, if the Delegate had been refused his seat, it would have
been TANTAMOUNT TO A DECLARATION OF WAR."

"I suppose they [the Cabinet] are united in putting down Utah?"

Kane--"I think not."*

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 203.

Kane was placed as a guest, still incognito, in the house of an

elder, and, after a few days' rest, he set out for Camp Scott.
His course on arriving there, on March 10, was again
characteristic of the crafty emissary. Not even recognizing the
presence of the military so far as to reply to a sentry's
challenge, the latter fired on him, and he in turn broke his own
weapon over the sentry's head. When seized, he asked to be taken
to Governor Cumming, not to General Johnston.* "The compromise,"
explains Tullidge, "which Buchanan had to effect with the utmost
delicacy, could only be through the new governor, and that, too,
by his heading off the army sent to occupy Utah." A fancied
insult from General Johnston due to an orderly's mistake led Kane
to challenge the general to a duel; but a meeting was prevented
by an order from Judge Eckles to the marshal to arrest all
concerned if his command to the contrary was not obeyed.

"Governor Cumming," continued Tullidge, "could do nothing less

than espouse the cause of the `ambassador' who was there in the
execution of a mission intrusted to him by the President of the
United States."**
* Colonel Johnston was made a brigadier general that winter.

** Kane brought an impudent letter from Young, saying that he had

learned that the United States troops were very destitute of
provisions, and offering to send them beef cattle and flour.
General Johnston replied to Kane that he had an abundance of
provisions, and that, no matter what might be the needs of his
army, he "would neither ask nor receive from President Young and
his confederates any supplies while they continued to be enemies
of the government" Kane replied to this the next day, expressing
a fear that "it must greatly prejudice the public interest to
refuse Mr. Young's proposal in such a manner," and begging the
general to reconsider the matter. No farther notice seems to have
been taken of the offer.

Kane did not make any mistake in his selection of the person to
approach in camp. Judged by the results, and by his admissions in
after years, the most charitable explanation of Cumming's course
is that he was hoodwinked from the beginning by such masters in
the art of deception as Kane and Young. A woman in Salt Lake
City, writing to her sons in the East at the time, described the
governor as in "appearance a very social, good-natured looking
gentleman, a good specimen of an old country aristocrat, at ease
in himself and at peace with all the world."* Such a man, whom
the acts and proclamations and letters of Young did not incite to
indignation, was in a very suitable frame of mind to be cajoled
into adopting a policy which would give him the credit of
bringing about peace, and at the same time place him at the head
of the territorial affairs.

* New York Herald, July 2, 1858. For personal recollections of

Cumming, see Perry's "Reminiscences of Public Men," p. 290. What
is said by Governor Perry of Cumming's Utah career is valueless.

In looking into the causes of what was, from this time, a backing
down by both parties to this controversy, we find at Washington
that lack of an aggressive defence of the national interests
confided to him by his office which became so much more evident
in President Buchanan a few years later. Defied and reviled
personally by Young in the latter's official communications,
there was added reason to those expressed in the President's
first message why this first rebellion, as he called it, "should
be put down in such a manner that it shall be the last." But a
wider question was looming up in Kansas, one in which the whole
nation recognized a vital interest; a bigger struggle attracted
the attention of the leading members of the Cabinet. The
Lecompton Constitution was a matter of vastly more interest to
every politician than the government of the sandy valley which
the Mormons occupied in distant Utah.

On the Mormon side, defiant as Young was, and sincere as was his
declaration that he would leave the valley a desert before the
advance of a hostile force, his way was not wholly clear. His
Legion could not successfully oppose disciplined troops, and he
knew it. The conviction of himself and his associates on the
indictments for treason could be prevented before an unbiased
non-Mormon jury only by flight. Abjectly as his people obeyed
him,--so abjectly that they gave up all their gold and silver to
him that winter in exchange for bank notes issued by a company of
which he was president,--the necessity of a reiteration of the
determination to rule by the plummet showed that rebellion was at
least a possibility? That Young realized his personal peril was
shown by some "instructions and remarks" made by him in the
Tabernacle just after Kane set out for Fort Bridger, and
privately printed for the use of his fellow-leaders. He expressed
the opinion that if Joseph Smith had "followed the revelations in
him" (meaning the warnings of danger), he would have been among
them still. "I do not know precisely," said Young, "in what
manner the Lord will lead me, but were I thrown into the
situation Joseph was, I would leave the people and go into the
wilderness, and let them do the best they could.... We are in
duty bound to preserve life--to preserve ourselves on earth--
consequently we must use policy, and follow in the counsel given
us." He pointed out the sure destruction that awaited them if
they opened fire on the soldiers, and declared that he was going
to a desert region in the territory which he had tried to have
explored "a desert region that no man knows anything about," with
"places here and there in it where a few families could live,"
and the entire extent of which would provide homes for five
hundred thousand people, if scattered about. In these
circumstances "a way out" that would free the federal
administration from an unpleasant complication, and leave Young
still in practical control in Utah, was not an unpleasant
prospect for either side.

A long Utah letter to the Near York Herald (which had been
generally pro-Mormon in tone) dated Camp Scott, May 22, 1858,
contained the following: "Some of the deceived followers of the
latest false Prophet arrived at this post in a most deplorable
condition. One mater familiar had crossed the mountains during
very severe weather in almost a state of nudity. Her dress
consisted of a part of a single skirt, part of a man's shirt, and
a portion of a jacket. Thus habited, without a shoe or a thread
more, she had walked 157 miles in snow, the greater part of the
way up to her knees, and carried in her arms a sucking babe less
than six weeks old. The soldiers pulled off their clothes and
gave them to the unfortunate woman. The absconding Saints who
arrive here tell a great many stories about the condition and
feeling of their brethren who still remain in the land of
promise.... Thousands and thousands of persons, both men and
women, are represented to be exceedingly desirous of not going
South with the church, but are compelled to by fear of death or
otherwise."

Governor Cumming, in his report to Secretary Cass on the

situation as he found it when he entered Salt Lake City, said
that, learning that a number of persons desirous of leaving the
territory "considered themselves to be unlawfully restrained of
their liberty," he decided, even at the risk of offending the
Mormons, to give public notice of his readiness to assist such
persons. In consequence, 56 men, 38 women, and 71 children sought
his protection in order to proceed to the States. "The large
majority of these people;" he explained, "are of English birth,
and state that they leave the congregation from a desire to
improve their circumstances and realize elsewhere more money for
their labor."

Kane having won Governor Cumming to his view of the situation,

and having created ill feeling between the governor and the chief
military commander, the way was open for the next step. The plan
was to have Governor Cumming enter Salt Lake Valley without any
federal troops, and proceed to Salt Lake City under a Mormon
escort of honor, which was to meet him when he came within a
certain distance of that city. This he consented to do. Kane
stayed in "Camp Eckles" until April, making one visit to the
outskirts to hold a secret conference with the Mormons, and,
doubtless, to arrange the details of the trip.

On April 3 Governor Cumming informed General Johnston of his

decision, and he set out two days later. General Johnston's view
of the policy to be pursued toward the Mormons was expressed in a
report to army headquarters, dated January 20:--

"Knowing how repugnant it would be to the policy or interest of

the government to do any act that would force these people into
unpleasant relations with the federal government, I have, in
conformity with the views also of the commanding general, on all
proper occasions manifested in my intercourse with them a spirit
of conciliation. But I do not believe that such consideration of
them would be properly appreciated now, or rather would be
wrongly interpreted; and, in view of the treasonable temper and
feeling now pervading the leaders and a greater portion of the
Mormons, I think that neither the honor nor the dignity of the
government will allow of the slightest concession being made to
them."

Judge Eckles did not conceal his determination not to enter Salt
Lake City until the flag of his country was waving there, holding
it a shame that men should be detained there in subjection to
such a despot as Brigham Young.

Leaving camp accompanied only by Colonel Kane and two servants,

Governor Cumming found his Mormon guard awaiting him a few miles
distant. His own account of the trip and of his acts during the
next three weeks of his stay in Mormondom may be found in a
letter to General Johnston and a report to Secretary of State
Cass.* As Echo Canon was supposed to be thoroughly fortified, and
there was not positive assurance that a conflict might not yet
take place, the governor was conducted through it by night. He
says that he was "agreeably surprised" by the illuminations in
his honor. Very probably he so accepted them, but the fires
lighted along the sides and top of the canon were really intended
to appear to him as the camp-fires of a big Mormon army. This
deception was further kept up by the appearance of challenging
parties at every turn, who demanded the password of the escort,
and who, while the governor was detained, would hasten forward to
a new station and go through the form of challenging again: Once
he was made the object of an apparent attack, from which he was
rescued by the timely arrival of officers of authority.**

* For text, see Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City,"

pp. 108-212.

** "In course of time Cumming discovered how the Mormon leaders

had imposed upon him and amused themselves with his credulity,
and to the last hour that he was in the Territory he felt annoyed
at having been so absurdly deceived, and held Brigham responsible
for the mortifying joke."--"Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 390.

The trip to Salt Lake City occupied a week, and on the 12th the
governor entered the Mormon metropolis, escorted by the city
officers and other persons of distinction in the community, and
was assigned as a guest to W. C. Staines, an influential Mormon
elder. There Young immediately called on him, and was received
with friendly consideration. Asked by his host, when the head of
the church took his leave, if Young appeared to be a tyrant,
Governor Cumming replied: "No, sir. No tyrant ever had a head on
his shoulders like Mr. Young. He is naturally a good man. I doubt
whether many of your people sufficiently appreciate him as a
leader."* This was the judgment of a federal officer after a few
moments' conversation with the reviler of the government and a
month's coaching by Colonel Kane.

Three days later, Governor Cumming officially notified General

Johnston of his arrival, and stated that he was everywhere
recognized as governor, and "universally greeted with such
respectful attentions" as were due to his office. There was no
mention of any advance of the troops, nor any censure of Mormon
offenders, but the general was instructed to use his forces to
recover stock alleged to have been stolen from the Mormons by
Indians, and to punish the latter, and he was informed that
Indian Agent Hurt (who had so recently escaped from Mormon
clutches) was charged by W. H. Hooper, the Mormon who had acted
as secretary of state during recent months, with having incited
Indians to hostility, and should be investigated! Verily, Colonel
Kane's work was thoroughly performed. General Johnston replied,
expressing gratification at the governor's reception, requesting
to be informed when the Mormon force would be withdrawn from the
route to Salt Lake City, and saying that he had inquired into Dr.
Hurt's case, and had satisfied himself "that he has faithfully
discharged his duty as agent, and that he has given none but good
advice to the Indians."

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 206.

On the Sunday after his arrival Young introduced Governor Cumming

to the people in the Tabernacle, and then a remarkable scene
ensued. Stenhouse says that the proceedings were all arranged in
advance. Cumming was acting the part of the vigilant defender of
the laws, and at the same time as conciliator, doing what his
authority would permit to keep the Mormon leaders free from the
presence of troops and from the jurisdiction of federal judges.
But he was not all-powerful in this respect. General Johnston had
orders that would allow him to dispose of his forces without
obedience to the governor, and the governor could not quash the
indictments found by Judge Eckles's grand jury. Young's knowledge
of this made him cautious in his reliance on Governor Gumming.
Then, too, Young had his own people to deal with, and he would
lose caste with them if he made a surrender which left Mormondom
practically in federal control.

When Governor Cumming was introduced to the congregation of

nearly four thousand people he made a very conciliatory address,
in which, however, according to his report to Secretary Cass,* he
let them know that he had come to vindicate the national
sovereignty, "and to exact an unconditional submission on their
part to the dictates of the law"; but informed them that they
were entitled to trial by their peers,--intending to mean Mormon
peers,--that he had no intention of stationing the army near
their settlements, or of using a military posse until other means
of arrest had failed. After this practical surrender of
authority, the governor called for expressions of opinion from
the audience, and he got them. That audience had been nurtured
for years on the oratory of Young and Kimball and Grant, and had
seen Judge Brocchus vilified by the head of the church in the
same building; and the responses to Governor Cumming's invitation
were of a kind to make an Eastern Gentile quail, especially one
like the innocent Cumming, who thought them "a people who
habitually exercised great self-control." One speaker went into a
review of Mormon wrongs since the tarring of the prophet in Ohio,
holding the federal government responsible, and naming as the
crowning outrage the sending of a Missourian to govern them. This
was too much for Cumming, and he called out, "I am a Georgian,
sir, a Georgian." The congregation gave the governor the lie to
his face, telling him that they would not believe that he was
their friend until he sent the soldiers back. "It was a perfect
bedlam," says an eyewitness, "and gross personal remarks were
made. One man said, 'You're nothing but an office seeker.' The
governor replied that he obtained his appointment honorably and
had not solicited it."** If all this was a piece of acting
arranged by Young to show his flock that he was making no abject
surrender, it was well done.***

* Ex. Doc. No. 67, 1st Session, 35th Congress.

** Coverdale's statement in Camp Scott letter, June 4, 1858, to

New York Herald.

*** "Brigham was seated beside the governor on the platform, and
tried to control the unruly spirits. Governor Cumming may for the
moment have been deceived by this apparent division among the
Mormons, but three years later he told the author that it was all
of a piece with the incidents of his passage through Echo Canon.
In his characteristic brusque way he said: 'It was all humbug,
sir, all humbug; but never mind; it is all over now. If it did
them good, it did not hurt me.'"--"Rocky Mountain Saints," p.
393.

Young's remarks on March 21 had been having their effect while

Cumming was negotiating, and an exodus from the northern
settlements was under way which only needed to be augmented by a
movement from the valley to make good Young's declaration that
they would leave their part of the territory a desert. No
official order for this movement had been published, but whatever
direction was given was sufficient. Peace Commissioners Powell
and McCullough, in a report to the Secretary of War dated July 3,
1858, said on this subject: "We were informed by various
(discontented) Mormons, who lived in the settlements north of
Provo, that they had been forced to leave their homes and go to
the southern part of the Territory.... We were also informed that
at least one-third of the persons who had removed from their
homes were compelled to do so. We were told that many were
dissatisfied with the Mormon church, and would leave it whenever
they could with safety to themselves. We are of opinion that the
leaders of the Mormon church congregated the people in order to
exercise more immediate control over them." Not only were houses
deserted, but growing crops were left and heavier household
articles abandoned, and the roads leading to the south and
through Salt Lake City were crowded day by day with loaded
wagons, their owners--even the women, often shoeless trudging
along and driving their animals before them. These refugees were,
a little later, joined by Young and most of his associates, and
by a large part of the inhabitants of Salt Lake City itself. It
was estimated by the army officers at the time that 25,000 of a
total population of 45,000 in the Territory, took part in this
movement. When they abandoned their houses they left them tinder
boxes which only needed the word of command, when the troops
advanced, to begin a general conflagration. By June 1 the
refugees were collected on the western shore of Utah Lake, fifty
miles south of Salt Lake City. What a picture of discomfort and
positive suffering this settlement presented can be partly
imagined. The town of Provo near by could accommodate but a few
of the new-comers, and for dwellings the rest had recourse to
covered wagons, dugouts, cabins of logs, and shanties of boards--
anything that offered any protection. There was a lack of food,
and it was the old life of the plains again, without the daily
variety presented when the trains were moving.

In his report to Secretary Cass, dated May 2, Governor Cumming,

after describing this exodus as a matter of great concern,
said:--

"I shall follow these people and try to rally them. Our military
force could overwhelm most of these poor people, involving men,
women, and children in a common fate; but there are among the
Mormons many brave men accustomed to arms and horses, men who
could fight desperately as guerillas; and, if the settlements are
destroyed, will subject the country to an expensive and
protracted war, without any compensating results. They will, I am
sure, submit to 'trial by their peers,' but they will not brook
the idea of trial by 'juries' composed of 'teamsters and
followers of the camp,' nor any army encamped in their cities or
dense settlements."

What kind of justice their idea of "trial by their peers" meant

was disclosed in the judicial history of the next few years. This
report, which also recited the insults the governor had received
in the Tabernacle, was sent to Congress on June 10 by President
Buchanan, with a special message, setting forth that he had
reason to believe that "our difficulties with the territory have
terminated, and the reign of the constitution and laws been
restored," and saying that there was no longer any use of calling
out the authorized regiments of volunteers.

CHAPTER XV. THE PEACE COMMISSION

Governor Cumming's report of May 2 did not reach Washington until

June 9, but the President's volte-face had begun before that
date, and when the situation in Utah was precisely as it was when
he had assured Colonel Kane that he would send no agent to the
Mormons while they continued their defiant attitude. Under date
of April 6 he issued a proclamation, in which he recited the
outrages on the federal officers in Utah, the warlike attitude
and acts of the Mormon force, which, he pointed out, constituted
rebellion and treason; declared that it was a grave mistake to
suppose that the government would fail to bring them into
submission; stated that the land occupied by the Mormons belonged
to the United States; and disavowed any intention to interfere
with their religion; and then, to save bloodshed and avoid
indiscriminate punishment where all were not equally guilty, he
offered "a free and full pardon to all who will submit themselves
to the just authority of the federal government."

This proclamation was intrusted to two peace commissioners, L. W.

Powell of Kentucky and Major Ben. McCullough of Texas. Powell had
been governor of his state, and was then United States senator-
elect. McCullough had seen service in Texas before the war with
Mexico, and been a daring scout under Scott in the latter war. He
was killed at the battle of Pea Ridge, Arkansas, in 1862, in
command of a Confederate corps.

These commissioners were instructed by the Secretary of War to

give the President's proclamation extensive circulation in Utah.
Without entering into any treaty or engagements with the Mormons,
they were to "bring those misguided people to their senses" by
convincing them of the uselessness of resistance, and how much
submission was to their interest. They might, in so doing, place
themselves in communication with the Mormon leaders, and assure
them that the movement of the army had no reference to their
religious tenets. The determination was expressed to see that the
federal officers appointed for the territory were received and
installed, and that the laws were obeyed, and Colonel Kane was
commended to them as likely to be of essential service.

The commissioners set out from Fort Leavenworth on April 25,

travelling in ambulances, their party consisting of themselves,
five soldiers, five armed teamsters, and a wagon master. They
arrived at Camp Scott on May 29, the reenforcements for the
troops following them. The publication of the President's
proclamation was a great surprise to the military. "There was
none of the bloodthirsty excitement in the camp which was
reported in the States to have prevailed there," says Colonel
Brown, "but there was a feeling of infinite chagrin, a
consciousness that the expedition was only a pawn on Mr.
Buchanan's political chessboard; and reproaches against his folly
were as frequent as they were vehement."*

* Atlantic Monthly, April, 1859.

The commissioners were not long in discovering the untrustworthy
character of any advices they might receive from Governor
Cumming. In their report of June 1 to the Secretary of War, they
mentioned his opinion that almost all the military organizations
of the territory had been disbanded, adding, "We fear that the
leaders of the Mormon people have not given the governor correct
information of affairs in the valley." They also declared it to
be of the first importance that the army should advance into the
valley before the Mormons could burn the grass or crops, and they
gave General Johnston the warmest praise.

The commissioners set out for Salt Lake City on June 2, Governor
Cumming who had returned to Camp Scott with Colonel Kane
following them. On reaching the city they found that Young and
the other leaders were with the refugees at Provo. A committee of
three Mormons expressed to the commissioners the wish of the
people that they would have a conference with Young, and on the
l0th Young, Kimball, Wells, and several of the Twelve arrived,
and a meeting was arranged for the following day.

There are two accounts of the ensuing conferences, the official

reports of the commissioners,* which are largely statements of
results, and a Mormon report in the journal kept by Wilford
Woodruff.** At the first conference, the commissioners made a
statement in line with the President's proclamation and with
their instructions, offering pardon on submission, and declaring
the purpose of the government to enforce submission by the
employment of the whole military force of the nation, if
necessary. Woodruff's "reflection" on this proposition was that
the President found that Congress would not sustain him, and so
was seeking a way of retreat. While the conference was in
session, O.P. Rockwell entered and whispered to Young. The
latter, addressing Governor Cumming, asked, "Are you aware that
those troops are on the move toward the city?" The compliant
governor replied, "It cannot be."*** What followed Woodruff thus
relates:--

* Sen. Doc., 2d Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, p. 167.

** Quoted in Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 214.

*** Governor Cumming on June 15 despatched a letter to General

Johnston saying that he had denied the report of the advance of
the army, and that the general was pledged not to advance until
he had received communications from the peace commissioners and
the governor. The general replied on the 19th that he did say he
would not advance until he heard from the governor, but that this
was not a pledge; that his orders from the President were to
occupy the territory; that his supplies had arrived earlier than
anticipated, and that circumstances required an advance at once.

"'Is Brother Dunbar present?' enquired Brigham.

"'Yes, sir,' responded someone. What was coming now?

"'Brother Dunbar, sing Zion.' The Scotch songster came forward
and sang the soul-stirring lines by C. W. Penrose."*

* See p. 498, ante.

Interpreted, this meant, "Stop that army or our peace conference

is ended." Woodruff adds:--

"After the meeting, McCullough and Gov. Cumming took a stroll

together. 'What will you do with such a people?' asked the
governor, with a mixture of admiration and concern. 'D--n them, I
would fight them if I had my way,' answered McCullough. "'Fight
them, would you? You might fight them, but you would never whip
them. They would never know when they were whipped.'"

At the second day's conference Brigham Young uttered his final

defiance and then surrendered. Declaring that he had done nothing
for which he desired the President's forgiveness, he satisfied
the pride of his followers with such declarations as these:--

"I can take a few of the boys here, and, with the help of the
Lord, can whip the whole of the United States. Boys, how do you
feel? Are you afraid of the United States? (Great demonstration
among the brethren.) No. No. We are not afraid of man, nor of
what he can do."

"The United States are going to destruction as fast as they can

go. If you do not believe it, gentlemen, you will soon see it to
your sorrow."

But here was the really important part of his remarks: "Now, let
me say to you peace commissioners, we are willing those troops
should come into our country, but not to stay in our city. They
may pass through it, if needs be, but must not quarter less than
forty miles from us."

Impudent as was this declaration to the representatives of the

government, it marked the end of the "war". The commissioners at
once notified General Johnston that the Mormon leaders had agreed
not to resist the execution of the laws in the territory, and to
consent that the military and civil officers should discharge
their duties. They suggested that the general issue a
proclamation, assuring the people that the army would not
trespass on the rights or property of peaceable citizens, and
this the general did at once.

The Mormon leaders, being relieved of the danger of a trial for

treason, now stood in dread of two things, the quartering of the
army among them, and a vigorous assault on the practice of
polygamy. Judge Eckles's District Court had begun its spring term
at Fort Bridger on April 5, and the judge had charged the grand
jury very plainly in regard to plural marriages. On this subject
he said:--

"It cannot be concealed, gentlemen, that certain domestic

arrangements exist in this territory destructive of the peace,
good order, and morals of society--arrangements at variance with
those of all enlightened and Christian communities in the world;
and, sapping as they do the very foundation of all virtue,
honesty, and morality, it is an imperative duty falling upon you
as grand jurors diligently to inquire into this evil and make
every effort to check its growth.

There is no law in this territory punishing polygamy, but there

is one, however, for the punishment of adultery; and all illegal
intercourse between the sexes, if either party have a husband or
wife living at the time, is adulterous and punishable by
indictment. The law was made to punish the lawless and
disobedient, and society is entitled to the salutary effects of
its execution."

No indictments were found that spring for this offence, but the
Mormons stood in great dread of continued efforts by the judge to
enforce the law as he interpreted it. Of the nature of the real
terms made with the Mormons, Colonel Brown says:--

"No assurances were given by the commissioners upon either of

these subjects. They limited their action to tendering the
President's pardon, and exhorting the Mormons to accept it.
Outside the conferences, however, without the knowledge of the
commissioners, assurances were given on both these subjects by
the Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs, which proved
satisfactory to Brigham Young. The exact nature of their pledges
will, perhaps, never be disclosed; but from subsequent
confessions volunteered by the superintendent, who appears to
have acted as the tool of the governor through the whole affair,
it seems probable that they promised explicitly to exert their
influence to quarter the army in Cache Valley, nearly one hundred
miles north of Salt Lake City, and also to procure the removal of
Judge Eckles."*

* Atlantic Monthly, April, 1859. Young told the Mormons at Provo

on June 27, 1858: "We have reason to believe that Colonel Kane,
on his arrival at the frontier, telegraphed to Washington, and
that orders were immediately sent to stop the march of the army
for ten days."--Journal of Discourses, Vol. VII, p. 57.

Captain Marcy had reached Camp Scott on June 8, with his herd of
horses and mules, and Colonel Hoffman with the first division of
the supply train which left Fort Laramie on March 18; on the 10th
Captain Hendrickspn arrived with the remainder of the trains; and
on the 13th the long-expected movement from Camp Scott to the
Mormon city began. To the soldiers who had spent the winter
inactive, except as regards their efforts to keep themselves from
freezing, the order to advance was a welcome one. Late as was the
date, there had been a snowfall at Fort Bridger only three days
before, and the streams were full of water. The column was
prepared therefore for bridge-making when necessary. When the
little army was well under way the scene in the valley through
which ran Black's Fork was an interesting one. The white walls of
Bridger's Fort formed a background, with the remnants of the camp
in the shape of sod chimneys, tent poles, and so forth next in
front, and, slowly leaving all this, the moving soldiers, the
long wagon trains, the artillery carriages and caissons, and on
either flank mounted Indians riding here and there, satisfying
their curiosity with this first sight of a white man's army. The
news that the Mormons had abandoned their idea of resistance
reached the troops the second day after they had started, and
they had nothing more exciting to interest them on the way than
the scenery and the Mormon fortifications. Salt Lake City was
reached on the 26th, and the march through it took place that
day. To the soldiers, nothing was visible to indicate any
abandonment of the hostile attitude of the Mormons, much less any
welcome.

Their leaders had returned to the camp at Provo, and the only
civilians in the city were a few hundred who had, for special
reasons, been granted permission to return. The only woman in the
whole city was Mrs. Cumming. The Mormons had been ordered indoors
early that morning by the guard; every flag on a public building
had been taken down; every window was closed. The regimental
bands and the creaking wagons alone disturbed the utter silence.
The peace commissioners rode with General Johnston, and the whole
force encamped on the river Jordan, just within the city limits.
Two days later, owing to a lack of wood and pasturage there, they
were moved about fifteen miles westward, near the foot of the
mountains. Disregarding Young's expressed wishes, and any
understanding he might have had with Governor Cumming, General
Johnston selected Cedar Valley on Lake Utah for one of the three
posts he was ordered to establish in the territory, and there his
camp was pitched on July 6.

Governor Cumming prepared a proclamation to the inhabitants of

the territory, announcing that all persons were pardoned who
submitted to the law, and that peace was restored, and inviting
the refugees to return to their homes. The governor and the peace
commissioners made a trip to the Mormon camps, and addressed
gatherings at Provo and Lehi. The governor bustled about
everywhere, assuring every one that all the federal officers
would "hold sacred the amnesty and pardon by the President of the
United States, by G-d, sir, yes," and receiving from Young the
sneering reply, "We know all about it, Governor." On July 4., no
northward movement of the people having begun, Cumming told Young
that he intended to publish his proclamation. "Do as YOU please,"
was the contemptuous reply; "to-morrow I shall get upon the
tongue of my wagon, and tell the people that I am going home, and
they can do as THEY please."*

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 226.

Young did so, and that day the backward march of the people
began. The real governor was the head of the church.

CHAPTER XVI. THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE

We may here interrupt the narrative of events subsequent to the

restoration of peace in the territory, with the story of the most
horrible massacre of white people by religious fanatics of their
own race that has been recorded since that famous St.
Bartholemew's night in Paris--the story of the Mountain Meadows
Massacre. Committed on Friday, September 11, 1857,--four days
before the date of Young's proclamation forbidding the United
States troops to enter the territory--it was a considerable time
before more than vague rumors of the crime reached the Eastern
states. No inquest or other investigation was held by Mormon
authority, no person participating in the slaughter was arrested
by a Mormon officer; and, when officers of the federal government
first visited the scene, in the spring of 1859, all that remained
to tell the tale were human skulls and other bones lying where
the wolves and coyotes had left them, with scraps of clothing
caught here and there upon the vines and bushes. Dr. Charles
Brewer, the assistant army surgeon who was sent with a detail to
bury the remains in May, 1859, says in his gruesome report:--

"I reached a ravine fifty yards from the road, in which I found
portions of the skeletons of many bodies,--skulls, bones, and
matted hair,--most of which, on examination, I concluded to be
those of men. Three hundred and fifty yards further on another
assembly of human remains was found, which, by all appearance,
had been left to decay upon the surface; skulls and bones, most
of which I believed to be those of women, some also of children,
probably ranging from six to twelve years of age. Here, too, were
found masses of women's hair, children's bonnets, such as are
generally used upon the plains, and pieces of lace, muslin,
calicoes, and other materials. Many of the skulls bore marks of
violence, being pierced with bullet holes, or shattered by heavy
blows, or cleft with some sharp-edged instrument."*

* Sen. Doc. No. 42, 1st Session, 36th Congress.

More than seventeen years passed before officers of the United

States succeeded in securing the needed evidence against any of
the persons responsible for these wholesale murders, and a jury
which would bring in a verdict of guilty. Then a single Mormon
paid the penalty of his crime. He died asserting that he was the
one victim surrendered by the Mormon church to appease the public
demand for justice. The closest students of the Mountain Meadows
Massacre and of Brigham Young's rule will always give the most
credence to this statement of John D. Lee. Indeed, to acquit
Young of responsibility for this crime, it would be necessary to
prove that the sermons and addresses in the journal of Discourses
are forgeries.

In the summer of 1857 a party was made up in Arkansas to cross

the plains to Southern California by way of Utah, under direction
of a Captain Fancher.* This party differed from most emigrant
parties of the day both in character and equipment. It numbered
some thirty families,--about 140 individuals,--men, women, and
children. They were people of means, several of them travelling
in private carriages, and their equipment included thirty horses
and mules, and about six hundred head of cattle, when they
arrived in Utah. Most of them seem to have been Methodists, and
they had a preacher of that denomination with them. Prayers were
held in camp every night and morning, and they never travelled on
Sundays. They did not hurry on, as the gold seekers were wont to
do in those days, but made their trip one of pleasure, sparing
themselves and their animals, and enjoying the beauties and
novelties of the route.**

* Stenhouse says that travelling the same route, and encamping

near the Arkansans, was a company from Missouri who called
themselves "Missouri Wildcats," and who were so boisterous that
the Arkansans were warned not to travel with them to Utah.
Whitney says that the two parties travelled several days apart
after leaving Salt Lake City. No mention of a separate company of
Missourians appears in the official and court reports of the
massacre.

** Jacob Forney, in his official report, says that he made the

most careful inquiry regarding the conduct of the emigrants after
they entered the territory, and could testify that the company
conducted themselves with propriety." In the years immediately
following the massacre, when the Mormons were trying to attribute
the crime to Indians, much was said about the party having
poisoned a spring and caused the death of Indians and their
cattle. Forney found that one ox did die near their camp, but
that its death was caused by a poisonous weed. Whitney, the
church historian, who of course acquits the church of any
responsibility for the massacre, draws a very black picture of
the emigrants, saying, for instance, that at Cedar Creek "their
customary proceeding of burning fences, whipping the heads off
chickens, or shooting them in the streets or private dooryards,
to the extreme danger of the inhabitants, was continued. One of
them, a blustering fellow riding a gray horse, flourished his
pistol in the face of the wife of one of the citizens, all the
time making insulting proposals and uttering profane threats."--
"History of Utah," Vol. I, p. 696.

Every emigrant train for California then expected to restock in

Utah. The Mormons had profited by this traffic, and such a thing
as non-intercourse with travellers in the way of trade was as yet
unheard of. But Young was now defying the government, and his
proclamation of September 15 had declared that "no person shall
be allowed to pass or repass into or through or from this
territory without a permit from the proper officer." To a
constituency made up so largely of dishonest members, high and
low, as Young himself conceded the Mormon body politic to be, the
outfit of these travellers was very attractive. There was a
motive, too, in inflicting punishment on them, merely because
they were Arkansans, and the motive was this:--

Parley P. Pratt was sent to explore a southern route from Utah to

California in 1849. He reached San Francisco from Los Angeles in
the summer of 1851, remaining there until June, 1855. He was a
fanatical defender of polygamy after its open proclamation,
challenging debate on the subject in San Francisco, and issuing
circulars calling on the people to repent as "the Kingdom of God
has come nigh unto you." While in San Francisco, Pratt induced
the wife of Hector H. McLean, a custom-house official, the mother
of three children, to accept the Mormon faith and to elope with
him to Utah as his ninth wife. The children were sent to her
parents in Louisiana by their father, and there she sometime
later obtained them, after pretending that she had abandoned the
Mormon belief. When McLean learned of this he went East, and
traced his wife and Pratt to Houston, Texas, and thence to Fort
Gibson, near Van Buren, Arkansas. There he had Pratt arrested,
but there seemed to be no law under which he could be held. As
soon as Pratt was released, he left the place on horseback.
McLean, who had found letters from Pratt to his wife at Fort
Gibson which increased his feeling against the man,* followed him
on horseback for eight miles, and then, overtaking him, shot him
so that he died in two hours.** It was in accordance with Mormon
policy to hold every Arkansan accountable for Pratt's death, just
as every Missourian was hated because of the expulsion of the
church from that state.

* Van Buren Intelligencer, May 15, 1857.

** See the story in the New York Times of May 28, 1857, copied
from the St. Louis Democrat and St. Louis Republican.

When the company pitched camp on the river Jordan their food
supplies were nearly exhausted, and their draught animals needed
rest and a chance to recuperate. They knew nothing of the
disturbed relations between the Mormons and the government when
they set out, and they were astonished now to be told that they
must break camp and move on southward. But they obeyed. At
American Fork, the next settlement, they offered some of their
worn-out animals in exchange for fresh ones, and visited the town
to buy provisions. There was but one answer--nothing to sell.
Southward they continued, through Provo, Springville, Payson,
Salt Creek, and Fillmore, at all settlements making the same
effort to purchase the food of which they stood in need, and at
all receiving the same reply.

So much were their supplies now reduced that they hastened on

until Corn Creek was reached; there they did obtain a little
relief, some Indians selling them about thirty bushels of corn.
But at Beaver, a larger place, nonintercourse was again
proclaimed, and at Parowan, through which led the road built by
the general government, they were forbidden to pass over this
directly through the town, and the local mill would not even
grind their own corn. At Cedar Creek, one of the largest southern
settlements, they were allowed to buy fifty bushels of wheat, and
to have it and their corn ground at John D. Lee's mill. After a
day's delay they started on, but so worn out were their animals
that it took them three days to reach Iron Creek, twenty miles
beyond, and two more days to reach Mountain Meadows, fifteen
miles farther south.

These "meadows" are a valley, 350 miles south of Salt Lake City,
about five miles long by one wide. They are surrounded by
mountains, and narrow at the lower end to a width of 400 yards,
where a gap leads out to the desert. A large spring near this gap
made that spot a natural resting-place, and there the emigrants
pitched their camp. Had they been in any way suspicious of Indian
treachery they would not have stopped there, because, from the
elevations on either side, they were subject to rifle fire. Their
anxiety, however, was not about the Indians, whom they had found
friendly, but about the problem of making the trip of seventy
days to San Bernardino, across a desert country, with their
wornout animals and their scant supplies. Had Mormon cruelty
taken only the form of withholding provisions and forage from
this company, its effect would have satisfied their most evil
wishers.

On the morning of Monday, September 7, still unsuspicious of any

form of danger, their camp was suddenly fired upon by Indians,
(and probably by some white men disguised as Indians). Seven of
the emigrants were killed in this attack and sixteen were
wounded. Unexpected as was this manifestation of hostility, the
company was too well organized to be thrown into a panic. The
fire was returned, and one Indian was killed, and two chiefs
fatally wounded. The wagons were corralled at once as a sort of
fortification, and the wheels were chained together. In the
centre of this corral a rifle pit was dug, large enough to hold
all their people, and in this way they were protected from shots
fired at them from either side of the valley. In this little fort
they successfully defended themselves during that and the ensuing
three days. Not doubting that Indians were their only assailants,
two of their number succeeded in escaping from the camp on a
mission to Cedar City to ask for assistance. These messengers
were met by three Mormons, who shot one of them dead, and wounded
the other; the latter seems to have made his way back to the
camp.

The Arkansans soon suffered for water, as the spring was a

hundred yards distant. Two of them during one day made a dash,
carrying buckets, and got back with them safely, under a heavy
fire.

* Lee denies positively a story that the Mormons shot two little
girls who were dressed in white and sent out for water. He says
that when the Arkansans saw a white man in the valley (Lee
himself) they ran up a white flag and sent two little boys to
talk with him; that he refused to see them, as he was then
awaiting orders, and that he kept the Indians from shooting them.
"Mormonism Unveiled," p. 231.

With some reenforcements from the south, the Indians now numbered
about four hundred. They shot down some seventy head of the
emigrants' cattle, and on Wednesday evening made another attack
in force on the camp, but were repulsed. Still another attack the
next morning had the same result. This determined resistance
upset the plans of the Mormons who had instigated the Indian
attacks. They had expected that the travellers would be overcome
in the first surprise, and that their butchery would easily be
accounted for as the result of an Indian raid on their camp. But
they were not to be balked of their object. To save themselves
from the loss of life that would be entailed by a charge on the
Arkansans' defences, they resorted to a scheme of the most
deliberate treachery.

On Friday, the 11th, a Mormon named William Bateman was sent

forward with a flag of truce. The other undisguised Mormons
remained in concealment, and the Indians had been instructed to
keep entirely out of sight. The beleaguered company were
delighted to see a white man, and at once sent one of their
number to meet him. Their ammunition was almost exhausted, their
dead were unburied in their midst, and their situation was
desperate. Bateman, following out his instructions, told the
representative of the emigrants that the Mormons had come to
their assistance, and that, if they would place themselves in the
white men's hands and follow directions, they would be conducted
in safety to Cedar City, there to await a proper opportunity for
proceeding on their journey.* This plan was agreed to without any
delay, and John D. Lee was directed by John M. Higbee, major of
the Iron Militia, and chief in command of the Mormon party, to go
to the camp to see that the plot agreed upon was carried out,
Samuel McMurdy and Samuel Knight following him with two wagons
which were a part of the necessary equipment.

* This account follows Lee's confession, "Mormonism Unveiled," p.

236 ff.

Never had a man been called upon to perform a more dastardly part
than that which was assigned to Lee. Entering the camp of the
beleaguered people as their friend, he was to induce them to
abandon their defences, give up all their weapons, separate the
adults from the children and wounded, who were to be placed in
the wagons, and then, at a given signal, every one of the party
was to be killed by the white men who walked by their sides as
their protectors. Lee draws a picture of his feelings on entering
the camp which ought to be correct, even if circumstances lead
one to attribute it to the pen of a man who naturally wished to
find some extenuation for himself: "I doubt the power of man
being equal to even imagine how wretched I felt. No language can
describe my feelings. My position was painful, trying, and awful;
my brain seemed to be on fire; my nerves were for a moment
unstrung; humanity was overpowering as I thought of the cruel,
unmanly part that I was acting. Tears of bitter anguish fell in
streams from my eyes; my tongue refused its office; my faculties
were dormant, stupefied and deadened by grief. I wished that the
earth would open and swallow me where I stood."

When Lee entered the camp all the people, men, women, and
children, gathered around him, some delighted over the hope of
deliverance, while others showed distrust of his intentions.
Their position was so strong that they felt some hesitation in
abandoning it, and Lee says that, if their ammunition had not
been so nearly exhausted, they would never have surrendered. But
their hesitation was soon overcome, and the carrying out of the
plot proceeded.

All their arms, the wounded, and the smallest children were
placed in the two wagons. As soon as these were loaded, a
messenger from Higbee, named McFarland, rode up with a message
that everything should be hastened, as he feared he could not
hold back the Indians. The wagons were then started at once
toward Cedar City, Lee and the two drivers accompanying them, and
the others of the party set out on foot for the place where the
Mormon troops were awaiting them, some two hundred yards distant.
First went McFarland on horseback, then the women and larger
children, and then the men. When, in this order, they came to the
place where the Mormons were stationed, the men of the party
cheered the latter as their deliverers.

As the wagons passed out of sight over an elevation, the march of

the rest of the party was resumed. The women and larger children
walked ahead, then came the men in single file, an armed Mormon
walking by the side of each Arkansan. This gave the appearance of
the best possible protection. When they had advanced far enough
to bring the women and children into the midst of a company of
Indians concealed in a growth of cedars, the agreed signal the
words, "Do your duty"--was given. As these words were spoken,
each Mormon turned and shot the Arkansan who was walking by his
side, and Indians and other Mormons attacked the women and
children who were walking ahead, while Lee and his two companions
killed the wounded and the older of the children who were in the
wagons.

The work of killing the men was performed so effectually that

only two or three of them escaped, and these were overtaken and
killed soon after.* Indeed, only the nervousness natural to men
who were assigned to perform so horrible a task could prevent the
murderers from shooting dead the unarmed men walking by their
sides. With the women and children it was different. Instead of
being shot down without warning, they first heard the shots that
killed their only protectors, and then beheld the Indians rushing
on them with their usual whoops, brandishing tomahawks, knives,
and guns. There were cries for mercy, mothers' pleas for
children's lives, and maidens' appeals to manly honor; but all in
vain. It was not necessary to use firearms; indeed, they would
have endangered the assailants themselves. The tomahawk and the
knife sufficed, and in the space of a few moments every woman and
older child was a corpse.

* This is Judge Cradlebaugh's and Lee's statement. Lee said he

could have given the details of their pursuit and capture if he
had had time. An affidavit by James Lynch, who accompanied
Superintendent Forney to the Meadows on his first trip there in
March 1859 (printed in Sen. Doc. No. 42), says that one of the
three, who was not killed on the spot, "was followed by five
Mormons who through promises of safety, etc., prevailed upon him
to return to Mountain Meadows, where they inhumanly butchered
him, laughing at and disregarding his loud and repeated cries for
mercy, as witnessed and described by Ira Hatch, one of the five.
The object of killing this man was to leave no witness competent
to give testimony in a court of justice but God."

When Lee and the men in charge of the two wagons heard the
firing, they halted at once, as this was the signal agreed on for
them to perform their part. McMurdy's wagon, containing the sick
and wounded and the little children, was in advance, Knight's,
with a few passengers and the weapons, following. We have three
accounts of what happened when the signal was given, Lee's own,
and the testimony of the other two at Lee's trial. Lee says that
McMurdy at once went up to Knight's wagon, and, raising his rifle
and saying, " O Lord my God, receive their spirits; it is for Thy
Kingdom I do this," fired, killing two men with the first shot.
Lee admits that he intended to do his part of the killing, but
says that in his excitement his pistol went off prematurely and
narrowly escaped wounding McMurdy; that Knight then shot one man,
and with the butt of his gun brained a little boy who had run up
to him, and that the Indians then came up and finished killing
all the sick and wounded. McMurdy testified that Lee killed the
first person in his wagon--a woman--and also shot two or three
others. When asked if he himself killed any one that day, McMurdy
replied, "I believe I am not upon trial. I don't wish to answer."
Knight testified that he saw Lee strike down a woman with his gun
or a club, denying that he himself took any part in the
slaughter: Nephi Johnson, another witness at Lee's second trial,
testified that he saw Lee and an Indian pull a man out of one of
the wagons, and he thought Lee cut the man's throat. The only
persons spared in this whole company were seventeen children,
varying in age from two months to seven years. They were given to
Mormon families in southern Utah--"sold out," says Forney in his
report, "to different persons in Cedar City, Harmony, and Painter
Creek. Bills are now in my possession from different individuals
asking payment from the government. I cannot condescend to become
the medium of even transmitting such claims to the department."
The government directed Forney in 1858 to collect these children,
and he did so. Congress in 1859 appropriated $10,000 to defray
the expense of returning them to their friends in Arkansas, and
on June 27 of that year fifteen of them (two boys being retained
as government witnesses) set out for the East from Salt Lake City
in charge of a company of United States dragoons and five women
attendants. Judge Cradlebaugh quotes one of these children, a boy
less than nine years old, as saying in his presence, when they
were brought to Salt Lake City, "Oh, I wish I was a man. I know
what I would do. I would shoot John D. Lee. I saw him shoot my
mother."

The total number in the Arkansas party is not exactly known. The
victims numbered more than 120. Jacob Hamblin testified at the
Lee trial that, the following spring, he and his man buried "120
odd" skulls, counting them as they gathered them up.

A few young women, in the confusion of the Indian attack,

concealed themselves, but they were soon found. Hamblin testified
at Lee's second trial that Lee, in a long conversation with him,
soon after the massacre, told him that, when he rejoined the
Mormon troops, an Indian chief brought to him two girls from
thirteen to fifteen years old, whom he had found hiding in a
thicket, and asked what should be done with them, as they were
pretty and he wanted to save them. Lee replied that "according to
the orders he had, they were too old and too big to let go."

Then by Lee's direction the chief shot one of them, and Lee threw
the other down and cut her throat. Hamblin said that an Indian
boy conducted him to the place where the girls' bodies lay, a
long way from the rest, up a ravine, unburied and with their
throats cut. One of the little children saved from the massacre
was taken home by Hamblin, and she said the murdered girls were
her sisters. Richard F. Burton, who visited Utah in 1860,
mentions, as one of the current stories in connection with the
massacre, that, when a girl of sixteen knelt before one of the
Mormons and prayed for mercy, he led her into the thicket,
violated her, and then cut her throat.*
* "City of the Saints," p. 412.

As soon as the slaughter was completed the plundering began.

Beside their wagons, horses, and cattle,* they had a great deal
of other valuable property, the whole being estimated by Judge
Cradlebaugh at from $60,000 to $70,000. When Lee got back to the
main party, the searching of the bodies of the men for valuables
began. "I did hold the hat awhile," he confesses, "but I got so
sick that I had to give it to some other person." He says there
were more than five hundred head of cattle, a large number of
which the Indians killed or drove away, while Klingensmith,
Haight, and Higbee, leaders in the enterprise, drove others to
Salt Lake City and sold them. The horses and mules were divided
in the same way. The Indians (and probably their white comrades)
had made quick work with the effects of the women. Their bodies,
young and old, were stripped naked, and left, objects of the
ribald jests of their murderers. Lee says that in one place he
counted the bodies of ten children less than sixteen years old.

* Superintendent Forney, in his report of March, 1859, said:

"Facts in my possession warrant me in estimating that there was
distributed a few days after the massacre, among the leading
church dignitaries, $30,000 worth of property. It is presumable
they also had some money."

When the Mormons had finished rifling the dead, all were called
together and admonished by their chiefs to keep the massacre a
secret from the whole world, not even letting their wives know of
it, and all took the most solemn oath to stand by one another and
declare that the killing was the work of Indians. Most of the
party camped that night on the Meadows, but Lee and Higbee passed
the night at Jacob Hamblin's ranch.

In the morning the Mormons went back to bury the dead. All these
lay naked, "making the scene," says Lee, "one of the most
loathsome and ghastly that can be imagined." The bodies were
piled up in heaps in little depressions, and a pretence was made
of covering them with dirt; but the ground was hard and their
murderers had few tools, and as a consequence the wild beasts
soon unearthed them, and the next spring the bones were scattered
over the surface.

This work finished, the party, who had been joined during the
night by Colonel Dame, Judge Lewis, Isaac C. Haight, and others
of influence, held another council, at which God was thanked for
delivering their enemies into their hands; another oath of
secrecy was taken, and all voted that any person who divulged the
story of the massacre should suffer death, but that Brigham Young
should be informed of it. It was also voted, according to Lee,
that Bishop Klingensmith should take charge of the plunder for
the benefit of the church.

The story of this slaughter, to this point, except in minor

particulars noted, is undisputed. No Mormon now denies that the
emigrants were killed, or that Mormons participated largely in
the slaughter. What the church authorities have sought to
establish has been their own ignorance of it in advance, and
their condemnation of it later. In examining this question we
have, to assist us, the knowledge of the kind of government that
Young had established over his people--his practical power of
life and death; the fact that the Arkansans were passing south
from Salt Lake City, and that their movements had been known to
Young from the start and their treatment been subject to his
direction; the failure of Young to make any effort to have the
murderers punished, when a "crook of his finger" would have given
them up to justice; the coincidence of the massacre with Young's
threat to Captain Van Vliet, uttered on September 9, "If the
issue continues, you may tell the government to stop all
emigration across the continent, for the Indians will kill all
who attempt it"; Young's failure to mention this "Indian outrage"
in his report as superintendent of Indian affairs, and the
silence of the Mormon press on the subject.* If we accept Lee's
plausible theory that, at his second trial, the church gave him
up as a sop to justice, and loosened the tongues of witnesses
against him, this makes that part of the testimony in
confirmation of Lee's statement, elicited from them, all the
stronger.

* H. H. Bancroft, in his "Utah," as usual, defends the Mormon

church against the charge of responsibility for the massacre, and
calls Judge Cradlebaugh's charge to the grand jury a slur that
the evidence did not excuse.

Let us recall that Lee himself had been an active member of the
church for nearly forty years, following it from Missouri to
Utah, travelling penniless as a missionary at the bidding of his
superiors, becoming a polygamist before he left Nauvoo, accepting
in Utah the view that "Brigham spoke by direction of the God of
heaven," and saying, as he stood by his coffin looking into the
rifles of his executioners, "I believe in the Gospel that was
taught in its purity by Joseph Smith in former days." How much
Young trusted him is seen in the fact that, by Young's direction,
he located the southern towns of Provo, Fillmore, Parowan, etc.,
was appointed captain of militia at Cedar City, was president of
civil affairs at Harmony, probate judge of the county (before and
after the massacre), a delegate to the convention which framed
the constitution of the State of Deseret, a member of the
territorial legislature (after the massacre), and "Indian farmer"
of the district including the Meadows when the massacre occurred.

Lee's account of the steps leading up to the massacre and of what

followed is, in brief, that, about ten days before it occurred,
General George A. Smith, one of the Twelve, called on him at
Washington City, and, in the course of their conversation, asked,
"Suppose an emigrant train should come along through this
southern country, making threats against our people and bragging
of the part they took in helping kill our prophet, what do you
think the brethren would do with them?" Lee replied: "You know
the brethren are now under the influence of the 'Reformation,'
and are still red-hot for the Gospel. The brethren believe the
government wishes to destroy them. I really believe that any
train of emigrants that may come through here will be attacked
and probably all destroyed. Unless emigrants have a pass from
Brigham Young or some one in authority, they will certainly never
get safely through this country." Smith said that Major Haight
had given him the same assurance. It was Lee's belief that Smith
had been sent south in advance of the emigrants to prepare for
what followed.

Two days before the first attack on the camp, Lee was summoned to
Cedar City by Isaac Haight, president of that Stake, second only
to Colonel Dame in church authority in southern Utah, and a
lieutenant colonel in the militia under Dame. To make their
conference perfectly secret, they took some blankets and passed
the night in an old iron works. There Haight told Lee a long
story about Captain Fancher's party, charging them with abusing
the Mormons, burning fences, poisoning water, threatening to kill
Brigham Young and all the apostles, etc. He said that unless
preventive measures were taken, the whole Mormon population were
likely to be butchered by troops which these people would bring
back from California. Lee says that he believed all this. He was
also told that, at a council held that day, it had been decided
to arm the Indians and "have them give the emigrants a brush,
and, if they killed part or all, so much the better." When asked
who authorized this, Haight replied, "It is the will of all in
authority," and Lee was told that he was to carry out the order.
The intention then was to have the Indians do the killing without
any white assistance. On his way home Lee met a large body of
Indians who said they were ordered by Haight, Higbee, and Bishop
Klingensmith, to kill and rob the emigrants, and wanted Lee to
lead them. He told them to camp near the emigrants and wait for
him; but they made the attack, as described, early Monday
morning, without capturing the camp, and drove the whites into an
intrenchment from which they could not dislodge them. Hence the
change of plan.

During the early part of the operations, Lee says, a messenger

had been sent to Brigham Young for orders. On Thursday evening
two or three wagon loads of Mormons, all armed, arrived at Lee's
camp in the Meadows, the party including Major Higbee of the Iron
Militia, Bishop Klingensmith, and many members of the High
Council. When all were assembled, Major Higbee reported that
Haight's orders were that "all the emigrants must be put out of
the way"; that they had no pass (Young could have given them
one); that they were really a part of Johnston's army, and, if
allowed to proceed to California, they would bring destruction on
all the settlements in Utah. All knelt in prayer, after which
Higbee gave Lee a paper ordering the destruction of all who could
talk. After further prayers, Higbee said to Lee, "Brother Lee, I
am ordered by President Haight to inform you that you shall
receive a crown of celestial glory for your faithfulness, and
your eternal joy shall be complete." Lee says that he was "much
shaken" by this offer, because of his complete faith in the power
of the priesthood to fulfil such promises. The outcome of the
conference was the adoption of the plan of treachery that was so
successfully carried out on Friday morning. The council had
lasted so long that the party merely had time for breakfast
before Bateman set out for the camp with his white flag.*

* Bishop Klingensmith, one of the indicted, in whose case the

district attorney entered a nolle prosequi in order that he might
be a witness at Lee's first trial, said in his testimony: "Coming
home the day following their [emigrants'] departure from Cedar
City, met Ira Allen four miles beyond the place where they had
spoken to Lee. Allen said, 'The die is cast, the doom of the
emigrants is sealed.'" (This was in reference to a meeting in
Parowan, when the destruction of the emigrants had been decided
on.) He said John D. Lee had received orders from headquarters at
Parowan to take men and go, and Joel White would be wanted to go
to Pinto Creek and revoke the order to suffer the emigrants to
pass. The third day after, Haight came to McFarland's house and
told witness and others that orders had come in from camp last
night. Things hadn't gone along as had been expected, and
reenforcements were wanted. Haight then went to Parowan to get
instructions, and received orders from Dame to decoy the
emigrants out and spare nothing but the small children who could
not tell the tale." In an affidavit made by this Bishop in April,
1871, he said: "I do not know whether said 'headquarters' meant
the spiritual headquarters at Parowan, or the headquarters of the
commander-in-chief at Salt Lake City." (Affidavit in full in
"Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 439.)

Several days after the massacre, Haight told Lee that the
messenger sent to Young for instructions had returned with orders
to let the emigrants pass in safety, and that he (Haight) had
countermanded the order for the massacre, but his messenger "did
not go to the Meadows at all." All parties were evidently
beginning to realize the seriousness of their crime. Lee was then
directed by the council to go to Young with a verbal report,
Haight again promising him a celestial reward if he would
implicate more of the brethren than necessary in his talk with
Young.* On reaching Salt Lake City, Lee gave Young the full
particulars of the massacre, step by step. Young remarked, "Isaac
[Haight] has sent me word that, if they had killed every man,
woman, and child in the outfit, there would not have been a drop
of innocent blood shed by the brethren; for they were a set of
murderers, robbers, and thieves."

* "At that time I believed everything he said, and I fully

expected to receive the celestial reward that he promised me. But
now [after his conviction] I say, 'Damn all such celestial
rewards as I am to get for what I did on that fatal day."
"Mormonism Unveiled," p. 251.

When the tale was finished, Young said: "This is the most
unfortunate affair that ever befell the church. I am afraid of
treachery among the brethren who were there. If any one tells
this thing so that it will become public, it will work us great
injury. I want you to understand now that you are NEVER to tell
this again, not even to Heber C. Kimball. IT MUST be kept a
secret among ourselves. When you get home, I want you to sit down
and write a long letter, and give me an account of the affair,
charging it to the Indians. You sign the letter as farmer to the
Indians, and direct it to me as Indian agent. I can then make use
of such a letter to keep off all damaging and troublesome
inquirers." Lee did so, and his letter was put in evidence at his
trial.

Lee says that Young then dismissed him for the day, directing him
to call again the next morning, and that Young then said to him:
"I have made that matter a subject of prayer. I went right to God
with it, and asked him to take the horrid vision from my sight if
it was a righteous thing that my people had done in killing those
people at the Mountain Meadows. God answered me, and at once the
vision was removed. I have evidence from God that he has
overruled it all for good, and the action was a righteous one and
well intended."*

* For Lee's account of his interview with Young, see " Mormonism
Unveiled," pp. 252-254.

When Lee was in Salt Lake City as a member of the constitutional

convention, the next winter, Young treated him, at his house and
elsewhere, with all the friendliness of old. No one conversant
with the extent of Young's authority will doubt the correctness
of Lee's statement that "if Brigham Young had wanted one man or
fifty men or five hundred men arrested, all he would have had to
do would be to say so, and they would have been arrested
instantly. There was no escape for them if he ordered their
arrest. Every man who knows anything of affairs in Utah at that
time knows this is so."

At the second trial of Lee a deposition by Brigham Young was

read, Young pleading ill health as an excuse for not taking the
stand. He admitted that "counsel and advice were given to the
citizens not to sell grain to the emigrants for their stock," but
asserted that this did not include food for the parties
themselves. He also admitted that Lee called on him and began
telling the story of the massacre, but asserted that he directed
him to stop, as he did not want his feelings harrowed up with a
recital of these details. He gave as an excuse for not bringing
the guilty to justice, or at least making an investigation, the
fact that a new governor was on his way, and he did not know how
soon he would arrive. As Young himself was keeping this governor
out by armed force, and declaring that he alone should fill that
place, the value of his excuse can be easily estimated. Hamblin,
at Lee's trial, testified that he told Brigham Young and George
A. Smith "everything I could" about the massacre, and that Young
said to him, "As soon as we can get a court of justice we will
ferret this thing out, but till then don't say anything about
it."

Both Knight and McMurphy testified that they took their teams to
Mountain Meadows under compulsion. Nephi Johnson, another
participant, when asked whether he acted under compulsion,
replied, "I didn't consider it safe for me to object," and when
compelled to answer the question whether any person had ever been
injured for not obeying such orders, he replied, "Yes, sir, they
had."

Some letters published in the Corinne (Utah) Reporter, in the

early seventies, signed "Argus," directly accused Young of
responsibility for this massacre. Stenhouse discovered that the
author had been for thirty years a Mormon, a high priest in the
church, a holder of responsible civil positions in the territory,
and he assured Stenhouse that "before a federal court of justice,
where he could be protected, he was prepared to give the evidence
of all that he asserted." "Argus" declared that when the
Arkansans set out southward from the Jordan, a courier preceded
them carrying Young's orders for non-intercourse; that they were
directed to go around Parowan because it was feared that the
military preparations at that place, Colonel Dame's headquarters,
might arouse their suspicion; and he points out that the troops
who killed the emigrants were called out and prepared for field
operations, just as the territorial law directed, and were
subject to the orders of Young, their commander-in-chief.

Not until the so-called Poland Bill of 1874 became a law was any
one connected with the Mountain Meadows Massacre even indicted.
Then the grand jury, under direction of Judge Boreman, of the
Second Judicial District of Utah, found indictments against Lee,
Dame, Haight, Higbee, Klingensmith, and others. Lee, who had
remained hidden for some years in the canon of the Colorado,* was
reported to be in south Utah at the time, and Deputy United
States Marshal Stokes, to whom the warrant for his arrest was
given, set out to find him. Stokes was told that Lee had gone
back to his hiding-place, but one of his assistants located the
accused in the town of Panguitch, and there they found him
concealed in a log pen near a house. His trial began at Beaver,
on July 12, 1875. The first jury to try his case disagreed, after
being out three days, eight Mormons and the Gentile foreman
voting for acquittal, and three Gentiles for conviction. The
second trial, which took place at Beaver, in September, 1876,
resulted in a verdict of "guilty of murder in the first degree."
Beadle says of the interest which the church then took in his
conviction: "Daniel H. Wells went to Beaver, furnished some new
evidence, coached the witnesses, attended to the spiritual wants
of the jury, and Lee was convicted. He could not raise the money
($1000) necessary to appeal to the Supreme Court of the United
States, although he solicited it by subscription from wealthy
leading Mormons for several days under guard."**

* Inman's "Great Salt Lake Trail," p. 141

** "Polygamy," p. 507.

Criminals in Utah convicted of a capital crime were shot, and

this was Lee's fate. It was decided that the execution should
take place at the scene of the massacre, and there the sentence
of the court was carried out on March 23, 1877. The coffin was
made of rough pine boards after the arrival of the prisoner, and
while he sat looking at the workmen a short distance away. When
all the arrangements were completed, the marshal read the order
of the court and gave Lee an opportunity to speak. A photographer
being ready to take a picture of the scene, Lee asked that a copy
of the photograph be given to each of three of his wives, naming
them. He then stood up, having been seated on his coffin, and
spoke quietly for some time. He said that he was sacrificed to
satisfy the feelings of others; that he died "a true believer in
the Gospel of Jesus Christ," but did not believe everything then
taught by Brigham Young. He asserted that he "did nothing
designedly wrong in this unfortunate affair," but did everything
in his power to save the emigrants. Five executioners then
stepped forward, and, when their rifles exploded, Lee fell dead
on his coffin.

Major (afterward General) Carlton, returning from California in

1859, where he had escorted a paymaster, passed through Mountain
Meadows, and, finding many bones of the victims still scattered
around, gathered them, and erected over them a cairn of stones,
on one of which he had engraved the words: "Here lie the bones of
120 men, women, and children from Arkansas, murdered on the 10th
day of September, 1857." In the centre of the cairn was placed a
beam, some fifteen feet high, with a cross-tree, on which was
painted: "Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord, and I will repay
it." It was said that this was removed by order of Brigham
Young.*

* "Humiliating as it is to confess, in the 42d Congress there

were gentlemen to be found in the committees of the House and in
the Senate who were bold enough to declare their opposition to
all investigation. One who had a national reputation during the
war, from Bunker Hill to New Orleans, was not ashamed to say to
those who sought the legislation that was necessary to make
investigation possible, that it was 'too late.'" "Rocky Mountain
Saints," p. 456.

CHAPTER XVII. AFTER THE "WAR"

With the return of the people to their homes, the peaceful

avocations of life in Utah were resumed. The federal judges
received assignments to their districts, and the other federal
officers took possession of their offices. Chief Justice Eckles
selected as his place of residence Camp Floyd, as General
Johnston's camp was named; Judge Sinclair's district included
Salt Lake City, and Judge Cradlebaugh's the southern part of the
state.

Judge Cradlebaugh, who conceived it to be a judge's duty to see

that crime was punished, took steps at once to secure indictments
in connection with the notorious murders committed during the
"Reformation," and we have seen in a former chapter with what
poor results. He also personally visited the Mountain Meadows,
talked with whites and Indians cognizant with the massacre, and,
on affidavits sworn to before him, issued warrants for the arrest
of Haight, Higbee, Lee, and thirty-four others as participants
therein. In order to hold court with any prospect of a practical
result, a posse of soldiers was absolutely necessary, even for
the protection of witnesses; but Governor Cumming, true to the
reputation he had secured as a Mormon ally, declared that he saw
no necessity for such use of federal troops, and requested their
removal from Provo, where the court was in session; and when the
judge refused to grant his request, he issued a proclamation in
which he stated that the presence of the military had a tendency
"to disturb the peace and subvert the ends of justice." Before
this dispute had proceeded farther, General Johnston received an
order from Secretary Floyd, approved by Attorney General Black,
directing that in future he should instruct his troops to act as
a posse comitatus only on the written application of Governor
Cumming. Thus did the church win one of its first victories after
the reestablishment of "peace."

An incident in Salt Lake City at this time might have brought

about a renewal of the conflict between federal and Mormon
forces. The engraver of a plate with which to print counterfeit
government drafts, when arrested, turned state's evidence and
pointed out that the printing of the counterfeits had been done
over the "Deseret Store" in Salt Lake City, which was on Young's
premises. United States Marshal Dotson secured the plate, and
with it others, belonging to Young, on which Deseret currency had
been printed. This seemed to bring the matter so close to Young
that officers from Camp Floyd called on Governor Cumming to
secure his cooperation in arresting Young should that step be
decided on. The governor refused with indignation to be a party
to what he called "creeping through walls," that is, what he
considered a roundabout way to secure Young's arrest; and, when
it became rumored in the city that General Johnston would use his
troops without the governor's cooperation Cumming directed Wells,
the commander of the Nauvoo Legion, who had so recently been in
rebellion against the government, to hold his militia in
readiness for orders. Wells is quoted by Bancroft as saying that
he told Cumming, "We would not let them [the soldiers] come; that
if they did come, they would never get out alive if we could help
it."* The decision of the Washington authorities in favor of
Governor Cumming as against the federal judges once more restored
"peace." The only sufferer from this incident was Marshal Dotson,
against whom Young, in his probate court, obtained a judgment of
$2600 for injury to the Deseret currency plates, and a house
belonging to Dotson, renting for $500 year, was sold to satisfy
this judgment, and bought in by an agent of Young.

* "History of Utah," p. 573, note.

To complete the story of this forgery, it may be added that

Brewer, the engraver who turned state's evidence, was shot down
in Main Street, Salt Lake City, one evening, in company with J.
Johnson, a gambler who had threatened to shoot a Mormon editor. A
man who was a boy at the time gave J. H. Beadle the particulars
of this double murder as he received it from the person who
lighted a brazier to give the assassin a sure aim.* The coroner's
jury the next day found that the men shot one another!

* "Polygamy," p. 192.

Soon all public attention throughout the country was centred in

the coming conflict in the Southern states. In May, 1860, the
troops at Camp Floyd departed for New Mexico and Arizona, only a
small guard being left under command of Colonel Cooke. In May,
1861, Governor Cumming left Salt Lake City for the east so
quietly that most of the people there did not hear of his
departure until they read it in the local newspapers. He soon
after appeared in Washington, and after some delay obtained a
pass which permitted his passage through the Confederate lines.
When the Southern rebellion became a certainty, Colonel Cooke and
his force were ordered to march to the East in the autumn, after
selling vast quantities of stores in Camp Floyd, and destroying
the supplies and ammunition which they could not take away. Such
a slaughter of prices as then occurred was, perhaps, without
precedent. It was estimated that goods costing $4,000,000 brought
only $l00,000. Young had preached non-intercourse with the
Gentile merchants who followed the army, but he could not lose so
great an opportunity as this, when, for instance, flour costing
$28.40 per sack sold for 52 cents, and he invested $4,000. "For
years after," says Stenhouse, "the 'regulation blue pants' were
more familiar to the eye, in the Mormon settlements, than the
Valley Tan Quaker gray."

When Governor Cumming left the territory, the secretary, Francis

H. Wooton, became acting governor. He made himself very offensive
to the administration at Washington, and President Lincoln
appointed Frank Fuller, of New Hampshire, secretary of the
territory in his place, and Mr. Fuller proceeded at once to Salt
Lake City, where he became acting governor. Later in the year the
other federal offices in Utah were filled by the appointment of
John W. Dawson, of Indiana, as governor, John F. Kinney as chief
justice, and R. P. Flenniken and J. R. Crosby as associate
justices.

The selection of Dawson as governor was something more than a

political mistake. He was the editor and publisher of a party
newspaper at Fort Wayne, Indiana, a man of bad morals, and a
meddler in politics, who gave the Republican managers in his
state a great deal of trouble. The undoubted fact seems to be
that he was sent out to Utah on the recommendation of Indiana
politicians of high rank, who wanted to get rid of him, and who
gave no attention whatever to the requirements of his office.
Arriving at his post early in December, 1861, the new governor
incurred the ill will of the Mormons almost immediately by
vetoing a bill for a state convention passed by the territorial
legislature, and a memorial to Congress in favor of the admission
of the territory as a state (which Acting Governor Fuller
approved). They were very glad, therefore, to take advantage of
any mistake he might make; and he almost at once gave them their
opportunity, by making improper advances to a woman whom he had
employed to do some work. She, as Dawson expressed it to one of
his colleagues, "was fool enough to tell of it," and Dawson,
learning immediately that the Mormons meditated a severe
vengeance, at once made preparations for his departure.

The Deseret News of January 1, 1862, in an editorial on the

departure of the governor, said that for eight or ten days he had
been confined to his room and reported insane; that, when he
left, he took with him his physician and four guards, "to each of
whom, as reported last evening, $100 is promised in the event
that they guard him faithfully, and prevent his being killed or
becoming qualified for the office of chamberlain in the King's
palace, till he shall have arrived at and passed the eastern
boundary of the territory." After indicating that he had
committed an offence against a lady which, under the common law,
if enforced, "would have caused him to have bitten the dust," the
News added: "Why he selected the individuals named for his
bodyguard no one with whom we have conversed has been able to
determine. That they will do him justice, and see him safely out
of the territory, there can be no doubt."

The hints thus plainly given were carried out. Beadle's account
says, "He was waylaid in Weber Canon, and received shocking and
almost emasculating injuries from three Mormon lads."* Stenhouse
says: "He was dreadfully maltreated by some Mormon rowdies who
assumed, 'for the fun of the thing,' to be the avengers of an
alleged insult. Governor Dawson had been betrayed into an
offence, and his punishment was heavy."** Mrs. Waite says that
the Mormons laid a trap for the governor, as they had done for
Steptoe; but the evidence indicates that, in Dawson's case, the
victim was himself to blame for the opportunity he gave.

* "Polygamy," p. 195.

** "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 592.

Stenhouse says that the Mormon authorities were very angry

because of the aggravated character of the punishment dealt out
to the governor, as they simply wanted him sent away disgraced,
and that they had all his assailants shot. This is practically
confirmed by the Mormon historian Whitney, who says that one of
the assailants was a relative of the woman insulted, and the
others "merely drunken desperadoes and robbers who," he explains,
"were soon afterward arrested for their cowardly and brutal
assault upon the fleeing official. One of them, Lot Huntington,
was shot by Deputy Sheriff O. P. Rockwell [so often Young's
instrument in such cases] on January 26, in Rush Valley, while
attempting to escape from the officers, and two others, John P.
Smith and Moroni Clawson, were killed during a similar attempt
next day by the police of Salt Lake City. Their confederates were
tried and duly punished."*

* "History of Utah," Vol. II, p. 38.

The departure of Governor Dawson left the executive office again

in charge of Secretary Fuller. Early in 1862 the Indians
threatened the overland mail route, and Fuller, having received
instruction from Montgomery Blair to keep the route open at all
hazards, called for thirty men to serve for thirty days. These
were supplied by the Mormons. In the following April, the Indian
troubles continuing, Governor Fuller, Chief Justice Kinney, and
officers of the Overland Mail and Pacific Telegraph Companies
united in a letter to Secretary Stanton asking that
Superintendent of Indian Affairs Doty be authorized to raise a
regiment of mounted rangers in the territory, with officers
appointed by him, to keep open communication. These petitioners,
observes Tullidge, "had overrated the federal power in Utah, as
embodied in themselves, for such a service, when they overlooked
ex-Governor Young" and others.* Young had no intention of
permitting any kind of a federal force to supplant his Legion. He
at once telegraphed to the Utah Delegate in Washington that the
Utah militia (alias Nauvoo Legion) were competent to furnish the
necessary protection. As a result of this presentation of the
matter, Adjutant General L. L. Thomas, on April 28, addressed a
reply to the petition for protection, not to any of the federal
officers in Utah, but to "Mr. Brigham Young," saying, " By
express direction of the President of the United States you are
hereby authorized to raise, arm, and equip one company of cavalry
for ninety days' service."* The order for carrying out these
instructions was placed by the head of the Nauvoo Legion,
"General" Wells--who ordered the burning of the government trains
in 1857--in the hands of Major Lot Smith, who carried out that
order!

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 252.

** Vol. II, Series 3, p. 27, War of the Rebellion, official

records.

Judges Flenniken and Crosby took their departure from the

territory a month later than Dawson, and Thomas J. Drake of
Michigan and Charles B. Waite of Illinois* were named as their
successors, and on March 31 Stephen S. Harding of Milan, Indiana,
a lawyer, was appointed governor. The new officers arrived in
July.

* After leaving Utah Judge Waite was appointed district attorney

for Idaho, was elected to Congress, and published "A History of
the Christian Religion," and other books. His wife, author of
"The Mormon Prophet," was a graduate of Oberlin College and of
the Union College of Law in Chicago, a member of the Illinois
bar, founder of the Chicago Law Times, and manager of the
publishing firm of C. W. Waite & Co.

At this time the Mormons were again seeking admission for the
State of Deseret. They had had a constitution prepared for
submission to Congress, had nominated Young for governor and
Kimball for lieutenant governor, and the legislature, in advance,
had chosen W. H. Hooper and George Q. Cannon the United States
senators. But Utah was not then admitted, while, on the other
hand, an anti-polygamy bill (to be described later) was passed,
and signed by President Lincoln on July 2.

During the month preceding the arrival of Governor Harding,

another tragedy had been enacted in the territory. Among the
church members was a Welshman named Joseph Morris, who became
possessed of the belief (which, as we have seen, had afflicted
brethren from time to time) that he was the recipient of
"revelations." One of these "revelations" having directed him to
warn Young that he was wandering from the right course, he did
this in person, and received a rebuke so emphatic that it quite
overcame him. He betook himself, therefore, to a place called
Kington Fort, on the Weber River, thirty-five miles north of Salt
Lake City, and there he found believers in his prophetic gifts in
the local Bishop, and quite a settlement of men and women, almost
all foreigners. Young's refusal to satisfy the demand for
published "revelations" gave some standing to a fanatic like
Morris, who professed to supply that long-felt want, and he was
so prolific in his gift that three clerks were required to write
down what was revealed to him. Among his announcements were the
date of the coming of Christ and the necessity of "consecrating"
their property in a common fund. Having made a mistake in the
date selected for Christ's appearance, the usual apostates sprang
up, and, when they took their departure, they claimed the right
to carry with them their share of the common effects. In the
dispute that ensued, the apostates seized some Morrisite grain on
the way to mill, and the Morrisites captured some apostates, and
took them prisoners to Kington Fort.

Out of these troubles came the issue of a writ by Judge Kinney

for the release of the prisoners, the defiance of this writ by
the Morrisites, and a successful appeal to the governor for the
use of the militia to enable the marshal to enforce the writ. On
the morning of June 13 the Morrisites discovered an armed force,
in command of General R. T. Burton, the marshal's chief deputy,
on the mountain that overlooked their settlement, and received
from Burton an order to surrender in thirty minutes. Morris
announced a "revelation," declaring that the Lord would not allow
his people to be destroyed. When the thirty minutes had expired,
without further warning the Mormon force fired on the Morrisites
with a cannon, killing two women outright, and sending the others
to cover. But the devotees were not weak-hearted. For three days
they kept up a defence, and it was not until their ammunition was
exhausted that they raised a white flag. When Burton rode into
their settlement and demanded Morris's surrender, that fanatic
replied, "Never." Burton at once shot him dead, and then badly
wounded John Banks, an English convert and a preacher of
eloquence, who had joined Morris after rebelling against Young's
despotism. Banks died "suddenly" that evening. Burton finished
his work by shooting two women, one of whom dared to condemn his
shooting of Morris and Banks, and the other for coming up to him
crying.*

* For accounts of this slaughter, see "Rocky Mountain Saints,"

pp. 593-606, and Beadle's "Life in Utah," pp. 413-420.

The bodies of Morris and Banks were carried to Salt Lake City and
exhibited there. No one--President of the church or federal
officer--took any steps at that time to bring their murderers to
justice. Sixteen years later District Attorney Van Zile tried
Burton for this massacre, but the verdict was acquittal, as it
has been in all these famous cases except that of John D. Lee.
Ninety-three Morrisites, few of whom could speak English, were
arraigned before Judge Kinney and placed under bonds. In the
following March seven of the Morrisites were convicted of killing
members of the posse, and sentenced by Judge Kinney to
imprisonment for from five to fifteen years each, while sixty-six
others were fined $100 each for resisting the posse. Governor
Harding immediately pardoned ail the accused, in response to a
numerously signed petition. Beadle says that Bishop Wooley
advised the governor to be careful about granting these pardons,
as "our people feel it would be an outrage, and if it is done,
they might proceed to violence"; but that Bill Hickman, the
Danite captain, rode thirty miles to sign the petition, saying
that he was "one Mormon who was not afraid to sign." The grand
jury that had indicted the Morrisites made a presentment to Judge
Kinney, in which they said, "We present his Excellency Stephen S.
Harding, governor of Utah, as we would an unsafe bridge over a
dangerous stream, jeopardizing the lives of all those who pass
over it; or as we would a pestiferous cesspool in our district,
breathing disease and death." And the chief justice assured this
jury that they addressed him "in no spirit of malice," and asked
them to accept his thanks "for your cooperation in the support of
my efforts to maintain and enforce the law." It is to the credit
of the powers at Washington that this judge was soon afterward
removed.*

* Even the Mormon historian has only this to say on this subject:
"Of the relative merit or demerit of the action of the United
States and territorial authorities concerned in the Morrisite
affair the historian does not presume to touch, further than to
present the record itself and its significance."--Tullidge,
"History of Salt Lake City," p. 320.

CHAPTER XVIII. Attitude of the Mormons During the Southern

Rebellion

The attitude of the Mormons toward the government at the outbreak

of hostilities with the Southern states was distinctly disloyal.
The Deseret News of January 2, 1861, said, "The indications are
that the breach which has been effected between the North and
South will continue to widen, and that two or more nations will
be formed out of the fragmentary portions of the once glorious
republic." The Mormons in England had before that been told in
the Millennial Star (January 28, 1860) that "the Union is now
virtually destroyed." The sermons in Salt Lake City were of the
same character. "General" Wells told the people on April 6, 1861,
that the general government was responsible for their expulsion
from Missouri and Illinois, adding: "So far as we are concerned,
we should have been better without a government than such a one.
I do not think there is a more corrupt government upon the face
of the earth."* Brigham Young on the same day said: "Our present
President, what is his strength? It is like a rope of sand, or
like a rope made of water. He is as weak as water.... I feel
disgraced in having been born under a government that has so
little power, disposition and influence for truth and right.
Shame, shame on the rulers of this nation. I feel myself
disgraced to hail such men as my countrymen."**

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. VIII, pp. 373-374.

** Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 4.

Elder G. A. Smith, on the same occasion, railing against the non-

Mormon clergy, said, "Mr. Lincoln now is put into power by that
priestly influence; and the presumption is, should he not find
his hands full by the secession of the Southern States, the
spirit of priestly craft would force him, in spite of his good
wishes and intentions, to put to death, if it was in his power,
every man that believes in the divine mission of Joseph Smith."*
On August 31, 1862, Young quoted Smith's prediction of a
rebellion beginning in South Carolina, and declared that "the
nation that has slain the prophet of God will be broken in pieces
like a potter's vessel," boasting that the Mormon government in
Utah was "the best earthly government that was ever framed by
man."

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. IX, p. 18.

Tullidge, discussing in 1876 the attitude of the Mormon church

toward the South, said:--

"With the exception of the slavery question and the policy of

secession, the South stood upon the same ground that Utah had
stood upon just previously.... And here we reach the heart of the
Mormon policy and aims. Secession is not in it. Their issues are
all inside the Union. The Mormon prophecy is that that people are
destined to save the Union and preserve the constitution.... The
North, which had just risen to power through the triumph of the
Republican party, occupied the exact position toward the South
that Buchanan's administration had held toward Utah. And the
salient points of resemblance between the two cases were so
striking that Utah and the South became radically associated in
the Chicago platform that brought the Republican party into
office. Slavery and polygamy--these 'twin relics of barbarism'--
were made the two chief planks of the party platform. Yet neither
of these were the real ground of the contest. It continues still,
and some of the soundest men of the times believe that it will be
ultimately referred in a revolution so general that nearly every
man in America will become involved in the action.... The Mormon
view of the great national controversy, then, is that the
Southern States should have done precisely what Utah did, and
placed themselves on the defensive ground of their rights and
institutions as old as the Union. Had they placed themselves
under the political leadership of Brigham Young, they would have
triumphed, for their cause was fundamentally right; their
secession alone was the national crime."**

** Tullidge's "Life of Brigham Young," Chap. 24.

Knowledge of the spirit which animated the Saints induced the

Secretary of War to place them under military supervision, and in
May, 1862, the Third California Infantry and a part of the Second
California Cavalry were ordered to Utah. The commander of this
force was Colonel P. E. Connor, who had a fine record in the
Mexican War, and who was among the first, at the outbreak of the
Rebellion, to tender his services to the government in
California, where he was then engaged in business. On assuming
command of the military district of Utah, which included Utah and
Nevada, Colonel Connor issued an order directing commanders of
posts, camps, and detachments to arrest and imprison, until they
took the oath of allegiance, "all persons who from this date
shall be guilty of uttering treasonable sentiments against the
government," adding, "Traitors shall not utter treasonable
sentiments in this district with impunity, but must seek some
more genial soil, or receive the punishment they so richly
deserve."

When Connor's force arrived at Fort Crittenden (the Camp Floyd of

General Johnston), the Mormons supposed that it would make its
camp there. Persons having a pecuniary interest in the
reoccupation of the old site, where they wanted to sell to the
government the buildings they had bought for a song, tried hard
to induce Colonel Connor to accept their view, even warning him
of armed Mormon opposition to his passage through Salt Lake City.
But he was not a man to be thus deterred. Among the rumors that
reached him was one that Bill Hickman, the Danite chief, was
offering to bet $500 in Salt Lake City that the colonel could not
cross the river Jordan. Colonel Connor is said to have sent back
the reply that he "would cross the river Jordan if hell yawned
below him."

On Saturday, October 18, Connor marched twenty miles toward the

Mormon capital, and the next day crossed the Jordan at 2 P.M.,
without finding a person in sight on the eastern shore. The
command, knowing that the Nauvoo Legion outnumbered them vastly,
and ignorant of the real intention of the Mormon leaders,
advanced with every preparation to meet resistance. They were, as
an accompanying correspondent expressed it, "six hundred miles of
sand from reinforcements." The conciliatory policy of so many
federal officers in Utah would have induced Colonel Connor to
march quietly around the city, and select some place for his camp
where it would not offend Mormon eyes. What he did do was to halt
his command when the city was two miles distant, form his column
with an advance guard of cavalry and a light battery, the
infantry and commissary wagons coming next, and in this order, to
the bewilderment of the Mormon authorities, march into the
principal street, with his two bands playing, to Emigrants'
Square, and so to Governor Harding's residence.

The only United States flag displayed on any building that day
was the governor's. The sidewalks were packed with men, women,
and children, but not a cheer was heard. In front of the
governor's residence the battalion was formed in two lines, and
the governor, standing in the buggy in which he had ridden out to
meet them, addressed them, saying that their mission was one of
peace and security, and urging them to maintain the strictest
discipline. The troops, Colonel Connor leading, gave three cheers
for the country and the flag, and three for Governor Harding, and
then took up their march to the slope at the base of Wahsatch
Mountain, where the Camp Douglas of to-day is situated. This camp
was in sight of the Mormon city, and Young's residence was in
range of its guns. Thus did Brigham's will bend before the quiet
determination of a government officer who respected his
government's dignity.

But the Mormon spirit was to be still further tested. On December

8 Governor Harding read his first message to the territorial
legislature. It began with a tribute to the industry and
enterprise of the people; spoke of the progress of the war, and
of the application of the territory for statehood, and in this
connection said, "I am sorry to say that since my sojourn amongst
you I have heard no sentiments, either publicly or privately
expressed, that would lead me to believe that much sympathy is
felt by any considerable number of your people in favor of the
government of the United States, now struggling for its very
existence." He declared that the demand for statehood should not
be entertained unless it was "clearly shown that there is a
sufficient population" and "that the people are loyal to the
federal government and the laws." He recommended the taking of a
correct census to settle the question of population. All these
utterances were gall and wormwood to a body of Mormon lawmakers,
but worse was to come. Congress having passed an act "to prevent
and punish the practice of polygamy in the territories," the
governor naturally considered it his duty to call attention to
the matter. Prevising that he desired to do so "in no offensive
manner or unkind spirit," he pointed out that the practice was
founded on no territorial law, resting merely on custom; and
laid, down the principle that "no community can happily exist
with an institution so important as that of marriage wanting in
all those qualities that make it homogeneal with institutions and
laws of neighboring civilized countries having the same spirit."
He spoke of the marriage of a mother and her daughter to the same
man as "no less a marvel in morals than in matters of taste," and
warned them against following the recommendation of high church
authorities that the federal law be disregarded. This message,
according to the Mormon historian, was "an insult offered to
their representatives."*

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 305.

These representatives resented the "insult " by making no

reference in the journal to the reading of the message, and by
failing to have it printed. When this was made known in
Washington, the Senate, on January 16, 1863, called for a report
by the Committee on Territories concerning the suppression of the
message, and they got one from its chairman, Benjamin Wade,
pointing out that Utah Territory was in the control of "a sort of
Jewish theocracy," affording "the first exhibition, within the
limits of the United States, of a church ruling the state," and
declaring that the governor's message contained "nothing that
should give offence to any legislature willing to be governed by
the laws of morality," closing with a recommendation that the
message be printed by Congress. The territorial legislature
adjourned on January 16 without sending to Governor Harding for
his approval a single appropriation bill, and the next day the
so-called legislature of the State of Deseret met and received a
message from the state governor, Brigham Young.

Next the new federal judges came under Mormon displeasure. We

have seen the conflict of jurisdiction existing between the
federal and the so-called probate courts and their officers.
Judge Waite perceived the difficulties thus caused as soon as he
entered upon his duties, and he sent to Washington an act giving
the United States marshal authority to select juries for the
federal courts, taking from the probate courts jurisdiction in
civil actions, and leaving them a limited criminal jurisdiction
subject to appeal to the federal court, and providing for a
reorganization of the militia under the federal governor.
Bernhisel and Hooper sent home immediate notice of the arrival of
this bill in Washington.
Now, indeed, it was time for Brigham to "bend his finger." If a
governor could openly criticise polygamy, and a judge seek to
undermine Young's legal and military authority, without a
protest, his days of power were certainly drawing to a close.
Accordingly, a big mass-meeting was held in Salt Lake City on
March 3, 1863, "for the purpose of investigating certain acts of
several of the United States officials in the territory."
Speeches were made by John Taylor and Young, in which the
governor and judges were denounced.* A committee was appointed to
ask the governor and two judges to resign and leave the
territory, and a petition was signed requesting President Lincoln
to remove them, the first reason stated being that "they are
strenuously endeavoring to create mischief, and stir up strife
between the people of the territory and the troops in Camp
Douglas." The meeting then adjourned, the band playing the
"Marseillaise."

* Reported in Mrs. Waite's "Mormon Prophet," pp. 98-102.

The committee, consisting of John Taylor, J. Clinton, and Orson

Pratt, called on the governor and the judges the next morning,
and met with a flat refusal to pay any attention to the mandate
of the meeting. "You may go back and tell your constituents,"
said Governor Harding, "that I will not resign my office, and
will not leave this territory, until it shall please the
President to recall me. I will not be driven away. I may be in
danger in staying, but my purpose is fixed." Judge Drake told the
committee that he had a right to ask Congress to pass or amend
any law, and that it was a special insult for him, a citizen, to
be asked by Taylor, a foreigner, to leave any part of the
Republic. "Go back to Brigham Young, your master," said he, "that
embodiment of sin, shame, and disgust, and tell him that I
neither fear him, nor love him, nor hate him--that I utterly
despise him. Tell him, whose tools and tricksters you are, that I
did not come here by his permission, and that I will not go away
at his desire nor by his direction.... A horse thief or a
murderer has, when arrested, a right to speak in court; and,
unless in such capacity or under such circumstances, don't you
even dare to speak to me again." Judge Waite simply declined to
resign because to do so would imply "either that I was sensible
of having done something wrong, or that I was afraid to remain at
my post and perform my duty."**

* Text of replies in Mrs. Waite's "Mormon Prophet," pp. 107-109.

As soon as the action of the Mormon mass-meeting became known at

Camp Douglas, all the commissioned officers there signed a
counter petition to President Lincoln, "as an act of duty we owe
our government," declaring that the charge of inciting trouble
between the people and the troops was "a base and unqualified
falsehood," that the accused officers had been "true and faithful
to the government," and that there was no good reason for their
removal.

Excitement in Salt Lake City now ran high. Young, in a violent

harangue in the Tabernacle on March 8, after declaring his
loyalty to the government, said, "Is there anything that could be
asked that we would not do? Yes. Let the present administration
ask us for a thousand men, or even five hundred, and I'd see them
d--d first, and then they could not have them. What do you think
of that?' (Loud cries of 'Good, Good,' and great applause.)"*

* Correspondence of the Chicago Tribune.

Young expected arrest, and had a signal arranged by which the

citizens would rush to his support if this was attempted. A false
alarm of this kind was given on March 9, and in an hour two
thousand armed men were assembled around his house.* Steptoe, who
in an earlier year had declined the governorship of the territory
and petitioned for Young's reappointment, took credit for what
followed in an article in the Overland Monthly for December,
1896. Being at Salt Lake City at the time, he suggested to Wells
and other leaders that they charge Young with the crime of
polygamy before one of the magistrates, and have him arraigned
and admitted to bail, in order to place him beyond the reach of
the military officers. The affidavit was sworn to before the
compliant Chief Justice Kinney by Young's private secretary, was
served by the territorial marshal, and Young was released in
$5000 bail. Colonel Connor was informed of this arrest before he
arrived in the city, and retraced his steps; the citizens
dispersed to their homes; the grand jury found no indictment
against Young, and in due time he was discharged from his
recognizance.

* "On the inside of the high walls surrounding Brigham's premises

scaffolding was hastily erected in order to enable the militia to
fire down upon the passing volunteers. The houses on the route
which occupied a commanding position where an attack could be
made upon the troops were taken possession of, and the small
cannon brought out."--"Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 604.

"In the meantime," says a Mormon chronicler, "our 'outside'

friends in this city telegraphed to those interested in the mail*
and telegraph lines that they must work for the removal of the
troops, Governor Harding, and Judges Waite and Drake, otherwise
there would be 'difficulty,' and the mail and telegraph lines
would be destroyed. Their moneyed interest has given them great
energy in our behalf."** This "work" told Governor Harding was
removed, leaving the territory on June 11 and, as proof that this
was due to "work" and not to his own incapacity, he was made
Chief Justice of Colorado Territory.*** With him were displaced
Chief Justice Kinney and Secretary Fuller.**** Judges Waite and
Drake wrote to the President that it would take the support of
five thousand men to make the federal courts in Utah effective.
Waite resigned in the summer of 1863. Drake remained, but his
court did practically no business.

* The first Pony Express left Sacramento and St. Joseph,

Missouri, on April 3, 1860. Major General M. B. Hazen in an
official letter dated February, 1807 (House Misc. Doc. No. 75, 2d
Session, 39th Congress), said: "Ben Holiday I believe to be the
only outsider acceptable to those people, and to benefit himself
I believe he would throw the whole weight of his influence in
favor of Mormonism. By the terms of his contract to carry the
mails from the Missouri to Utah, all papers and pamphlets for the
newsdealers, not directed to subscribers, are thrown out. It
looks very much like a scheme to keep light out of that country,
nowhere so much needed."

** D. O. Calder's letter to George Q. Cannon, March 13, 1863, in

Millennial Star.

*** "Every attempt was made to seduce him from the path of duty,
not omitting the same appliances which had been brought to bear
upon Steptoe and Dawson, but all in vain."--"The Mormon Prophet,"
p. 109.

**** Whitney, the Mormon historian, says that while the President
was convinced that Harding was not the right man for the place,
"he doubtless believed that there was more or less truth in the
charges of 'subserviency' to Young made by local anti-Mormons
against Chief Justice Kinney and Secretary Fuller. He therefore
removed them as well."--"History of Utah," Vol. II, p. 103.

Lincoln's policy, as he expressed it then, was, "I will let the

Mormons alone if they will let me alone."* He had war enough on
his hands without seeking any diversion in Utah. J. D. Doty, the
superintendent of Indian affairs, succeeded Harding as governor,
Amos Reed of Wisconsin became secretary, and John Titus of
Philadelphia chief justice.

* Young's letter to Cannon, "History of Salt Lake City," p. 325.

Affairs in Utah now became more quiet. General Connor (he was
made a brigadier general for his service in the Bear River Indian
campaign in 1862-1863) yielded nothing to Mormon threats or
demands. A periodical called the Union Vidette, published by his
force, appeared in November, 1863, and in it was printed a
circular over his name, expressing belief in the existence of
rich veins of gold, silver, copper, and other metals in the
territory, and promising the fullest protection to miners and
prospectors; and the beginning of the mining interests there
dated from the picking up of a piece of ore by a lady member of
the camp while attending a picnic party. Although the Mormons had
discouraged mining as calculated to cause a rush of non-Mormon
residents, they did not show any special resentment to the
general's policy in this respect. With the increasing evidence
that the Union cause would triumph, the church turned its face
toward the federal government. We find, accordingly, a union of
Mormons and Camp Douglas soldiers in the celebration of Union
victories on March 4, 1865, with a procession and speeches, and,
when General Connor left to assume command of the Department of
the Platte, a ball in his honor was given in Salt Lake City; and
at the time of Lincoln's assassination church and government
officers joined in services in the Tabernacle, and the city was
draped in mourning.
CHAPTER XIX. Eastern Visitors To Salt Lake City--Unpunished
Murderers

In June, 1865, a distinguished party from the East visited Salt

Lake City, and their visit was not without public significance.
It included Schuyler Colfax, Speaker of the House of
Representatives, Lieutenant Governor Bross of Illinois, Samuel
Bowles, editor of the Springfield (Massachusetts) Republican, and
A. D. Richardson of the staff of the New York Tribune. Crossing
the continent was still effected by stage-coach at that time,
and the Mormon capital had never been visited by civilians so
well known and so influential. Mr. Colfax had stated publicly
that President Lincoln, a short time before his death, had asked
him to make a thorough investigation of territorial matters, and
his visit was regarded as semiofficial. The city council
formally tendered to the visitors the hospitality of the city,
and Mr. Bowles wrote that the Speaker's reception "was excessive
if not oppressive."

In an interview between Colfax and Young, during which the

subject of polygamy was brought up by the latter, he asked what
the government intended to do with it, now that the slavery
question was out of the way. Mr. Colfax replied with the
expression of a hope that the prophets of the church would have a
new "revelation" which would end the practice, pointing out an
example in the course of Missouri and Maryland in abolishing
slavery, without waiting for action by the federal government.
"Mr. Young," says Bowles, "responded quietly and frankly that he
should readily welcome such a revelation; that polygamy was not
in the original book of the Mormons; that it was not an
essential practice in the church, but only a privilege and a
duty, under special command of God."*

* "Across the Continent," p. 111.

It is worth while to note Mr. Bowles's summing up of his

observations of Mormondom during this visit. "The result," he
wrote, "of the whole experience has been to increase my
appreciation of the value of their material progress and
development to the nation; to evoke congratulations to them and
to the country for the wealth they have created, and the order,
frugality, morality (sic), and industry they have organized in
this remote spot in our continent; to excite wonder at the
perfection of their church system, the extent of its
ramifications, the sweep of its influence, and to enlarge my
respect for the personal sincerity and character of many of the
leaders in the organization."* These were the expressions of a
leading journalist, thought worthy to be printed later in book
form, on a church system and church officers about which he had
gathered his information during a few hours' visit, and
concerning which he was so fundamentally ignorant that he called
their Bible--whose title is, "Book of Mormon"--"book of the
Mormons!" It is reasonably certain that he had never read
Smith's "revelations," doubtful if he was acquainted with even
the framework of the Mormon Bible, and probable that he was
wholly ignorant of the history of their recent "Reformation."
Many a profound opinion of Mormonism has been founded on as
little opportunity for accurate knowledge.**

* "Across the Continent," p. 106.

** As another illustration of the value of observations by such

transient students may be cited the following, from Sir Charles
Wentworth Dilke's "Greater Britain," Vol. I, p. 148: "Brigham's
deeds have been those of a sincere man. His bitterest opponents
cannot dispute the fact that, in 1844, when Nauvoo was about to
be deserted owing to attacks by a ruffianly mob, Brigham Young
rushed to the front and took command. To be a Mormon leader was
then to be the leader of an outcast people, with a price set on
his head, in a Missouri country in which almost every man who
was not a Mormon was by profession an assassin."

The Eastern visitors soon learned, however, how little intention

the Mormon leaders had to be cajoled out of polygamy. Before Mr.
Bowles's book was published, he had to add a supplement, in
which he explained that "since our visit to Utah in June, the
leaders among the Mormons have repudiated their professions of
loyalty to the government, and denied any disposition to yield
the issue of polygamy." Tullidge sneers at Colfax "for
entertaining for a while the pretty plan" of having the Mormons
give up polygamy as the Missourians did slavery. The Deseret
News, soon after the Colfax party left the territory, expressed
the real Mormon view on this subject, saying: "As a people we
view every revelation from the Lord as sacred. Polygamy was none
of our seeking. It came to us from Heaven, and we recognized it,
and still do, the voice of Him whose right it is not only to
teach us, but to dictate and teach all men . . . . They
[Gentiles] talk of revelations given, and of receiving counter
revelations to forbid what has been commanded, as if man was the
sole author, originator, and designer of them . . . . Do they
wish to brand a whole people with the foul stigma of hypocrisy,
who, from their leaders to the last converts that have made the
dreary journey to these mountain wilds for their faith, have
proved their honesty of purpose and deep sincerity of faith by
the most sublime sacrifices? Either that is the issue of their
reasoning, or they imagine that we serve and worship the most
accommodating Deity ever dreamed of in the wildest vagaries of
the most savage polytheist."

This was a perfectly consistent statement of the Mormon position,

a simple elaboration of Young's declaration that, to give up
belief in Smith as a prophet, and in his "revelations," would be
to give up their faith. Just as truly, any later "revelation,"
repealing the one concerning polygamy, must be either a pretence
or a temporary expedient, in orthodox Mormon eyes. The Mormons
date the active crusade of the government against polygamy from
the return of the Colfax party to the East, holding that this
question did not enter into the early differences between them
and the government.*

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 358.

In the year following Colfax's visit, there occurred in Utah two
murders which attracted wide notice, and which called attention
once more to the insecurity of the life of any man against whom
the finger of the church was crooked. The first victim was O. N.
Brassfield, a non-Mormon, who had the temerity to marry, on
March 20, 1866, the second polygamous wife of a Mormon while the
husband was in Europe on a mission. As he was entering his house
in Salt Lake City, on the third day of the following month, he
was shot dead. An order that had been given to disband the
volunteer troops still remaining in the territory was
countermanded from Washington, and General Sherman, then
commander of that department, telegraphed to Young that he hoped
to hear of no more murders of Gentiles in Utah, intimating that,
if he did, it would be easy to reenlist some of the recently
discharged volunteers and march them through the territory.

The second victim was Dr. J. King Robinson, a young man who had
come to Utah as assistant surgeon of the California volunteers,
married the daughter of a Mormon whose widow and daughters had
left the church, and taken possession of the land on which were
some well-known warm springs, with the intention of establishing
there a sanitarium. The city authorities at once set up a claim
to the warm springs property, a building Dr. Robinson had
erected there was burned, and, as he became aggressive in
asserting his legal rights, he was called out one night,
ostensibly to set a broken leg, knocked down, and shot dead. The
audacity of this crime startled even the Mormons, and the
opinion has been expressed that nothing more serious than a
beating had been intended. There was an inquest before a city
alderman, at which some non-Mormon lawyers and judges Titus and
McCurdy were asked to assist. The chief feature of this hearing
was the summing up by Ex-Governor J. B. Weller, of California,
in which he denounced such murders, asked if there was not an
organized influence which prevented the punishment of their
perpetrators, and confessed that the prosecution had not been
permitted "to lift the veil, and show the perpetrators of this
horrible murder." *

* Text in "Rocky Mountain Saints," Appendix I.

General W. B. Hazen, in his report of February, 1867, said of

these victims: *There is no doubt of their murder from Mormon
church influences, although I do not believe by direct command.
Principles are taught in their churches which would lead to such
murders. I have earnestly to recommend that a list be made of
the Mormon leaders, according to their importance, excepting
Brigham Young, and that the President of the United States
require the commanding officer at Camp Douglas to arrest and
send to the state's prison at Jefferson City, Mo., beginning at
the head of the list, man for man hereafter killed as these men
were, to be held until the real perpetrators of the deed, with
evidence for their conviction, be given up. I believe Young for
the present necessary for us there" *

* Mis. House Doc. No. 75, 2d Session, 39th Congress.

Had this policy been adopted, Mormon prisoners would soon have
started East, for very soon afterward three other murders of the
same character occurred, although the victims were not so
prominent.* Chief Justice Titus incurred the hatred of the
Mormons by determined, if futile, efforts to bring offenders in
such cases to justice, and to show their feeling they sent him a
nightgown ten feet long, at the hands of a negro.

* See note 70, p. 628, Bancroft's "History of Utah." When, in

July, 1869, a delegation from Illinois, that included Senator
Trumbull, Governor Oglesby, Editor Medill of the Chicago
Tribune, and many members of the Chicago Board of Trade, visited
Salt Lake City, they were welcomed by and affiliated with the
Gentile element;* and when, in the following October, Vice
President Colfax paid a second visit to the city, he declined the
courtesies tendered to him by the city officers.** He made an
address from the portico of the Townsend House, of which
polygamy was the principle feature, and was soon afterward drawn
into a newspaper discussion of the subject with John Taylor.

* In an interview between Young and Senator Trumbull during this

visit (reported in the Alta California), the following
conversation took place:--"Young--We can take care of ourselves.
Cumming was good enough in his way, for you know he was simply
Governor of the Territory, while I was and am Governor of the
people."

"Senator Trumbull--Mr. Young, may I say to the President that you

intend to observe the laws under the constitution?"

"Young-Well-yes--we intend to."

"Senator Trumbull--But may I say to him that you will do so?"

"Young--Yes, yes; so far as the laws are just, certainly."

** "Mr. Colfax politely refused to accept the proffered

courtesies of the city. Brigham was reported to have uttered
abusive language in the Tabernacle towards the Government and
Congress, and to have charged the President and Vice President
with being drunkards. One of the Aldermen who waited upon Mr.
Colfax to tender to him the hospitality of the city could only
say that he did not hear Brigham say so."--"Rocky Mountain
Saints," p. 638.

CHAPTER XX. Gentile Irruption And Mormon Schism

The end of the complete seclusion of the Mormon settlement in

Utah from the rest of the country--complete except so far as it
was interrupted by the passage through the territory of the
California emigration--dates from the establishment of Camp
Floyd, and the breaking up of that camp and the disposal of its
accumulation of supplies, which gave the first big impetus to
mercantile traffic in Utah.* Young was ever jealous of the
mercantile power, so openly jealous that, as Tullidge puts it,
"to become a merchant was to antagonize the church and her
policies, so that it was almost illegitimate for Mormon men of
enterprising character to enter into mercantile pursuits." This
policy naturally increased the business of non-Mormons who
established themselves in the city, and their prosperity
directed the attention of the church authorities to them, and
the pulpit orators hurled anathemas at those who traded with
them. Thus Young, in a discourse, on March 28, 1858, urging the
people to use home-made material, said: "Let the calicoes lie on
the shelves and rot. I would rather build buildings every day
and burn them down at night, than have traders here communing
with our enemies outside, and keeping up a hell all the time, and
raising devils to keep it going. They brought their hell with
them. We can have enough of our own without their help."** A
system of espionage, by means of the city police, was kept on
the stores of non-Mormons, until it required courage for a
Mormon to make a purchase in one of these establishments. To
trade with an apostate Mormon was, of course, a still greater
offence.

* "The community had become utterly destitute of almost

everything necessary to their social comfort. The people were
poorly clad, and rarely ever saw anything on their tables but
what was prepared from flour, corn, beet-molasses, and the
vegetables and fruits of their gardens. . . . It was at Camp
Floyd, indeed, where the principal Utah merchants and business
men of the second decade of our history may be said to have laid
the foundation of their fortunes, among whom were the Walker
Brothers."--Tullidge, "History of Salt Lake City," pp. 246-247.

** Journal of Discourses, Vol. VII, p. 45.

Among the mercantile houses that became strong after the

establishment of Camp Floyd was that of Walker Brothers. There
were four of them, Englishmen, who had come over with their
mother, and shared in the privations of the early Utah
settlement. Possessed of practical business talent and
independence of thought, they rebelled against Young's
dictatorial rule and the varied trammels by which their business
was restricted. Without openly apostatizing, they insisted on a
measure of independence. One manifestation of this was a refusal
to contribute one-tenth of their income as a tithe for the
expenditure of which no account was rendered. One year, when
asked for their tithe, they gave the Bishop of their ward a
check for $500 as "a contribution to the poor." When this form of
contribution was reported to Young, he refused to accept it, and
sent the brothers word that he would cut them off from the
church unless they paid their tithe in the regular way. Their
reply was to tear up the check and defy Young.

The natural result followed. Brigham and his lieutenants waged an

open war on these merchants, denouncing them in the Tabernacle,
and keeping policemen before their doors. The Walkers, on their
part, kept on offering good wares at reasonable prices, and thus
retained the custom of as many Mormons as dared trade with them
openly, or could slip in undiscovered. Even the expedient of
placing a sign bearing an "all-seeing eye" and the words
"Holiness to the Lord" over every Mormon trader's door did not
steer away from other doors the Mormon customers who delighted
in bargains. But the church power was too great for any one firm
to fight. Not only was a business man's capital in danger in
those times, when the church was opposed to him, but his life
was not safe. Stenhouse draws this picture of the condition of
affairs in 1866:--"After the assassination of Dr. Robinson, fears
of violence were not unnatural, and many men who had never
before carried arms buckled on their revolvers. Highly
respectable men in Salt Lake City forsook the sidewalks after
dusk, and, as they repaired to their residences, traversed the
middle of the public street, carrying their revolvers in their
hands.

With such a feeling of uneasiness, nearly all the non-Mormon

merchants joined in a letter to Brigham Young, offering, if the
church would purchase their goods and estates at twentyfive per
cent less than their valuation, they would leave the Territory.
Brigham answered them cavalierly that he had not asked them to
come into the Territory, did not ask them to leave it, and that
they might stay as long as they pleased.

"It was clear that Brigham felt himself master of the situation,
and the merchants had to bide their time, and await the coming
change that was anticipated from the completion of the Pacific
Railroad. As the great iron way approached the mountains, and
every day gave greater evidence of its being finished at a much
earlier period than was at first anticipated, the hope of what
it would accomplish nerved the discontented to struggle with the
passing day." *

* "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 625.

The Mormon historian incorporates these two last paragraphs in

his book, and says: "Here is at once described the Gentile and
apostate view of the situation in those times, and, confined as
it is to the salient point, no lengthy special argument in favor
of President Young's policies could more clearly justify his
mercantile cooperative movement. IT WAS THE MOMENT OF LIFE OR
DEATH TO THE TEMPORAL POWER OF THE CHURCH . . . . The
organization of Z. C. M. I. at that crisis saved the temporal
supremacy of the Mormon commonwealth."* It was to meet outside
competition with a force which would be invincible that Young
conceived the idea of Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution,
which was incorporated in 1869, with Young as president. In
carrying out this idea no opposing interest, whether inside the
church or out of it, received the slightest consideration. "The
universal dominance of the head of the church is admitted," says
Tullidge, "and in 1868, before the opening of the Utah mines and
the existence of a mixed population, there was no commercial
escape from the necessities of a combination."**

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 385.

** Cooperation is as much a cardinal and essential doctrine of

the Mormon church as baptism for the remission of
sin."--Tullidge, "History of Salt Lake City."

Young is said to have received the idea of the big Cooperative

enterprise from a small trader who asked permission to establish
a mercantile system on the Cooperative plan, of moderate
dimensions, throughout the territory. He gave it definite shape
at a meeting of merchants in October, 1868, which was followed by

a circular explaining the scheme to the people. A preamble

asserted "the impolicy of leaving the trade and commerce of this
territory to be conducted by strangers." The constitution of the
concern provided for a capital of $3,000,000 in $100 shares.
Young's original idea was to have all the merchants pool their
stocks, those who found no places in the new establishment to go
into some other business,--farming for instance,-- renting their
stores as they could. Of course this meant financial ruin to the
unprovided for, and the opposition was strong. But Young was not
to be turned from the object he had in view. One man told
Stenhouse that when he reported to Young that a certain merchant
would be ruined by the scheme, and would not only be unable to
pay his debts, but would lose his homestead, Young's reply was
that the man had no business to get into debt, and that "if he
loses his property it serves him right." Tullidge, in an article
in Harpers Magazine for September, 1871 (written when he was at
odds with Young), said, "The Mormon merchants were publicly told
that all who refused to join the cooperation should be left out
in the cold; and against the two most popular of them the Lion
of the Lord roared, 'If Henry Lawrence don't mind what's he's
about I'll send him on a mission, and W. S. Godbe I'll cut off
from the church."'

After the organization of the concern in 1869 some of the leading

Mormon merchants in Salt Lake City sold their goods to it on
favorable terms, knowing that the prices of their stock would go
down when the opening of the railroad lowered freight rates. The
Z. C. M. I. was started as a wholesale and retail concern, and
Young recommended that ward stores be opened throughout the city
which should buy their goods of the Institution. Local
cooperative stores were also organized throughout the territory,
each of which was under pressure to make its purchases of the
central concern. Branches were afterward established at Ogden,
at Logan, and at Soda Springs, Idaho, and a large business was
built up and is still continued.* The effect of this new
competition on the non-Mormon establishments was, of course,
very serious. Walker Brothers' sales, for instance, dropped
$5000 or $6000 a month, and only the opportunity to divert their
capital profitably to mining saved them and others from immediate
ruin.

Bancroft says that in 1883 the total sales of the Institution

exceeded $4,000,000, and a half yearly dividend of five per cent
was paid in October of that year, and there was a reserve fund
of about $125,000; he placed the sales of the Ogden branch, in
1883, at about $800,000, and of the Logan branch at about
$600,000. The thirty-second annual statement of the Institution,
dated April 5,1901, contains the following figures: Capital
stock, $1,077,144.89; reserve, $362,898.95; undivided profits,
$179,042.88; cash receipts, February 1 to December 31, 1900,
$3,457,624.44, sales for the same period, $3,489.571 .84. The
branch houses named is this report are at Ogden City and Provo,
Utah, and at Idaho Falls, Idaho.

But at this time an influence was preparing to make itself felt

in Utah which was a more powerful opponent of Brigham Young's
authority than any he had yet encountered. This influence took
shape in what was known as the "New Movement," and also as "The
Reformation." Its original leaders were W. S. Godbe and E. L. T.
Harrison. Godbe was an Englishman, who saw a good deal of the
world as a sailor, embraced the Mormon faith in his own country
when seventeen years of age, and walked most of the way from New
York to Salt Lake City in 1851. He became prominent in the
Mormon capital as a merchant, making the trip over the plains
twenty-four times between 1851 and 1859. Harrison was an
architect by profession, a classical scholar, and a writer of no
mean ability.

With these men were soon associated Eli B. Kelsey, a leading

elder in the Mormon church, a president of Seventies, and a
prominent worker in the English missions; H. W. Lawrence, a
wealthy merchant who was a Bishop's counsellor; Amasa M. Lyman,
who had been one of the Twelve Apostles and was acknowledged to
be one of the most eloquent preachers in the church; W. H.
Sherman, a prominent elder and a man of literary ability, who
many years later went back to the church; T. B. H. Stenhouse, a
Scotchman by birth, who was converted to Mormonism in 1846, and
took a prominent part in missionary work in Europe, for three
years holding the position of president of the Swiss and Italian
missions; he emigrated to this country with his wife and
children in 1855, practically penniless, and supported himself
for a time in New York City as a newspaper writer; in Salt Lake
City he married a second wife by Young's direction, and one of
his daughters by his first wife married Brigham's eldest son.
Stenhouse did not win the confidence of either Mormons or
non-Mormons in the course of his career, but his book, "The
Rocky Mountain Saints," contains much valuable information.
Active with these men in the "New Movement" was Edward W.
Tullidge, an elder and one of the Seventy, and a man of great
literary ability. In later years Tullidge, while not openly
associating himself with the Mormon church, wrote the "History
of Salt Lake City" which the church accepts, a "Life of Brigham
Young," which could not have been more fulsome if written by the
most devout Mormon, and a "Life of Joseph the Prophet," which is
a valueless expurgated edition of Joseph's autobiography which
ran through the Millennial Star.

The "New Movement" was assisted by the advent of non-Mormons to

the territory, by Young's arbitrary methods in starting his
cooperative scheme, by the approaching completion of the Pacific
Railroad, and, in a measure, by the organization of the
Reorganized Church under the leadership of the prophet Joseph
Smith's eldest son. Two elders of that church, who went to Salt
Lake City in 1863, were refused permission to preach in the
Tabernacle, but did effective work by house-to-house
visitations, and there were said to be more than three hundred
of the "Josephites," as they were called, in Salt Lake City in
1864.*

* "Persecution followed, as they claimed; and in early summer

about one-half of the Josephites in Salt Lake City started
eastward, so great being the excitement that General Connor
ordered a strong escort to accompany them as far as Greene
River. To those who remained, protection was also afforded by the
authorities."--Bancroft, "History of Utah," p. 645.

Harrison and Tullidge had begun the publication of a magazine

called the Peep o' Day at Camp Douglas, but it was a financial
failure. Then Godbe and Harrison started the Utah Magazine, of
which Harrison was editor. This, too, was only a drain on their
purses. Accordingly, some time in the year 1868, giving it over
to the care of Tullidge, they set out on a trip to New York by
stage. Both were in doubt on many points regarding their church;
both were of that mental make-up which is susceptible to
"revelations" and "callings"; by the time they reached New York
they realized that they were "on the road to apostasy."

Long discussions of the situation took place between them, and

the outcome was characteristic of men who had been influenced by
such teachings as those of the Mormons. Kneeling down in their
room, they prayed earnestly, and as they did so "a voice spoke
to them." For three weeks, while Godbe transacted his mercantile
business, his friend prepared questions on religion and
philosophy, "and in the evening, by appointment, 'a band of
spirits' came to them and held converse with them, as friends
would speak with friends. One by one the questions prepared by
Mr. Harrison were read, and Mr. Godbe and Mr. Harrison, with
pencil and paper, took down the answers as they heard them given
by the spirits."* The instruction which they thus received was
Delphic in its clearness--that which was true in Mormonism
should be preserved and the rest should be rejected.

* "Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 631.

When they returned to Utah they took Elder Eli B. Kelsey, Elder
H. W. Lawrence, a man of wealth, and Stenhouse into their
confidence, and it was decided to wage open warfare on Young's
despotism, using the Utah Magazine as their mouthpiece. Without
attacking Young personally, or the fundamental Mormon beliefs,
the magazine disputed Young's doctrine that the world . was
degenerating to ruin, held up the really "great characters" the
world has known, that Young might be contrasted with them, and
discussed the probabilities of honest errors in religious
beliefs. When the Mormon leaders read in the magazine such
doctrine as that, "There is one false error which possesses the
minds of some in this, that God Almighty intended the priesthood
to do our thinking," they realized that they had a contest on
their hands. Young got into trouble with the laboring men at
this time. He had contracts for building a part of the Pacific
Railroad, which were sublet at a profit. An attempt by him to
bring about a reduction of wages gave the magazine an
opportunity to plead the laborers' cause which it gladly
embraced.*
* Harpers Magazine, Vol. XLIII, p. 605.

In the summer of 1869 Alexander and David Hyrum Smith, sons of

the prophet, visited Salt Lake City in the interest of the
Reorganized Church. Many of Young's followers still looked on
the sons of the prophet as their father's rightful successor to
the leadership of the Church, as Young at Nauvoo had promised
that Joseph III should be. But these sons now found that, even to
be acknowledged as members of Brigham's fold, they must accept
baptism at the hands of one of his elders, and acknowledge the
"revelation" concerning polygamy as coming from God. They had
not come with that intent. But they called on Young and
discussed with him the injection of polygamy into the church
doctrines. Young finally told them that they possessed, not the
spirit of their father, but of their mother Emma, whom Young
characterized as "a liar, yes, the damnedest liar that lived,"
declaring that she tried to poison the prophet * He refused to
them the use of the Tabernacle, but they spoke in private houses
and, through the influence of the Walker brothers, secured
Independence Hall. The Brighamites, using a son of Hyrum Smith
as their mouthpiece,** took pains that a goodly number of
polygamists should attend the Independence Hall meetings, and
interruptions of the speakers turned the gatherings into
something like personal wrangles.

* For Alexander Smith's report, see True Latter-Day Saints'

Herald, Vol. XVI, pp. 85-86.

** Hyrum's widow went to Salt lake City, and died there in

September, 1852, at the house of H. C. Kimball, who had taken
care of her.

The presence of the prophet's sons gave the leaders of "The

Reformation" an opportunity to aim a thrust at what was then
generally understood to be one of Brigham Young's ambitions,
namely, the handing down of the Presidency of the church to his
oldest son; and an article in their magazine presented the matter
in this light: "If we know the true feeling of our brethren, it
is that they never intend Joseph Smith's nor any other man's son
to preside over them, simply because of their sonship. The
principle of heirship has cursed the world for ages, and with
our brethren we expect to fight it till, with every other relic
of tyranny, it is trodden under foot." Young accepted this
challenge, and at once ordered Harrison and two other elders in
affiliation with him to depart on missions. They disobeyed the
order.

Godbe and Harrison told their friends in Utah that they had
learned from the spirits who visited them in New York that the
release of the people of the territory from the despotism of the
church could come only through the development of the mines. So
determined was the opposition of Young's priesthood to this
development that its open advocacy in the magazine was the cause
of more serious discussion than that given to any of the other
subjects treated. As "The Reformation" did not then embrace more
than a dozen members, the courage necessary to defy the church
on such a question was not to be belittled. Just at that time
came the visit of the Illinois party and of Vice President
Colfax, and the latter was made acquainted with their plans and
gave them encouragement. Ten days later the magazine, in an
article on "The True Development of the Territory," openly
advised paying more attention to mining. Young immediately
called together the "School of the Prophets." This was an
organization instituted in Utah, with the professed object of
discussing doctrinal questions, having the "revelations" of the
prophet elucidated by his colleagues, etc. It was not open to
all church members, the "scholars" attending by invitation, and
it soon became an organization under Young's direction which took
cognizance of the secular doings of the people, exercising an
espionage over them. The school is no longer maintained. Before
this school Young denounced the "Reformers" in his most scathing
terms, going so far as to intimate that his rule was itself in
danger. Consequently the leaders of the "New Movement" were
notified to appear before the High Council for a hearing.

When this hearing occurred, Young managed that Godbe and Harrison
should be the only persons on trial. Both of them defied him to
his face, denying his "right to dictate to them in all things
spiritual and temporal,"--this was the question put to
them,--and protesting against his rule. They also read a set of
resolutions giving an outline of their intended movements. They
were at once excommunicated, and the only elder, Eli B. Kelsey,
who voted against this action was immediately punished in the
same way. Kelsey was not granted even the perfunctory hearing
that was customarily allowed in such cases, and he was "turned
over to the devil," instead of being consigned by the usual
formula "to the buffetings of Satan."

But this did not silence the "Reformers." Their lives were
considered in danger by their acquaintances, and the
assassination of the most prominent of them was anticipated;*
but they went straight ahead on the lines they had proclaimed.
Their first public meetings were held on Sunday, December 19,
1869. The knowledge of the fact that they claimed to act by
direct and recent revelation gave them no small advantage with a
people whose belief rested on such manifestations of the divine
will, and they had crowded audiences. The services were
continued every Sunday, and on the evening of one week day; the
magazine went on with its work, and they were the founders of
the Salt Lake Tribune which later, as a secular journal, has led
the Gentile press in Utah.

* "In August my husband sent a respectful and kindly letter to

the Bishop of our ward, stating that he had no faith in
Brigham's claim to an Infallible Priesthood; and that he
considered that he ought to be cut off from the church. I added
a postscript stating that I wished to share my husband's fate. A
little after ten o'clock, on the Saturday night succeeding our
withdrawal from the church, we were returning home together . .
. when we suddenly saw four men come out from under some trees
at a little distance from us . . . . As soon as they approached,
they seized hold of my husband's arms, one on each side, and held
him firmly, thus rendering him almost powerless. They were all
masked . . . . In an instant I saw them raise their arms, as if
taking aim, and for one brief second I thought that our end had
surely come, and that we, like so many obnoxious persons before
us, were about to be murdered for the great sin of apostasy.
This I firmly believe would have been my husband's fate if I had
not chanced to be with him or had I run away . . . . The
wretches, although otherwise well armed, were not holding
revolvers in their hands as I at first supposed. They were
furnished with huge garden syringes, charged with the most
disgusting filth. My hair, bonnet, face, clothes, person--every
inch of my body, every shred I wore--were in an instant
saturated, and my husband and myself stood there reeking from
head to foot. The villains, when they had perpetrated this
disgusting and brutal outrage, turned and fled."--Mrs. Stenhouse,
"Tell it All," pp. 578-581.

But the attempt to establish a reformed Mormonism did not

succeed, and the organization gradually disappeared. One of the
surviving leaders said to me (in October, 1901): "My parents had
believed in Mormonism, and I believed in the Mormon prophet and
the doctrines set forth in his revelations. We hoped to purify
the Mormon church, eradicating evils that had annexed themselves
to it in later years. But our study of the question showed us
that the Mormon faith rested on no substantial basis, and we
became believers in transcendentalism." Mr. Godbe and Mr.
Lawrence still reside in Utah. The former has made and lost more
than one fortune in the mines. The Mormon historian Whitney says
of the leaders in this attempted reform: "These men were all
reputable and respected members of the community. Naught against
their morality or general uprightness of character was known or
advanced."* Stenhouse, writing three years before Young's death,
said:--

* Whitney's "History of Utah," Vol. II, p. 332.

"But for the boldness of the Reformers, Utah to-day would not
have been what it is. Inspired by their example, the people who
have listened to them disregarded the teachings of the
priesthood against trading with or purchasing of the Gentiles.
The spell was broken, and, as in all such like experience, the
other extreme was for a time threatened. Walker Brothers
regained their lost trade . . . . Reference could be made to
elders, some of whom had to steal away from Utah, for fear of
violent hands being laid upon them had their intended departure
been made known, who are to-day wealthy and respected gentlemen
in the highest walks of life, both in the United States and in
Europe."

** For accounts of "The Reformation" by leaders in it,

see Chap. 53 of Stenhouse's "Rocky Mountain Saints," and
Tullidge's article, Harper's Magazine, Vol. XLIII, p. 602.

CHAPTER XXI. The Last Years Of Brigham Young

Governor Doty died in June, 1865, without coming in open conflict
with Young, and was succeeded by Charles Durkee, a native of
Vermont, but appointed from Wisconsin, which state he had
represented in the United States Senate. He resigned in 1869,
and was succeeded by J. Wilson Shaffer of Illinois, appointed by
President Grant at the request of Secretary of War Rawlins, who,
in a visit to the territory in 1868, concluded that its welfare
required a governor who would assert his authority. Secretary S.
A. Mann, as acting governor, had, just before Shaffer's arrival,
signed a female suffrage bill passed by the territorial
legislature. This gave offence to the new governor, and Mann was
at once succeeded by Professor V. H. Vaughn of the University of
Alabama, and Chief Justice C. C. Wilson (who had succeeded
Titus) by James B. McKean. The latter was a native of Rensselaer
County, New York; had been county judge of Saratoga County from
1854 to 1858, a member of the 36th and 37th Congresses, and
colonel of the 72nd New York Volunteers.

Governor Shaffer's first important act was to issue a

proclamation forbidding all drills and gatherings of the militia
of the territory (which meant the Nauvoo Legion), except by the
order of himself or the United States marshal. Wells, signing
himself "Lieutenant General," sent the governor a written request
for the suspension of this order. The governor, in reply,
reminded Wells that the only "Lieutenant General" recognized by
law was then Philip H. Sheridan, and declined to assist him in a
course which "would aid you and your turbulent associates to
further convince your followers that you and your associates are
more powerful than the federal government." Thus practically
disappeared this famous Mormon military organization.

Governor Shaffer was ill when he reached Utah, and he died a few
days after his reply to Wells was written, Secretary Vaughn
succeeding him until the arrival of G. A. Black, the new
secretary, who then became acting governor pending the arrival
of George L. Woods, an ex-governor of Oregon, who was next
appointed to the executive office.

As soon as the new federal judges, who were men of high personal
character, took their seats, they decided that the United States
marshal, and not the territorial marshal, was the proper person
to impanel the juries in the federal courts, and that the
attorney general appointed by the President under the
Territorial Act, and not the one elected under that act, should
prosecute indictments found in the federal courts. The chief
justice also filled a vacancy in the office of federal attorney.
The territorial legislature of 1870, accordingly, made no
appropriation for the expenses of the courts; and the chief
justice, in dismissing the grand and petit juries on this
account, explained to them that he had heard one of the high
priesthood question the right of Congress even to pass the
Territorial Act.

In September, 1871, the United States marshal summoned a grand

jury from nine counties (twenty-three jurors and seventeen
talesmen) of whom only seven were Mormons. All the latter,
examined on their voir dire, declared that they believed that
polygamy was a revelation to the church, and that they would obey
the revelation rather than the law, and all were successfully
challenged. This grand jury, early in October, found indictments
against Brigham Young, "General" Wells, G. Q. Cannon, and others
under a territorial statute directed against lewdness and
improper cohabitation. This action caused intense excitement in
the Mormon capital. Prosecutor Baskin was quoted as saying that
the troops at Camp Douglas would be used to enforce the warrant
for Young's arrest if necessary, and the possible outcome has
been thus portrayed by the Mormon historian:--"It was well known
that he [Young] had often declared that he never would give
himself up to be murdered as his predecessor, the Prophet Joseph,
and his brother Hyrum had been, while in the hands of the law,
and under the sacred pledge of the state for their safety; and,
ere this could have been repeated, ten thousand Mormon Elders
would have gone into the jaws of death with Brigham Young. In a
few hours the suspended Nauvoo Legion would have been in arms."*

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 527.

The warrant was served on Young at his house by the United States
marshal, and, as Young was ill, a deputy was left in charge of
him. On October 9 Young appeared in court with the leading men
of the church, and a motion to quash the indictment was made
before the chief justice and denied.

The same grand jury on October 28 found indictments for murder

against D. H. Wells, W. H. Kimball, and Hosea Stout for alleged
responsibility for the killing of Richard Yates during the "war"
of 1857. The fact that the man was killed was not disputed; his
brains were knocked out with an axe as he was sleeping by the
side of two Mormon guards.* The defence was that he died the
death of a spy. Wells was admitted to bail in $50,000, and the
other two men were placed under guard at Camp Douglas.
Indictments were also found against Brigham Young, W. A.
Hickman, O. P. Rockwell, G. D. Grant, and Simon Dutton for the
murder of one of the Aikin party at Warm Springs. They were all
admitted to bail.

* Hickman tells the story in his "Brigham's Destroying Angel," p.

122.

When the case against Young, on the charge of improper

cohabitation, was called on November 20, his counsel announced
that he had gone South for his health, as was his custom in
winter, and the prosecution thereupon claimed that his bail was
forfeited. Two adjournments were granted at the request of his
counsel. On January 3 Young appeared in court, and his counsel
urged that he be admitted to bail, pleading his age and ill
health. The judge refused this request, but said that the
marshal could, if he desired, detain the prisoner in one of
Young's own houses. This course was taken, and he remained under
detention until released by the decision of the United States
Supreme Court.

In April, 1872, that court decided that the territorial jury law
of Utah, in force since 1859, had received the implied approval
of Congress; that the duties of the attorney and marshal
appointed by the President under the Territorial Act "have
exclusive relation to cases arising under the laws and
constitution of the United States," and "the making up of the
jury list and all matters connected with the designation of
jurors are subject to the regulation of territorial law."* This
was a great victory for the Mormons.

* Chilton vs. Englebrech, 13 Wallace, p. 434.

In October, 1873, the United States Supreme Court rendered its

decision in the case of "Snow vs. The United States" on the
appeal from Chief Justice McKean's ruling about the authority of
the prosecuting officers. It overruled the chief justice,
confining the duties of the attorney appointed by the President
to cases in which the federal government was concerned,
concluding that "in any event, no great inconvenience can arise,
because the entire matter is subject to the control and
regulation of Congress." *

* Wallace's "Reports," Vol. XVIII, p. 317.

The following comments, from three different sources, will show

the reader how many influences were then shaping the control of
authority in Utah:--"At about this time [December, 1871] a change
came in the action of the Department of justice in these Utah
prosecutions, and fair-minded men of the nation demanded of the
United States Government that it should stop the disgraceful and
illegal proceedings of Judge McKean's court. The influence of
Senator Morton was probably the first and most potent brought to
bear in this matter, and immediately thereafter Senator Lyman
Trumbull threw the weight of his name and statesmanship in the
same direction, which resulted in Baskin and Maxwell being
superseded, . . . and finally resulted in the setting aside of
two years of McKean's doings as illegal by the august decision
of the Supreme Court."--Tullidge, "History of Salt Lake City,"
p. 547.

"The Attorney for the Mormons labored assiduously at Washington,

and, contrary to the usual custom in the Supreme Court, the
forthcoming decision had been whispered to some grateful ears.
The Mormon anniversary conference beginning on the sixth of
April was continued over without adjournment awaiting that
decision."--"Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 688.

"Thus stood affairs during the winter of 1870-71. The Gentiles

had the courts, the Mormons had the money. In the spring Nevada
came over to run Utah. Hon. Thomas Fitch of that state had been
defeated in his second race for Congress; so he came to Utah as
Attorney for the Mormons. Senator Stewart and other Nevada
politicians made heavy investments in Utah mines; litigation
multiplied as to mining titles, and Judge McKean did not rule to
suit Utah . . . . The great Emma mine, worth two or three
millions, became a power in our judicial embroglio. The Chief
Justice, in various rulings, favored the present occupants.
Nevada called upon Senator Stewart, who agreed to go straight to
Long Branch and see that McKean was removed. But Ulysses the
Silent . . . promptly made reply that if Judge McKean had
committed no greater fault than to revise a little Nevada law,
he was not altogether unpardonable."--Beadle, "Polygamy," p.
429.

The Supreme Court decisions left the federal courts in Utah

practically powerless, and President Grant understood this. On
February 14, 1873, he sent a special message to Congress, saying
that he considered it necessary, in order to maintain the
supremacy of the laws of the United States, "to provide that the
selection of grand and petit jurors for the district courts [of
Utah], if not put under the control of federal officers, shall
be placed in the hands of persons entirely independent of those
who are determined not to enforce any act of Congress obnoxious
to them, and also to pass some act which shall deprive the
probate courts, or any court created by the territorial
legislature, of any power to interfere with or impede the action
of the courts held by the United States judges."

In line with this recommendation Senator Frelinghuysen had

introduced a bill in the Senate early in February, which the
Senate speedily passed, the Democrats and Schurz, Carpenter, and
Trumbull voting against it. Mormon influence fought it with
desperation in the House, and in the closing hours of the session
had it laid aside. The diary of Delegate Hooper says on this
subject, "Maxwell [the United States Marshal for Utah] said he
would take out British papers and be an American citizen no
longer. Claggett [Delegate from Montana] asserted that we had
spent $200,000 on the judiciary committee, and Merritt [Delegate
from Idaho] swore that there had been treachery and we had
bribed Congress."*

* The Mormons do not always conceal the influences they employ to

control legislation in which they are interested. Thus Tullidge,
referring to the men of whom their Cooperative Institution buys
goods, says: "But Z. C. M. I. has not only a commercial
significance in the history of our city, but also a political
one. It has long been the temporal bulwark around the Mormon
community. Results which have been seen in Utah affairs,
preservative of the Mormon power and people, unaccountable to
'the outsider' except on the now stale supposition that 'the
Mormon Church has purchased Congress,' may be better traced to
the silent but potent influence of Z. C. M. I. among the ruling
business men of America, just as John Sharp's position as one of
the directors of U. P. R---r,--a compeer among such men as
Charles Francis Adams, Jay Gould and Sidney Dillon--gives him a
voice in Utah affairs among the railroad rulers of
America."--"History of Salt Lake City;" p. 734.

In the election of 1872 the Mormons dropped Hooper, who had long
served them as Delegate at Washington, and sent in his place
George Q. Cannon, an Englishman by birth and a polygamist. But
Mormon influence in Washington was now to receive a severe
check. On June 23, 1874, the President approved an act introduced
by Mr. Poland of Vermont, and known as the Poland Bill,* which
had important results. It took from the probate courts in Utah
all civil, chancery, and criminal jurisdiction; made the common
law in force; provided that the United States attorney should
prosecute all criminal cases arising in the United States courts
in the territory; that the United States marshal should serve and
execute all processes and writs of the supreme and district
courts, and that the clerk of the district court in each
district and the judge of probate of the county should prepare
the jury lists, each containing two hundred names, from which the

United States marshal should draw the grand and petit juries for
the term. It further provided that, when a woman filed a bill to
declare void a marriage because of a previous marriage, the
court could grant alimony; and that, in any prosecution for
adultery, bigamy, or polygamy, a juror could be challenged if he
practised polygamy or believed in its righteousness.

* Chap. 469, 1st Session, 43d Congress.

The suit for divorce brought by Young's wife "No. 19,"--Ann Eliza
Young--in January, 1873, attracted attention all over the
country. Her bill charged neglect, cruel treatment, and
desertion, set forth that Young had property worth $8,000,000
and an income of not less than $40,000 a year, and asked for an
allowance of $1000 a month while the suit was pending, $6000
for preliminary counsel fees, and $14,000 more when the final
decree was made, and that she be awarded $200,000 for her
support. Young in his reply surprised even his Mormon friends.
After setting forth his legal marriage in Ohio, stating that he
and the plaintiff were members of a church which held the
doctrine that "members thereto might rightfully enter into
plural marriages," and admitting such a marriage in this case,
he continued: "But defendant denies that he and the said
plaintiff intermarried in any other or different sense or manner
than that above mentioned or set forth. Defendant further
alleges that the said complainant was then informed by the
defendant, and then and there well knew that, by reason of said
marriage, in the manner aforesaid, she could not have and need
not expect the society or personal attention of this defendant
as in the ordinary relation between husband and wife." He
further declared that his property did not exceed $600,000 in
value, and his income $6000 a month.

Judge McKean, on February 25, 1875, ordered Young to pay Ann

Eliza $3000 for counsel fees and $500 a month alimony pendente
lite, and, when he failed to obey, sentenced him to pay a fine
of $25 and to one day's imprisonment. Young was driven to his
own residence by the deputy marshal for dinner, and, after
taking what clothing he required, was conducted to the
penitentiary, where he was locked up in a cell for a short time,
and then placed in a room in the warden's office for the night.

Judge McKean was accused of inconsistency in granting alimony,

because, in so doing, he had to give legal sanction to Ann
Eliza's marriage to Brigham while the latter's legal wife was
living. Judge McKean's successor, Judge D. P. Loew, refused to
imprison Young, taking the ground that there had been no valid
marriage. Loew's successor, Judge Boreman, ordered Young
imprisoned until the amount due was paid, but he was left at his
house in custody of the marshal. Boreman's successor, Judge
White, freed Young on the ground that Boreman's order was void.
White's successor, Judge Schaeffer, in 1876 reduced the alimony
to $100 per month, and, in default of payment, certain of
Young's property was sold at auction and rents were ordered
seized to make up the deficiency. The divorce case came to trial
in April, 1877, when Judge Schaeffer decreed that the polygamous
marriage was void, annulled all orders for alimony, and assessed
the costs against the defendant.

Nothing further of great importance affecting the relations of

the church with the federal government occurred during the rest
of Young's life. Governor Woods incurred the animosity of the
Mormons by asserting his authority from time to time ("he
intermeddled," Bancroft says). In 1874 he was succeeded by S. B.
Axtell of California, who showed such open sympathy with the
Mormon view of his office as to incur the severest censure of
the non-Mormon press. Axtell was displaced in the following year
by G. B. Emery of Tennessee, who held office until the early
part of 1880, when he was succeeded by Eli H. Murray.*

* Governor Murray showed no disposition to yield to Mormon

authority. In his message in 1882 be referred pointedly, among
other matters, to the tithing, declaring that "the poor man who
earns a dollar by the sweat of his brow is entitled to that
dollar," and that "any exaction or undue influence to dispossess
him of any part of it, in any other manner than in payment of a
legal obligation, is oppression," and he granted a certificate
of election as Delegate to Congress to Allan G. Campbell, who
received only 1350 votes to 18,568 for George Q. Cannon, holding
that the latter was not a citizen. Governor Murray's resignation
was accepted in March, 1886, and he was succeeded in the
following May by Caleb W. West, who, in turn, was supplanted in
May, 1889, by A. L. Thomas, who was territorial governor when
Utah was admitted as a state.

CHAPTER XXII. Brigham Young's Death--His Character

Brigham Young died in Salt Lake City at 4 P.M. on Wednesday,

August 29, 1877. He was attacked with acute cholera morbus on
the evening of the 23rd, after delivering an address in the
Council House, and it was followed by inflammation of the
bowels. The body lay in state in the Tabernacle from Saturday,
September 1, until Sunday noon, when the funeral services were
held. He was buriod in a little plot on one of the main streets
of Salt Lake City, not far from his place of residence.

The steps by which Young reached the position of head of the

Mormon church, the character of his rule, and the means by which
he maintained it have been set forth in the previous chapters of
this work. In the ruler we have seen a man without education,
but possessed of an iron will, courage to take advantage of
unusual opportunities, and a thorough knowledge of his flock
gained by association with them in all their wanderings. In his
people we have seen a nucleus of fanatics, including some of
Joseph Smith's fellow-plotters, constantly added to by new
recruits, mostly poor and ignorant foreigners, who had been made
to believe in Smith's Bible and "revelations," and been further
lured to a change of residence by false pictures of the country
they were going to, and the business opportunities that awaited
them there. Having made a prominent tenet of the church the
practice of polygamy, which Young certainly knew the federal
government would not approve, he had an additional bond with
which to unite the interests of his flock with his own, and thus
to make them believe his approval as necessary to their personal
safety as they believed it to be necessary to their salvation.
The command which Young exercised in these circumstances is not
an illustration of any form of leadership which can be held up
to admiration. It is rather an exemplification of that tyranny in
church and state which the world condemns whenever an example of
it is afforded.

Young was the centre of responsibility for all the rebellion,

nullification, and crime carried on under the authority of the
church while he was its head. He never concealed his own power.
He gloried in it, and declared it openly in and out of the
Tabernacle. Authority of this kind cannot be divided. Whatever
credit is due to Young for securing it, is legitimately his. But
those who point to its acquisition as a sign of greatness, must
accept for him, with it, responsibility for the crimes that were
carried on under it.

The laudators of Young have found evidence of great executive

ability in his management of the migration from Nauvoo to Utah.
But, in the first place, this migration was compulsory; the
Mormons were obliged to move. In the second place its
accomplishment was no more successful than the contemporary
migrations to Oregon, and the loss of life in the camps on the
Missouri River was greater than that incurred in the great rush
across the plains to California; while the horrors of the
hand-cart movement--a scheme of Young's own device--have never
been equalled in Western travel. In Utah, circumstances greatly
favored Young's success. Had not gold been discovered when it
was in California, the Mormon settlement would long have been
like a dot in a desert, and its ability to support the stream Of
immigrants attracted from Europe would have been problematic,
since, in more than one summer, those already there had narrowly
escaped starvation while depending on the agricultural resources
of the valley.

J. Hyde, writing in 1857, said that Young "by the native force
and vigor of a strong mind" had taken from beneath the Mormon
church system "the monstrous stilts of a miserable superstition,
and consolidated it into a compact scheme of the sternest
fanaticism."* In other words, he might have explained, instead of
relying on such "revelations" as served Smith, he refused to use
artificial commands of God, and substituted the commands of
Young, teaching, and having his associates teach, that obedience
to the head of the church was obedience to the Supreme Power.
Both Hyde and Stenhouse, writing before Young's death, and as
witnesses of the strength of his autocratic government,
overestimated him. This is seen in the view they took of the
effect of his death. Hyde declared that under any of the other
contemporary leadersTaylor, Kimball, Orson Hyde, or Pratt:
"Mormonism will decline. Brigham is its tun; this is its
daytime." Stenhouse asserted that, "Theocracy will die out with
Brigham's flickering flame of life; and, when he is laid in the
tomb, many who are silent now will curse his memory for the
cruel suffering that his ambition caused them to endure." But
all such prophecies remain unfulfilled. Young's death caused no
more revolution or change in the Mormon church than does the
death of a Pope in the Church of Rome. "Regret it who may,"
wrote a Salt Lake City correspondent less than three months
after his burial, "the fact is visible to every intelligent
person here that Mormonism has taken a new lease of life, and,
instead of disintegration, there never was such unity among its
people; and in the place of a rapidly dying consumptive, whose
days were numbered, the body of the church is the picture of
pristine health and vigor, with all the ambition and enthusiasm
of a first love."** The new leadership has, grudgingly, traded
polygamy for statehood; but the church power is as strong and
despotic and unified to-day on the lines on which it is working
as it was under Young, only exercising that power on the more
civilized basis rendered necessary by closer connection with an
outside civilization.

* "Mormonism," p.151.

** New York Times, November 23, 1877.

Young was a successful accumulator of property for his own use. A

poor man when he set out from Nauvoo, his estate at his death
was valued at between $2,000,000 and $3,000,000. This was a
great accumulation for a pioneer who had settled in a
wilderness, been burdened with a polygamous family of over twenty
wives and fifty children, and the cares of a church
denomination, without salary as a church officer. "I am the only
person in the church," Young said to Greeley in 1859, "who has
not a regular calling apart from the church service"; and he
added, "We think a man who cannot make his living aside from the
ministry of the church unsuited to that office. I am called
rich, and consider myself worth $250,000; but no dollar of it
ever was paid me by the church, nor for any service as a
minister of the Everlasting Gospel." * Two years after his death
a writer in the Salt Lake Tribune** asserted that Young had
secured in Utah from the tithing $13,000,000, squandered about
$9,000,o on his family, and left the rest to be fought for by
his heirs and assigns.*** Notwithstanding the vast sums taken by
him in tithing for the alleged benefit of the poor, there was not
in Salt Lake City, at the time of his death, a single hospital
or "home" creditable to that settlement.

* "Overland Journey," p. 213.

** June 25, 1879.

*** "Having control of the tithing, and possessing unlimited

credit, he has added 'house to house and field to field,' while
every one knew that he had no personal enterprises sufficient to
enable him to meet anything like the current expenses of his
numerous wives and children. As trustee in trust he renders no
account of the funds that come into his hands, but tells the
faithful that they are at perfect liberty to examine the books
at any moment."--"Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 665.

The mere acquisition of his wealth no more entitled Young to be

held up as a marvellous man of business than did Tweed's
accumulations give him this distinction in New York. Beadle
declares that "Brigham never made a success of any business he
undertook except managing the Mormons," and cites among his
business failures the non-success of every distant colony he
planted, the Cottonwood Canal (whose mouth was ten feet higher
than its source), his beet-sugar manufactory, and his Colorado
Transportation Company (to bring goods for southern Utah up the
Colorado River).*

* "Polygamy," p. 484.

The reports of Young's discourses in the Temple show that he was

as determined in carrying out his own financial schemes as he
was in enforcing orders pertaining to the church. Here is an
almost humorous illustration of this. In urging the people one
day to be more regular in paying their tithing, he said they
need not fear that he would make a bad use of their money, as he
had plenty of his own, adding:--"I believe I will tell you how I
get some of it. A great many of these elders in Israel, soon
after courting these young ladies, and old ladies, and
middle-aged ladies, and having them sealed to them, want to have
a bill of divorce. I have told them from the beginning that
sealing men and women for time and all eternity is one of the
ordinances of the House of God, and that I never wanted a
farthing for sealing them, nor for officiating in any of the
ordinances of God's house. But when you ask for a bill of
divorce, I intend that you shall pay for it. That keeps me in
spending money, besides enabling me to give hundreds of dollars
to the poor, and buy butter, eggs, and little notions for women
and children, and otherwise use it where it does good. You may
think this a singular feature of the Gospel, but I cannot
exactly say that this is in the Gospel."*

* Deseret News, March 20, 1861. For such an openly jolly old
hypocrite one can scarcely resist the feeling that he would like
to pass around the hat.

We have seen how Young gave himself control of a valuable canon.

That was only the beginning of such acquisitions. The
territorial legislature of Utah was continually making special
grants to him. Among them may be mentioned the control of City
Creek Canon (said to have been worth $10,000 a year) on payment
of $500; of the waters of Mill Creek; exclusive right to Kansas
Prairie as a herd-ground; the whole of Cache Valley for a
herd-ground; Rush Valley for a herd-ground; rights to establish
ferries; an appropriation of $2500 for an academy in Salt Lake
City (which was not built), etc.*
* Here is the text of one of these acts: "Be it ordained by the
General Assembly of the State of Deseret that Brigham Young has
the sole control of City Creek and Canon; and that he pay into
the public treasury the sum of $500 therefore. Dec. 9, 1850."

Young's holdings of real estate were large, not only in Salt Lake
City, but in almost every county in the territory.* Besides city
lots and farm lands, he. owned grist and saw mills, and he took
care that his farms were well cultivated and that his mills made
fine flour.**

* "For several years past the agent of the church, A. M. Musser,

has been engaged in securing legal deeds for all the property
the prophet claims, and by this he will be able to secure in his
lifetime to his different families such property as will render
them independent at his death. The building of the Pacific
Railroad is said to have yielded him about a quarter of a
million."--"Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 666.

** "His position secured him also many valuable presents. From a

barrel of brandy down to an umbrella, Brigham receives
courteously and remembers the donors with increased kindness. I
saw one man make him a present of ten fine milch cows."--Hyde,
"Mormonism," p. 165.

As trustee in trust for the church Young had control of all the
church property and income, practically without responsibility
or oversight. Mrs. Waite (writing in 1866) said that attempts
for many years by the General Conference to procure a balance
sheet of receipts and expenditures had failed, and that the
accounts in the tithing office, such as they were, were kept by
clerks who were the leading actors in the Salt Lake Theatre,
owned by Young.* It was openly charged that, in 1852, Young
"balanced his account" with the church by having the clerk
credit him with the amount due by him, "for services rendered,"
and that, in 1867, he balanced his account again by crediting
himself with $967,000. A committee appointed to investigate the
accounts of Young after his death reported to the Conference of
October, 1878, that "for the sole purpose of preserving it from
the spoliation of the enemy," he "had transferred certain
property from the possession of the church to his own individual
possession," but that it had been transferred back again.

* "The Mormon Prophet," pp. 148-149,

Young's will divided his wives and children into nineteen

"classes," and directed his executors to pay to each such a sum
as might be necessary for their comfortable support; the word
"marriage" in the will to mean "either by ceremony before a
lawful magistrate, or according to the order of the Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, or by their cohabitation in
conformity to our custom."

On June 14, 1879, Emmeline A. Young, on behalf of herself and

the heirs at law, began a suit against the executors of Young's
estate, charging that they had improperly appropriated $200,000;
had improperly allowed nearly $1,000,000 to John Taylor as
trustee in trust to the church, less a credit of $300,000 for
Young's services as trustee; and that they claimed the power, as
members of the Apostles' Quorum, to dispose of all the
testator's property and to disinherit any heir who refused to
submit. This suit was compromised in the following September,
the seven persons joining in it executing a release on payment of
$75,000. A suit which the church had begun against the heirs and
executors was also discontinued. The Salt Lake Herald (Mormon)
of October 5, 1879, said, "The adjustment is far preferable to a
continuance of the suit, which was proving not only expensive,
but had become excessively annoying to many people, was a large
disturbing element in the community, and was rapidly descending
into paths that nobody here cares to see trodden."

Just how many wives Brigham Young had, in the course of his life,
would depend on his own and others' definition of that term. He
told Horace Greeley, in 1859: "I have fifteen; I know no one who
has more. But some of those sealed to me are old ladies, whom I
regard rather as mothers than wives, but whom I have taken home
to cherish and support."* In 1869, he informed the Boston Board
of Trade, when that body visited Salt Lake City, that he had
sixteen wives living, and had lost four, and that forty-nine of
his children were living then. " He was," says Beadle, "sealed
on the spiritual wife system to more women than any one can
count; all over Mormondom are pious old widows, or wives of
Gentiles and apostates, who hope to rise at the last day and
claim a celestial share in Brigham." J. Hyde said that he knew
of about twenty-five wives with whom Brigham lived. The
following list is made up from "Pictures and Biographies of
Brigham Young and his Wives," published by J. H. Crockwell of
Salt Lake City, by authority of Young's eldest son and of seven
of his wives, but is not complete:--

* "Overland journey," p. 215.

NAME************* DATE OF MARRIAGE *** NUMBER OF CHILDREN***

Mary Ann Angell * February, 1834. Ohio 6
Louisa Beman ** April, 1841. Nauvoo 4
Mrs. Lucy Decker Seely June, 1842. Nauvoo 7
H. E. C. Campbell November, 1843.Nauvoo 1
Augusta Adams November, 1843. Nauvoo 0
Clara Decker May, 1844. Nauvoo 5
Clara C. Ross September, 1844. Nauvoo 4
Emily Dow Partridge** September, 1844. Nauvoo 7
Susan Snively November, 1844. Nauvoo 0
Olive Grey Frost** February, 1845. Nauvoo 0
Emmeline Free April, 1845. Nauvoo 0
Margaret Pierce April, 1845. Nauvoo 1
N. K. T. Carter January, 1846. Nauvoo 0
Ellen Rockwood January, 1846. Nauvoo 0
Maria Lawrence** January, 1846. Nauvoo 0
Martha Bowker January, 1846. Nauvoo 0
Margaret M. Alley January, 1846. Nauvoo 2
Lucy Bigelow March, 1847. (?) 3
Z. D. Huntington ** March, 1847 (?). Nauvoo 1
Eliza K. Snow** June, 1849. S. L. C. 0
Eliza Burgess October, 1850. S. L. C. 1
Harriet Barney October, 1850. S. L. C. 1
Harriet A. Folsom January, 1863. S. L. C. 0
Mary Van Cott January, 1865. S. L. C. 1
Ann Eliza Webb April, 1868. S. L. C. 0

* His first wife died 1832.

** Joseph Smith's widows.

Young's principal houses in Salt Lake City stood at the

southeastern corner of the block adjoining the Temple block, and
designated on the map as block 8. The largest building,
occupying the corner, was called the Beehive House; connected
with this was a smaller building in which were Young's private
offices, the tithing office, etc; and next to this was a
building partly of stone, called the Lion House, taking its name
from the figure of a lion sculptured on its front, representing
Young's title "The Lion of the Lord." When J. Hyde wrote,
seventeen or eighteen of Young's wives dwelt in the Lion House,
and the Beehive House became his official residence.* Individual
wives were provided for elsewhere. His legal wife lived in what
was called the White House, a few hundred yards from his
official home. His well-beloved Amelia lived in another house
half a block distant; another favorite, just across the street;
Emmeline, on the same block; and not far away the latest
acquisition to his harem.

* The Beehive House is still the official residence of the head

of the church, and in it President Snow was living at the time
of his death. The office building is still devoted to office
uses, and the Lion House now furnishes temporary quarters to the
Latter-Day Saints' College.

Young's life in his later years was a very orderly one, although
he was not methodical in arranging his office hours and
attending to his many duties. Rising before eight A.m., he was
usually in his office at nine, transacting business with his
secretary, and was ready to receive callers at ten. So many were
the people who had occasion to see him, and so varied were the
matters that could be brought to his attention, that many hours
would be devoted to these callers if other engagements did not
interfere. Once a year he made a sort of visit of state to all
the principal settlements in the territory, accompanied by
counsellors, apostles, and Bishops, and sometimes by a favorite
wife. Shorter excursions of the same kind were made at other
times. Each settlement was expected to give him a formal
greeting, and this sometimes took the form of a procession with
banners, such as might have been prepared for a conquering hero.

CHAPTER XXIII. Social Aspects Of Polygamy

There was something compulsory about all phases of life in Utah

during Brigham Young's regime--the form of employment for the
men, the domestic regulations of the women, the church duties
each should perform, and even the location in the territory
which they should call their home. Not only did large numbers of
the foreign immigrants find themselves in debt to the church on
their arrival, and become compelled in this way to labor on the
"public works" as they might be ordered, but the skilled
mechanics who brought their tools with them in most cases found
on their arrival that existence in Utah meant a contest with the
soil for food. Even when a mechanic obtained employment at his
trade it was in the ruder branches.

Mormon authorities have always tried to show that Americans have

predominated in their community. Tullidge classes the population
in this order: Americans, English, Scandinavian (these claim
one-fifth of the Mormon population of Utah), Scotch, Welsh,
Germans, and a few Irish, French, Italians, and Swiss. The
combination of new-comers and the emigrants from Nauvoo made a
rude society of fanatics,* before whom there was held out enough
prospect of gain in land values (scarcely one of the immigrants
had ever been a landowner) to overcome a good deal of the
discontent natural to their mode of life, and who, in religious
matters, were held in control by a priesthood, against whom they
could not rebel without endangering that hope of heaven which
had induced them to journey across the ocean. There are
roughness and lawlessness in all frontier settlements, but this
Mormon community differed from all other gatherings of new
population in the American West. It did not migrate of its own
accord, attracted by a fertile soil or precious ores; it was
induced to migrate, not without misrepresentation concerning
material prospects, it is true, but mainly because of the hope
that by doing so it would share in the blessings and protection
of a Zion. The gambling hell and the dance hall, which form
principal features of frontier mining settlements, were wanting
in Salt Lake City, and the absence of the brothel was pointed to
as evidence of the moral effect of polygamy.

* "I have discovered thus early (1852) that little deference is

paid to women. Repeatedly, in my long walk to our boarding
house, I was obliged to retreat back from the [street] crossing
places and stand on one side for men to cross over. There are
said to be a great many of the lower order of English here, and
this rudeness, so unusual with our countrymen, may proceed from
them."-- Mrs. Ferris. "Life among the Mormons."

The system of plural marriages left its impress all over the home
life of the territory. Many of the Mormon leaders, as we have
seen, had more wives than one when they made their first trip
across the plains, and the practice of polygamy, while denied on
occasion, was not concealed from the time the settlement was
made in the valley to the date of its public proclamation. In the
early days, a man with more than one wife provided for them
according to his means. Young began with quarters better than
the average, but modest in their way, and finally occupied the
big buildings which cost him many thousands of dollars. If a man
with several wives had the means to do so, he would build a long,
low dwelling, with an outside door for each wife, and thus house
all under the same roof in a sort of separate barracks. When
Gunnison wrote, in 1852, there were many instances in which more
than one wife shared the same house when it contained only one
apartment, but he said: "It is usual to board out the extra
ones, who most frequently pay their own way by sewing, and other
female employments." Mrs. Ferris wrote: "The mass of the
dwellings are small, low, and hutlike. Some of them literally
swarmed with women and children, and had an aspect of extreme
want of neatness . . . . One family, in which there were two
wives, was living in a small hut--three children very sick [with
scarlet fever]--two beds and a cook-stove in the same room,
creating the air of a pest-house."*

* "Life among the Mormons," pp. 111, 145.

Hyde, describing the city in 1857, thus enumerated the home

accommodations of some of the leaders:--"A very pretty house on
the east side was occupied by the late J. M. Grant and his five
wives. A large barrack-like house on the corner is tenanted by
Ezra T. Benson and his four ladies. A large but mean-looking
house to the west was inhabited by the late Parley P. Pratt and
his nine wives. In that long, dirty row of single rooms, half
hidden by a very beautiful orchard and garden, lived Dr. Richard
and his eleven wives. Wilford Woodruff and five wives reside in
another large house still further west. O. Pratt and some four or
five wives occupy an adjacent building. Looking toward the
north, we espy a whole block covered with houses, barns,
gardens, and orchards. In these dwell H. C. Kimball and his
eighteen or twenty wives, their families and dependents."*

* "Mormonism," p. 34. The number of wives of the church leaders

decreased in later years. Beadle, giving the number of wives
"supposed to appertain to each" in 1882, credits President
Taylor with four (three having died), and the Apostles with an
average of three each, Erastus Snow having five, and four others
only two each.

Horace Greeley, prejudiced as he was in favor of the Mormons when

he visited Salt Lake City in 1859, was forced to observe:--"The
degradation (or, if you please, the restriction) of woman to the
single office of childbearing and its accessories is an
inevitable consequence of the system here paramount. I have not
observed a sign in the streets, an advertisement in the
journals, of this Mormon metropolis, whereby a woman proposes to
do anything whatever. No Mormon has ever cited to me his wife's
or any woman's opinion on any subject; no Mormon woman has been
introduced or spoken to me; and, though I have been asked to
visit Mormons in their houses, no one has spoken of his wife (or
wives) desiring to see me, or his desiring me to make her (or
their) acquaintance, or voluntarily indicated the existence of
such a being or beings."*

* "Overland journey," p. 217.

Woman's natural jealousy, and the suffering that a loving wife

would endure when called upon to share her husband's affection
and her home with other women, would seem to form a sort of
natural check to polygamous marriages. But in Utah this check
was overcome both by the absolute power of the priesthood over
their flock, and by the adroit device of making polygamy not
merely permissive, but essential to eternal salvation. That the
many wives of even so exalted a prophet as Brigham Young could
become rebellious is shown by the language employed by him in
his discourse of September 21, 1856, of which the following will
suffice as a specimen:--"Men will say, 'My wife, though a most
excellent woman, has not seen a happy day since I took my second
wife; no, not a happy day for a year.' . . . I wish my women to
understand that what I am going to say is for them, as well as
all others, and I want those who are here to tell their sisters,
yes, all the women in this community, and then write it back to
the states, and do as you please with it. I am going to give you
from this time till the 6th day of October next for reflection,
that you may determine whether you wish to stay with your
husbands or not, and then I am going to set every woman at
liberty, and say to them, 'Now go your way, my women with the
rest; go your way.' And my wives have got to do one of two
things; either round up their shoulders to endure the
afflictions of this world, and live their religion, or they may
leave, for I will not have them about me. I will go into heaven
alone, rather than have scratching and fighting all around me. I
will set all at liberty. What, first wife too?' Yes,I will
liberate you all. I know what my women will say; they will say,
'You can have as many women as you please, Brigham.' But I want
to go somewhere and do something to get rid of the whiners . . .
. Sisters, I am not joking."*

* Journal of Discourses, Vol. IV, p. 55.

Grant, on the same day, in connection with his presentation of

the doctrine of blood atonement, declared that there was
"scarcely a mother in Israel" who would not, if they could,
"break asunder the cable of the Church in Christ; and they talk
it to their husbands, to their daughters, and to their neighbors,
and say that they have not seen a week's happiness since they
became acquainted with that law, or since their husbands took a
second wife."* The coarse and plain-spoken H. C. Kimball, in a
discourse in the Tabernacle, November 9, 1856, thus defined the
duty of polygamous wives, "It is the duty of a woman to be
obedient to her husband, and, unless she is, I would not give a
damn for all her queenly right or authority, nor for her either,
if she will quarrel and lie about the work of God and the
principles of plurality."**

* Ibid, P. 52.

** Deseret News, Vol. VI, p. 291.

Gentile observers were amazed, in the earlier days of Utah, to

see to what lengths the fanatical teachings of the church
officers would be accepted by women. Thus Mrs. Ferris found that
the explanation of the willingness of many young women in Utah
to be married to venerable church officers, who already had
harems, was their belief that they could only be "saved" if
married or sealed to a faithful Saint, and that an older man was
less likely to apostatize, and so carry his wives to perdition
with him, than a young one; therefore "it became an object with
these silly fools to get into the harems of the priests and
elders."

If this advantage of the church officers in the selection of new

wives did not avail, other means were employed,*as in the
notorious San Pete case. The officers remaining at home did not
hesitate to insist on a fair division of the spoils (that is,
the marriageable immigrants), as is shown by the following
remarks of Heber C. Kimball to some missionaries about starting
out: "Let truth and righteousness be your motto, and don't go
into the world for anything but to preach the Gospel, build up
the Kingdom of God, and gather the sheep into the fold. You are
sent out as shepherds to gather the sheep together; and remember
that they are not your sheep; they belong to Him that sends you.
Then don't make a choice of any of those sheep; don't make
selections before they are brought home and put into the fold.
You understand that. Amen." Mr. Ferris thus described the use of
his priestly power made by Wilford Woodruff, who, as head of the
church in later years, gave out the advice about abandoning
polygamy: "Woodruff has a regular system of changing his harem.
He takes in one or more young girls, and so manages, after he
tires of them, that they are glad to ask for a divorce, after
which he beats the bush for recruits. He took a fresh one, about
fourteen years old, in March, 1853, and will probably get rid of
her in the course of the ensuing summer." **

* Conan Doyle's story, "A Study in scarlet," is founded on the

use of this power.

** "Utah and the Mormons," p. 255.

Mrs. Waite thus relates a conversation she had with a Mormon wife
about her husband going into polygamy:--"'Oh, it is hard,' she
said, 'very hard; but no matter, we must bear it. It is a
correct principle, and there is no salvation without it. We had
one [wife] but it was so hard, both for my husband and myself,
that we could not endure it, and she left us at the end of seven
months. She had been with us as a servant several months, and
was a good girl; but as soon as she was made a wife she became
insolent, and told me she had as good a right to the house and
things as I had, and you know that didn't suit me well. But,'
continued she, 'I wish we had kept her, and I had borne
everything, for we have GOT TO HAVE ONE, and don't you think it
would be pleasanter to have one you had known than a stranger?'"*

* "The Mormon Prophet," p. 260. Many accounts of the feeling

of first wives regarding polygamy may be found in this book and
in Mrs. Stenhouse's "Tell it All."

The voice which the first wife had in the matter was defined in
the Seer (Vol. I, p. 41). If she objected, she could state her
objection to President Young, who, if he found the reason
sufficient, could forbid the marriage; but if he considered that
her reason was not good, then the marriage could take place, and
"he [the husband] will be justified, and she will be condemned,
because she did not give them unto him as Sarah gave Hagar to
Abraham, and as Rachel and Leah gave Bilhah and Zilpah to their
husband, Jacob." Young's dictatorship in the choice of wives
was equally absolute. "No man in Utah," said the Seer (Vol. I,
p. 31), "who already has a wife, and who may desire to obtain
another, has any right to make any proposition of marriage to a
lady until he has consulted the President of the whole church,
and through him obtained a revelation from God as to whether it
would be pleasing in His sight."

The authority of the priesthood was always exerted to compel at

least every prominent member of the church to take more wives
than one. "For a man to be confined to one woman is a small
business," said Kimball in the Tabernacle, on April 4, 1857.
This influence coerced Stenhouse to take as his second wife a
fourteen-year-old daughter of Parley P. Pratt, although he loved
his legal wife, and she had told him that she would not live
with him if he married again, and although his intimate friend,
Superintendent Cooke, of the Overland Stage Company, to save
him, threatened to prosecute him under the law against bigamy if
he yielded.* Another illustration, given by Mrs. Waite, may be
cited. Kimball, calling on a Prussian immigrant named Taussig
one day, asked him how he was doing and how many wives he had,
and on being told that he had two, replied, "That is not enough.
You must take a couple more. I'll send them to you." The
narrative continues:--

* When Mr. and Mrs. Stenhouse left the church at the time of the
"New Movement" their daughter, who was a polygamous wife of
Brigham Young's son, decided with the church and refused even to
speak with her parents.

"On the following evening, when the brother returned home, he

found two women sitting there. His first wife said, 'Brother
Taussig' (all the women call their husbands brother), 'these are
the Sisters Pratt.' They were two widows of Parley P. Pratt. One
of the ladies, Sarah, then said, 'Brother Taussig, Brother
Kimball told us to call on you, and you know what for.' 'Yes,
ladies,' replied Brother Taussig, 'but it is a very hard task
for me to marry two' The other remarked, 'Brother Kimball told
us you were doing a very good business and could support more
women.' Sarah then took up the conversation, 'Well, Brother
Taussig, I want to get married anyhow.' The good brother
replied, 'Well, ladies, I will see what I can do and let you
know."*

* "The Mormon Prophet," p. 258.

Brother Taussig compromised the matter with the Bishop of his

ward by marrying Sarah, but she did not like her new home, and
he was allowed to divorce her on payment of $10 to Brigham
Young!

Each polygamous family was, of course, governed in accordance

with the character of its head: a kind man would treat all his
wives kindly, however decided a preference he might show for
one; and under a brute all would be unhappy. Young, in his
earlier days at Salt Lake City, used to assemble all his family
for prayers, and have a kind word for each of the women, and all
ate at a common table after his permanent residences were built.
"Brigham's wives," says Hyde, "although poorly clothed and hard
worked, are still very infatuated with their system, very devout
in their religion, very devoted to their children. They content
themselves with his kindness as they cannot obtain his love."* He
kept no servants, the wives performing all the household work,
and one of them acting as teacher to her own and the others'
children. As the excuse for marriage with the Mormons is
childbearing, the older wives were practically discarded, taking
the place of examples of piety and of spiritual advisers.

* "Mormonism," p. 164.

** How far this doctrine was not observed may be noted in the
following remarks of H. C. Kimball in the Tabernacle, on
February 1, 1857: "They [his wives] have got to live their
religion, serve their God, and do right as well as myself.
Suppose that I lose the whole of them before I go into the
spiritual world, but that I have been a good, faithful man all
the days of my life, and lived my religion, and had favor with
God, and was kind to them, do you think I will be destitute
there? No. The Lord says there are more there than there are
here. They have been increasing there; they increase there a
great deal faster than they do here, because there is no
obstruction. They do not call upon the doctors to kill their
offspring. In this world very many of the doctors are studying to
diminish the human race. In the spiritual world . . . we will go
to Brother Joseph . . . and he will say to us, 'Come along, my
boys, we will give you a good suit of clothes. Where are your
wives?' 'They are back yonder; they would not follow us.' 'Never
mind,' says Joseph, 'here are thousands; have all you
want.'"--Journal of Discourses, Vol. IV, p. 209.

A summing up of the many-sided evils of polygamy was thus

presented by President Cleveland in his first annual message:--
"The strength, the perpetuity, and the destiny of the nation
rests upon our homes, established by the law of God, guarded by
parental care, regulated by parental authority, and sanctified
by parental love. These are not the homes of polygamy.

"The mothers of our land, who rule the nation as they mould the
characters and guide the actions of their sons, live according
to God's holy ordinances, and each, secure and happy in the
exclusive love of the father of her children, sheds the warm
light of true womanhood, unperverted and unpolluted, upon all
within her pure and wholesome family circle. These are not the
cheerless, crushed, and unwomanly mothers of polygamy.

"The fathers of our families are the best citizens of the

Republic. Wife and children are the sources of patriotism, and
conjugal and parental affection beget devotion to the country.
The man who, undefiled with plural marriage, is surrounded in
his single home with his wife and children, has a status in the
country which inspires him with respect for its laws and courage
for its defence. These are not the fathers of polygamous
families."

CHAPTER XXIV. The Fight Against Polygamy--Statehood

The first measure "to punish and prevent the practice of polygamy
in the Territories of the United States" was introduced in the
House of Representatives by Mr. Morrill of Vermont (Bill No. 7)
at the first session of the 36th Congress, on February 15, 1860.
It contained clauses annulling some of the acts of the
territorial legislature of Utah, including the one incorporating
the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. This bill was
reported by the Judiciary Committee on March 14, the committee
declaring that "no argument was deemed necessary to prove that
an act could be regarded as criminal which is so treated by the
universal concurrence of the Christian and civilized world," and
characterizing the church incorporation act as granting "such
monstrous powers and arrogant assumptions as are at war with the
genius of our government." The bill passed the House on April 5,
by a vote of 149 to 60, was favorably reported to the Senate by
Mr. Bayard from the Judiciary Committee on June 13, but did not
pass that House.

Mr. Morrill introduced his bill by unanimous consent in the next

Congress (on April 8, 1862), and it was passed by the House on
April 28. Mr. Bayard, from the judiciary Committee, reported it
back to the Senate on June 3 with amendments. He explained that
the House Bill punished not only polygamous marriages, but
cohabitation without marriage. The committee recommended limiting
the punishment to bigamy--a fine not to exceed $500 and
imprisonment for not more than five years. Another amendment
limited the amount of real estate which a church corporation
could hold in the territories to $50,000. The bill passed the
Senate with the negative votes of only the two California
senators, and the House accepted the amendments. Lincoln signed
it.

Nothing practical was accomplished by this legislation, In 1867

George A. Smith and John Taylor, the presiding officers of the
Utah legislature, petitioned Congress to repeal this act,
setting forth as one reason that "the judiciary of this
territory has not, up to the present time, tried any case under
said law, though repeatedly urged to do so by those who have
been anxious to test its constitutionality." The House Judiciary
Committee reported that this was a practical request for the
sanctioning of polygamy, and said: "Your committee has not been
able to ascertain the reason why this law has not been enforced.
The humiliating fact is, however, apparent that the law is at
present practically a dead letter in the Territory of Utah, and
that the gravest necessity exists for its enforcement; and, in
the opinion of the committee, if it be through the fault or
neglect of the judiciary of that territory that the laws are not
enforced, the judges should be removed without delay; and that,
if the failure to execute the law arises from other causes, it
becomes the duty of the President of the United States to see
that the law is faithfully executed."*

* House Report No. 27, 2nd Session, 39th Congress.

In June, 1866, Senator Benjamin Wade of Ohio obtained unanimous

consent to introduce a bill enacting radical legislation
concerning such marriages as were performed and sanctioned by
the Mormon church, but it did not pass. Senator Cragin of New
Hampshire soon introduced a similar bill, but it, too failed to
become a law.

In 1869, in the first Congress that met under President Grant,

Mr. Cullom of Illinois introduced in the House the bill aimed at
polygamy that was designated by his name. This bill was the
practical starting-point of the anti-polygamous legislation
subsequently enacted, as over it was aroused the feeling--in its
behalf in the East and against it in Utah--that resulted in
practical legislation.

Delegate Hooper made the leading speech against it, summing up

his objections as follows:--

"(1) That under our constitution we are entitled to be protected

in the full and free enjoyment of our religious faith.

"(2) That our views of the marriage relation are an essential

portion of our religious faith.

"(3) That, in conceding the cognizance of the marriage relation

as within the province of church regulations, we are practically
in accord with all other Christian denominations.

"(4) That in our view of the marriage relation as a part of our

religious belief we are entitled to immunity from persecution
under the constitution, if such views are sincerely held; that,
if such views are erroneous, their eradication must be by
argument and not by force."

The bill, greatly amended, passed the House on March 23, 1870, by
a vote of 94 to 32. The news of this action caused perhaps the
greatest excitement ever known in Utah. There was no intention
on the part of the Mormons to make any compromise on the
question, and they set out to defeat the bill outright in the
Senate. Meetings of Mormon women were gotten up in all parts of
the territory, in which they asserted their devotion to the
doctrine. The "Reformers," including Stenhouse, Harrison,
Tullidge, and others, and merchants like Walker Brothers,
Colonel Kahn, and T. Marshall, joined in a call for a
mass-meeting at which all expressed disapproval of some of its
provisions, like the one requiring men already having polygamous
wives to break up their families. Mr. Godbe went to Washington
while the bill was before the House, and worked hard for its
modification. The bill did not pass the Senate, a leading
argument against it being the assumed impossibility of
convicting polygamists under it with any juries drawn in Utah.
The arrest of Brigham Young and others under the act to punish
adulterers, and the proceedings against them before Judge McKean
in 1871, have been noted. At the same term of the court Thomas
Hawkins, an English immigrant, was convicted of the same charge
on the evidence of his wife, and sentenced to imprisonment for
three years and to pay a fine of $500. In passing sentence, Judge
McKean told the prisoner that, if he let him off with a fine,
the fine would be paid out of other funds than his own; that he
would thus go free, and that "those men who mislead the people
would make you and thousands of others believe that God had sent
the money to pay the fine; that, by a miracle, you had been
rescued from the authorities of the United States."

After the passage of the Poland law, in 1874, George Reynolds,

Brigham Young's private secretary, was convicted of bigamy under
the law of 1862, but was set free by the Supreme Court of the
territory on the ground of illegality in the drawing of the
grand jury. In the following year he was again convicted, and was
sentenced to imprisonment for two years and to pay a fine of
$500. The case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court,
which rendered its decision in October, 1878, unanimously
sustaining the conviction, except that Justice Field objected to
the admission of one witness's testimony.

In its decision the court stated the question raised to be

"whether religious belief can be accepted as a justification for
an overt act made criminal by the law of the land." Next came a
discussion of views of religious freedom, as bearing on the
meaning of "religion" in the federal constitution, leading up to
the conclusion that "Congress was deprived of all legislative
power over mere opinion, but was left free to reach actions
which were in violation of social duties, or subversive of good
order." The court then traced the view of polygamy in England
and the United States from the time when it was made a capital
offence in England (as it was in Virginia in 1788), declaring
that, "in the face of all this evidence, it is impossible to
believe that the constitutional guaranty of religious freedom
was intended to prohibit legislation in respect to this most
important feature of social life." The opinion continued as
follows:--"In our opinion, the statute immediately under
consideration is within the legislative power of Congress. It is
constitutional and valid as prescribing a rule of action for all
those residing in the Territories, and in places over which the
United States has exclusive control. This being so, the only
question which remains is, whether those who make polygamy a
part of their religion are excepted from the operation of the
statute. If they are, then those who do not make polygamy a part
of their religious belief may be found guilty and punished,
while those who do, must be acquitted and go free. This would be
introducing a new element into criminal law. Laws are made for
the government of actions, and, while they cannot interfere with
mere religious belief and opinions, they may with practices.
Suppose one believed that human sacrifices were a necessary part
of religious worship, would it be seriously contended that the
civil government under which he lived could not interfere to
prevent a sacrifice? Or, if a wife religiously believed it was
her duty to burn herself on the funeral pile of her dead
husband, would it be beyond the power of the civil government to
prevent her carrying her belief into practice?

"So here, as a law of the organization of society under the

exclusive dominion of the United States, it is provided that
plural marriages shall not be allowed. Can a man excuse his
practices to the contrary because of his religious belief? To
permit this would be to make the professed doctrines of religious
belief superior to the law of the land, and in effect to permit
every citizen to become a law unto himself. Government could
exist only in name under such circumstances.

"A criminal intent is generally an element of crime, but every

man is presumed to intend the necessary and legitimate
consequences of what he knowingly does. Here the accused knew he
had been once married, and that his first wife was living. He
also knew that his second marriage was forbidden by law. When,
therefore, he married the second time, he is presumed to have
intended to break the law, and the breaking of the law is the
crime. Every act necessary to constitute the crime was knowingly
done, and the crime was therefore knowingly committed.*

* United States Reports, Otto, Vol. III, p. 162.

P. T. Van Zile of Michigan, who became district attorney of the

territory in 1878, tried John Miles, a polygamist, for bigamy,
in 1879, and he was convicted, the prosecutor taking advantage
of the fact that the territorial legislature had practically
adopted the California code, which allowed challenges of jurors
for actual bias. The principal incident of this trial was the
summoning of "General" Wells, then a counsellor of the church,
as a witness, and his refusal to describe the dress worn during
the ceremonies in the Endowment House, and the ceremonies
themselves. He gave as his excuse, "because I am under moral and
sacred obligations to not answer, and it is interwoven in my
character never to betray a friend, a brother, my country, my
God, or my religion." He was sentenced to pay a fine, of $100,
and to two days' imprisonment. On his release, the City Council
met him at the prison door and escorted him home, accompanied by
bands of music and a procession made up of the benevolent, fire,
and other organizations, and delegations from every ward.

Governor Emery, in his message to the territorial legislature of

1878, spoke as plainly about polygamy as any of his
predecessors, saying that it was a grave crime, even if the law
against it was a dead letter, and characterizing it as an evil
endangering the peace of society.

There was a lull in the agitation against polygamy in Congress

for some years after the contest over the Cullom Bill. In 1878 a
mass-meeting of women of Salt Lake City opposed to polygamy was
held there, and an address "to Mrs. Rutherford B. Hayes and the
women of the United States," and a petition to Congress, were
adopted, and a committee was appointed to distribute the petition
throughout the country for signatures. The address set forth
that there had been more polygamous marriages in the last year
than ever before in the history of the Mormon church; that
Endowment Houses, under the name of temples, and costing
millions, were being erected in different parts of the territory,
in which the members were "sealed and bound by oaths so strong
that even apostates will not reveal them"; that the Mormons had
the balance of power in two territories, and were plotting to
extend it; and asking Congress "to arrest the further progress
of this evil."

President Hayes, in his annual message in December, 1879, spoke

of the recent decision of the United States Supreme Court, and
said that there was no reason for longer delay in the
enforcement of the law, urging "more comprehensive and searching
methods" of punishing and preventing polygamy if they were
necessary. He returned to the subject in his message in 1880,
saying: "Polygamy can only be suppressed by taking away the
political power of the sect which encourages and sustains it . .
. . I recommend that Congress provide for the government of Utah
by a Governor and judges, or Commissioners, appointed by the
President and confirmed by the Senate, (or) that the right to
vote, hold office, or sit on juries in the Territory of Utah be
confined to those who neither practise nor uphold polygamy."

President Garfield took up the subject in his inaugural address

on March 4, 1881. "The Mormon church," he said, "not only
offends the moral sense of mankind by sanctioning polygamy, but
prevents the administration of justice through ordinary
instrumentalities of law." He expressed the opinion that Congress
should prohibit polygamy, and not allow "any ecclesiastical
organization to usurp in the smallest degree the functions and
power, of the national government." President Arthur, in his
message in December, 1881, referred to the difficulty of
securing convictions of persons accused of polygamy--"this
odious crime, so revolting to the moral and religious sense of
Christendom"--and recommended legislation.

In the spirit of these recommendations, Senator Edmunds

introduced in the Senate, on December 12, 1881, a comprehensive
measure amending the antipolygamy law of 1862, which, amended
during the course of the debate, was passed in the Senate on
Feruary 12, 1882, without a roll-call,*and in the House on March
13, by a vote of 199 to 42, and was approved by the President on
March 22. This is what is known as the Edmunds law--the first
really serious blow struck by Congress against polygamy.

* Speeches against the bill were made in the Senate by Brown,

Call, Lamar, Morgan, Pendleton, and Vest.

It provided, in brief, that, in the territories, any person who,

having a husband or wife living, marries another, or marries
more than one woman on the same day, shall be punished by a fine
of not more than $500, and by imprisonment, for not more than
five years; that a male person cohabiting with more than one
woman shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and be subject to a fine
of not more than $300 or to six months' imprisonment, or both;
that in any prosecution for bigamy, polygamy, or unlawful
cohabitation, a juror may be challenged if he is or has been
living in the practice of either offence, or if he believes it
right for a man to have more than one living and undivorced wife
at a time, or to cohabit with more than one woman; that the
President may have power to grant amnesty to offenders, as
described, before the passage of this act; that the issue of
so-called Mormon marriages born before January 1, 1883, be
legitimated; that no polygamist shall be entitled to vote in any
territory, or to hold office under the United States; that the
President shall appoint in Utah a board of five persons for the
registry of voters, and the reception and counting of votes.

To meet the determined opposition to the new law, an amendment

(known as the Edmunds-Tucker law) was enacted in 1887. This law,
in any prosecution coming under the definition of plural
marriages, waived the process of subpoena, on affadavit of
sufficient cause, in favor of an attachment; allowed a lawful
husband or wife to testify regarding each other; required every
marriage certificate in Utah to be signed by the parties and the
person performing the ceremony, and filed in court; abolished
female suffrage, and gave suffrage only to males of proper age
who registered and took an oath, giving the names of their
lawful wives, and promised to obey the laws of the United States,
and especially the Edmunds law; disqualified as a juror or
officeholder any person who had not taken an oath to support the
laws of the United States, or who had been convicted under the
Edmunds law; gave the President power to appoint the judges of
the probate courts;* provided for escheating to the United States
for the use of the common schools the property of corporations
held in violation of the act in 1862, except buildings held
exclusively for the worship of God, the parsonages connected
therewith, and burial places; dissolved the corporation called
the Perpetual Emigration Company, and forbade the legislature to
pass any law to bring persons into the territory; dissolved the
corporation known as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day
Saints, and gave the Supreme Court of the territory power to
wind up its affairs; and annulled all laws regarding the Nauvoo
Legion, and all acts of the territorial legislature.

* The first territorial legislature which met after the passage

of this law passed an act practically nullifying such
appointments of probate judges, but the governor vetoed it. In
Beaver County, as soon as the appointment of a probate judge by
the President was announced, the Mormon County Court met and
reduced his salary to $5 a year.

The first members of the Utah commission appointed under the

Edmunds law were Alexander Ramsey of Minnesota, A. B. Carleton
of Indiana, A. S. Paddock of Nebraska, G. L. Godfrey of Iowa,
and J. R. Pettigrew of Arkansas, their appointments being dated
June 23, 1882.

The officers of the church and the Mormons as a body met the new
situation as aggressively as did Brigham Young the approach of
United States troops. Their preachers and their newspapers
reiterated the divine nature of the "revelation" concerning
polygamy and its obligatory character, urging the people to stand
by their leaders in opposition to the new laws. The following
extracts from "an Epistle from the First Presidency, to the
officers and members of the church," dated October 6, 1885, will
sufficiently illustrate the attitude of the church
organization:--"The war is openly and undisguisedly made upon our
religion. To induce men to repudiate that, to violate its
precepts, and break its solemn covenants, every encouragement is
given. The man who agrees to discard his wife or wives, and to
trample upon the most sacred obligations which human beings can
enter into, escapes imprisonment, and is applauded: while the
man who will not make this compact of dishonor, who will not
admit that his past life has been a fraud and a lie, who will
not say to the world, 'I intended to deceive my God, my
brethren, and my wives by making covenants I did not expect to
keep,' is, beside being punished to the full extent of the law,
compelled to endure the reproaches, taunts, and insults of a
brutal judge . . . .

"We did not reveal celestial marriage. We cannot withdraw or

renounce it, God revealed it, and he has promised to maintain it
and to bless those who obey it. Whatever fate, then, may
threaten us, there is but one course for men of God to take;
that is, to keep inviolate the holy covenants they have made in
the presence of God and angels. For the remainder, whether it be
life or death, freedom or imprisonment, prosperity or adversity,
we must trust in God. We may say, however, if any man or woman
expects to enter into the celestial kingdom of our God without
making sacrifices and without being tested to the very
uttermost, they have not understood the Gospel . . . .

"Upward of forty years ago the Lord revealed to his church the
principle of celestial marriage. The idea of marrying more wives
than one was as naturally abhorrent to the leading men and women
of the church, at that day, as it could be to any people. They
shrank with dread from the bare thought of entering into such
relationship. But the command of God was before them in language
which no faithful soul dare disobey, 'For, behold, I reveal unto
you a new and everlasting covenant; and if ye abide not that
covenant, then are ye damned; for no one can reject this
covenant, and be permitted to enter into my glory.' . . . Who
would suppose that any man, in this land of religious liberty,
would presume to say to his fellow-man that he had no right to
take such steps as he thought necessary to escape damnation? Or
that Congress would enact a law which would present the
alternative to religious believers of being consigned to a
penitentiary if they should attempt to obey a law of God which
would deliver them from damnation?"

There was a characteristic effort to evade the law as regards

political rights. The People's Party (Mormon), to get around the
provision concerning the test oath for voters, issued an address
to them which said: "The questions that intending voters need
therefore ask themselves are these: Are we guilty of the crimes
of said act; or have we THE PRESENT INTENTION of committing these
crimes, or of aiding, abetting, causing or advising any other
person to commit them. Male citizens who can answer these
questions in the negative can qualify under the laws as voters
or office-holders."

Two events in 1885 were the cause of so much feeling that United
States troops were held in readiness for transportation to Utah.
The first of these was the placing of the United States flag at
half mast in Salt Lake City, on July 4, over the city hall,
county court-house, theatre, cooperative store, Deseret News
office, tithing office, and President Taylor's residence, to show
the Mormon opinion that the Edmunds law had destroyed liberty.
When a committee of non-Mormon citizens called at the city hall
for an explanation of this display, the city marshal said that
it was "a whim of his," and the mayor ordered the flag raised to
its proper place.

In November of that year a Mormon night watchman named McMurrin

was shot and severely wounded by a United States deputy marshal
named Collin. This caused great feeling, and there were rumors
that the Mormons threatened to lynch Collin, that armed men had
assembled to take him out of the officers' hands, and that the
Mormons of the territory were arming themselves, and were ready
at a moment's notice to march into Salt Lake City. Federal troops
were held in readiness at Eastern points, but they were not
used. The Salt Lake City Council, on December 8, made a report
denying the truth of the disquieting rumors, and declaring that
"at no time in the history of this city have the lives and
property of its non-Mormon inhabitants been more secure than
now."

The records of the courts in Utah show that the Mormons stood
ready to obey the teachings of the church at any cost.
Prosecutions under the Edmunds law began in 1884, and the
convictions for polygamy or unlawful cohabitation (mostly the
latter) were as follows in the years named: 3 in 1884, 39 in
1885, 112 in 1886, 214 in 1887, and 100 in 1888, with 48 in
Idaho during the same period. Leading men in the church went
into hiding--"under ground," as it was called--or fled from the
territory. As to the actual continuance of polygamous marriages,
the evidence was contradictory. A special report of the Utah
Commission in 1884 expressed the opinion that there had been a
decided decrease in their number in the cities, and very little
decrease in the rural districts. Their regular report for that
year estimated the number of males and females who had entered
into that relation at 459. The report for 1888 stated that the
registration officers gave the names of 29 females who, they had
good reason to believe, had contracted polygamous marriages
since the lists were closed in June, 1887. As late as 1889 Hans
Jespersen was arrested for unlawful cohabitation. As his plural
marriage was understood to be a recent one, the case attracted
wide attention, since it was expected to prove the insincerity
of the church in making the protest against the Edmunds law
principally on the ground that it broke up existing families.
Jespersen pleaded guilty of adultery and polygamy, and was
sentenced to imprisonment for eight years. In making his plea he
said that he was married at the Endowment House in Salt Lake
City, that he and his wife were the only persons there, and that
he did not know who married them. His wife testified that she
"heard a voice pronounce them man and wife, but didn't see any
one nor who spoke." * Such were some of the methods adopted by
the church to set at naught the law.

* Report of the Utah Commission for 1890, p. 23.

But along with this firm attitude, influences were at work
looking to a change of policy. During the first year of the
enforcement of the law it was on many sides declared a failure,
the aggressive attitude of the church, and the willingness of
its leaders to accept imprisonment, hiding, or exile, being
regarded by many persons in the East as proof that the real
remedy for the Utah situation was yet to be discovered. The Utah
Commission, in their earlier reports, combated this idea, and
pointed out that the young men in the church would grow restive
as they saw all the offices out of their reach unless they took
the test oath, and that they "would present an anomaly in human
nature if they should fail to be strongly influenced against
going into a relation which thus subjects them to political
ostracism, and fixes on them the stigma of moral turpitude." How
wide this influence was is seen in the political statistics of
the times. When the Utah Commission entered on their duties in
August, 1882, almost every office in the territory was held by a
polygamist. By April, 1884, about 12,000 voters, male and
female, had been disfranchised by the act, and of the 1351
elective officers in the territory not one was a polygamist, and
not one of the municipal officers of Salt Lake City then in
office had ever been "in polygamy."

The church leaders at first tried to meet this influence in two

ways, by open rebuke of all Saints who showed a disposition to
obey the new laws, and by special honors to those who took their
punishment. Thus, the Deseret News told the brethren that they
could not promise to obey the anti-polygamy laws without
violating obligations that bound them to time and eternity; and
when John Sharp, a leading member of the church in Salt Lake
City, went before the court and announced his intention to obey
these laws, he was instantly removed from the office of Bishop
of his ward.

The restlessness of the flock showed itself in the breaking down

of the business barriers set up by the church between Mormons
and Gentiles. This subject received a good deal of attention in
the minority report signed by two of the commissioners in 1888.
They noted the sale of real estate by Mormons to Gentiles
against the remonstrances of the church, the organization of a
Chamber of Commerce in Salt Lake City in which Mormons and
Gentiles worked together, and the union of both elements in the
last Fourth of July celebration.

In the spring of 1890, at the General Conference held in Salt

Lake City, the office of "Prophet, Seer and Revelator and
President" of the church, that had remained vacant since the
death of John Taylor in 1887, was filled by the election of
Wilford Woodruff, a polygamist who had refused to take the test
oath, while G. Q. Cannon and Lorenzo Snow, who were disfranchised
for the same cause, were made respectively counsellor and
president of the Twelve.* Woodruff was born in Connecticut in
1807, became a Mormon in 1832, was several times sent on
missions to England, and had gained so much prominence while the
church was at Nauvoo that he was the chief dedicator of the
Temple there. While there, he signed a certificate stating that
he knew of no other system of marriage in the church but the
one-wife system then prescribed in the "Book of Doctrine and
Covenants." Before the date of his promotion, Woodruff had
declared that plural marriages were no longer permitted, and,
when he was confronted with evidence to the contrary brought out
in court, he denied all knowledge of it, and afterward declared
that, in consequence of the evidence presented, he had ordered
the Endowment House to be taken down.

* Lorenzo Snow was elected president of the church on September

13, 1898, eleven days after the death of President Woodruff, and
he held that position until his death which occurred on October
10, 1901.

Governor Thomas, in his report for 1890, expressed the opinion

that the church, under its system, could in only one way define
its position regarding polygamy, and that was by a public
declaration by the head of the church, or by action by a
conference, and he added, "There is no reason to believe that any
earthly power can extort from the church any such declaration."
The governor was mistaken, not in measuring the purpose of the
church, but in foreseeing all the influences that were now
making themselves felt.

The revised statutes of Idaho at this time contained a provision

(Sec. 509) disfranchising all polygamists and debarring from
office all polygamists, and all persons who counselled or
encouraged any one to commit polygamy. The constitutionality of
this section was argued before the United States Supreme Court,
which, on February 3, 1890, decided that it was constitutional.
The antipolygamists in Utah saw in this decision a means of
attacking the Mormon belief even more aggressively than had been
done by means of the Edmunds Bill. An act was drawn (Governor
Thomas and ex-Governor West taking it to Washington) providing
that no person living in plural or celestial marriage, or
teaching the same, or being a member of, or a contributor to,
any organization teaching it, or assisting in such a marriage,
should be entitled to vote, to serve as a juror, or to hold
office, a test oath forming a part of the act. Senator Cullom
introduced this bill in the upper House and Mr. Struble of Iowa
in the House of Representatives. The House Committee on
Territories (the Democrats in the negative) voted to report the
bill, amended so as to make it applicable to all the
territories. This proposed legislation caused great excitement in
Mormondom, and petitions against its passage were hurried to
Washington, some of these containing non-Mormon signatures.

As a further menace to the position of the church, the United

States Supreme Court, on May 19, affirmed the decision of the
lower court confiscating the property of the Mormon church, and
declaring that church organization to be an organized rebellion;
and on June 21, the Senate passed Senator Edmunds's bill
disposing of the real estate of the church for the benefit of the
school fund.*

* After the admission of Utah as a state, Congress passed an act

restoring the property to the church.
The Mormon authorities now realized that the public sentiment of
the country, as expressed in the federal law, had them in its
grasp. They must make some concession to this public sentiment,
or surrender all their privileges as citizens and the wealth of
their church organization. Agents were hurried to Washington to
implore the aid of Mr. Blaine in checking the progress of the
Cullom Bill, and at home the head of the church made the
concession in regard to polygamy which secured the admission of
the territory as a state.

On September 25, 1890, Woodruff, as President of the church,

issued a proclamation addressed "to whom it may concern," which
struck out of the NECESSARY beliefs and practices of the Mormon
church, the practice of polygamy.

This important step was taken, not in the form of a "revelation,"

but simply as a proclamation or manifesto. It began with a
solemn declaration that the allegation of the Utah Commission
that plural marriages were still being solemnized was false, and
the assertion that "we are not preaching polygamy nor permitting
any person to enter into its practice." The closing and important

part of the proclamation was as follows:--

"Inasmuch as laws have been enacted by Congress, which laws have

been pronounced constitutional by the court of last resort, I
hereby declare my intention to submit to these laws, and to use
my influence with the members of the church over which I preside
to have them do likewise.

"There is nothing in my teachings to the church, or in those of

my associates, during the time specified, which can be
reasonably construed to inculcate or encourage polygamy, and
when any elder of the church has used language which appeared to
convey any such teachings he has been promptly reproved.

"And now I publicly declare that my advice to the Latter-Day

Saints is to refrain from contracting any marriage forbidden by
the law of the land."

On October 6, the General Conference of the church, on motion of

Lorenzo Snow, unanimously adopted the following resolution:--

"I move that, recognizing Wilford Woodruff as President of the

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, and the only man on
the earth at the present time who holds the keys of the sealing
ordinances, we consider him fully authorized, by virtue of his
position, to issue the manifesto that has been read in our
hearing, and which is dated September 24, 1890, and as a church
in general conference assembled we accept his declaration
concerning plural marriages as authoritative and binding."

This action was reaffirmed by the General Conference of October

6, 1891.

Of course the church officers had to make some explanation to the

brethren of their change of front. Cannon fell back on the
"revelation" of January 19, 1841, which Smith put forth to
excuse the failure to establish a Zion in Missouri, namely,
that, when their enemies prevent their performing a task assigned
by the Almighty, he would accept their effort to do so. He said
that "it was on this basis" that President Woodruff had felt
justified in issuing the manifesto. Woodruff explained: "It is
not wisdom for us to make war upon 65,000,000 people . . . . The
prophet Joseph Smith organized the church; and all that he has
promised in this code of revelations the "Book of Doctrine and
Covenants" has been fulfilled as fast as time would permit. THAT
WHICH IS NOT FULFILLED WILL BE." Cannon did explain that the
manifesto was the result of prayer, and Woodruff told the people
that he had had a great many visits from the Prophet Joseph
since his death, in dreams, and also from Brigham Young, but
neither seems to have imparted any very valuable information,
Joseph explaining that he was in an immense hurry preparing
himself "to go to the earth with the Great Bridegroom when he
goes to meet the Bride, the Lamb's wife."

Two recent incidents have indicated the restlessness of the

Mormon church under the restriction placed upon polygamy. In
1898, the candidate for Representative in Congress, nominated by
the Democratic Convention of Utah, was Brigham H. Roberts. It
was commonly known in Utah that Roberts was a violator of the
Edmunds law. A Mormon elder, writing from Brigham, Utah, in
February, 1899, while Roberts's case was under consideration at
Washington, said, "Many prominent Mormons foresaw the storm that
was now raging, and deprecated Mr. Roberts's nomination and
election."* This statement proves both the notoriety of
Roberts's offence, and the connivance of the church in his
nomination, because no Mormon can be nominated to an office in
Utah when the church authorities order otherwise. When Roberts
presented himself to be sworn in, in December, 1899, his case
was referred to a special committee of nine members. The report
of seven members of this committee found that Roberts married his
first wife about the year 1878; that about 1885 he married a
plural wife, who had since born him six children, the last two
twins, born on August 11, 1897; that some years later he married
a second plural wife, and that he had been living with all three
till the time of his election; "that these facts were generally
known in Utah, publicly charged against him during his campaign
for election, and were not denied by him." Roberts refused to
take the stand before the committee, and demurred to its
jurisdiction on the ground that the hearing was an attempt to
try him for a crime without an indictment and jury trial, and to
deprive him of vested rights in the emoluments of the office to
which he was elected, and that, if the crime alleged was proved,
it would not constitute a sufficient cause to deprive him of his
seat, because polygamy is not enumerated in the constitution as
a disqualification for the office of member of Congress. The
majority report recommended that his seat be declared vacant.
Two members of the committee reported that his offence afforded
constitutional ground for expulsion, but not for exclusion from
the House, and recommended that he be sworn in and immediately
expelled. The resolution presented by the majority was adopted by
the House by a vote of 268 to 50.**

* New York Evening Post, February 20, 1899.

** Roberts was tried in the district court in Salt Lake City, on
April 30, 1900, on the charge of unlawful cohabitation. The case
was submitted to the jury of eight men, without testimony, on an
agreed statement of facts, and the jury disagreed, standing six
for conviction and two for acquittal.

The second incident referred to was the passage by the Utah

legislature in March, 1901, of a bill containing this provision:

"No prosecution for adultery shall be commenced except on

complaint of the husband or wife or relative of the accused with
the first degree of consanguinity, or of the person with whom
the unlawful act is alleged to have been committed, or of the
father or mother of said person; and no prosecution for unlawful
cohabitation shall be commenced except on complaint of the wife,
or alleged plural wife of the accused; but this provision shall
not apply to prosecutions under section 4208 of the Revised
Statutes, 1898, defining and punishing polygamous marriages."

This bill passed the Utah senate by a vote of 11 to 7, and the

house by a vote of 174 to 25. The excuse offered for it by the
senator who introduced it was that it would "take away from
certain agitators the opportunity to arouse periodic furors
against the Mormons"; that more than half of the persons who had
been polygamists had died or dissolved their polygamous
relations, and that no good service could be subserved by
prosecuting the remainder. This law aroused a protest throughout
the country, and again the Mormon church saw that it had made a
mistake, and on the 14th of March Governor H. M. Wells vetoed the
bill, on grounds that may be summarized as declaring that the
law would do the Mormons more harm than good. The most
significant part of his message, as indicating what the Mormon
authorities most dread, is contained in the following sentence:
"I have every reason to believe its enactment would be the signal
for a general demand upon the national Congress for a
constitutional amendment directed solely against certain
conditions here, a demand which, under the circumstances, would
assuredly be complied with."

The admission of Utah as a state followed naturally the

promulgation by the Mormon church of a policy which was accepted
by the non-Mormons as putting a practical end to the practice of
polygamy. For the seventh time, in 1887, the Mormons had adopted
a state constitution, the one ratified in that year providing
that "bigamy and polygamy, being considered incompatible with 'a
republican form of government,' each of them is hereby forbidden
and declared a misdemeanor." The non-Mormons attacked the
sincerity of this declaration, among other things pointing out
the advice of the Church organ, while the constitution was
before the people, that they be "as wise as serpents and as
harmless as doves." Congress again refused admission.

On January 4, 1893, President Harrison issued a proclamation

granting amnesty and pardon to all persons liable to the penalty
of the Edmunds law "who have, since November 1, 1890, abstained
from such unlawful cohabitation," but on condition that they
should in future obey the laws of the United States. Until the
time of Woodruff's manifesto there had been in Utah only two
political parties, the People's, as the Mormon organization had
always been known, and the Liberal (anti-Mormon). On June 10,
1894, the People's Territorial Central Committee adopted
resolutions reciting the organization of the Republicans and
Democrats of the territory, declaring that the dissensions of the
past should be left behind and that the People's party should
dissolve. The Republican Territorial Committee a few days later
voted that a division of the people on national party lines
would result only in statehood controlled by the Mormon
theocracy. The Democratic committee eight days later took a
directly contrary view. At the territorial election in the
following August the Democrats won, the vote standing:
Democratic, 14,116; Liberal, 7386; Republican, 6613.

It would have been contrary to all political precedent if the

Republicans had maintained their attitude after the Democrats
had expressed their willingness to receive Mormon allies.
Accordingly, in September, 1891, we find the Republicans
adopting a declaration that it would be wise and patriotic to
accept the changes that had occurred, and denying that statehood
was involved in a division of the people on national party
lines.

All parties in the territory now seemed to be manoeuvring for

position. The Morman newspaper organs expressed complete
indifference about securing statehood. In Congress Mr. Caine,
the Utah Delegate, introduced what was known as the "Home Rule
Bill," taking the control of territorial affairs from the
governor and commission. This was known as a Democratic measure,
and great pressure was brought to bear on Republican leaders at
Washington to show them that Utah as a state would in all
probability add to the strength of the Republican column. When,
at the first session of the 53d Congress, J. L. Rawlins, a
Democrat who had succeeded Caine as Delegate, introduced an act
to enable the people of Utah to gain admission for the territory
as a state, it met with no opposition at home, passed the House
of Representatives on December 13, 1893, and the Senate on July
10, 1894 (without a division in either House), and was signed by
the President on July 16. The enabling act required the
constitutional convention to provide "by ordinance irrevocable
without the consent of the United States and the people of that
state, that perfect toleration of religious sentiment shall be
secured, and that no inhabitant of said state shall ever be
molested in person or property on account of his or her mode of
religious worship; PROVIDED, that polygamous or plural marriages
are forever prohibited."

The constitutional convention held under this act met in Salt

Lake City on March 4, 1895, and completed its work on May 8,
following. In the election of delegates for this convention the
Democrats cast about 19,000 votes, the Republicans about 21,000
and the Populists about 6500. Of the 107 delegates chosen, 48
were Democrats and 59 Republicans. The constitution adopted
contained the following provisions:--

"Art. 1. Sec. 4. The rights of conscience shall never be

infringed. The state shall make no law respecting an
establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise
thereof; no religious test shall be required as a qualification
for any office of public trust, or for any vote at any election;
nor shall any person be incompetent as a witness or juror on
account of religious belief or the absence thereof. There shall
be no union of church and state, nor shall any church dominate
the state or interfere with its functions. No public money or
property shall be appropriated for or applied to any religious
worship, exercise, or instruction, or for the support of any
ecclesiastical establishment.

"Art. 111. The following ordinance shall be irrevocable without

the consent of the United States and the people of this state:
Perfect toleration of religious sentiment is guaranteed. No
inhabitant of this state shall ever be molested in person or
property on account of his or her mode of religious worship; but
polygamous or plural marriages are forever prohibited."

This constitution was submitted to the people on November 5,

1895, and was ratified by a vote of 31,305 to 7687, the
Republicans at the same election electing their entire state
ticket and a majority of the legislature. On January 4, 1896,
President Cleveland issued a proclamation announcing the
admission of Utah as a state. The inauguration of the new state
officers took place at Salt Lake City two days later. The first
governor, Heber M. Wells,* in his inaugural address made this
declaration: "Let us learn to resent the absurd attacks that are
made from time to time upon our sincerity by ignorant and
prejudiced persons outside of Utah, and let us learn to know and
respect each other more, and thus cement and intensify the
fraternal sentiments now so widespread in our community, to the
end that, by a mighty unity of purpose and Christian resolution,
we may be able to insure that domestic tranquillity, promote that
general welfare, and secure those blessings of liberty to
ourselves and our posterity guaranteed by the constitution of
the United States."

* Son of "General" Wells of the Nauvoo Legion.

The vote of Utah since its admission as a state has been cast as
follows:--

************* REPUBLICAN **** DEMOCRAT

1895. Governor 20,833 18,519
1896. President 13,491 64,607
1900. Governor 47,600 44,447
1900. President 47,089 44,949

CHAPTER XXV. The Mormonism Of To-Day

An intelligent examination of the present status of the Mormon

church can be made only after acquaintance with its past
history, and the policy of the men who have given it its present
doctrinal and political position. The Mormon power has ever in
view objects rather than methods. It always keeps those objects
in view, while at times adjusting methods to circumstances, as
was the case in its latest treatment of the doctrine of
polygamy. The casual visitor, making a tour of observation in
Utah, and the would-be student of Mormon policies who satisfies
himself with reading their books of doctrine instead of their
early history, is certain to acquire little knowledge of the
real Mormon character and the practical Mormon ambition, and if
he writes on the subject he will contribute nothing more
authentic than does Schouler in his "History of the United
States" wherein he calls Joseph Smith "a careful organizer," and
says that "it was a part of his creed to manage well the
material concerns of his people, as they fed their flocks and
raised their produce." Brigham Young's constant cry was that all
the Mormons asked was to be left alone. Nothing suits the
purposes of the heads of the church today better than the
decrease of public attention attracted to their organization
since the Woodruff manifesto concerning polygamy. In trying to
arrive at a reasonable decision concerning their future place in
American history, one must constantly bear in mind the arguments
which they have to offer to religious enthusiasts, and the
political and commercial power which they have already attained
and which they are constantly strengthening.

The growth of Utah in population since its settlement by the

Mormons has been as follows, accepting the figures of the United
States census:--

1850 11,380
1860 40,273
1870 86,786
1880 143,963
1890 207,905
1900 276,749

The census of 1890 (the religious statistics of the census of

1900 are not yet available) shows that, of a total church
membership of 128,115 in Utah, the Latter-Day Saints numbered
118,201.

What may be called the Mormon political policy embraces these

objects: to maintain the dictatorial power of the priesthood
over the present church membership; to extend that membership
over the adjoining states so as to acquire in the latter, first
a balance of power, and later complete political control; to
continue the work of proselyting throughout the United States and
in foreign lands with a view to increasing the strength of the
church at home by the immigration to Utah of the converts.

That the power of the Mormon priesthood over their flock has
never been more autocratic than it is to-day is the testimony of
the best witnesses who may be cited. A natural reason for this
may be found in the strength which always comes to a religious
sect with age, if it survives the period of its infancy. We have
seen that in the early days of the church its members apostatized
in scores, intimate acquaintance with Smith and his associates
soon disclosing to men of intelligence and property their real
objects. But the church membership in and around Utah to-day is
made up of the children and the grandchildren of men and women
who remained steadfast in their faith. These younger generations
are therefore influenced in their belief, not only by such
appeals as what is taught to them makes to their reason, but by
the fact that these teachings are the teachings which have been
accepted by their ancestors. It is, therefore, vastly more
difficult to convince a younger Mormon to-day that his belief
rests on a system of fraud than it was to enforce a similar
argument on the minds of men and women who joined the Saints in
Ohio or Illinois. We find, accordingly, that apostasies in Utah
are of comparatively rare occurrence; that men of all classes
accept orders to go on missions to all parts of the world without
question; and that the tithings are paid with greater regularity
than they have been since the days of Brigham Young.

The extension of the membership of the Mormon church over the

states and territories nearest to Utah has been carried on with
intelligent zeal. The census of 1890 gives the following
comparison of members of Latter-Day Saints churches and of "all
bodies" in the states and territories named:--

******* L.D. SAINTS **** ALL BODIES ***

Idaho******* 14,972 **** 24,036
Arizona***** 6,500 **** 26,972
Nevada****** 525 **** 5,877
Wyoming***** 1,336 **** 11,705
Colorado**** 1,762 **** 86,837
New Mexico** 456 **** 105,749

The political influence of the Mormon church in all the states

and territories adjacent to Utah is already great, amounting in
some instances to practical dictation. It is not necessary that
any body of voters should have the actual control of the
politics of a state to insure to them the respect of political
managers. The control of certain counties will insure to them the
subserviency of the local politicians, who will speak a good
word for them at the state capital, and the prospect that they
will have greater influence in the future will be pressed upon
the attention of the powers that be. We have seen how steadily
the politicians of California at Washington stood by the Mormons
in their earlier days, when they were seeking statehood and
opposing any federal control of their affairs. The business
reasons which influenced the Californians are a thousand times
more effective to-day. The Cooperative Institution has a hold on
the Eastern firms from which it buys goods, and every commercial
traveller who visits Utah to sell the goods of his employers to
Mormon merchants learns that a good word for his customers is
always appreciated. The large corporations that are organized
under the laws of Utah (and this includes the Union Pacific
Railroad Company) are always in some way beholden to the Mormon
legislative power. All this sufficiently indicates the measures
quietly taken by the Mormon church to guard itself against any
further federal interference.

The mission work of the Mormon church has always been conducted
with zeal and efficiency, and it is so continued to-day. The
church authorities in Utah no longer give out definite
statistics showing the number of missionaries in the field, and
the number of converts brought to Utah from abroad. The number of

missionaries at work in October, 1901, was stated to me by church

officers at from fourteen hundred to nineteen hundred, the
smaller number being insisted upon as correct by those who gave
it. As nearly as could be ascertained, about one-half this force
is employed in the United States and the rest abroad. The home
field most industriously cultivated has been the rural districts
of the Southern states, whose ignorant population, ever
susceptible to "preaching" of any kind, and quite incapable of
answering the Mormon interpretation of the Scriptures, is most
easily lead to accept the Mormon views. When such people are
offered an opportunity to improve their worldly condition, as
they are told they may do in Utah, at the same time that they
can save their souls, the bait is a tempting one. The number of
missionaries now at work in these Southern states is said to be
much smaller than it was two years ago. Meanwhile the work of
proselyting in the Eastern Atlantic states has become more
active. The Mormons have their headquarters in Brooklyn, New
York, and their missionaries make visits in all parts of Greater
New York. They leave a great many tracts in private houses,
explaining that they will make another call later, and doing so
if they receive the least encouragement. They take great pains to
reach servant girls with their literature and arguments, and the
story has been published* of a Mormon missionary who secured
employment as a butler, and made himself so efficient that his
employer confided to him the engagement of all the house
servants; in time the frequent changes which he made aroused
suspicion, and an investigation disclosed the fact that he was a
Mormon of good education, who used his position as head servant
to perform effective proselyting work. By promise of a husband
and a home of her own on her arrival in Utah, this man was said
to have induced sixty girls to migrate from New York City to that
state since he began his labors.

* New York Sun, January 27, 1901.

The Mormons estimate the membership of their church throughout

the world at a little over 300,000. The numbers of "souls" in
the church abroad was thus reported for the year ending December
31, 1899, as published in the Millennial Star:--

Great Britain 4,588

Scandinavia 5,438
Germany 1,198
Switzerland 1,078
Netherlands 1,556

These figures indicate a great falling off in the church

constituency in Europe as compared with the year 1851, when the
number of Mormons in Great Britain and Ireland was reported at
more than thirty thousand. Many influences have contributed to
decrease the membership of the church abroad and the number of
converts which the church machinery has been able to bring to
Utah. We have seen that the announcement of polygamy as a
necessary belief of the church was a blow to the organization in
Europe. The misrepresentation made to converts abroad to induce
them to migrate to Utah, as illustrated in the earlier years of
the church, has always been continued, and naturally many of the
deceived immigrants have sent home accounts of their deception.
A book could be filled with stories of the experiences of men
and women who have gone to Utah, accepting the promises held out
to them by the missionaries,--such as productive farms, paying
business enterprises; or remunerative employment,--only to find
their expectations disappointed, and themselves stranded in a
country where they must perform the hardest labor in order to
support themselves, if they had not the means with which to
return home. The effect of such revelations has made some parts
of Europe an unpleasant field for the visits of Mormon
missionaries.

The government at Washington, during the operation of the

Perpetual Emigration Fund organization, realized the evil of the
introduction of so many Mormon converts from abroad. On August
9, 1879, Secretary of State William M. Evarts sent out a
circular to the diplomatic officers of the United States
throughout the world, calling their attention to the fact that
the organized shipment of immigrants intended to add to the
number of law-defying polygamists in Utah was "a deliberate and
systematic attempt to bring persons to the United States with
the intent of violating their laws and committing crimes
expressly punishable under the statute as penitentiary
offences," and instructing them to call the attention of the
governments to which they were accredited to this matter, in
order that those governments might take such steps as were
compatible with their laws and usages "to check the organization
of these criminal enterprises by agents who are thus operating
beyond the reach of the law of the United States, and to prevent
the departure of those proposing to come hither as violators of
the law by engaging in such criminal enterprises, by whomsoever
instigated." President Cleveland, in his first message,
recommended the passage of a law to prevent the importation of
Mormons into the United States. The Edmunds-Tucker law contained
a provision dissolving the Perpetual Emigration Company, and
forbidding the Utah legislature to pass any law to bring persons
into the territory. Mormon authorities have informed me that
there has been no systematic immigration work since the
prosecutions under the Edmunds law. But as it is conceded that
the Mormons make practically no proselytes among then Gentile
neighbors, they must still look largely to other fields for that
increase of their number which they have in view.

As a part of their system of colonizing the neighboring states

and territories, they have made settlements in the Dominion of
Canada and in Mexico. Their Canadian settlement is situated in
Alberta. A report to the Superintendent of Immigration at
Ottawa, dated December 30, 1899, stated that the Mormon colony
there comprised 1700 souls, all coming from Utah; and that "they
are a very progressive people, with good schools and churches."
When they first made their settlement they gave a pledge to the
Dominion government that they would refrain from the practice of
polygamy while in that country. In 1889 the Department of the
Interior at Ottawa was informed that the Mormons were not
observing this pledge, but investigation convinced the
department that this accusation was not true. However, in
1890, an amendment to the criminal law of the Dominion was
enacted (clause 11, 53 Victoria, Chap. 37), making any person
guilty of a misdemeanor, and liable to imprisonment for five
years and a fine of $500, who practises any form of polygamy or
spiritual marriage, or celebrates or assists in any such
marriage ceremony.

The Secretario de Fomento of Mexico, under date of May 4,

1901, informed me that the number of Mormon colonists in that
country was then 2319, located in seven places in Chihuahua and
Sonora. He added: "The laws of this country do not permit
polygamy. The government has never encouraged the immigration of
Mormons, only that of foreigners of good character, working
people who may be useful to the republic. And in the contracts
made for the establishment of those Mormon colonies it was
stipulated that they should be formed only of foreigners
embodying all the aforesaid conditions."

No student of the question of polygamy, as a doctrine and

practice of the Mormon church, can reach any other conclusion
than that it is simply held in abeyance at the present time,
with an expectation of a removal of the check now placed upon
it. The impression, which undoubtedly prevails throughout other
parts of the United States, that polygamy was finally abolished
by the Woodruff manifesto and the terms of statehood, is founded
on an ignorance of the compulsory character of the doctrine of
polygamy, of the narrowness of President Woodruff's decree, and
of the part which polygamous marriages have been given, by the
church doctrinal teachings, in the plan of salvation. The sketch
of the various steps leading up to the Woodruff manifesto shows
that even that slight concession to public opinion was made, not
because of any change of view by the church itself concerning
polygamy, but simply to protect the church members from the loss
of every privilege of citizenship. That manifesto did not in any
way condemn the polygamous doctrine; it simply advised the
Saints to submit to the United States law against polygamy, with
the easily understood but unexpressed explanation that it was to
their temporal advantage to do so. How strictly this advice has
since been lived up to--to what extent polygamous practices have
since been continued in Utah--it is not necessary, in a work of
this kind, to try to ascertain. The most intelligent non-Mormon
testimony obtainable in the territory must be discarded if we
are to believe that polygamous relations have not been continued
in many instances. This, too, would be only what might naturally
be expected among a people who had so long been taught that
plural marriages were a religious duty, and that the check to
them was applied, not by their church authorities, but by an
outside government, hostility to which had long been inculcated
in them.

It must be remembered that it is a part of the doctrine of

polygamy that woman can enter heaven only as sealed to some
devout member of the Mormon church "for time and eternity," and
that the space around the earth is filled with spirits seeking
some "tabernacles of clay" by means of which they may attain
salvation. Through the teaching of this doctrine, which is
accepted as explicitly by the membership of the Mormon church at
large as is any doctrine by a Protestant denomination, the
Mormon women believe that the salvation of their sex depends on
"sealed" marriages, and that the more children they can bring
into the world the more spirits they assist on the road to
salvation. In the earlier days of the church, as Brigham Young
himself testified, the bringing in of new wives into a family
produced discord and heartburnings, and many pictures have been
drawn of the agony endured by a wife number one when her husband
became a polygamist. All the testimony I can obtain in regard to
the Mormonism of today shows that the Mormon women are now the
most earnest advocates of polygamous marriages. Said one
competent observer in Salt Lake City to me, "As the women of the
South, during the war, were the rankest rebels, so the women of
Mormondom are to-day the most zealous advocates of polygamy."

By precisely what steps the church may remove the existing

prohibition of polygamous marriages I shall not attempt to
decide. It is easy, however, to state the one enactment which
would prevent the success of any such effort. This would be the
adoption by Congress and ratification by the necessary number of
states of a constitutional amendment making the practice of
polygamy an offence under the federal law, and giving the
federal courts jurisdiction to punish any violators of this law.
The Mormon church recognizes this fact, and whenever such an
amendment comes before Congress all its energies will be directed
to prevent its ratification. Governor Wells's warning in his
message vetoing the Utah Act of March, 1901, concerning
prosecutions for adultery, that its enactment would be the
signal for a general demand for the passage of a constitutional
amendment against polygamy, showed how far the executive thought
it necessary to go to prevent even the possibility of such an
amendment. One of the main reasons why the Mormons are so
constantly increasing their numbers in the neighboring states is
that they may secure the vote of those states against an
anti-polygamy amendment. Whenever such an amendment is
introduced at Washington it will be found that every Mormon
influence--political, mercantile, and railroad--will be arrayed
against it, and its passage is unlikely unless the church shall
make some misstep which will again direct public attention to it
in a hostile manner.

The devout Mormon has no more doubt that his church will dominate
this nation eventually than he has in the divine character of
his prophet's revelations. Absurd as such a claim appears to all
non-Mormon citizens, in these days when Mormonism has succeeded
in turning public attention away from the sect, it is
interesting to trace the church view of this matter, along with
the impression which the Mormon power has made on some of its
close observers. The early leaders made no concealment of their
claim that Mormonism was to be a world religion. "What the world
calls 'Mormonism' will rule every nation," said Orson Hyde. "God
has decreed it, and his own right arm will accomplish it."*
Brigham Young, in a sermon in the Tabernacle on February 15,
1856, told his people that their expulsion from Missouri was
revealed to him in advance, as well as the course of their
migrations, and he added: "Mark my words. Write them down. This
people as a church and kingdom will go from the west to the
east."
* Journal of Discourses, Vol. VII, pp. 48-53.

Tullidge, whose works, it must be remembered, were submitted to

church revision, in his "Life of Brigham Young" thus defines the
Mormon view of the political mission of the head of the church:
"He is simply an apostle of a republican nationality, manifold
in its genius; or, in popular words, he is the chief apostle of
state rights by divine appointment. He has the mission, he
affirms, and has been endowed with inspiration to preach the
gospel of a true democracy to the nation, as well as the gospel
for the remission of sins, and he believes the United States
will ultimately need his ministration in both respects . . . .
They form not, therefore, a rival power as against the Union, but
an apostolic ministry to it, and their political gospel is state
rights and self-government. This is political Mormonism in a
nutshell."*

* p. 244.

Tullidge further says in his "History of Salt Lake City" (writing

in 1886): "The Mormons from the first have existed as a society,
not as a sect. They have combined the two elements of
organization--the social and the religious. They are now a new
society power in the world, and an entirety in themselves. They
are indeed the only religious community in Christendom of modern
birth."*

* p. 387.

Some of the closest observers of the Mormons in their earlier

days took them very seriously. Thus Josiah Quincy, after
visiting Joseph Smith at Nauvoo, wrote that it was "by no means
impossible" that the answer to the question, "What historical
American of the nineteenth century has exerted the most powerful
influence upon the destiny of his countrymen," would not be,
"Joseph Smith." Governor Ford of Illinois, who had to do
officially with the Mormons during most of their stay in that
state, afterward wrote concerning them: "The Christian world,
which has hitherto regarded Mormonism with silent contempt,
unhappily may yet have cause to fear its rapid increase. Modern
society is full of material for such a religion . . . . It is to
be feared that, in the course of a century, some gifted man like
Paul, some splendid orator who will be able by his eloquence to
attract crowds of the thousands who are ever ready to hear and be

carried away by the sounding brass and tinkling cymbal of

sparkling oratory, may command a hearing, may succeed in
breathing a new life into this modern Mohammedanism, and make
the name of the martyred Joseph ring as loud, and stir the souls
of men as much, as the mighty name of Christ itself."*

* Ford, "History of Illinois," p. 359.

The close observers of Mormonism in Utah, who recognize its aims,

but think that its days of greatest power are over, found this
opinion on the fact that the church makes practically no
converts among the neighboring Gentiles; and that the increasing
mining and other business interests are gradually attracting a
population of non-Mormons which the church can no longer offset
by converts brought in from the East and from foreign lands.
Special stress is laid on the future restriction on Mormon
immigration that will be found in the lack of further government
land which may be offered to immigrants, and in the discouraging
stories sent home by immigrants who have been induced to move to
Utah by the false representations of the missionaries.
Unquestionably, if the Mormon church remains stationary as
regards wealth and membership, it will be overshadowed by its
surroundings. What it depends on to maintain its present status
and to increase its power is the loyal devotion of the body of
its adherents, and its skill in increasing their number in the
states which now surround Utah, and eventually in other states.

End of The Project Gutenberg Etext The Story of the Mormons, by Linn