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Afghanistan remains stuck in a TIME WARP Visiting the ruined city of Kabul is like stepping back in history, writes Heidi Kingstone M ud drips from everything. It hangs fromthe trees, fills the potholes that deface every cracked, uneven, rub- bish-strewn road. It cakes the feet andshoes of Kabuls inhabitants and seeps through their clothes, lungs and history. When the mud dries it turns to dust. Kabul is a city of ruins and ruminations, a destroyed capital that lies in a valley surrounded by snow-topped mountains 1 800m above sea level. The thinair makes themappear unreal, likepaper cutouts. Going to Afghanistanis similar to travelling back in time. The new year fell on March 21 and the date changed to 1386. It is not only a calendar shift. You voyage back 600 years. It might be easier for Afghanistan to turn into a caliphate, as the Taliban would like, than for this tragic, post-conflict country to blossom into a func- tioning 21st century state, though some people are trying. The question is whether they will succeed. Afghanistan is one of the five poorest countries in the world, and the only one not in sub-Saharan Africa. After almost three decades of war and five years of peace there are virtually no pavements to walk on. The city has only a fewhours of electricity a day, and in some areas on the outskirts of Kabul, people still draw water fromwells. Buildings are scarred and pockmarked, barely standing, destroyed, decaying and bombed out. Houses and shacks, full of bullet holes, collapsing roofs, line dusty streets, and open sewers dont func- tion. They get plugged up and create serious hygiene problems . To get a driving licence youmust pay a corrupt of- ficial about $25 (R180), and they deliver it straight to your house. Sometimes it seems that the real danger in Afghanistan comes from the insane drivers, who feel more comfortable in the middle of the road driving directly at one another. The problems here are complex, not only politi- cally but practically, socially and culturally. People heat their houses witha bukhary, a wood-burning or diesel stove. But the smoke is heavy and there are no trees inKabul. The beautiful forests of south-eastern Afghanistan are disappearing. Wood is sold on the black market to Pakistan for scaffolding. Wood is not only scarce but expensive, a serious problem when the temperatures dip below minus 20C. It also makes it difficult to get oxygen in the city. The pollution is appalling and the foul air sits in the bowl created by Kabuls geography. On the mountainsides all around the sprawling capital, people have built illegal houses. Steep paths lead down to the city, and they rely on melted snow or rain for water. Squatter settlements like these comprise much of the citys housing stock. It makes normal hygiene simple things like taking a shower impossible. Public baths cost Afs50 (about $1) for a private cubicle or Afs20 for a communal one. All around the city, meat hangs fromhooks at tiny stalls, shiny silvery fish are nailed to boards for dis- play. Sheeps heads are neatly piled on the ground underneath recently slaughtered carcasses. Carts where traders sell their goods are filled with ba- nanas, oranges, potatoes, radishes, cauliflowers, tomatoes and eggplants. Sellers constantly dust off the produce with a long-haired brush. Groups of women in their forbidding, pleated blue burqas walk together or stop to talk to one an- other. Burqas are an urban phenomenon, as women in rural areas need to work. It is also an Arabic word. Here they use chadari, which is the equivalent in Dari or Pashto, the two main languages of Afghanistan. Women are recog- nised by their feet or shoes. The most surreal vision is of a woman all covered up but wearing high heels. Still, it is mostly men who dominate the streets, wrapped warmly in their patos, the traditional heavy khaki blankets that ward off the winter cold. Five years ago there was a Taliban government, a fundamentalist regime. Now there is, very loosely defined, a democratically elected government headed by President Hamid Karzai, backed and supported by the international community. In reality his remit doesnt extend outside Kabul. The 34-provinces are runindependentlybygovernors who sometimes have close links withwarlords, some who even are warlords, and others who prefer not to travel to their dangerous provinces at all. Many who would be considered war criminals have seats inparliament. Bitter realities and political horse-trading have challenged effective leadership in this narco-economy, and has alienated Afghanis. An amnesty bill was recently passed in parliament that granted all members immunity fromwar crimes. Just a few hours drive from Kabul, anti-govern- ment elements, some close to the Taliban, are incon- trol of a few districts, but no provinces have fallen under their control. One inducement to recruitment is that the Taliban pay well. In a country of massive unemployment, joining up can mean earning $7 to $10 a day or $50 to $100 a month. Its a good place for angry young men to go. The Taliban peddle the idea they will bring secu- rity, but so far they havent. The insurgency in the south and east, and sometimes close to Kabul, is a direct cause of this. In1983 the Soviets invaded. They were defeated by the Mujahideen, and the Russians withdrewin 1989. The country then fell into civil war that ended when the Taliban brought security to Afghanistan in 1994, when they seized power. After 27 years, people were sick of the illegal armies whose commanders were largely corrupt warlords. They destroyed Kabul, which had hardly been touched by the Soviets. By the time the Taliban triumphantly arrived, with their harsh fundamen- talist ways, people craved stability. Then9/11. Slowly another war gained momentum. During those decades, an estimated 1-million people were killed in Afghanistan, 65 000 were murdered in the capital, and millions fled about one-third to Pakistan and Iran. Anyone with skills found work elsewhere. Left with no healthcare, no education, no infra- structure, it was inevery sense a ruined state, whose social fabric had been destroyed. Five years after the overthrow of the Taliban, it is difficult to assess the current state of affairs, but primarily, the situationleaves little roomfor wild optimism. One success is that millions have re- turned to Afghanistan, the largest refugee return in history. The election, while far from perfect, was a suc- cess; girls and boys have returned to school; and the polio eradication campaign has resumed. Slowly things are being rebuilt, but its technically still a war zone. Conflict and bad leadership have left a tragic legacy of unmapped minefields. Changing frontlines worsened the problem because different groups mined different areas. Each year, 700 people are maimed, significantly downfromthe average annual toll of 1 600: children, farmers, civilians, and soldiers are the casualties. One demining group, The Halo Trust, has been in the country for 19 years. They expect it will take another 10 years for them and others to complete the task. As the seasons change and winter turns to spring, the Talibanand the Nato forces launched onMarch 7 the long-talked-about spring offensive that will bring killing and chaos once again to the south of this rugged and barren land. Five suicide bomb teams have apparently entered Kabul, waiting for the right moment to attack the obvious targets military HQ, armoured vehicles, UK and US embassies, ministries and softer targets. The streets leading into the capital are patrolled by the Afghan National Police and the Afghan National Army, looking for weapons and extrem- ists. Darkened film on car windows is illegal, allowed only for government officials and diplomats. But it is inthe southwhere the battle for Afghanistan will be won or lost. Afghanistans pivotal problems remain poppies, Pakistan and politics. Karzai is weak and inexperienced. He runs a cen- tralised government in a country where the regions are strong. The military will tell youthat out of 34 provinces, only five are dangerous, but those five once ruled the country. The south, primarily, which remains the critical battleground, and the east of the country, are at this point practically lost to the extremists. Unlike the Iraqis, the Afghanis are positive about the Amer- ican/Nato presence, but that is unlikely to last forever, especially as the killing intensifies. Akey problemis that Pakistangives sanctuary to the Taliban in Baluchistan and North West Frontier Province. Suicide attacks, improvised explosive devices and beheadings of hostages techniques that al-Qaeda perfected in Iraq are being imported and used here with increasing frequency by the Taliban. DVDs of beheadings are sold locally in the south and widely distributed. This is a rigidly traditional and hierarchical country, where mullahs and maliks (mayors) and tribal leaders are respected and listened to. The idea of democracy as we understand it is too foreign to take root in the near future.Some 80% of the population live in the countryside, while about 85% of women and about 60%of men are illiterate. Honour killings continue with alarming regular- ity. Women are treated as chattel, girls are married off at 13 years old to pay off their parents debts despite a constitution that guarantees the rights of women and a parliament that consists of 25%female representation. In Bamiyan province, where the Taliban destroyed the Buddhas, there is a female governor. None of this prevents women being beaten. Corruptionunderlies everything inthis total cash economy. Ninety-two percent of the worlds heroin comes from Afghanistan, and much of it can be found on the streets of Western cities. More poppies have been eradicated in Helmand this year than in all of last year. This is the south- ern province where they grow, but this is not the whole story. Poppy production overall has increased by 59%in 2006 and is helping to fuel the Taliban resurgence. It took Pakistan decades to eradicate poppies, and then they had a functioning government, judiciary and police. Here they have one policeman for every 1 000 people, and because they are paid so poorly about $50 a month they are notoriously corrupt. The billions thrown at Afghanistan could have contributed to rebuilding this country. Sadly, most of it has lined the pockets of non-governmental organisations, corrupt officials, and funding the military. Its fair comment to say that neither the Afghanis nor the Americans should expect miracles, although that is whats needed. The optimism and hope that Afghanis felt when the Taliban fell and the Ameri- cans came in has been greatly diminished in a sea of disappointment, corruption and unfulfilled promises. In retrospect, the Americans didnt realise the scale of devastation. Lowlevels of education and an untrained workforce have resulted in low-level capacity, despite some outstanding exceptions, including some in the government. This has also contributed to the government being unable to spend the bulk of its budget over the past four years. As a result, many Afghanis want to leave, and there are long queues outside the Indian and Iran- ian embassies. Who can blame them? The influx of Indian movies and culture is also having a powerful influence on young Afghanis. It was bad under the Russians, worse under the Mujahideen, and worst of all under the Taliban. Culon yomanbadter, translated fromArabic, means things are getting worse and worse. There are lots of bullets, but no silver bullet. Will it take years or decades or even centuries to fix Afghanistan? Is it even possible? Or will it all simply turn to dust? The optimism and hope that Afghanis felt when the Taliban fell and the Americans came in has been greatly diminished in a sea of disappointment, corruption and unfulfilled promises
An Afghan boy (main image)
holds toy gun as he walks with his father to celebrate Nawroz, a new year ceremony at the Sakhi Shrine in Kabul, Afghanistan last month. A Nato soldier sits guard on an armored vehicle during a military exercise on the outskirt of Kabul during February (top left). An Afghan boy walks by an unused old car in Kabul, Afghanistan (top right). Women celebrate the new year. (middle) Photographs: AP S S _ C A N _ E 1 _ 3 1 0 3 0 7 _ p 1 5 C M Y K