Shadow City

the shadow city
freezones in Brussels and Rotterdam

Urban Unlimited Rotterdam with
o2-consult Antwerp, MUST Amsterdam,
dS+V | OBR Rotterdam and VUB Brussels
May 2004
4 Inhoudsopgave De schaduwstad
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 Introduction 7
1.1 New challenges for the metropolis 7
1.2 The paradox of creativity 7
1.3 The approach of this report 8
2. Defnition of concepts 11
2.1 History - fee, fght and reconnect 11
2.2 Theory - the elusive freezone 13
2.3 Defnition of the issue -
getting beyond planning misconceptions 14
3 The Brussels Capital Region 17
3.1 Governmental context 17
3.2 Freezoning Brussels 19
3.3 Urban impact 20
MAP AND TEXT-BOXES
4 The Rotterdam region 31
4.1 Governmental context 31
4.2 Freezoning Rotterdam 32
4.3 Urban impact 34
MAP AND TEXT-BOXES
5 Models for comparison 47
5.1 Breeding-ground policy in Amsterdam 47
5.2 Five experiments in nomadic use 48
5.3 A Mad Tea Party in Manchester 49
5.4 New York-Free Williamsburg 50
5.5 Interim conclusions 51
6 Recommendations 53
6.1 Guarantee targeted niche space 53
6.2 Promote accessibility and tolerance 54
6.3 Prioritise the encouragement of intermediates 54
6.4 Encourage temporary or permanent portals 55
6.5 Practise shadow planning 55
6.6 Use temporariness and extend it 56
Footnotes, illustrations and bibliography 59
Colophon 63
the shadow city table of contents 5
6 inleiding DE SCHADUWSTAD the shadow city 1 introduction 7
6 inleiding DE SCHADUWSTAD the shadow city 1 introduction 7
Since time immemorial, cities have been melting-pots where people
can encounter one another, where dissenters can gather, and where
new ways of thinking, adventure and creativity can ferment. In
contrast with the countryside and the suburbs, for example, where
peacefulness and spaciousness prevail and people meet their like-
minded fellow-citizens in orderly communities, cities, especially
metropolises, are often equated with business, tolerance, simmering
cosmopolitanism and continual innovation. Cities are therefore often
seen as the drivers of the economy, of knowledge and of cultural
boom.
1
This situation has now become a little more complex. Urban
features are now frequently also found in the countryside, while
some places in the city are characterised by a certain rural quality.
Countryside and city are in any case connected effectively with one
another with the new transport, computer and telecommunication
networks, which have grown faster.
2
At the same time, life is
fragmenting and reclustering around specifc centres of residence,
work and temporary accommodation, according to need, business
profle or lifestyle. This is not to say that the familiar metropolis has
had its day - quite the reverse. Provided the metropolis profles itself
effectively in these new networks, it has enormous potential in terms
of population base, available reserves, infrastructure, and so on, to
exploit them proftably.
1.1 New challenges
However, this poses new challenges for the metropolis. The
freedom of choice of inhabitants (especially the better-off ones),
businesses and visitors has increased enormously in the network
society. In addition to the traditional questions concerning the citys
infrastructure (number of homes, m
2
of business premises, optimal
accessibility, number of parking places, frequency of underground
services, etc.), soft, diffcult-to-quantify criteria are increasingly
relevant, such as general well-being, attractiveness and international
profle. Three new questions thus arise:
The frst question is an internal one about how to avoid and
remedy the unmistakeable drawbacks of city life as far as
possible, in areas such as crime, poverty, anti-social behaviour,
exclusion, segregation, lack of amenities and so on. These
challenges are to do with ensuring basic standards in areas such
as safety, amenities, general well-being, health, etc., without
adversely affecting the positive elements of city life we have
already referred to - in other words, without throwing out the
baby with the bathwater. This calls for a balanced deployment
of resources, in which district and neighbourhood contracts
entered into with local residents and businesses appear to be an
effcacious approach.
3
The second, externally oriented question is to do with the
development and extension of a unique urban profle. The
metropolis has become part of a much larger network, in
which it competes with other nearby metropolises and new
urban environments to attract an economic, cultural and
social elite. One tried and tested strategy is enticement-based
urban planning based around specifc, trend-setting urban
development projects. However, closer investigation reveals that
such projects need to be in harmony with existing local potential
in order to be effective, and must also avoid deteriorating into
global uniformity.
4
This brings us to the third question. This has been expressed
more precisely elsewhere: Theres no such thing as a good key
project if they mean that all metropolises start to look the same
or no culture without subculture
5
. A link with the existing
creative potential in the city is needed in order to make a
difference and, over and beyond that, to promote precisely that
unique urban climate that makes the city attractive to the global
knowledge economies. In principle, this is also the centre of focus of
the sense of place research carried out in Rotterdam
6
, together
with the present report about the functioning and possible effect
of cultural freezones in the city.
1.2 The paradox of creativity
This approach ties in with the rising tide of theorising about the
creative city, but also adds nuances to it.
7
Rather than stressing
creative industries of the high brow culture, the main starting-
point here is the fact that in the global network world, creativity
in subcultures and on the shadowy side of the city have become a
decisive driver of social welfare, general well-being and hence the
attractiveness of the city. This cuts both ways. On the one hand,
it implies that economic growth and competitiveness do not just
depend on the presence of high-value production, services or fows
of goods and investments in the city, but also rely on the citys
innovativeness and creativity. On the other hand, it suggests that
economic competitiveness could also bind creativity to it by offering
1 INTRODUCTION
the shadow city 1 introduction 9
work and developmental opportunities, which in turn attract creative
people and innovative knowledge environments.
In practice, however, this process turns out to be very subtle.
According to Richard Florida, there are just three criteria which
are of crucial importance for the development of creative milieus:
technology, talent and (social) tolerance
8
. On the basis of these
criteria, Richard Florida and Irene Tinagli recently found that:
- Belgium and the Netherlands lead the feld in Europe for
creativity, together with Finland: almost 30% of employment lies
in the creative economic sectors (i.e. more than in the industrial
sector, for example);
- Belgium and the Netherlands, together with the three
Scandinavian EU countries, have specifc qualities and
characteristics which enable them to compete on technology and
attracting top talent from all over the world;
- compared with these three Scandinavian EU countries and
a rising star such as Ireland, however, Belgium and the
Netherlands are increasingly losing ground, something that has
been true of the UK and Germany for quite a long time already;
- loss of (social) tolerance as a result of current no-nonsense
policies is an especial factor in this.
9
Other factors also turn out to be crucial. In cities such as Amsterdam
and London, the availability of suitable niche and other space, the
possibility of improvised, self-organising networks, and a generous
amount of local tolerance have proved crucial. Innovation that has
yet to make a proft, in addition to willingness to invest in good
research and development (R&D), i.e. high-quality technology, also
benefts from inexpensive research and living conditions, extensive
opportunities for experimentation and numerous (often undefned)
meeting-places. The continued growth of the city turns out to
put pressure on precisely these aspects. Often, they fall victim to
economic pressure for improved returns, the minimisation of safety
risks or the need for a precise defnition of public space, and often
even for its privatisation. In other words, booming creative cities and
metropolises often prove to be devouring their very economic basis.
The challenge for the Netherlands and Belgium, and especially for
their metropolises, therefore seems to be as follows: how can the
existing potential in terms of creative power continue to be bound to
the city as that potential is further developed? Besides the need to
focus on areas such as education, R&D and to reconsider tolerance
levels in mainstream politics, it is also unhelpful to designate
specifc zones for the so-called creative class, or to award grants
to creative workers on the basis of specifc criteria. We shall
return to this point later on. The reason is that the hallmark of the
creative class is precisely the fact that it cannot simply be pinned
down in a so-called breeding-ground ghetto or in bureaucratic
regulations.
10
Thus the recently published eight ways of enhancing
the conditions for creativity in urban networks are also too general,
too abstract and expressed at too high a level for the formation
of a rational metropolitan freezoning policy.
11
In other words,
mainstream urban development and planning have hitherto seemed
ill-adapted to incorporating this subject on their agenda. They have
primarily focused on the formal rather than the informal side of the
city. Moreover, there seems to be a paradox here. How can urban
planning and development - which are primarily oriented towards
imposing and regulating - possibly be expected to come up with an
effective, appropriate response to something like the fostering of
creative milieus? The belief thus forms that creative milieus simply
happen, and basically cannot be planned.
8 1 introduction the shadow city
the shadow city 1 introduction 9
1.3 The approach of this report
The present studys roots lie in this paradox. In order to even make
an attempt to go beyond blind liberalisation and fatalism, and to
be able to discuss the desirability or otherwise of a freezoning
planning policy, we need to gain a more detailed picture of what
freezones actually are, the nature of their internal and external
organisation and the contribution they actually make to the citys
creativity. Can common features be identifed which are relevant to
the reinforcement of creative potential in metropolises? More specifc
and detailed information is required in order to answer this question.
We have focused on the current situation in Rotterdam and the
Brussels Region. In recent years, initiatives have developed here
which have been made possible by the tolerant climate in both
cities and/or had been pushed out of other cities by a rise in urban
revitalisation projects. We call these freezones, as they survive or are
tolerated despite the regulations.
We have also focused on a wide range of freezones. Creative
milieus and freezones are often equated with the more artistic and
cultural climate in the city (in some cases associated with ICT and
multimedia). In addition, though, the cities in question also have
economic, political, social and urban planning freezones which make
a crucial contribution to the creative metropolitan settlement pattern
in both cities.
For this reason, fnally, we have also drawn a distinction in this survey
between freezones which exclusively feed off the city, and those
which, through their activities (whether underground or otherwise),
also return signifcant value or quality to life in the city. The latter
are of particular interest to us, as the link between freezone and city
becomes the most direct here, whereas the former have to prove that
they contribute added value to the metropolis.
Thus this survey is structured as follows:
- It starts with a historical and theoretical look at freestates
and freezones. What has been the role of freezones in urban
development, and what are the identifying features of a
freezone?
- On the basis of this, an initial hypothesis for the survey is
formulated within the context of current ideas about creative
cities and urban policy.
- The metropolises of Brussels and Rotterdam are then described,
both in general terms and with reference to a number of cases of
various types. The description includes the specifc context, the
freezone culture and networks, and their respective impact on
urbanism in the city.
- Before considering what conclusions can be drawn, a number
of other examples from the rest of the world are examined for
best practice, and the lessons that can be learnt from them are
considered.
- Finally, we conclude with a number of general and specifc
recommendations for Rotterdam and the Brussels Region.
10 inleiding DE SCHADUWSTAD
2 DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS
2.1 History - fee, fght and reconnect
By origin, a freezone is a locality or set of localities in which
protection and living space are offered to dissenters and free-
thinkers. Its existence is confrmed by a declaration by the freezone
of its independence and autonomy, which is not disputed by
surrounding or dominant parties (for various reasons), but is also
not embraced - in other words, it is tolerated. History contains
many examples of political freezones which have come into being
for various reasons. They have been subject to a noticeable shift in
scale in the course of history. Freezones started out as bastions in a
hostile world, but they later also became outposts and pioneers in the
new world, havens for dissenters and, fnally, breeding-grounds for
innovation. Metropolises emerged as a relevant force precisely as
part of this process.
2.1.1 Bastions in a hostile world
Around 1000, the Cathars lived in an extensive area of Cathar
villages. They were Gnostics who believed that their knowledge could
only be transmitted orally. Their teachings attracted a considerable
following from the new free citizens who rejected the old feudal
structure. When an inquisition was instituted against the Cathars, a
network of sympathising castle barons formed in Southern France.
Montsgur was a Cathar castle which boldly withstood Christian
domination for a while, after which the Cathars took fight, taking
with them - the story goes - the Holy Grail. The bastion was breached,
but the socio-cultural network of the Cathar Gnostics has never
completely disappeared.
12
Similarly, there arose in Central Persia at the same time a strong
network of castles controlled by the Assassins, the Moslem
adversaries of the Crusaders, who held the stronghold of Alamut, a
paradise described by Marco Polo in dissolute terms. The Assassins
formed a network of castles and fortifcations, connected with one
another by courriers and letter-writers. In this way, the Order held
out against a hostile, stronger world for around 200 years.
13
In a sense, these bastions could even be described as the forerunners
of the frst Western European cities which sprang up during the
mercantile revolution. These too started out as bastions, which were
tolerated by the feudal lord, then became subject to his income tax
levy, and fnally became the subject of violent dispute on occasion.
For its occupants, the city was literally and fguratively a freezone,
and after staying in the city for a year they became free of the
control of the liege lord. The city air is emancipating was a common
expression at that time.
2.1.2 Outposts and pioneers of a new world
This situation occurred again during the colonisations of the 17th and
18th centuries. However, there was an important difference here.
Whereas the Assassins, the Cathars and frst mercantile cities had
been oriented towards the defensive preservation of civic culture and
trade, colonists were seeking to extend power and physical territory.
On more than one occasion, colonists such as the settlers in America,
the Boers in South Africa and the conquerors of the Far East declared
the independence of the territory they had just occupied, whether or
not in separation from a mother country. The mother country was
too far away to impose its control and its law on the colonies. The
Great Trek in South Africa consisted of Calvinist Afrikaans-speaking
families taking fight from the liberal English-speaking Cape, who
would conduct armed-to-the-teeth expeditions and relieve the
indigenous inhabitants of their lands. Before an organised state
arose, these Boer states were improvised, temporary states with their
own laws and leaders.
14
In North America, by contrast, the settlers formed a network of far-
fung towns which were ultimately responsible for conquering the
New World. Filibuster expeditions against Mexico were, after the
formation of the United States, a semi-authorised combination of
trade expeditions and adventurous quests. Quite a few private raids
were launched from the USA against neighbouring friendly countries.
This was how the USA fxed its southern frontier, conquering Texas
from Mexico for example. These conquered territories represented a
type of free state in the initial period: fight from the mother country
and the latters relative remoteness encouraged the emergence of
autonomous regimes.
15
2.1.3 Refuges for dissenters
Thanks to diplomatic inviolability or a policy of tolerance on the
part of the formal government, some freezones also constituted
potential places of refuge. This should not be underestimated for the
development of a city. A city such as Amsterdam, for example, grew
up thanks to an unstable balance between government, freedom
and trade. Tolerance was not so much a principle as a practical
requirement: an open trading city is a meeting-point for a great
the shadow city 2 definition of concepts 11
many cultures, and cannot permit itself large-scale persecutions of
non-conformists, argues Geert Mak.
16
The tolerant climate ensured
a colourful collection of refugees: Portuguese Sephardic Jews
who set up the diamond and tobacco trade, immigrants from the
Southern Netherlands who stimulated the growth of the silk industry
and of sugar refning - the whole world practised commerce in the
city of Amsterdam. It was not just this tolerant climate that led to
enormous growth: the city of outsiders also maintained contacts
with the inhabitants towns and villages of origins, ensuring it a
powerful position in an extensive network. By contrast with the kind
of territorial conquest and war referred to earlier, in this case the
daily conquest was achieved by means of trade. And trade could only
fourish through the application of liberties. Here is the historical
proof that a freezone is the source of opulence and urbanism, rather
than vice-versa.
A similar process occurred in cities such as Antwerp, Brussels
and so on. Alongside this development, the 19th century also saw
the genesis in Central and North America of widespread maroon
nations, in which runaway slaves found a safe haven and which have
sometimes preserved their own cultural characteristics, such as
Moore Town, Jamaica, which is now protected by Unesco as a unique
living cultural heritage. Finally, there is also the example of British-
occupied Hong Kong, where the existing Chinese military post grew
up to be an enclave under Chinese jurisdiction where fugitives were
welcomed. Ultimately, it grew to be the most densely populated mini-
city in the world, with a large trading market: Kowloon Walled City.
It was demolished in 1992.
2.1.4 Urban breeding-grounds
Former freezones were primarily akin to new nation states, in which
the striving to gain a separate set of rules was translated physically
into a separate constitution in a separate territory. Todays freezones,
however, are on a smaller scale. A lively squatters movement arose
in the Netherlands in the Seventies. The shortage of housing that
prevailed at that time led young people to occupy properties which
were usually standing vacant for speculation purposes. The squatters
movement had a clear cultural character in addition to its housing
ideal. Numerous artists, musicians, students, foreign dissidents and
refugees formed a new mixed, activist and dynamic culture.
A squat is characterised according to De vrije ruimte by:
Its desire to determine its own housing conditions and other
living conditions
Its initiative-taking
Its collective element, its mutual solidarity
Social concern, engagement.
17
Squatting represents the appropriation of locations from the
Establishment, and can be regarded as a contemporary, small-scale
variant on the settlers or the port of refuge. In addition to these
(usually temporary) appropriations from the civic order, squatting led
to reforms of housing legislation (the anti-speculation clause), and
in the Nineties people fnally discovered the economic and cultural
qualities of breeding-grounds. Breeding-grounds have become
an element of the creative city. However, breeding-grounds always
turn out to be the forerunners of commercially developed urban
outgrowths (see the example of New York, section 5.4). Thus an
urban planning paradox has arisen: cheap, autonomous premises are
important for many activities of this type, yet success itself makes this
very thing increasingly hard to fnd.
2.1.5 Interim conclusion
In conclusion, historic freezones turn out to have been of particular
importance for the origins of urban culture, the expansion of states,
the protection of minorities and the renewal of the city. In short, they
have been essential during all phases in the development of urban
society. It is thus remarkable that they have been so overlooked in
mainstream urban planning and development planning, or indeed
have been hindered by regulation and formality. The reason for this is
that freezones are associated with a non-conformism which strives
to assert its own right to exist as well as contributing to metropolitan
life. Their hallmarks are fight from an oppressive society (bastions
and safe havens), the marshalling of forces in a fght for the right to
exist (conquest and reconquest), and the re-establishment of links
with the surrounding world in one form or another. The current trend
towards fragmentation and reclustering is thus on the agenda to an
intensifying degree. And it is precisely in this reclustering process
that the new planning is created.
18
Hence freezones are not just a
feature of the history of the city: they are also of crucial importance
for its future.
12 2 definition of concepts the shadow city
2.2 Theory - the elusive freezone
Given this background, it is remarkable that theorising about
freezones has been limited. This may have something to do with the
fact that a freezone is full of contradictions. It exists both thanks
to and despite the world around it, it can continue to exist without
any physical presence, it plays a tangible role in urbanism, yet at
the same time it is intangible. Moreover, the development of the
network society means that the freezone can no longer be identifed
with a single location, as was the case in the past. As mentioned
earlier, creative people do not wish to be locked away in a specifc
defnition or a so-called breeding-ground ghetto. The concept of the
freeZONE seems for this reason to have been outstripped by that of
the freeNETWORK. The ever more extensive wireless computer and
telecommunication networks are proving of increasing importance
for the traditional freezone players, subcultures and creative people.
On this point, theories are now sporadically emerging, among which
that of Hakim Bey remains the most original.
19
He describes the
characteristics of the current freezone (or freenetwork) above all in
terms of its feld of tension, with respect to what it is not.
2.2.1 Virtual locations in networks
Firstly, there is the tension in terms of place and location. Bey regards
the relative elusiveness of a freezone as the key characteristic of
what he (for want of a better term) simply calls the autonomous
zone. This autonomous zone may acquire a location somewhere at
some point, but it primarily owes its existence to its feeting network,
which is only accessible to initiates (for example those who belong to
a particular creative class). Breeding-grounds, churches of refuge,
squats etc. are, Bey theorises, merely traces of where a freezone or
autonomous zone has been. Autonomous zones therefore consist, as
stated earlier, of a network of like-minded participants, who use a
kind of database or pool of potentially suitable places. As a result, an
autonomous zone is usually not a single physical place (by contrast
with the traditional freezone or breeding-ground) but multiple
locations, possibly in various cities, on different scales and in
different capacities. Numerous initiatives start out with conspiracies
and networks, before ending up in a physical space. A location plays
a role for the freezone as a podium, place for celebration, safe haven,
meeting-place, workshop or production space. Depending on its role,
it may have a more or less public signifcance, of either a permanent
or a temporary nature.
2.2.2 Control avoidance
The next associated characteristic of the autonomous zone is,
according to Bey, the avoidance of control. The autonomous
zone is essentially anti-planning and anti-bureaucracy. Relative
shelter, obscurity and eccentricity are a historical requirement for
experimentation and the undisrupted unfolding of (innovative,
informal and not yet prevalent) activities. Technical control of
locations has made great progress in recent decades thanks to
ICT, however; communities can screen their own residential space
with checkpoints, and the urban public space is full of observation
mechanisms. The avoidance of control has most recently depended
not so much on the creation of geographical enclaves (such as
Christiania in Copenhagen, AVL-Ville in Rotterdam), as on an active
avoidance behaviour in which certain locations, which may or may
not be controlled, may play a role, but are used in a new, eccentric
and often temporary manner. Despite this, certain activities need
publicity, so a selective media approach is used. For each subculture,
there are optimal locations for the distribution of stickers, fyers,
posters and oral promotion. The new media also plays an important
role in this, i.e. the internet and mobile phones, being used to defne
encoded or unencoded subdomains.
2.2.3 Isolation/participation
The freezones third main characteristic is thus its relative isolation.
In principle, the freezone places itself outside mainstream society.
It is convinced of its own rightness and of the need for innovation,
as otherwise the drive for innovation and individuality cannot be
maintained. In an increasingly open and interdependent world,
however, that isolation is increasingly coming under pressure.
Moreover, in order to implement this renewal and innovation, it
will be necessary to participate in the mainstream world at specifc
moments. The need or impulse for autonomy is thus superseded on
various fronts by a step towards serious participation. The manifestos
of the cultural entrepreneurs in Rotterdam and the creative class
in Eindhoven illustrate this.
20
Whereas invisibility used to be a key
advantage at one time, nowadays the (municipal) authorities are
actually expected to keep an eye out for small-scale experiments,
and periodic visibility is important if a project is to fourish.
Additionally, the scale of the network has changed. Instead of a local
context of properties, most freezones are now associated with a
regional or even global network of like-minded participants. Half of
a former squat such as the Poortgebouw in Rotterdams Kop van Zuid
is occupied by foreigners, whether temporarily or permanently. The
occupation of Leopold Station in Brussels during Belgiums European
presidency was used as an international forum for alternative
European politics.
2.2.4 Interim conclusion
These theoretical characteristics compound the diffculty of the
search for freezones. After all, how can one actually propose fruitful
interaction between city and freezone on the basis of characteristics
such as permanent elusiveness, guerrilla tactics, fundamental
uncontrollability and relative isolation and frontierlessness? We
therefore need to impose a few restrictions. In this study, we have
confned ourselves to those places, people and networks which are
accessible and detectable and also generate added value for the
city. In our search, we have confned ourselves to locations where
living and working arrangements have momentarily run wild, to areas
of illegal building, residual spaces and demolition areas, red-light
districts, temporary occupations and/or attention-catching events,
but we have then attempted to discuss the nature of the organisation
behind these locations, in order to get an idea of how they are
organised, how they are developed over time, with what intentions
and/or (metropolitan) objectives, and with what image. In some
cases, we ended up being referred on to freezones in an intriguing
quest for the shadowy side of the city. Because what was crucial for
us was those freezones (or freenetworks) which establish a link with
improving conditions in the cities of Brussels and Rotterdam, i.e.
- Imparting identity to the city
- Creating a lively environment
- Generating public activities for the city, neighbourhood or network
- Providing identity and/or space for an unusual or special lifestyle
- Motivating people in time and space for a specifc purpose, such
as a festival, debate or meeting.
This calls for engagement more than it calls for isolation. In addition
to their distribution across various focuses (economic, political,
social, cultural and spatial), these criteria actually formed the key
factors in the selection of the cases described in what follows.
2.3 Defnition of the issue - getting beyond
planning misconceptions
2.3.1 The nature of freezones
To sum up, freezones have always been of importance for the
development and maintenance of urbanism, not vice-versa.
Amsterdam, Antwerp, Brussels and other cities have achieved
greatness thanks in part to their international status as free havens
and freezones for non-conformists and dissenters, who in addition
to their radical lifestyle have also engaged in lively commerce and
hence built up a global trade network. The tension between order
and freedom is a central thoroughfare in the development of the city,
not a blind alley (see Geert Mak et al.). This is no different today,
but the context has changed. The information revolution has given
businesses and households more freedom in their choice of location.
A lively urban environment thus becomes an important locational
criterion, meaning that creative environments are of importance for
the citys economic development (see also Richard Florida et al.).
Hitherto, however, such creative environments have been examined
mainly on the basis of mainstream and formal data (Kloosterman et
al.). At its best, this means that only a simple, pared down aspect of
the creative city is investigated. Because creative environments are
not just patterned by the formal creative industry, but also and above
all by informal creativity in the city. In addition it turns out that such
informal activities may take shape in specifc locations, but mainly
depend on autonomous networks of like-minded participants. The
condensation of freezone activities is not particularly determined by
physical conditions, but rather by societal and informal forces in local
and global networks of innovators.
2.3.2 Four planning misconceptions
The way the planners and policymakers approach freezone activities
is usually unsuitable. Familiar mechanisms and conceptions are often
taken as the starting-point. The following four misconceptions are
therefore often in evidence amid the growing interest in creative
cities:
14 2 definition of concepts the shadow city
1
Creative environments do not spring into being as a result of top-
down measures:
- by attracting multimedia and knowledge businesses,
- by enticing events scheduling
- by creating high-quality architecture and public space.
The key lies in bottom-up, spontaneously germinated initiatives
which contribute to the genesis of creative environments. This
requires space and freedom from constraints - freezones - which
cannot be planned or designed in advance. And this represents a
paradox for urban policy and design.
2
Nor do creative environments come about by using subsidies to
ensure cheap premises or offering a neatly pigeonholed function
for government policy. The presumed contribution of freezones
to the welfare and well-being of the urban living, working and
residential climate often remains implicit, offering little foothold for
policy assessment. Government attempts to directly stimulate new
subcultures often run adrift on a preoccupation with regulations and
initiatives which are merely temporary in duration. Cultural offcers
and municipal coordinators often have more of a role to play in
internal fne-tuning rather than in the promotion of promising, truly
innovative actions.
3
At the same time, though, creative milieus which are relevant to
the city and city life equally do not come about via a laissez-faire
policy or through deliberately leaving freezones to it. Pleas for
such an approach are usually to do with opposition to the over-
tidy, over-regulated Netherlands rather than a genuine means of
stimulating freezone activities. However, the situation in Belgium
also demonstrates that deliberate restraint may stimulate numerous
bottom-up initiatives and activities, but does not bring about a
creative milieu that will make a difference. Between the Netherlands
and Belgium, between stringent laws and inaction, there lies a whole
range of possibilities which offer better prospects. We shall return to
this subject later on.
4
Finally, the presence of creative milieus does not represent a crucial
factor in the competition between cities anyway. As mentioned
earlier, the informal part of the creative class is not so much
organised around places as around networks. Moreover, they
represent the more nomadic element of society. An innovative
attitude towards freezones as an indispensable factor for urbanism
thus does not imply rivalry between cities, but rather the mutual
interchange of knowledge and tactics, connecting with the creative
networks which are developing right now (see also: DNA van
Eindhoven).
2.3.3 Challenges
Sensitivity thus needs to be developed in urban and planning
policy regarding the conditions under which spontaneous bottom-
up initiatives arise. In our network society, creative milieus are
increasingly decisive for a citys metropolitan status. The formal,
regulatory, ossifying, territorially-based aspect of urban policy
needs to be complemented with far greater attention to the informal,
pioneering, elusive, network-based, but equally quantifable freezone
issues. The question is no longer how we can free up a space for
these issues, but rather what we actually have to offer the creative
class (both the formal and the informal one). And this may require
urban development and planning to be turned on its head. This forms
the central issue of this study. In the frst instance, it necessitates a
greater understanding of the organisational capacity of freezones,
their use of space and their potential contribution to the city or to
urbanism.
This is the subject of the next two chapters, after which we shall
return via a brief excursion into some practical models to this
challenge: how to achieve a meaningful freezone policy which leaves
planning misconceptions behind.
3.1 Governmental context
In the Brussels-Capital Region, an intricate interplay of balances
holds sway in the area of urban policy. Since 1970 (when the
frst element of autonomy was introduced at sub-state level) and
especially with the review of the constitution in 1993, Belgium
has evolved from a unitary state to a federal state. However, that
federation is not founded on a single principle, but is based on a
compromise between two opposing starting-points: a geographical-
economic one and a socio-cultural one. From the geographical-
economic viewpoint, Belgium is subdivided into three Regions
(Flanders, Wallonia and the Brussels-Capital Region), which
hold powers in the areas of regional planning, housing, energy,
employment, the economy, trade, development cooperation, public
works and transport, and the overseeing of the municipalities and
provinces. From the socio-cultural viewpoint, the country is likewise
subject to a three-way division, but this time into Communities
(the Flemish, French and German-speaking Communities), whose
composition is slightly different and which hold powers in the
areas of cultural affairs, welfare, health, education and language
use. Alongside these there remains a Federal Government, which
is gradually being depleted of its powers, but which decides on
justice, police affairs, state fnance, defence, foreign affairs and
trade, as well as pensions, social security, public health and social
integration. So it is that Belgium is currently run by 48 ministers
and 5 secretaries of state: 15 ministers and 2 secretaries of state
at federal level, 7 ministers in the Walloon Region, 9 ministers in
the French Community, 10 ministers for the Flemish Region and the
Flemish Community (these state bodies have merged), 3 ministers in
the German-speaking Community, plus 5 ministers and 3 secretaries
of state for the Brussels-Capital Region. At a lower level, the country
also has 10 provinces and 589 municipalities, which hold different
powers in each region.
21
3.1.1 Institutionology of Brussels
In principle, this state system may look complex on paper; in practice,
it leads at times (especially in Brussels) to breathtaking institutional
sleight-of-hand. For example, the Brussels-Capital Region has an
urban administration based on equal representation, consisting of
5 French-speakers and 3 Dutch-speakers drawn from 6 different
political parties (La Mouvement Rformateur, Parti Socialiste, Front
National, Christen-Democraten Vlaanderen, Vlaamse Liberalen &
Democraten, and the Socialistische Partij Anders). Moreover, the
Region lacks a provincial layer of government, because of which it
has - alongside the regional powers - a number of agglomeration
powers, yet the leaders of the Flemish and the French Communities
concern themselves with socio-cultural affairs in Brussels.
Obtaining governmental consensus (particularly for cross-sectoral
matters) is a recurrent (and multilingual) item on the agenda. To
make the situation even more complicated, Brussels consists of 19
municipalities which still hold considerable autonomy with respect
to the Region, and is also the headquarters of the European Union,
the Belgian Government, the Flemish Region/Community, the French
Community and the Brussels-Capital Region. All of these want to
make their mark on their capital. At the same time, signifcant
components of the capital lie outside the powers of the Brussels
Region. For instance, Brussels Airport lies outside the territory of
Brussels, and just 12 kilometres of the 72 kilometre-long Brussels
Circular Road with virtually all the important motorway sections,
including the stops for the regional public transport network (the
GEN) and the associated housing conditions for apartments,
offces and high-quality employment lie outside Brussels area of
competence.
3 THE BRUSSELS CAPITAL REGION
Brussels capital region
Wallonia
Flanders
19 municipalities
Flemish community
french community
the shadowcity 3 the Brussels capital region 17
3.1.2 Brussels as a mirror
As a consequence, this development can at times prove a serious
impediment to effective, open, decent government. The Regional
Development Plan (GEWOP) for the Brussels-Capital Region may
seek to come up with a comprehensive mobility concept, new
development focuses and the protection of quality areas which
are under high pressure (price and otherwise), and attempts
may be made to follow on from this by coming up with inventive
neighbourhood contracts which give space for local peoples
initiatives. Yet a situation has arisen in which developments mainly
come about through bilateral agreements, with a high degree
of pragmatism and problem-solving through personal contacts.
Brussels planners may fnd this exasperating, but it is increasingly an
everyday reality for the Brussels-Capital Region. Moreover, in view of
the network-driven shifts which have taken place recently, this in fact
appears to be becoming the institutional future for more and more
metropolitan regions all over the world.
22

3.1.3 The recent planning history of Brussels in three phases
A picture of the current situation is thus required. Since modernism
and the top-down planners model, which left a considerable mark on
the historical, geomorphological and social fabric of the city, Lagrou
identifes three phases that have brought about this situation:
The period 1968-1985, which (as in other parts of the world)
was characterised by the small is beautiful approach, focusing
on reutilisation rather than new construction, prioritising
slow traffc, public transport and representation via local
committees. During this period, partly in response to public
pressure, foundations such as Inter-environment Bruxelles,
the Brusselse Raad voor het Leefmilieu (BRAL), Ateliers de
Recherche et dAction Urbaines and the St.Lukasarchief were set
up. These foundations and councils were partly publicly funded
and were even able to appoint some of their governors to the
ministers personal staff. Nevertheless, when the expansion of
the European Union site kicked in and a stalemate threatened
between local action groups on the one side (supported by the
green and left-wing parties) and the fexibility desired by the
European Commission on the other side, the federal government
intervened by giving planning permission for the European
Parliament in 1987.
Under the infuence of increasing mobility, however, this period
also saw a growing exodus on the part of the more prosperous
inhabitants and businesses towards the periphery, the Flemish
and to a lesser extent the Walloon Region. The second period
(1985-1998) was thus characterised for Brussels leaders (as
elsewhere) by measures to stem this exodus and impart a new
economic impulse to Brussels; partly in order to maintain a
suffcient basis for the metropolitan facilities. According to
Lagrou, this occurred via two main strategies:
1 Using the public-private partnership approach to provide the
broadest possible multifunctional urban facilities, for instance
in the areas around the European district, the HST-terminal
Bruxelles Midi and the Noord-Station;
2 Extending the focus on vulnerable groups in society with a focus
on middle and higher incomes: for example, project developers
were compelled by planning guidelines to create 1 m
2
of
residential space for every 5 m
2
of offce space.
To an extent, this political strategy was successful. However,
because of the concentration of institutions in Brussels, there
have also been many exceptions to the rule during each period.
In addition, the multinational companies and developers have
now discovered Brussels as an attractive investment object. The
current situation thus tends to be that the private sector invites
the government to participate in specifc projects, rather than
vice-versa. According to Lagrou, one example of this is the initial
skirmishes concerning a possible new HST terminal Noord, the
forthcoming expansion of the European district and the T&T
music centre (on the Thurn & Taxis complex). The liberal climate
is said to encourage this. Personal networks are increasingly
being incorporated into global planning networks, which may
bring forward the prospects of further economic revitalisation,
but only serve to make the chances of a much-needed integral,
comprehensive regional development increasingly remote
23
.
3.2 Freezoning Brussels
This development is now also in evidence in other metropolitan parts
of the world. The central pillar in the thinking behind this is that the
ageing Keynsian welfare state, along with the associated hierarchical
approach to cities and planning, has had its day. Under the infuence
of the global network economy and the network society, a new type
of planning and urban policy is emerging, based on a relational
18 3 the Brussels capital region the shadow city
approach to urban planning. This approach says that the city is
in a relation, and hence also in competition, with numerous other
localities in the world. Unique urban development projects should
therefore be embarked upon in order to meet this rivalry with these
other cities and the surrounding areas. Examples include projects
such as Adlershof in Berlin, restad in Copenhagen, the Olympic
Village in Athens, the Central Business District in Birmingham,
Abandoibarra in Bilbao, Donau City in Vienna, the Leopold District
in Brussels or key projects such as the Zuidas and the Kop van Zuid
in the Netherlands. Every European major city, and in fact every
mid-sized city too, wants to develop at least one such project in order
to achieve an international profle. Supposedly, this could result in an
improved migration pattern, welfare and growth, for both the upper
and the lower layers of urban society. The essential criterion is that
these key projects must address the so-called economic, political and
cultural elites of todays frontierless network society, and that these
elites and their milieu should bring the projects to life. According
to the principles of metropolitan governance this means that the
hierarchical master planning and quality planning of the city as a
whole is increasingly superseded by fragmentary project planning in
horizontal alliances with project developers, international investors
and designers from all over the world.
3.2.1 Glocalisation
What is special about the situation in Brussels, however, is that
alongside this practice of metropolitan governance, the practice of
bottom-up development has also emerged, seizing upon the nooks
and crannies and residual areas in the city in an unheard-of fashion.
Although partly informal and concealed in nature, these contribute
to an inspiring and exciting urban climate. In the terminology of Erik
Swyngedouw, one might say that in addition to the infltration of
global elites, along with the frequently associated privatisation of
the public space at crucial locations in Brussels, new developments
are also in progress which respond to a redefnition of the urban
public space and local networks in other parts of this selfsame
city. Swyngedouw connects this with the strange and paradoxical
uniqueness of a metropolitan culture. On the one hand there is
the marginalisation, separation and sometimes even oppression
of specifc population groups (more than in the countryside); and
yet there is also a unique melting-pot of differences and of non-
conformists which determines the power of the metropolitan culture.
In Brussels in particular, this power became particularly evident from
the mid-Nineties. This may be connected with the unusual pattern
of government in the Brussels-Capital Region, which in principle
offers broad opportunities for self-activation and initiative in order
to make something of hitherto overlooked parts of the city. Possibly
it also had something to do with the choice of Brussels as European
Cultural Capital 2000, which seems to have awoken potential which
was apparently dormant. In any case, the creative climate of Greater
Brussels no longer depends exclusively on the extent to which the
global economic elite and the cultural highbrows can be locally
tied in and facilitated. Increasingly, the cultural (sub)economy,
spontaneous activities in specifc locations and the reinforcement
of local identities also play a central role in the strengthening of a
positive metropolitan development dynamic.
24

3.2.2 Network Brussels
This informal creative network in Brussels now consists of a large
number of more or less temporarily constructed and more or less
informal parties, sub-networks and initiatives, with, on occasion,
specifc relations and networks with other metropolitan freezones in
Belgium and above all abroad. After the formation of NGOs in the
Seventies, which tended to be motivated by residents organisations
and based on the welfare state (BRAL, the St. Lukasarchief etc.),
the years 1996-1998 in particular saw a rise in new, spontaneously
emerging activities in the city. As well as art platforms and artists
collectives such as Constant (1997), les Bains Connective (1997),
Les Corsaires (1998), LEmploi du moi (1998) etc., in the space of
just a few years there was the creation of social freezones such as
the Universal Embassy (1998), economic incubators such as Alter
Ego (1998), action groups with an interest in planning issues such
as Recyclart (1997) and Disturb (1998) and multimedia freezones
such as ACSR (1996), Nova Cinema (1997), Foton Records (1998),
etc. In their wake, numerous more or less temporary activities were
generated, to the point where, around the turn of the millennium,
Brussels could rightly claim to be the Bohemia and freezone
capital of Europe. A great many of these action groups have since
disappeared, but some remain active in the city, in some cases
partly funded by the Flemish or French Community or the King
Baudouin Foundation. Alongside these, current and in some cases
past initiatives also seem to mean that the venerable BRAL and City
Mine(d), which was established in 1997, also play a stimulating and
activating role in the network.
the shadow city 3 the Brussels capital region 19
3.3 Urban impact
The map depicts part of the situation of the dynamic freezone
network in Brussels around 2002, with further descriptive notes on
a selection in accompanying text boxes. Characteristic of virtually
all these projects and initiatives is that they are still ruggedly
independent, plus their maintenance of a frm (often antagonistic)
distance from mainstream institutional or private (planning) practice.
The actions of the European, national, regional or local government
are frequently regarded, rightly or wrongly, with suspicion. The
initiatives of private-sector developers are seen as even more
suspect. Public funding is only used to a limited extent, and as far as
possible the attempt is made to remain autonomous, via independent
channels. The amateur character of these groups is pronounced,
and the innovators sometimes have a regular job alongside their
freezone activities. This may be because only limited resources are
available, or because great importance is attached to autonomy
and informality. This does not detract from the fact that maximum
results are achieved with limited resources: the leverage effect is
considerable. New initiatives come into being from small beginnings,
further contributing to an attractive, cultural metropolitan climate,
which in turn attracts further creative potential.
3.3.1 Contribution to a metropolitan climate?
A direct link of this nature can never be established and is of course
not particularly active; yet since the late Nineties (the point at which
freezone activities came strongly to the fore in Brussels), Brussels has
also experienced a remarkable revival in several areas:
- After going into steep decline during the Eighties and early
Nineties, the citys attractiveness to current residents and
prospective new residents has grown strongly again since the
late Nineties. Compared with 1998, the number of newcomers
(mainly international) was up 12.5% in 2002; the increase in
overnight stays was nearly 15%.
25
- At the same time, Brussels business position in the world has
grown stronger. Since 1999, for example, Brussels has become
the number two city in the world in terms of the organisation
of international congresses, after the market leader Paris, but
ahead of cities such as London, Vienna, Singapore, Berlin,
Amsterdam and even Washington. In 2002, nearly 200
international conferences were organised in the Brussels-Capital
Region; this means about four conferences per week, partly in
combination with tourism, as discussed above.
26
- In addition, the economic situation in the Brussels-Capital
Region has also markedly improved, at last. After decades of
lean years, the region has experienced the greatest economic
growth among the three regions since 1998. This growth
is mainly situated in business services and the creative
employment sectors.
27
At the same time, as in many other metropolises, multiculturalism in
the Brussels-Capital Region has been making great strides forwards.
Belgium in general and the Brussels-Capital Region in particular is
experiencing a decline in natural population growth and a rise in
immigration. Almost 30% of the population of Brussels now consists
of foreigners. This group, by contrast with many other metropolises,
is of very mixed composition, however. The biggest group is formed
by the Moroccans, followed closely by the French, the Italians, the
Spanish and fnally the Turks. With the recent expansion of the
European Union, it is expected that this mix will become even more
pronounced. Various freezone initiatives (such as the Zinneke Parade
or Limite Limiet etc.) take advantage of this multiculturalism. The
idea is to give the European capital a new identity, working from the
bottom upwards, evolving, perhaps, from a fragmented, multicultural
capital into a kind of Mediterranean Capital of Europe.
28
3.3.2 Network stoppage?
Despite all these encouraging fgures and high expectations, a
wide abyss can still be observed between freezone practices and
actual governmental practice in the Brussels-Capital Region. The
abundance of bottom-up cultural freezone activities presented
here gains scarcely any attention and/or headway within the
mainstream planning machine. This may have something to do with
the institutional two-way split between regions and communities,
which also has the effect of splitting the policy areas of regional
development and cultural policy. But it may also be related to the
cultural activities themselves, which in point of fact are all doing their
own thing, without exception. CityMine(d) appears willing to set up a
certain amount of coordination here, but for all that gives the distinct
impression that mutual connectivity and connection are mainly
generated on the basis of personal and opportunistic networks.
This very factor thus seems to constitute an obstacle to further
cultural development in Brussels. Because as Erik Swyngedouw
has pointed out, interactive networks play a crucial role in both
layers of urban culture (both that of the global elite and that of
the subcultures). Just as weak cities are currently characterised by
poor accessibility or insuffcient connectivity to global networks,
so weak neighbourhoods in the city are characterised both by the
absence of the global elites and the absence of networks, especially
those which establish contacts and relationships beyond the
confnes of local groups or interests. It therefore seems necessary
to give these networks renewed attention, in terms of both their
articulations and their various parties and stakeholders (see also
our plea for intermediates in section 6.3). Following the pioneering
phase, freezone practice in Brussels now seems to be facing its
next challenge, in which, now that the stage is past where genuine
freezone status had to be proven, a new meaning has to be given to
new projects at both strategic and district planning level.
MAP
Freezones and sympathizers in
Brussels 2002
based on interviews and
internetresearch
MAP
Freezones and sympathizers
in Brussels 2002
based on interviews and
internetresearch
p. 24
p. 26
p. 28
p. 29
BOX 1
PORTAL; City Mine(d) als aanjager
BOX 1
PORTAL: City Mine(d) as a priming device
Who, what, where
City Mine(d) was set up in 1997 in order to support, initiate and/or produce socio-cultural projects, mainly in public spaces,
in squares and neighbourhoods characterised by typical big-city problems, such as poverty, exclusion and a weak identity. Its
organisational structure is fexible, network-oriented and rhizomatic, and its interventions are temporary in nature. City Mine(d) is
convinced that the current trend in favour of market-oriented urban development has turned public space in Brussels into a marginal
residual space. This is particularly apparent in weak neighbourhoods. As well as helping create a negative image, this compounds
the already weak local identity. The projects of City Mine(d) are thus primarily oriented towards bringing about a process of positive
identity-building, in order to increase local peoples involvement with the city, strengthen their image and hence, if possible, stimulate
economic prosperity in the long run.
Network
In order to achieve this, City Mine(d) has now set up a wide-ranging network with six members (both within and outside the city, both
nationally and internationally) and has organised various projects, meetings, seminars and studies in the city.
It operates on the basis of fve key principles:
1 a multi-faceted positive social vision of the city,
2 a qualitative response to the dreams and desires of local people,
3 provocative action in the city,
4 the use of residual spaces and urban fault-lines and
5 the ever-wider exploration of the city, centred around three felds of action, also referred to as chambers of action:
Het Steunpunt (The Support Point), which residents, artists and action promoters can contact with questions, requests for legal
assistance or advice on the feasibility and practicability of their wishes and dreams;
De Katalysator (The Catalyst), in which City Mine(d) takes an active part in or facilitates projects, or sets them up in the city, or
conducts studies of innovative forms and methods of urban development;
De Netwerking (Networking), in which it brings together various local people and project groups, facilitates international
exchanges and brings local people and users into contact with formal bodies such as businesses and public services.
Since 1998, City Mine(d) has received a structural grant from the Flemish Community Commission via the Social Impulse Fund, but
also receives supplementary fnancial support on an individual project basis from other parties such as the Brussels-Capital Region,
the city of Brussels and the other Communities.
Projects which have been carried out in this way over the last six years include: Bunkersouple (a network of informal initiatives
in the city), HUGO (a light-hearted caravan which travels through the city, bringing new life to somber locations). Limite Limiet
(the construction of a lighthouse in the Brabant District in order to enhance the neighbourhoods image and reinforce local
communication), PleinOPENAir (the organisation of free open-air cinema, music and entertainment for residents who remain in the
area during the summer months), Passerelle (a footbridge through the Leopoldstation to create a link between the European District
and the city of Brussels) and the Uitrolbaar zebrapad (The Roll-Out Zebra Crossing - a mobile action facility in the city).
It also organises and contributes to debates about the city and facilitates various independent projects which partly continue to
operate under the aegis of City Mine(d), such as PRECARE. This (sub)organisation of City Mine(d) supports young, eclectic and
often informal cultural collectives with negotiations concerning the temporary use of empty buildings in the city. To this end it
provides legal and economic advice, mediates between potential users and owners, maintains an up-to-date database and gives tips
BOX 1
BOX 1
or guarantees concerning the proper collective and safe management of the premises. Another element of PRECARE involves the
generation of increasing synergies between the temporary use of buildings and the acknowledged enrichment of urban life. To this
end there are now plans for PRECARE itself to start managing and using a building.
Impact
With very slender resources, City Mine(d) has achieved a maximal result. The number of its cultural and social initiatives is quite
extensive. Moreover, the importance of subcultures now also seems to be gaining recognition within the government.
To this extent, City Mine(d) has been a success story. However, this has now led to a closer reconsideration: should the current
approach be continued, which can only be achieved by means of thoroughgoing formalisation, or should City Mine(d) cling to a more
informal, activist and spontaneous status, in order to maintain the citys critical engagement and creativity? An additional problem for
PRECARE in particular is that the city is now proving attractive, which means that niche space for activities has become drastically
restricted.
BOX 1
Who, what, where
Hotel Tagawa now consists of around 40 people who began squatting in the hotel in question on the Avenue Louise in early 2003.
They now have an oral agreement with the owner that they can remain there for the time being. In return, they pay him a token rent.
As well as providing the squatters with accommodation, the buildings cellar and the ground foor offer wide possibilities for meetings,
parties, theatre and exhibitions. These activities are now being further developed and expanded. The groups main objective is to
highlight the lack of decent housing for the lower classes on the Brussels market and to develop alternatives. Its story started long
before Hotel Tagawa, however, and arguably reached its climax earlier.
History of the network
The forerunners of the group emerged from local committees which were active as far back as the Seventies in Brussels. In response
to the building frenzy that was crushing everything in its path, these local committees took action against the associated loss of
affordable rental accommodation in the city. When the results of such action proved disappointing over the years, a more radical form
of action emerged. This was a type of owner-squatters cooperative, which, in addition to the social objective of housing, also set its
sights on improving living conditions in local areas and even on setting up and operating a number of community facilities such as
a crche, an inn, a street-cleaning service, a shopping service, a local hairdresser and a local festival. The frst project was run just
behind the Berliamont building in the European District. As a result, social housing and neighbourhood contracts were included in
reconstruction and redevelopment plans.
Once this result had been achieved and redevelopment plans had been presented with a more social face, part of the group relocated
to the Complex Drapi, named after the main street within a block at the start of the Avenue Louise, opposite the Hilton Hotel. This
location, where a few of the original inhabitants still remained, had been purchased by an international project developer, which
wanted to create a shopping centre, luxury apartments, a theatre, cinema, restaurant and so on there. The group squatted in a number
of strategically located premises and developed a programme similar to the one at the Berliamont site. It received increasing support
from the existing residents, who became more active as a result. At the same time, a sort of development cooperative was created
from among the local residents, who had suffcient know-how and manpower to undertake the renovation work themselves. Part of
the group also had cultural interests, and set about organising cultural events in the district.
Impact
The club had four spearheads:
the owner-squatters cooperative
the neighbourhood committee of local residents
the neighbourhood renovation developer and
the cultural action group.
This movement became so powerful that it also entered politics (especially the Green Party), enabling
greater pressure to be applied on the international project developer. Thanks to the squatters group, the
municipalitys hand was actually strengthened, and the project developer fnally climbed down and devoted a
part of the project to social housing. Its condition for this was that the squatters should leave. Around twenty
members of the group then squatted in the Hotel Tagawa with the aim of setting up a follow-on project in the
city.
URBAN CULTURE: the Hotel Tagawa squat
BOX 2
BOX 1
Since Hotel Tagawa, the group has attracted increasing attention from the outside world. The current situation is described by one of
the groups sponsors as a crisis, however. There are several reasons for this:
in the current project, the group has lost contact with the neighbourhood and local residents
the building is so big that it really has to be regarded as a large-scale communal housing project, whereas it used to be a
collection of individual dwellings
splits are now starting to prevail within the group itself about how to use common funds. One part wants to promote individual
housing, while another wants to highlight the importance of freezone activities.
In addition, a number of members are now starting to become settled. At present it is still unclear which direction developments will
take. However, it seems likely that the group will move in two divergent directions. One part may commence new activities elsewhere,
while Hotel Tagawa will then be able to offer cheap housing to artist-squatters, possibly with a fourishing and creative cultural
community on the ground foor and in the cellar.
Who, what, where
DiStUrb is a more or less informal (internet) network of, at present, seven committed urban developers, architects, geographers and
historians of architecture, who are interested in development issues in Brussels. They are primarily taking action against a number
of urban projects which are being developed on the margin of urban public space and are often based on a one-sided or inadequate
treatment of the urban context. Its objectives are:
to defend and promote healthy debate about Brussels
to combat facile preconceptions about the city
to promote the idea that the city is complex and requires action of a more specifc nature
to facilitate the exchanging of ideas about possible alternatives
to publicise this exchange and where necessary prompt action
This is done mainly via its website, the press (newspapers, radio, television), the organisation of debates and the holding of
competitions.
Network
DiStUrb (di-Stedebouw Urbanisme) has existed since 2001 and during this time has crank-started the debate in the city about:
Brussels policy on tall buildings in connection with the Justice building
the disneyfcation of the Van Kuyck building
the renovation of the Champs de Mars
the demolition of the Lotto tower and the Martini tower
the renovation and future of the European District
Recent projects include:
the renovation of Place Flagey, for which a competition was organised. This yielded numerous alternatives to a proposal whose
main point of focus was the underground reconstruction of the metro and carpark;
the debate about the redevelopment of the Rijksadministratief Centrum (RAC) on the edge of the city, which was actually given
away by the Region to the Dutch project developer Breevast (the RACs current owner), which had virtually been given carte
blanche for the redevelopment.
DiStUrb organises these actions on a non-proft basis. Each action is therefore organised in conjunction with other parties, such as
City Mine(d) for the debate about the RAC and the neighbouring College and relevant area of the City for the competition about Place
Flagey.
Impact
With regard to the latter three projects especially (European District, Place Flagey and RAC), diStUrb has exerted a growing
infuence. With regard to the European District, the minister-president has now agreed that the redevelopment of the European
District will be undertaken on the basis of the wishes and requirements of the local community, with regard to Place Flagey questions
have now been asked in the municipal council, despite the fact that the zoning plan and building permission had already been
granted, and with regard to the RAC, the redevelopment plans are now being reviewed. Among both the citys inhabitants and users
and its politicians, there are signs of increasing interest in better, more context-specifc planning. However, the initiators are now
also being given projects themselves and roles in the revitalisation of Brussels, and there is a danger of self-interest affecting their
impartiality.
BOX 3
SPACE: DiStUrb urbanism as protest
Who, what, where
Universal Embassy owes its origins to an action which occurred in 1998. At
that time, a number of asylum-seekers occupied a church to draw attention
to their hopeless situation. Various native-born volunteers united around this
action, who wanted to give these people legal help and fnancial support.
They believed that in the age of the frontierless network society, the concept
of citizenship needed to be reformulated, rather than remaining tied to the
states outdated criteria.
At the time, this action caused quite a stir, with the result that the people concerned were allowed to remain where they were for
the time being. However, a fre broke out in the church in 1999, making their continued presence there impossible. By chance,
the Somalian Embassy in Brussels was vacated at around the same time, due to internal troubles in that country. The departing
ambassador handed over the keys to the embassy to one of the people involved in the asylum-seekers action. It was decided to house
the people in the embassy.
Network
Around eight households now live in the embassy, which has also developed into a centre for impartial help and advice in connection
with asylum and deportation procedures. An attempt is also being made to draw attention to the struggle for a fair global citizenship
via demonstrations, pamphlets and a website. The group also seeks to set up cultural activities with other freezone groupings. Thus in
January 2004 there was an event that was organised jointly with NOVA CINEMA. The Somalian Embassy has thus become a pressure
group or embassy for the universal rights of the network citizen.
Impact
However, one of the sponsors behind the Universal Embassy recognises the fragility of the set-up:
Firstly, the embassy remains the property of the Somalian government. Once this has set its own house in order, it will reclaim
the building for its own representatives, at which point the initiative will have to disappear.
Secondly, the initiative is based entirely of the disinterested cooperation of a number of activists. Should these depart for any
reason, the asylum-seekers will be left to fend for themselves again.
Thirdly, the politicians and police are currently turning a blind eye to the initiative. Should internal strife break out or a less
tolerant political climate develop, eviction by force is not out of the question.
Fourthly, the small-scale nature of the initiative means that it is primarily confned to the embassy itself. It has so far proved
impossible to create a broad-based movement or network in the city of Brussels itself, let alone to promote or activate the
potentially multicultural climate as a powerful force for the good in the varying fortunes of the city.
Thus the future of the initiative remains uncertain and its scope limited.
BOX 4
SOCIAL: The Universal Embassy for network people
4 THE ROTTERDAM REGION
4.1 Governmental context
The second case is that of the metropolitan region of Rotterdam. By
contrast with the Brussels-Capital Region, a powerful planning and
urban development tradition has been in place for a long time here,
deployed and driven by the metropolitan authorities. Moreover,
the outlook was until recently (albeit with a few variations here
and there) very clear. The metropolis was seeking to transform
itself from an exclusive port city into a more varied knowledge city
with associated business services and creative milieus. This aim
was high up on the policy agenda right from the early Eighties.
A long-standing reconstruction process had left the city with a
modern image and a high-quality architectural environment, but
the cultural climate was disproportionately limited. The frst steps
towards improving this climate were taken with the enhancement
of the cultural institutes and the reprofling of city-centre districts
with cultural potential such as Waterstad and Museumkwartier. In
1982, the AIR event attracted attention to the development of Kop
van Zuid, which was subsequently upgraded under the inspirational
leadership of Riek Bakker into an urban grand project. For the
development of the leisure industry, Rotterdams development
agency, the OBR, set up a unique department that is often advanced
as a national textbook example of city promotion. This department
represents a unique combination of economic development with
leisure industry and planning issues.
One element of the approach used was the promotion of festivals.
The current successes in this area contrast strongly with the diffcult
start experienced by Rotterdams festivals. The promotion of
Rotterdam Festival City was on the agenda for a long time, but the
image appeared to have turned sour, thanks in part to the bankruptcy
of Rotterdams 650
th
anniversary celebrations (Rotterdam 1990).
However, things took a turn for the better with the establishment of
the Rotterdam Festivals Foundation, which has now created a range
of successful regional and international festivals. This should also not
be allowed to disguise the fact that during this period festivals also
emerged on a bottom-up basis, such as the phenomenal hype around
1995 concerning Gabberhouse, which has been responsible for
parties attracting enormous crowds in the region ever since.
A third sector which has received strong encouragement from the
government is that of flm, multimedia, graphics, product design
and architecture. By contrast with the situation in cities such as
Amsterdam or The Hague, the main favourable factor in Rotterdam
was the presence of an outstanding breeding-ground thanks to the
availability of good, inexpensive premises and the open, unpolished
working atmosphere. In this feld, Rotterdam is a serious rival to the
Dutch capital. However, the sector is also heavily promoted by the
municipality itself. For instance, Schiecentrale/25kV was set up with
the help of a municipal grant, and is also operated with contributions
from the municipality. At the same time, the multicultural society
is also being increasingly profled in the municipal promotional
policy, and in specifc locations a select group of (multi-)cultural
entrepreneurs is being encouraged to set up trendy establishments in
the hotels, restaurants, cafes, catering and clubs sector.
4.1.1 The end of an era?
Whereas the phenomenon of the cultural capital (and especially
the build-up to it) marked a new beginning in Brussels, the same
occasion represented the end of an era in Rotterdam. The numerous
cultural facets that had come to the fore in Rotterdam over the
course of 20 years were aptly summed up in the year of the cultural
capital 2001 under the motto, Rotterdam is many cities. 2001 was
an ambitious project which experienced numerous hassles in the
run-up period. However, the power of 2001 lay in the combination
of the local and the global, of establishment and anarchy, with the
versatility of the youth culture and the full breadth of the city on
display.
Yet at around the same time it was becoming increasingly apparent
that the city was unable to simply shed its roots in industrial labour.
Despite all the forces behind the turbulent growth of the transit city,
the modernity of the reconstructed city, the (social and physical)
innovations within the city, the revitalised citys grand projects and
the impulses towards creating a city ft to be lived in, Rotterdam has
ceased to simply fall in with the wishes of the local authorities. The
city is emerging from a deep abyss, but is still regarded as the least
attractive of the four major cities in the Netherlands.
29
Of these big
four cities, it is still the traditional tail-ender in socio-economic terms.
Along with Amsterdam, it has the highest proportion of homeless and
prospectless people. Whereas Amsterdam (as well as cities such as
Brussels) is able to rely on a very wide array of foreigners, Rotterdam
is notable for its large proportion of non-Western ethnic minorities
(33%), including a relatively large group of underprivileged
people. The high percentage of the underprivileged in particular
makes Rotterdam one of the most crime-ridden, violent cities in the
Netherlands.
the shadow city 4 the Rotterdam region 31
4.1.2 From top-down to bottom-up?
This has raised new issues in terms of quality of life (i.e. freedom
from the fear of crime) within the city in connection with the
planned large-scale Urban Development Projects (UDPs). Leefbaar
Rotterdam (Liveable Rotterdam), the leading party in municipal
politics, has made safety and the maintenance of law and order
(zero-tolerance), the integration and distribution of ethnic minorities
and if possible even a summit on ethnic minorities its top policy
priorities. As a result, some metropolitan projects (such as the
development of the station area) have been put on hold, while
others have been fast-tracked. The same has been true for bottom-
up projects. One example here is the groeibriljanten (or growth
diamonds) project, in which the municipal authorities actively
invited the citys residents and stakeholders to come up with creative
proposals for improving the urban milieu. To fund this initiative,
the municipalities earmarked 25 million euros in 2003, originating
from a hereditary lease conversion, to fnance up to 10 projects. The
criterion was that these initiatives must already have been started,
and that they should involve an equivalent private-sector input with
the maximum possible economic spin-off. Moreover, the projects
had to contribute to the enhancement of the social fabric, and have
a strong geographical signifcance for the city and a high degree of
innovativeness. The call for projects resulted in 73 applications, 7 of
which have now been proposed for funding and 1 of which has been
voted by the public as its favourite.
30
In short, a powerful realisation is now emerging in Rotterdams
government that the existing city must be the starting-point for its
actions. However, consideration is now also being given to a new
policy on the part of the planning authorities of holding back from
intervention. The point has been taken on board that the city no
longer needs to be made or planned in every case. Rather, the task
now is to channel more energy from the city itself. The municipal
authorities current vision for the city now emphasises two notions in
connection with a living Rotterdam:
knowledge (and especially mutual infuencing, convincing and
enrichment) as a raw material for the urban economy and
the art of living together in a city in various respects (binding
and bridging).
How this will be elaborated remains to be seen at this point. However,
there seems to be a growing appreciation that for both notions,
bottom-up activities and freezones (as defned earlier) and above
all their underlying strategies and ways of operating should play
a crucial role in the citys development. Nevertheless, the central
question remains, What can it do for the city (or the municipality)?,
rather than What can the city do to bind the more nomadic, elusive
sectors to it?. Given the importance of creative milieus for its
attractiveness in a frontierless network society, the last question
seems to be becoming increasingly important. It requires a new
outlook with a far more nuanced approach to concepts such as safety,
liveability and cultural policy, for the simple reason that context and
milieu - rather than direct fnancing - are such vital factors for the
emergence and persistence of creativity.
4.2 Freezoning Rotterdam
This is particularly true in the case of Rotterdam. Because while we
were surveying Rotterdams cultural, economic, political and social
freezones, we were surprised to stumble on a virtual inexhaustible
supply of initiatives in this metropolis. These initiatives also extend
over a broad range. Only a restricted, representative sample has
been included in the accompanying text boxes. In part, perhaps,
this is the outcome of the persisently pursued cultural policy of the
last twenty years. Additionally, the ungenerated gentrifcation in
Amsterdam also appears to have played a role in shifting creative
initiatives from Amsterdam to Rotterdam. Again, Rotterdam profles
itself as a business-friendly city with a relatively inexpensive stock
of housing and business premises. Much is possible, thanks also in
part to the temporary availability of unoccupied buildings due to
(delays in) the planned major projects, such as in the Kop van Zuid
formerly and the station area at present. Since the early Nineties
in particular, when the new policy began to bear fruit and space for
new initiatives was starting to decrease elsewhere, we have seen
vigorous development in the innovative creative sector in Rotterdam
emerging; frstly within the trend-setting graphic sector, in product
design, urban development, architecture and landscape design,
and later on too, after the gabber parties referred to earlier, in the
multimedia and club scene.
4.2.1 The specifc character of freezone practices in Rotterdam
Among those in the know, accordingly, Rotterdam has long since
been recognised as the place to be. However, this has by no means
always been appreciated by the outside world and by the man in
the street. Amsterdam is still seen as the cultural freezone of the
Netherlands, not Rotterdam. So far, Rotterdam has had trouble in
32 4 the Rotterdam region the shadow city
shaking off its coarse working mans identity, its image of sunbeds
and late-night shopping, of rolled-up sleeves and deeds, not words.
Despite this, the city is teaming with creative life beneath the surface,
something which, incidentally, says something about the relationship
between policy and the positioning of Rotterdam on the international
agenda.
In business-friendly Rotterdam with its record of small independent
entrepreneurs, freezones and breeding-grounds have a strong
presence on the informal and alternative circuit. You have to
be in the know, otherwise a lot passes you by in this city. Yet in
comparison with Brussels, the relationship between the government
and the freezones is often much more direct. Partly due to targeted
government intervention and the associated possibilities for grants
and so on, adversarial initiatives are much less in evidence against
mainstream planning or policy practices: rather, an attempt is
made to obtain as much government support as possible right from
the outset, or to arrive at mutual working and implementation
arrangements through dialogue. The wide availability to date of
inexpensive living, workshop and working premises (especially
on abandoned port and industrial land) has also meant that the
squatters movement is not so highly developed in Rotterdam as
in cities such as Amsterdam or Nijmegen. There are also various
portals supported in part by the government - such as the residential
commune store - which help alternative cohabitation groups to fnd
accommodation.
This characterises Rotterdams freezone network, in both a negative
and a positive sense. Compared with Brussels, freezone practices
in Rotterdam are far less original, defned according to the terms
of theorists such as Hakim Bey. Projects soon enter into direct
arrangements with the municipality and/or come within the scope
of a policy of toleration, as for instance with the AVL-Ville and the
Quarantaine area. Another telling example here is the Manifesto
2002, drawn up by the cultural and creative stakeholders in the city in
order to encourage the city to take a number of creative measures.
31
On
the other hand, this produces far more possibilities for interaction
with the local area and a contribution to the socio-cultural
metropolitan climate in Rotterdam, albeit in alternative circles.
4.2.2 Circuits in networks
In short, by contrast with Brussels, freezone practices in Rotterdam
are far less rooted in civil or multicultural and planning-issue
resistance to intentional or unintentional injustices. The freezone
approach in Rotterdam consists to a much greater extent of the
alternative circuit, which is partly also maintained with government
subsidies. That circuit consists of a number of alternative clusters
based around particular themes (such as art, the club circuit,
multimedia, product design, etc.) or geographical areas (such as
Charloise, Stadshavens, AVL-terrein, etc.) which transform specifc
locations in the city into interesting production sites, podiums or
condensation points. The Poortgebouw, Locus 010 in the Hufgebouw,
the Quarantaine land and the B.A.D. foundation described in the
accompanying text boxes are all inspiring buildings in special
settings. The temporary use of an old cinema as the Calypso
encounter point during R2001 is now outdone by Off_Corso, an
events organisation with a strong intermediary function for up-
and-coming DJs, VJs, multimedia and sound and light laboratories,
also temporarily housed in an old cinema. Moreover, amid the club
circuit is situated a nationally renowned Rotterdam social safety net,
the Rev. Vissers St. Pauls Church, as a special type of freezone in
a network of (in)formal care institutions. Each of these freezones
is located in specifc places, but derives its signifcance above all
from extensive, frontier-crossing networks. In addition, Rotterdams
festivals play a signifcant role, especially for the multicultural groups
in the city. Ethnic freezones are characterised by a double locality:
a local cultural expression in festivity venues or similar locations
and the Solero Summer Carnival, and international trading and the
maintenance of contacts with locations far removed from Rotterdam.
This results now and then in remarkable import and export
businesses or hotel, restaurant, caf and catering businesses which
source raw materials from abroad.
the shadowcity 1 introduction 35 the shadow city 4 the Rotterdam region 35
4.3 Urban impact
The accompanying map and text boxes describe this specifc
characteristic of Rotterdams freezone practices in more detail with
respect to a number of initiatives. Those initiatives turn out to have
a high capacity for self-organisation, but a considerable number of
business organisations are also in evidence. Philanthropy is combined
with an independent income wherever possible, and the generation
of broad-based support.
Although a direct link is hard to establish in this case too, the impact
of the freezones on Rotterdam thus seems relatively high. The citys
attractiveness may be the lowest among the Big Four cities according
to Nyfers municipal atlas, but compared with the early Nineties it
has come on in leaps and bounds. Among young people in particular,
Rotterdam is now highly rated. This is clear not just from the power
of attraction of the citys vocational training opportunities on young
people, but also from the relatively high number of business start-
ups.
32
In addition, the number of visits to the city has risen sharply over
the past ten years. After Amsterdam (approx. 8 million), Rotterdam
attracts the most visits (approx. 6.5 million). The fgure has grown by
almost 35% since 1992. The number of overnight stays in Rotterdam
has nearly doubled in the same period. It may be added that
Rotterdam also has the highest visit frequency in the Netherlands
(meaning the number of visitors who return for a second visit). The
big crowd-pullers are Diergaarde Blijdorp, Ahoy Rotterdam, the
Casino, the Marathon and the Solero Summer Carnival, as well as
attractions such as the cinema. Thanks to the Rotterdam flm festival,
the city can claim the title of flm capital of the Netherlands. But
the level of visits to museums such as Boymans van Beuningen, the
Kunsthal Rotterdam and the Nederlands Architectuur Instituut is
rising fast.
33
At the same time, with around 1 million visits a year,
Rotterdam has one of the biggest club circuits in the Netherlands.
34
Furthermore, the municipality has become strong in multimedia,
graphics and the design and building sectors. Renowned
representatives of the Droogdesign movement are based in
Rotterdam, and architectural frms originating in the city such as
OMA, MVRDV, WEST 8, etc. are now world-famous. Along with
Amsterdam, Rotterdam also has easily the most architectural,
landscape design, interior design, graphic design and industrial
design frms, to judge from registrations with the relevant offcial
bodies in the Netherlands. When it comes to urban development
frms, Rotterdam outstrips Amsterdam somewhat, whereas
Amsterdam leads in the other design sectors.
35
Rotterdams current economic growth forecast for the next fve years
may be 0.2% less than the year before in European Prospects 2003,
but with an expected annual economic growth of 2% still scores
signifcantly better than cities such as Amsterdam or Brussels (both
around 1.6%), or indeed Berlin (0.2%).
36
After business services and
transport and distribution, this is also due to the sector of Culture,
recreation and other services. The number of jobs in this sector
in Rotterdam has grown by nearly 50% over the past ten years,
incidentally.
37
Thus there is defnitely a Bohemian side to Rotterdam. Although
this is scarcely visible, and tends to be identifed with below-the-
surface activities and closed circuits, the freezones contribution
to the urban milieu is beyond dispute, and these freezones also
have various possibilities open to them for forging direct links with
more widely accepted forms of cultural, artistic, social and even
economic expression. The question that one may ask, therefore, is
what the citys signifcance can be for these sectors. The question is
particularly relevant in view of the climate of decreasing tolerance
in the Netherlands (in terms of environmental protection and crime,
but also in socio-cultural terms) which tends to exert a repellant
rather than a binding effect on the more elusive element of the
creative sector. New issues thus appear to be on the agenda in areas
such as forestalling frustrations, binding and anchoring creative
growth potential to the city as effectively as possible and patterning
those activities with a view to promoting urban life. In view of the
sensitivity of these issues, examples of success stories are sought. In
the following chapter we will therefore take a look at how other cities
handle their freezone policy.
the shadowcity 1 introduction 35 the shadow city 4 the Rotterdam region 35
MAP
Rotterdam formal culture (gray),
squatters (blue) and mentioned
casestudies (pink)
Pauluskerk p. 43
Off_Corso p. 39
Stichting B.A.D. p. 36
Pier 80 p.40
Area OIO p. 42
36 4 the Rotterdam region the shadow city the shadow city 4 the Rotterdam region 37
SPACE: The building as source of inspiration - foundation B.A.D.
Who, what, where
Foundation B.a.d. is an artists collective which was set up around 15 years ago by a number of students at the Willem de Kooning
Academie in Rotterdam. Each member of the collective works individually, jointly or with other parties from outside. The original idea
with regard to these activities was and remains to create suffcient studio space for projects and for mutual exchange, inspiration
and the common use of expensive facilities and equipment. The collective started out squatting in a bathhouse, and subsequently
moved to somewhat more practical premises on Van Mekerenstraat in Crooswijk. However it has now relocated to a squat in a school
in Charlois, where it has more space for its own studios and for joint project development, as well as offering six guest studios for
artists from elsewhere who want to work and stay in Rotterdam for a while. Since 1991 this has led to a steady infux of artists, at frst
from within the Netherlands and then later from abroad too. Some of these artists have now settled permanently in Rotterdam. The
collective has also loaned out the schools gym to the VPRO for occasional flming purposes.
Network
The Foundation B.a.d. network is relatively straightforward. The foundation consists of the eleven founding members, each with his or
her own circle of friends and networks. Three of the eleven members live in the collective as well as working in it. Thanks to its guest
studios, this network has been expanding massively every year. B.a.d. Enterprise has now also been created, consisting of a network
of artists, organisers, analysts, editors, fashion designers, DJs, architects, experts, stylists, photographers, technicians and designers,
who by working together create more possibilities than Foundation B.a.d. would be capable of on its own. This example is now starting
to have an impact elsewhere, and similar locations have now been set up elsewhere in Rotterdam, as well as in Breda, Den Bosch and
The Hague.
Impact
This freezone is not particularly held together by a well thought-out, consistent social,
political or even cultural ideology. B.a.d.s main goal is entirely pragmatic: to offer
suffcient practical space for its own and joint projects. Inexpensive space for both
private and collective work and for living purposes is thus central. The collective has
appropriated this space for itself - in other words, squatted. Government support was
not needed for this. Yet B.a.d. is not parasitical in nature. On the contrary, with the
development of its premises (for example the playground and the hang-out place for
young people), plus projects in and around Charlois, it contributes to the well-being and
the rising reputation of the South. And with its guest studios, it is also providing input to
Rotterdams (inter)national artistic profle.
BOX 5
BOX 5
SPACE: The building as source of inspiration - foundation B.A.D.
BOX 6
SPACE: surgeries for alternative lifestyles
BOX 7
CULTURE: the event as generator - Off_Corso
Who, what, where
Off_Corso - located in the former Corso Cinema on Rotterdams Kruiskade - is regarded in the frst instance as a four-person project
with an extensive network. It is described as a next generation entertainment environment. What this means is that Off_Corso is
an intermediary between artists in the felds of audio, video, computers and culture on the one side and business, commerce and the
general public on the other. With this purpose, Off_Corso organises dance events, product presentations, fairs, debates, exhibitions,
cultural festivals, concerts, parties, weddings and offce parties. At the same time, its facilities include a lounge and, within the
building, workspace for project development and innovations. Off_Corso receives sponsorship for these activities, but also stands on
its own two feet to a signifcant extent. It also offers the possibility for alternative and up-and-coming artists in Off_Corsos vicinity or
network to ensure their livelihood.
Network
Off_Corso is the centre of an extensive network of graphic and digital designers, events, organisations and artists. Depending on
the event, business party or exhibition in question, Off-Corso creates a platform where artists, designers and commercial technology
can come together to develop original ideas and cultural concepts. The aim is to promote a new dimension in the feld of multimedia,
design and communication, as well as to develop new entertainment concepts which appeal to the business sector and inspire the
general public.
Impact
Although Off_Corso cannot be described as a freezone itself - the building is properly sublet (temporarily) from its actual owner,
Path, and its operating licences have been acquired properly - it nonetheless provides space for other freezones to carry on
developing their innovative and creative activities, concepts and inventions with modest means. In fact Off_Corso makes some of
these activities possible, encouraging artists and bringing them into contact with the consumer and with potential backers. Thus
it is not so much its space or building that is crucial, but rather its cultural platform function and the associated wide-ranging
innovative network. It could also be regarded as a virtual network with events at varying locations. Moreover, it is highly effective
at what it does. In barely three years it has, along with other initiatives, made a signifcant contribution to Rotterdams positioning
as a cutting-edge city in the felds of dance, multimedia and alternative design. The big challenge now seems to be to hold on to this
innovativeness and further develop it via open networks.
ETHNICITY: the transnational locality - business and festivities
BOX 8
Who, what, where
The multicultural make-up of Rotterdams society is defnitely a living reality. The infuence of this society on the use of urban space
has been the subject of only scant coverage, let alone in connection with multicultural freezone activities. However, there have been
a few studies which serve as a starting-point, looking at ethnic citizenship, festivity venues and the summer carnival, as well as at
phone centres, entrepreneurs and trading markets.
Business: network
Entrepreneurs from ethnic minorities, compared with those of native Dutch extraction, have more of an orientation towards family
and ethnic networks and are characterised by a combination of (informal) production and trade. There would be no economy
without informal trade (to adapt a saying of Saskia Sassen). The informality on the Pier 80 market in Rotterdam includes informal
employment of family members, moonlighting and smuggled or pirated goods; the market is awash with all kinds of illegal trading,
according to a research of Engelsbergen. These activities are not the exclusive preserve of the ethnic minorities, however, and
illegal practices, to use the name applied to freezones by the tax department, are not considered in further detail here. Transnational
migrant entrepreneurs create an off-the-record advantage out of their ties with the country of origin. One example of a transnational
business is the phone centre, recently brought into disrepute through criminal telecom practices, money-changing and hawala:
money-laundering.
Business: impact
Businesses run by migrants are one of the most striking facets of the multicultural street scene. Over the years, a shift has taken
place in Rotterdam whereby mainstream chains have moved to the Lijnbaan, Zuidplein and Alexandrium and the former shops have
become dominated by migrants. This was what prompted the AIR event Stad op straat (City on the street), which focused on the
West Kruiskade in an attempt to enhance the multicultural streets profle. In informal practice, barbers, cafs and phone centres turn
out to fulfll an important social role in terms of mutual contact within an ethnic group. These are partly combined with other functions
and forms of public meeting-places for particular ethnic groupings. The dispersion study of the Cap Verde community in Rotterdam
and the phone centres traces in detail how a member of this community who steps in off an anonymous Rotterdam street to make a
phone call to a remote family member can also choose from a growing number of facilities in the phone centre, which doubles up as
hairdresser, shop, video hire centre, internet caf, media store and bureau de change. These locations are held together powerfully by
both the ethnic culture and the entrepreneurs family ties. The network on the street or between different ethnic groups is weak.
Festivals: network
The attitude of the municipality of Rotterdam to ethnic festivities has varied. In 1986, the summer carnival came to Rotterdam to
stay, partly thanks to an active, cosmopolitan attitude on the part of the municipal authorities. Previously, the festival had been
made possible, after a number of false starts, by the Antillean community, in some cases together with criminal sponsors. In 1986,
the carnival was embedded in the local culture of the Kunstmarkt and in an international movement of summer carnivals (with the
Notting Hill Carnival in the UK as a major example), and became proftable for the frst time. The summer carnival with its parade
and the battle of the drums is not the only event: it is preceded by the election of the queen (and the Tumba and Calypso king),
and the drumband rehearsals. In Rotterdam, these preparations usually take place in festivity venues. Most of these turn out to
be ethnically divided, culture-specifc circuits. A Turkish festival is unlikely to be held in a festivity venue run by a Hindustani. As
well as events with bands and DJs, these venues are also the location for religious and traditional celebrations, music and dance
parties, presentations and private family parties. Virtually all of them are located in or around the Spaanse Polder, away from
residential areas and public transport. Despite this, they are important meeting-places for a large area around Rotterdam and
constitute an organic link between supply and demand. Communication is routed via the fyer circuit in barber shops, tokos, migrants
organisations, on the streets and via the relevant ethnic radio station.
Festivals: impact
The infuence of the summer carnival on the citys attractiveness is obvious. The summer carnival has now become the citys biggest
event, and one of the biggest in the Netherlands. The informal character it displayed during the early years, and which still exists at
Notting Hill, has been replaced by an autonomous Caribbean-Dutch bonanza.
The festivity venues have an important role to play among the various ethnic groupings. The main cultural feast days such as carnival,
keti koti and holy phagua are often booked up years in advance. However, the impediments are often considerable. The venues
sometimes fall foul of fre and safety regulations, and despite their peripheral location, vandalism, resulting in the closure of some
venues. The role of the venues is obvious, and their location should play a more important role in the city, comparable with the
importance accorded to mosques, for example. After all, they represent important meeting-places now and in the future.
ECONOMY: Shoot for the moon - incubator Area 010
Who, what, where
Area 010 started out as an initiative of two students at the Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, set up as a Small Business Link to
promote mutual exchange of know-how and the tapping of mutually suitable facilities for business start-ups from the university. Area
010 has evolved to become a project of the Stichting Startershuis, in which the INHOLLLAND College, the Erasmus Universiteit
Rotterdam, the Rotterdam College and the municipality of Rotterdam have joined forces. The purpose of the foundation is to
encourage innovative, knowledge-intensive entrepreneurship in the region. As well as offering cheap premises for a one-year period,
Area 010 focuses on three things: giving advice about business affairs, enhancing market legitimacy with a view to winning the
frst customer and offering early information about market trends. In addition, Area 010 can be used for mediation with fnancing
proposals and the development of a business plan. There were also plans to create a link with the Twinning Centre. Partly with this in
mind, Area 010 is now housed in the World Trade Centre, although the Twinning Centre failed to get off the ground in the end.
Network
The Area 010 network consists of the various sponsors behind the Stichting Startershuis, together with the start-up entrepreneurs
who contact Area 010. For its external ties and knowledge, Area 010 still depends heavily on the knowledge held by the Foundations
four sponsors. Although the manager claims that Area 010 is continually building on a network of experienced entrepreneurs,
specialist consultancies and investors, it gives the impression of remaining confned to a specifc sector and/or the alumni of the
Colleges and University concerned and their friends. Even the contacts with existing global entrepreneurship at the WTC appear to
have been put to little use as yet.
Impact
Strictly speaking, Area 010 is not a freezone. It has a professional business plan
and is subsidised by a number of reputable institutions, which has meant that it has
even found premises in a prestigious location. In this capacity, Area 010 has by now
turned out a number of businesses which are pursuing their activities proftably
on an independent basis. A number of these even performed well in the national
entrepreneurs competition. Yet the contribution of Area 010 to the well-being
of the municipality of Rotterdam has so far been limited. No innovative links are
sought with other elements in Rotterdams innovative climate - such as art, culture or
multimedia - as an organisation like Off_Corso or Worm has done. Even relations with
other upcoming incubators (e.g. in the feld of medical technology or with the 25 kV
building) remain marginal in character. Thus the groups contribution to a sustainable
economic climate of entrepreneurship (after all, who or what can guarantee that the
businesses will not simply depart after their incubator phase?) or for greater urbanism
in Rotterdam remains limited. The question is whether this should not have featured
more prominently in Area 010s original blueprints.
BOX 9
SOCIAL: from social safety net to network - St. Pauls Church
BOX 10
Who, what, where
St. Pauls Church sees itself as a social movement which seeks to develop solidarity networks for a wide range of groups such as
addicts, the homeless, illegals, refugees who have been refused permission to stay, sexual minority groups and so on. Within these
solidarity networks, forces can be developed to resist political bureaucracy which often has an oppressive effect on life. The Rev.
Hans Visser of St. Pauls Church on Mauritsweg attained national renown with the establishment of Perron Nul. That has been
discontinued, and the catchment function is now focused around the pivot of St. Pauls Church, although its activities fan out through
the city. As a result of the extramuralisation policies of care institutions and crackdowns on beggars, drug-users and refugees, the
infux to St. Pauls Church has increased, and it has become necessary to apply the limit of 1,300 registered members. For the location
itself around St. Pauls Church, Calypso and Holiday Inn, plans are being developed for a big hotel. The location of St. Pauls Church
and the form its activities will take in the future are thus still a matter of uncertainty.
Network
St. Pauls Church has a large network of voluntary foundations which organise various projects and activities. The fnancing derives
in large measure from donations from churches and private individuals, and in part from grants from the municipality and GGD.
St. Pauls Church is also home to the Diaconal Centre, the Refugee Work and the Nico Adriaans Foundation. Outside the church,
the Street Pastoral Service is mainly active in and known for its street magazine and activities to help people return to mainstream
society. One example is Sandford & Son, a repair business, the art gallery and Stichting Dagloon, a foundation which looks for work
for the unemployed. Sites for the temporary housing of refugees and drug-users are also managed. St. Pauls Church also cooperates
in numerous ways with Bouman/Delta Hospitals, which provide care for psychiatric patients and drug addicts, with the Salvation
Army for day or night shelter work and with Humanitas for youth work and work shadowing arrangements.
Impact
This freezone is held together by the powerful ideological, ecumenical and social commitment of volunteers. Regardless of the current
favour of politics at the Town Hall, the authorities implicitly rely on this social safety net. What is determined by the current political
approach, though, is the extent to which those requiring care are repressed and the level of subsidies the institution receives. It is
clear that the current approach does not make the role of St. Pauls Church any easier. The demand for care is on the increase, but
the supply is partly determined by the location where this can be provided. If St. Pauls Church falls victim to the new development
plans, the question is where it can be set up again. After all, its impact on the public space is huge: the church and reception centres
are ports of call for the urban nomads who wander through the city during the day. But these locations also provide opportunities for
the medical and psychiatric services to keep an eye on those who use them, and hence help ensure that public and personal nuisance
is minimised. At the same time, the plan is to use a number of promising projects such as the repair shop and the art gallery to make
the care service more independent and give something back to the local community. However, this is not much in evidence at present,
partly because the economic spin-off has been subordinated for the time being to mental and primary healthcare. Nevertheless, this
could be developed further, since Rev. Vissers unusual, tolerant approach is increasingly in the public eye and has already attracted
international attention.
BOX 1
SOCIAL: from social safety net to network - St. Pauls Church
BOX 10
BOX 1
5 MODELS FOR COMPARISON
Freezone and breeding-ground policy is currently a hot issue. Several
cities are trying to ensure that creative milieus and industries become
attached to them on a permanent basis. In line with the arguments we
have presented, creativity is regarded as an asset in the competition
to attract and hold on to growth and above-average businesses and
households. However, this is no easy matter to achieve. By contrast
with highbrow culture, subcultural creative people cannot simply be
pigeonholed or pinned down with subsidies. In any case, the question
arises of whether such an approach will bring about a genuine long-
term renewal. Facilitating individual artists becomes ineffective at
the point where they have come up with the expected goods and
performed innovative work. If an effective freezone policy is at all
possible, it will at the very least call for a more subtle approach. We
offer an outline.
5.1 Breeding-ground policy in Amsterdam
Since 1998, there has been a debate in Amsterdam about the
importance of an breeding-ground policy. It was recognised that
these locations, which arose on the margins of urban and social
developments, were always of particular value and signifcance in
the past for the development of the city. Despite this, it was felt that
since the early Nineties, urban life had become noticeably more
barren as a result of gentrifcation and the associated displacement
effect. The number of freezones had drastically decreased in the
Eighties and Nineties, with Amsterdams image as a creative culture
city suffering as a result. This is why at the end of 1998 the remaining
freezones in Amsterdam, united in the Gilde van werkgebouwen aan
het IJ, sounded the alarm. As a result, since 1999 the municipality of
Amsterdam has earmarked 2.8 million euros of its annual budget for
the promotion of breeding-grounds, supplemented by a one-off cash
injection of 15.9 million euros in 2001.
38
5.1.1 Policy
The aim of Amsterdams policy is above all to ensure, now and in
the future, the requisite supply of affordable living and working
premises for the citys informal art and culture sector. A rent level of
between 27 and 45 euros per m
2
per year is regarded as acceptable
for premises with an breeding-ground function, but such prices
have long since ceased to be customary in the centre of Amsterdam.
The municipality therefore tops up rental payments and makes one
time payments to a maximum of 682 euros per m
2
. It also develops
projects of its own, and wherever possible the construction of
residential and working premises, studios, studio apartments and
rehearsal rooms for dance and music is encouraged. To this end, an
breeding-ground policy coordinator has also been appointed.
To prevent a situation where the subsidies are abused or owners
or landlords who are motivated by greed proft from the breeding-
grounds, an elaborate set of rules has been drawn up. In part, these
appear to be derived from the recommendations developed by the
de Vrije Ruimte (Free Space) Foundation. These stipulate among
other things that collective businesses should be given preference,
that the optimal size is between 20 and 25 stakeholders, that the
maximum transparency should be sought, that a freezone must
not have a commercial character, and that the idea is not that the
freezone should be sold off by a small group. Additionally, the
building must have a functional and sober layout and meet minimum
safety requirements; in short, requirements which are heavily based
on familiar socialist goals.
39
5.1.2 Evaluation
The breeding-ground policy is evaluated every year. The most recent
evaluation found that out of the original target of 1,400 to 2,000
freezones, a good 400 have by now been created in 18 projects. It
is expected that this number will have increased to 870 freezones
in 32 projects by mid-2004. However, the evaluation says nothing
about what this policy has delivered in terms of the desired urbanism,
creativity and the anticipated economic welfare for the city. Nor does
it say anything about the withering criticisms and accusations of
meddlesomeness levelled by current breeding-ground occupants.
40

Furthermore, the concept of breeding-ground is tightly restricted to
art and culture in this policy, thereby working against the hoped-for
breadth and variety of urban life right from the start. In short, the
breeding-ground policy appears to confne itself here excessively
to a self-spun web of quantity targets, over which a cultural offcer
holds sway.
the shadow city 5 models for comparison 47
5.2 Five experiments in nomadic use
A second example is a European (INTERREG IIC) experiment by
Urban Catalyst in fve European cities (Berlin, Amsterdam, Vienna,
Helsinki and Naples) on the theme of the temporary use of inner-city
areas in transition. The purpose of the project was to investigate
actual and possible forms of temporary use and to consider to what
extent and in what way this can lead to strategies which can be
incorporated wholesale in the mainstream planning process. The
hypothesis was that temporary use is in any case economically
more proftable than temporary vacancy. It was also posited that
temporary use can enhance the liveability of the area and the
surrounding districts during the transitional period. At the same
time, the purposes for which these areas are used would contribute
to the well-being of the city as a whole. Finally, it was argued that
temporary use and especially the milieu that is generated as a
result could help ensure a better end-product with a greater sense
of identity. It might even be possible to include elements of the
temporary use on a more permanent basis in the fnal plan.
41
Thus it
was felt that a static, more or less negative approach to temporary
use as parasitical squatting might be transformed into a positive
and more dynamic approach, in which the nature of that use might
ultimately even have an infuence on the fnal situation.
5.2.1 Five cases
Five cases were studied during the project:
- Berlin Ostbahnhof, which is developing into a temporary cultural
and economic platform for a wide variety of entrepreneurs and
socio-cultural programmes;
- Helsinki Main Station precinct, which is focusing on temporary
use for a fea market, open-air concerts, art exhibitions and
leisure activities;
- Naples, where the theme is how to respond to past illegal
settlements near the centre and how to include these in future
plans in a positive fashion;
- Vienna, former cable factory AG, where cultural and sporting
activities already take place, but a temporary theatre, cinema,
radio station, school projects and social initiatives have now also
been included in the plan;
- Amsterdam - Noordelijk IJ area, where a revitalisation is being
advocated for the period 2003-2028 and in the mean time,
partly with help from the breeding-ground policy described
earlier, temporary functions are being activated.
5.2.2 Evaluation
The results from the fve cases refect the variety of the fve
situations.
42
The impact of the fve cases varies greatly. The city of
Berlin is now bankrupt, and Berlin Ostbahnhof is one of the many
freezone areas which are springing up there, whether temporarily
or otherwise. In Vienna and Amsterdam, the projects have now
gained more acceptance, and the temporary use has been positively
incorporated into further mainstream planning for the area. In
Helsinki too, the temporary use now appears to be producing a
positive and more fruitful impact on the fnal product, which was
otherwise set to be a typical real estate project. Premises have now
been included for dynamic creative use by the innovative element of
society. This is in fact the most important outcome of this initiative.
Because freezones and squatters collectives are not set in stone, but
sometimes also develop from pure freebooter status via recognition
to, in some cases, commercial activity. And if this development
corresponds with the move from temporary to permanent use, this
adds an extra local identity to urban revitalisation.
48 5 models for comparison the shadow city
5.3 A Mad Tea Party in Manchester
Thirdly, Manchester. This city, where the industrial revolution
originally started, has been focusing for some time on culture and
art in creative freezones as one of the key elements in an urban
revitalisation strategy. After the economic decline in the Seventies
and Eighties, during which over 200,000 jobs were lost in the city,
a new course was embarked upon at the start of the Nineties. The
central concept was creative industry, meaning entrepreneurial
activity in which economic value would be coupled with cultural and
artistic content. Creative industries would connect the artistic and
creative value of culture with more entrepreneurial skills and the
new knowledge talent of multimedia and telematics-based activities.
By contrast with the customary strategies of cultural giants such as
Warner Bros and Walt Disney, creative industries would concentrate
on experiment and engagement with contemporary culture, as they
would otherwise be unable to renew and revitalise themselves on an
ongoing basis. These industries would thus be a source of innovation
and competitiveness in an ever faster-changing, dynamic and global
world.
43
5.3.1 Cultural strategy
In recent years, Manchester has accumulated positive experiences,
culminating in an all-embracing cultural strategy which is given a
central role in the urban planning of the city, ahead even of fanking
strategies for the economy, transport or care, as the cultural strategy
is supposed to affect these. It is argued that the cultural strategy has
a direct impact on policy in areas such as the economy, employment,
the environment, education, participation, sense of community and
healthcare. With its cultural strategy the City Council aims to:
- increase the level of creativity among the populace
- increase the effect on sound economic development
- enhance the citys international image
- offer broad possibilities for active participation on the part of
local people
- offer opportunities for social interaction and well-being for
locals
- emphasise difference and social diversity, via (inter)cultural
entrepreneurship.
In line with the above, the strategy focuses on fve areas: cultural
infrastructure, cultural education, cultural participation, cultural
economy and cultural marketing. For the implementation of the
associated programme, among other approaches the City Council
uses so-called cultural intermediates to bring budding creative and
innovative potential in the city into contact with investors and the
general public.
44
5.3.2 Evaluation
The effect of the new course adopted in the Nineties is remarkable.
After London, Manchester now has the biggest cultural industry in
the UK. This in turn is attracting new students, creative people and
artists, who are crucial for feeding and staffng the new knowledge
industry. At the same time, this boost has raised economic confdence
in the city, which has in turn stimulated investment in other economic
sectors. Finally, it has given a signifcant boost to cultural tourism. It
is estimated that an average 150,000 tourists now visit the city every
day. It is also now estimated that 1 pound of public investment yields
4-5 pounds of private investments and that the cultural industries
now contribute 1.4 billion pounds a year to the gross urban product,
and account for 6% of employment in the city.
45
5.4 New York - Free Williamsburg
Finally, New York Williamsburg. This district is one metro stop across
the East River from Manhattan. It had a large number of water-
dependent manufacturing businesses along the river front. For a long
time, it was a centre for the textile industry. Behind the businesses, a
workers district was built up, which during the post-war period was
home to Poles, Italians, Hassidic Jews and a large Spanish-speaking
community. The industry relocated or disappeared, after which the
district (including its housing) went into decline. Since the Eighties,
its proximity to Manhattan, the special architecture of the housing,
the large warehouses, the ample public space and above all the
low rents led artists, squatters and hipsters to settle there. This
represented the starting signal for a gentrifcation process that had
previously taken place in Greenwich Village, Soho and the Lower
East Side. At present the area appears to have come up against a
limit: We cant handle much more coolness without losing our cool.
This refers to the problem that Jane Jacobs described, whereby the
necessary diversity in a neighbourhood becomes the victim of its own
success: The selfdestruction of diversity.
46
Rapper Busta Rhymes
recently bought a 1 million dollar apartment in Williamsburg. The
cheapest rented studio now costs 1,100 dollars.
5.4.1 Strategies
A study by Hans Pruyt compares the squatters movement in
Amsterdam with that in New York.
47
To a much greater extent than in
Amsterdam, vacant buildings in New York enter a downwards spiral,
resulting ultimately in a stripped-out ruin. Despite this, the market
regime in New York offers few opportunities for squatters. The story
often runs as follows. Firstly, government-driven urban renewal
rarely occurs in New York. This means that starters in a district such
as Williamsburg are usually construction companies, which try to
create a location where people can live. This autonomous process
whereby buildings and neighbourhoods become more attractive then
attracts investors. In the odd case such as Banana Kelly in the South
Bronx, the squatters organisation metamorphoses into a renovation
business and fnally a property developer and service provider.
The NY Department of City Planning then responds to these
initiatives by pursuing the gentrifcation further in a planning
framework. It proposes a waterfront development of the down-at-
heel river bank, where manufacturing premises stand vacant or are
used for storage. Manufacturing is concentrated in two small zones,
and the river bank is opened to the public and transformed into
mixed use and residential zones. In this way, more properties enter
the housing market, and a quality improvement is ensured.
Property developers have been quick to spot the rising popularity of
Williamsburg. To prevent rapid gentrifcation from squeezing out the
districts hip character, temporary contracts are entered into with
artists and squatters who can remain another ten years at fxed low
rents. As a result, low rents are being maintained for a while at least.
5.4.2 Evaluation
Gentrifcation in New York is thus primarily driven by entrepreneurial
motives. Bottom-up initiatives are rarely stimulated or anticipated.
However, if they prove successful, they are cashed in on, yet the
displacement of low-income occupants is rarely offset by any
policy of compensation. The planning framework thus becomes
a mainstream planning instrument that makes no space at all for
breeding-ground activities or production milieus. What is interesting,
though, is the degree of coopting involved, whereby the authorities
take over those aspects of a squatters movement, for example, which
are of interest for development policy. And the response from the
squatters movement is interesting too: they assume the authorities
and the developers entrepreneurial tactics and exploit them to their
own advantage. This may often mean that they are cured of their
alternative objectives for good; yet they do succeed in retaining an
element of initiative and their innovative approach.
50 5 models of comparison the shadow city
5.5 Interim conclusions
In recapitulation, these four examples show that thinking and
strategy-making about freezones and cultural industries as a factor
affecting the quality of city life is still in its infancy. So far, it has
yielded a number of experiments and trial-and-error approaches,
on the part of both the authorities and of initiative-takers and other
stakeholders. Until recently, after all, freezones were primarily
regarded as places for freaks, which represented at best an amusing
attraction on the mainstream tourist programme (the fate of
Christiania in Copenhagen being an example of this). Culture was
regarded as a sector for public investment, with little prospect of
ever generating economic revenues, apart from the sale price of the
tickets and merchandising at major cultural events. The examples
show that this thinking is starting to change. However, some of the
examples are more successful than others, and some seem more
worthwhile models for Rotterdam and Brussels than others.
- Amsterdams breeding-ground policy is largely based on the
question of facilities. It focuses on low rents and suffcient
space, and where these are not present they are created by the
authorities, with extensive subsidy measures and an extensive
set of regulations. The frst signs suggest that the Rotterdam
authorities are in favour of this approach. But the question
is whether it makes sense. Quite apart from the fact that it is
very expensive, it is scarcely effective (and may in fact tend to
produce a sluggish, complacent cultural climate). In any case,
Rotterdam is not Amsterdam, and there seems to be plenty of
inexpensive niche space still available in the former. We shall
return to this point later on.
- The initiative of the Urban Catalyst Group in Berlin, Vienna,
Naples, Helsinki and Amsterdam seems both inspiring and
worthy of emulation in economic, planning and socio-cultural
terms alike. Temporarily vacant buildings receive a function
during the interim period (which is good for both municipal
revenues and the local neighbourhood). At the same time, an
attempt is made to incorporate the temporary use in a positive
and more long-term sense in local planning practices. However,
this approach remains highly neighbourhood- and district-
specifc, and its contribution to the welfare of the city as a whole
and its surrounding area is defnitely implicit rather than explicit.
- This is not the case with Manchesters cultural strategy. This
focuses on the contributions that cultural breeding-grounds and
cultural industries can make to the city as a whole. However,
the drive still remains highly entrepreneurial and economically
oriented, and it is unclear how initially experimental,
uneconomic, yet potentially crucial initiatives will fare in the
cultural industries, especially in times of recession. Nevertheless,
the phenomenon of the intermediates is an innovation worthy
of imitation: they are able to both uphold this artistic and
underground creativity and where possible exploit potential
and opportunities in a fexible, dynamic fashion.
- Finally, much is left to the underside of the market in the
enterpreneurial climate of New York. A targeted innovation
policy is not conducted here, but the authorities are quick to get
in on the act when bottom-up initiatives appear successful. This
coopting of bottom-up initiatives may be of interest, particularly
when it is combined with compensation for those who are forced
out and services and fnancial and other forms of facilitation
for innovation platforms in other locations. An approach of
broadening out the initiative with alternative building and
contracting activities by the freezoners themselves has also been
imitated in Brussels (see the Hotel Tagawa story). Although this
produced positive results for local people there too, it has so far
scarcely led to any alternative continuity.
6 RECOMMENDATIONS
What can we learn from the foregoing about a possible alternative
freezone and breeding-ground planning policy? How should such
a policy respond to bottom-up movements and how should the
desired freezones be facilitated in a way which preserves their
own dynamics and characteristics? If one thing has become clear
here, it is that, more than with other functions and activities, any
suggestion of social engineering is both pass and absurd. Proposals
by municipalities to offer space in certain locations in the city for
so-called breeding-grounds and freezones are often rejected outright
by real creative people or freezoners with the answer that they want
neither to occupy space in a creative ghetto nor to become a battery
farm. Where such an approach does meet with success, it often
amounts to no more than a variation of production function: where
there was once a bicycle repair shop, you now have a computer game
producer.
The same goes for targeted subsidies for individual artists, their
production conditions or freezone locations. Where the authorities
deliberately and controllingly engage in promoting freezones in
this way, they inevitably end up doing the splits. Because freezones
and breeding-grounds basically dwell on the policy margins,
and thus cannot be encapsulated in the rules needed to ensure
proper democratic accountability to the electorate, or prevent
abuses, misappropriation of public money and parasitic behaviour.
Moreover, generic solutions obviously will not do. The freezones
we have considered differ so greatly in terms of aims, organisation,
signifcance and impact that only highly specifc and targeted
interventions or supporting actions are desirable.
But, it may be asked, is an breeding-ground policy at all relevant in
any case? Does the specifc nature of such activities not mean that
one should not attempt to make any pronouncement about them,
let alone make plans about them? This attitude is short-sighted. The
increasing importance of creative milieus for a strong positioning in
the network society is enough to knock down this idea. At the same
time, the situation in Brussels demonstrates that such an approach
does the most justice to the idiosyncratic attitudes and characteristics
of freezones, as well as eliciting an enormous variety of initiatives.
Yet it turns out in this case to primarily result in an adversarial stance
against urban policy and private investors, with stalemates which,
while instructive, often prove unfruitful. And big business often
comes out on top in the long run.
On the basis of our study, our interviews and our analyses, we
therefore tend in favour of a position somewhere in between, with the
following recommendations. These recommendations are provisional
in the sense that they need to be sounded out in more detail for
their implementation value. Consideration should be given to pilot
projects in each feld, in which the proposals can be tested out in real
freezone situations.
6.1 Guarantee targeted niche space
It emerges clearly from all of the research and analyses that a
plentiful supply of inexpensive niche space is vital for a fourishing
freezone and breeding-ground milieu. The relentless, all-embracing
gentrifcation of Amsterdam city centre has had demonstrable
effects in this regard for the citys genuine, creative urban climate.
In Rotterdam and Brussels (or the post-war districts of Amsterdam),
however, this is not at the top of the agenda. By contrast with
Amsterdam, reconstruction and large-scale post-war intervention
have turned Rotterdam and Brussels respectively into metropolises
with plenty of suitable niche space on the faultlines. However, there
is an important difference between the two cities. Whereas the price
per m
2
and pressure on space in Brussels are among the highest in
Europe, they remain relatively modest in Rotterdam. Despite this,
even in Rotterdam the economic recovery in the Nineties meant that
much suitable niche space in the city centre has disappeared due
to new urban development projects, or is on the brink of doing so.
New projects are in the pipeline: in Rotterdam, these include the
further development of Kop van Zuid, the Waalhaven and the Station
district and in Brussels, the extension of the European District, the
Noordstation and the T&T music centre.
Although the example of Amsterdam demonstrates that the targeted
subsidisation of cheap space makes little sense in itself, extra
attention for the sense of place in this type of location is nonetheless
required. This has much more to do with the specifc use and
organisation of the space than with planning conditions. Specifc and
above all suffciently up-to-date information is often lacking here. At
the least, it is desirable to create a good database of available space
for innovative and creative milieus, which can be supplemented
elsewhere as specifc sections of the city are revitalised. Depending
on the precise situation in Brussels and Rotterdam it might
be possible to agree on a specifc percentage of the available
foorspace. Consideration might also be given, as is done in the flm
the shadow city 6 recommendations 53
industry, to making far more use of the knowledge of special location
scouts in drawing up a listing of suitable niche space, which should
then be protected or treated carefully. Here, the Urban Explorers
who operate in Rotterdam and Brussels deserve a mention. Their
expeditions into the downmarket end and the frayed edges of the city
and their contacts in the freezone circuit have given them a shrewd
sense of interesting locations and suitable properties which may
be available. In combination with specifcally arising demands, this
might even result in a target policy of property lending or granting.
6.2 Promote accessibility and tolerance
Richard Florida has pointed out the crucial signifcance of a tolerant
and open climate for the citys creative and innovative capacity. This
has much to do with the acceptance of a multiplicity of compatible
or conficting outlooks, lifestyles, codes of behaviour and urban
expressions which are a prerequisite for innovation.
However, this tolerance has in recent times often been at odds with
another challenge facing metropolises, namely how to guarantee
suffcient basic quality in areas such as safety, restricting anti-social
behaviour, preventing street garbage and so on, in short, how to
ensure the general welfare of life in big cities in general.
The strict rules on city use and zero tolerance for wild-side activities
that this is often accompanied by can snuff out inspiring innovations
and even lead to the migration of creative potential. Parasitical
growth needs to be tackled, of course, but this does not change
the fact that the recent shift in both Dutch and Belgian integration
policy and the decreasing level of tolerance in both countries may
have contributed to the dwindling lead held by these countries in
Floridas creativity index (see introduction). Environmental policy
in the Netherlands only makes the problem worse. With disasters in
Enschede and Volendam fresh in the memory, a climate is developing
of enforcing strict legal observance of environmental guidelines and
legislation. This has far-reaching implications for the possibility of
temporary use in the Rotterdam port area, for example, and could
even do so for the temporary or permanent use of premises which
offcially speaking are not completely ft for occupation. More than
the level of rents, this turned out to be a point of concern in the
freezones we investigated.
Rather than generic guidelines based on presumed general feelings
of anxiety about crime or anti-social behaviour, here too a more
specifc and nuanced approach is needed with regard to what
the exact nature of the threat is, or exactly which activities are
prohibited. It is also open to question whether planning measures
ultimately represent a good solution to this problem. The distinction
between preventive measures and dealing with symptoms needs to
be drawn more sharply, and special agreements and arrangements
with user groups should be considered (e.g. specifying that they will
be liable in the event of a disaster). The district and neighbourhood
contracts drawn up in the Brussels-Capital Region provide a good
model here. In consultation with residents and users in the area, it
is possible to determine what degree of liability they are actually
prepared to accept in the event of a disaster in connection with
private or tolerated initiatives in the district.
6.3 Prioritise the encouragement of intermediates
Experiences in other countries (including the UK) have taught that in
the cultural feld it makes little sense to subsidise individual artists or
artworks. Often, such a culture/events policy is so fashion-sensitive
and dependent on individuals that it makes little contribution to a
lasting creative and innovative climate in the city. In a number of
British cities, the transition has therefore been made to targeted
investment in intermediates, and experiences in this area have
been positive. An intermediate is not directly comparable with
cultural offcers of the kind mentioned earlier, who liaise between
the authorities and cultural bodies, and are supposed to give the
latter professional advice and support relating to property matters,
regulations and so on. The brief of the intermediates extends
further than this. They provide the podium and/or link between
the individual artist and creative freezone and the general public
and global capital. At the same time, a good intermediate will also
bring together creative talents from various different worlds (arts,
sciences and social sciences) in innovative and inspiring connections
which bubble with potential. This makes it possible for freezones and
breeding-grounds to continue with their own experimentation, but to
draw inspiration from one another and ensure their livelihood in the
longer term.
Intermediates may in this sense be
people, such as Jeanne van Heeswijk, who offers artists in her
wake the chance of a broad social platform
a building, such as the school squatted in by the Foundation
B.a.d in Rotterdam or Recyclart Brussels with its guest studios
54 6 recommendations the shadow city
and possibilities for internal encounters and encounters with the
neighbourhood,
an organisation such as Off_Corso in Rotterdam, or
Beursschouwburg Brussels (BSB), which encourages
combinations of creative potential and puts it in touch with the
public and the business community,
an event such as the summer carnival in Rotterdam, the Zinneke
Parade in Brussels or PleinopenAir, which enable alternative
music, dance, cinema and/or performance art to come into
contact with other exponents and with the public,
portals such as the residential commune store or the urban
explorers websites, which offer expertise and a datafle of
unsuspected possibilities.
Rather than individual artists or freezones, these intermediates
are especially deserving of ongoing fnancial and other support
or sympathy from the government and other quarters. Points in
their favour include, in addition to the points mentioned above,
the contribution they make to metropolitan life. The podiums
anticipated urban impact in facilitating experimentation with and by
subcultures, combined with a wide public appeal, should be a more
important criterion for government support than mere contributions
to individual projects. In other words, the intermediate should build
bridges, while at the same time to do justice to both the freezone and
the public or formal city.
6.4 Encourage temporary or permanent portals
Particularly worthy of attention here are the so-called portals. In
both the Brussels-Capital Region and the metropolis of Rotterdam,
it turns out that while the various freezones are linked in networks
together in one way or another (often through personal contacts),
they tend to operate autonomously. Each freezone does its own
thing and may emerge at intervals only to then withdraw back
into their shell (guerrilla tactics). As a shock tactic or a means of
temporarily encouraging the public into action against imagined
abuses or complacency, this is effective. But it fails to make a more
constructive and long-term contribution to the cultural climate in the
metropolis. Plus combining different things now and again can prove
a more fruitful approach.
The overview, gained by bringing disparate initiatives into contact
with one another or promoting surprising temporary coalitions,
which may even include the outside world, would help reinforce the
urban impact of freezones. City Mine(d) in Brussels has already
been performing remarkable pioneering work in this regard. Yet
even City Mine(d) has its own agenda. It might be worth considering
dropping this agenda and concentrating on increasing the mutual
acquaintedness of the numerous freezone initiatives operating in
the city, and wherever possible promoting temporary or permanent
coalitions. This would also have the effect of creating an intermediate
forum for the government and other stakeholders, or the possibility of
targeted promotion and, where necessary, acquisition.
In Rotterdam in particular, such an initiative is sorely needed.
Rotterdam is scarcely known as a creative freezone, while those
portals which do exist in Rotterdam (such as the residential commune
store or allabout) are still very much based on a single perspective.
Extending this approach or stimulating something similar to City
Mine(d) would therefore seem desirable in Rotterdam.
6.5 Practice shadow planning
As our ffth point, we come to the paradox of planning policy: the
essential elusiveness of creative freezones. To meet this problem,
we would like to introduce the concept of shadow planning. This
refers to the need for an increasing awareness of the consequences
of what is included in (policy) plans, both in planning terms and in
the sense of a proft and loss account for the use and organisation
of (spontaneous) urbanism in the city (the case of New York is an
example here). By shadow planning we also refer to a practice
in which some areas and themes of urban policy are deliberately
left unplanned and kept clear of the political, civil and above all
investment debate. Because, in addition to its considerable social
consequences, development planning also has direct consequences
for the level of land and property prices and rents and build-ups of
formal and proft-making urban activities. As a result, areas also
emerge where this is emphatically not the case, the niches and
disadvantaged or neglected areas, as potential milieus for innovative
and experimental activities.
Practise shadow planning thus also means refraining from
identifying certain areas where one may have precise breeding-
ground or freezone purposes in mind , in order to achieve those very
objectives. However, this does not mean that nothing then needs to
be done, and that the government can simply stand back. Precision
measures will also be needed in areas such as opening up buildings,
promoting publicity, encouraging booster measures and so on, which
however will not be included in general policy objectives but will
deliberately be kept in the shadows of the offcial policy.
In this regard, incidentally, there is a signifcant difference between
practices in the metropolis of Rotterdam and the Brussels-Capital
Region. In the Netherlands, and hence also in Rotterdam, there has
been a surfeit of planning and government-driven interventions in
the city, whereas this has been far less in evidence in the Brussels-
Capital Region. Partly as a consequence of the situation with the
Communities, there is little or no reference to the citys creative
potential in the regions planning and economic policy. This has
therefore partly ensured that the interaction between the authorities
and freezones, or the government orientation of these freezones
in Rotterdam, is far greater than in Brussels. In the latter city, the
two parties are far removed from one another, each acting in its
own world. Thus whereas restraint is called for in Rotterdam, what
is needed in Brussels is targeted precision measures to promote
spontaneous cultural creativity. District and neighbourhood
contracts may offer a starting-point here, but precision measures are
also required across the region, in consultation with or across the
boundaries of the Communities.
6.6 Use temporariness and extend it
Finally, particular attention appears necessary for the aspect of
timing and phasing with breeding-grounds. Now that the economy
is slowly but surely evolving towards a knowledge economy, leisure
and cultural industries are becoming increasingly important. Until
recently, experimental and innovative art and culture were often
assigned to derivative, weak economic sectors. However, this is
far from always the case nowadays. In cultural sectors as well as
in social, planning and other sectors, pure and unconventional
freezones are gaining widespread social acceptance and growing to
become activities which are able to pay their own way and even make
a powerful contribution to the formal economic climate. Thus it may
be asked whether Now & Wow in Rotterdam, KVS Brussels or the
Zinneke Parade should continue to be regarded in terms of breeding-
ground policy, or whether such activities are not rather starting to
become an element of a strategic promotional or business settlement
policy.
Within mainstream planning, there is also a phase difference at
development locations. Rotterdam and Brussels are now overfowing
with plans which stake a claim in the future prospects of many
residents and bodies. These often take a lot longer than planned.
Examples include the developments in the European District or
Thurn & Taxis in Brussels and the plans for Rotterdam CS, the
Stadshavens and the high-rise building programmes in parts of the
centre. In the mean time, a change often occurs in the functioning of
the location, in which temporary housing and use generate a much
more interesting form of urbanism than the glossy plans which will be
carried out later on. Consideration should therefore be given to the
extent to which these temporary activities can also be deliberately
facilitated, and if they prove successful, fnd a more permanent place
in the mainstream programme of the ultimately intended function.
Evicting successful temporary users may involve destroying creative
capital or their ill-planned relocation to supposedly fertile locations.
More detailed pilot studies are needed here in order to consider
the extent to which such temporary use may be of interest to the
city if incorporated in the eventual plans. The beginnings of such an
approach were already discernible in the previous locations of group
Tagawa, although the site ended up being cleared and promising
actions disappearing. Consideration could be given to the extent to
which suitable rules and procedures could retain such initiatives on a
more long-term basis for the city.
Urban Unlimited
May 2004
56 6 recommendations the shadow city
FOOTNOTES, ILLUSTRATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
Footnotes
1 see inter al. Landry, Charles: The Creative City, London 2000
2 cf. inter al. Susser, Ida (ed.): The Castells Reader on Cities and Social Theory, Oxford 2002
3 see inter al. the approach in Rotterdam and Brussels
4 see inter al. Soja, Edward W.: Thirdspace, Oxford 1996
Boomkens, Ren: De Drempelwereld, Rotterdam 1998
GUST: The Urban Condition, Ghent/Rotterdam 1999
Urban Unlimited: De Grote KAN Atlas, Rotterdam 2003
5 cf. Mayor Schelto Patijn quoted in: De vrije ruimte, Laat 1000 vrijplaatsen bloeien, onderzoek naar vrijplaatsen in Amsterdam, 2001
6 Gemeente Rotterdam: Sense of Place; Atlas van de culturele ecologie van Rotterdam, Rotterdam 2004
7 cf. the special issue of Stedebouw en Ruimtelijke Ordening about the creative city, S&RO 2-2002
8 Florida, Richard: The Rise of the Creative Class New York 2002
9 Florida, Richard and Tinagli, Irene: Europe in the creative age, Demos, February 2004
10 cf. inter al. Thackara, John: Cultural Expertmeeting HST-NWE, Breda 18-19 mei 2004
11 cf. inter al. Hemel, Zef: Creatieve Steden, VROM, Den Haag 2002
12 www.katharen.be
13 Campbell, Anthony: The assassins of Alamut, 2001
14 cf. http://go.to/footnotestohistory, an overview made by James L. Erwin of historical and actual freestates and micronations
15 Texas A&M University: http://www.tamu.edu/
16 see Mak, Geert: een kleine geschiedenis van Amsterdam, 1994
17 De vrije ruimte, Laat 1000 vrijplaatsen bloeien, onderzoek naar vrijplaatsen in Amsterdam, 2001
18 see inter al. Boelens, Luuk: Sturen door netwerken; voor reclustering van beleid; in S&RO 2-2004
19 see Bey, Hakim: Tijdelijke autonome zone, 1985, 1991
cf. inter al. Oosterling, Henk, De mens als medium der media in Filosofe in cyberspace 2002
20 Despite the fact that the parties concerned are highly critical of the so-called breeding-ground policy of the municipalities (we are not a
battery farm), this does not stop them from giving a few breeding-ground tips: do not demolish too fast, withdraw properties from the market for
cultural purposes, put properties under self-management and ensure that the authorities then refrain from interfering in them (Manifest R2002
Rotterdam 2002, Manifest van de Onderkant, Eindhoven 2004).
21 cf. Lesaffer, Pieter (ed.): Belgi blootgelegd; Van Halewijck, Leuven 2003
22 cf. also Salet, Willem, Thornley, Andy and Kreukels, Ton: Practices of metropolitan governance in Europe, New York/London 2003
23 cf. Lagrou, Evert in: Salet, Willem etc., loc. cit.
24 cf. Swyngedouw, Erik et al: Neoliberal Urbanization in Europe; in: Brenner, Neil: Spaces of Neo-liberalism, London 2002.
25 cf. NIS, Statistiek van Toerisme and Hotelwezen Belgi 2004
26 cf. Union of International Associations, statistics 2004
27 cf. CCIB-CERB: Jaarbarometers 1995-2003
28 Corijn, Eric et al.: From a Multicultural and fragmented City towards the Mediterranean Capital of Europe; in: INURA - The contested
metropolis, Birkhauser 2004
29 Nyfer: Atlas voor gemeenten 2003, Breukelen 2003
30 see the evaluation of the growth diamonds project, gemeente Rotterdam 2004
31 see Culturele ondernemers van Rotterdam: Manifest R2002, Rotterdam 2002
32 cf. CBS, statistiek startende ondernemers in Nederland 2004
33 cf. OBR: Plezierige Zaken in Rotterdam, vrijetijdseconomie in cijfers 2001, Rotterdam 2003
34 quoted from Rotterdam club circuit cooperation agreement, Rotterdam 2002
35 based on counts derived from members of the BNA, BNSP, BNO and members enrolled on the ArchitectsWeb
the shadow city footnotes, illustrations and bibliography 59
36 cf. Ecorys press release, 26 June 2003
37 cf. Centrum voor Onderzoek en Statistiek Rotterdam
38 cf. Begroting Gemeente Amsterdam 1999-2003
39 cf. Project Broedplaatsen Amsterdam, criteria en richtlijnen Amsterdam 2000
40 Gemeente Amsterdam: Evaluatie broedplaatsenbeleid Amsterdam 2003
41 cf. Oswalt, Philipp: Berlin City without form, Prestel, Munich/New York 2000
42 see www.urbancatalyst.de
43 cf. OConnor, Justin: Cultural Industries and the City, London 2003
44 cf. Manchesters Cultural Strategy at www. Manchester.gov.uk
45 cf. Belova, Elena et al.: Creative Industries in the modern City, Tacis, September 2002
46 cf. Jacobs, Jane: The death and life of great american cities, New York 1961
47 cf. Pruijt, Hans: Is the institutionalization of urban movements inevitable?, Rotterdam 2003
Illustrations
Covers: Kruiskade - club activities around Off_Corso pending new development plans, day and night
6 Lloydkwartier - audio-visual industry on former port land
8 Freezone Bruxxel fyer in the Leopoldstation, Brussels, November 2002
10 Kowloon Walled City (photo from City of Darkness)
16 Freezone Bruxxel in the Leopoldstation, Brussels in front of the European Parliament
25 Citymine(d) - HUGO, Bocas Locas (photos from Citymine(d)) and Limite|Limiet
26 Flyer exhibition in Hotel Tagawa
28 Place Flagey under reconstruction (photo from disturb-website)
29 Universal residents card (illustration Universal Embassy)
30 Back of St. Pauls Church Rotterdam
36 Bushalte 67 (photo from something about Charlois)
39 Club premises for Off_Corso, location outside and inside (photos left and right from Off_Corso website)
41 Phone centres in Rotterdam (photos from Dispersion Diego Barajas)
43 Deborah Post of Area OIO (article from A4 magazine)
47 ADM building Amsterdam (photo from laat 1000 freezones bloeien)
48 RAW Temple e.V. Berlin (photo from Urban Catalyst)
49 Madchester music scene (photo from back of Madchester music CD)
50 Advertisement wall in Williamsburg (photo from Uwee.de)
52 Vlaardingen De Strip, art project by Jeanne van Heeswijk
58 Illegal advertising on Berlin lamp-post
62 Salsaschool on Schiestraat pending station plans
60 footnotes, illustrations and bibliography the shadow city
Bibliography
Air: Stad op straat, 2003
Alice(ed): Het creatieve DNA van de regio Eindhoven, 1&2, Eindhoven 2003
Alice (ed): Manifest van de Onderkant, Eindhoven 2004
Barajas, Diego: Dispersion, a study of global mobility and the dynamica of a fctional urbanism 2003
Bey, Hakim: Tijdelijke autonome zone, 1985
Boudry, Linda et al. (edd.): De eeuw van de stad 2004
Buchel, Hogervorst, Vermaase: Het kerend tij, 1997
Corijn, Eric and de Lannoy, Walter: Crossing Brussels, de kwaliteit van het verschil, Brussels 2000
Campbell, Anthony: The assassins of Alamut, 2001
Culturele Ondernemers Rotterdam: Manifest R2002, Rotterdam 2002
De vrije ruimte: Laat 1000 vrijplaatsen bloeien, onderzoek naar vrijplaatsen in Amsterdam, 2001
Engbersen, Godfried & Burgers, Jack: De verborgen stad, 2001
Erwin, James L.: website footnotes to history, 2004
Florida, Richard: The rise of the creative class, 2002
Florida, Richard & Tinagli, Irene: Europe in the creative age, February 2004
Gemeente Rotterdam: Sense of place, atlas van de culturele ecologie van Rotterdam. Rotterdam 2004
Girard, Greg & Lambot, Ian: City of Darkness, life in Kowloon Walled City, 1993
Heeswijk, Jeanne van: Freehouse, creative forces in your city, Rotterdam West 2003
INURA: Possible urban worlds, 1998
INURA: The contested metropolis, 2003
Jane Jacobs: The death and life of great American cities, 1961
Kardol, Ren: Proposed Inhabited Artifcial Islands in International Waters: International Law Analysis in Regards to Resource Use, Law of the Sea
and Norms of Self-Determination and State Recognition, 1999
Laundry, Charles: The creative city 2000
Lesaffer, Pieter et al. (edd.): Belgi Blootgelegd, De Standaard 2003
Mak, Geert: Een kleine geschiedenis van Amsterdam, 1994
O. Hammer, Richard: The history of free nations, 2003
Oenen, Gijs van: Het surplus van illegaliteit, 2002
Pile, Steve e.a.: Unruly Cities, London/New York 2002
Platt, Cameron & Wright, John: Schateilanden, 1992
RKS: Feesten in het donker, May 2001
S&RO 2001/4 special freezones issue 2001
Salet, Willem et al.: Amsterdam Human Capital 2003
Texas A&M University: http://www.tamu.edu/
Urban Catalyst group: analysis report Berlin study, November 2001
Urban Catalyst group: Urban Catalysts, Strategies for temporary uses potential for development of urban residual areas in European metropolises, 2003
wburg.com website
the shadow city footnotes, illustrations and bibliography 61
62 1 introductiion the shadow city
62 1 introductiion the shadow city
The research the shadow city, freezones in Brussel and Rotterdam
is produced in 2003 with support from the Netherlands Architecture Fund and
the municipality (dS+V) of Rotterdam.
Contibutions are made by:
Frank van der Beuken - Rotterdam region
Luuk Boelens - Urban Unlimited Rotterdam
Robert Broesi - MUST Amsterdam
Gijs Broos - OBR Rotterdam
Eric Corijn - VUB Brussels
Filiep Decorte - o2-consult Antwerp
Stefan Decorte - VUB Brussels
Frank Dhondt - o2-consult Antwerp
Bernadette Janssen - dS+V Rotterdam
Bram Ladage - dS+V Rotterdam
Wies Sanders - Urban Unlimited Rotterdam
Jan van Teeffelen - dS+V Rotterdam
In the advisory board:
Tom Frantzen - architect Amsterdam
Robert Kloosterman - UvA Amsterdam
Marc Neelen - Stealth architects Rotterdam
Henk Oosterling - Erasmus University Rotterdam
Janny Rodermond - Netherlands Architecture Fund
Mariet Schoenmakers - dS+V Rotterdam
And last but certainly not least:
many thanks to all the freezoners and free-thinkers for their time and effort.
Edited May 2004
Cartography: MUST and Urban Unlimited
Photography: Wies Sanders, unless mentioned otherwise
French translation: Brussels Capital Region
English translation: Ines Galle Tolkwerk en vertaling, Grimbergen
Printed by DPP Utrecht
Urban Unlimited
Postbus 299
3000 AG Rotterdam
Digital pdf-version is available at:
www.urbanunlimited.nl
Search for Wieslog on the web for news concerning Rotterdam freezones
Contact us at: info@urbanunlimited.nl
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