Koha Digest # 38 (1994)

EDITORIAL

KEY AROUND THE NECK

by VETON SURROI

He used to carry the key tied with a string around his neck. It had happened to him even
before, when he was a child. Since then, it seemed to him that everybody remembered him
thus, as the man with the key around the neck. The man won't forget the open the door, for he
hadn't forgotten the key.

Maybe since then he has lost the blush in his face because of the key and the dirty string. To
tell the truth, in his way to the current state he had lost many things: a briefcase in the
Zagreb-Fushë Kosovë night train, two marriages, his way back home (thousands of times),
the contact of the water and his body, the patience not to swear... He had even lost the
softness of the touch, the day when he wouldn't distinguish the shiver of an unknown woman
he had shocked with an not invited and not wanted embrace. Since then, his fingers don't
paginate books, because they can't distinguish one page from the other. And, since then, he
concluded that he should write books, so he should enable the ones who hadn't lost the touch,
to read.

He could write fine. But nobody knew that he had seen much more than he had written. He
saw dragons and ghosts on the main street of Prishtina, a huge heart with two aortas that
produces one hundred and two hectoliters of beer in a minute at the express-restaurant close
to the Theater, the right moustache of Charlie Chaplin in every official photograph of the
official offices of our towns...The words that would describe these came out from his mouth,
they flew in the direction of the wind and crashed with the passers-by. They disturbed a bit, at
times because they mixed with saliva, a combined scent of alcohol and cheap tobacco smoke.
Therefore, they couldn't enter the books.

Many people crashed with his fading-away and clashing words. Some of them, when the wind
was blowing in the direction of his face. They would follow him. Before it was the milicija
and now it is the policija. They wanted to know where was the man, throwing stars to the sky,
typewriters and stomach gases, going to. In vane, they would explain to their supervisors. He
is only a vagabond. As the students would understand. To them, it had become a kind of
fashion to follow him, and later describe the adventures of the producer of the rolling words.
And, finally, this would be understood by the children which, as nasty as they could be,
nevertheless ascertained that there is a much bigger amusement than to follow a man who had
no final destination.

But, all of them still wonder about the key around the neck. What can be opened with that

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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key, when his wandering has no end, when it is not known when does he sleep and when does
he wake, when his address is unknown, and in fact it is not known where does this man come
from? If they would have been patient, his followers would have stayed behind him
nowadays, when the year is about to end. He would have replied to them that the key serves
to open the door of the next year. Thus he had opened the doors of the past years. And he
would have told them that he should be followed carefully next year, and the see dragons, the
half-moustache and the huge heart with two aortas...And not what they will see.

But, he would add, don't worry much, I say this every year. Cheers.

MACEDONIA

THE CONSTITUTIONAL MISSION OF THE BULLDOZERS

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

It is often said that where the arguments end - force reigns, but what to do in case there are
arguments and they don't help much?

This was what precisely happened to the initiators of the foundation of the University in
Albanians on December 17. Article 45 of the Constitution of Macedonia says: "Citizens have
the right to establish private schools on all levels of education, except elementary education,
according to the conditions determined by law". And, this is when the political-juridical
problems start, because the Education Law doesn't foresee the establishment of private
universities and the Government took (and takes) this law as the main argument against the
opening of the University of Tetova. To have the problem become even more serious, it
should be said that this law was adopted in 1985 (!?), ie. in the times when the Communist
system was reigning and when the private initiative was not allowed. However, it seems, the
Government of Macedonia didn't have anything against "using all the measures at their
disposal" in order "to prevent the anti-Constitutional activities (!?)". Its determination to use
all the measures, that is the determination of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, was proven
clearly, three days before the announced inauguration of the University, when a part of a
building meant for the University was demolished. Some hundreds of policemen which
assured the realization of the "constitutional mission" of the bulldozers, remained in Tetova
even afterwards, ready to take action on D Day.

The Albanians, initiators of the opening of the University in Tetova, even though conscious
about the 12-th provision of Article 8 of the actual Constitution of Macedonia, which states:
"Everything which is not prohibited by the Constitution or the law is allowed in the Republic
of Macedonia", decided not to play games with "the devil", especially when he is armed, and
changed the plan and the schedule of the solemn inauguration of the University in Albanian.
Thus, in the evening between December 16 and 17, in the biggest discretion, in the seat of the
PPD in Tetova, and in the presence of the most important political and cultural subjects of the
Albanians in Macedonia, the Initiating Council declared the inauguration of the University in
Albanian. The Document on the Foundation of the University of Tetova, apart from the
members of the Council, was signed by Abdurrahman Aliti (PPD), Iljaz Halimi (People's
Democratic Party), Xhemil Idrizi (Albanian Democratic League-Liberal Party), Milaim Fejziu
(Forum for Human Rights and Freedoms), Myqereme Rusi (Chairman of the Women's

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Association), then the presidents of the municipal assemblies of Tetova, Gostivar and Dibër.
This document was also signed by the minister of the old government (that day the new
Government had still not been elected), Iljaz Sabriu.

Thanks to this "manoeuvre", the so called D Day, came as any other, and apart from the
nervousness in whole country, there was nothing new which had not happened in the previous
days.

As it could have been expected, the Government, ie. the Ministry of Internal Affairs, awaited
for this act on the "blade", but what was dominating in the verbal exhibition of the engaged
minister in the Macedonian government, were the offenses and underestimations. According
to some suppositions, this is a sign that apart from the lack of arguments, the Government
clashed also with the bitter fact that the force couldn't overcome the will. On December 17,
the Albanian will and wisdom won. It is implied that the Macedonian party couldn't accept
this defeat peacefully and this was reflected also in the Parliament, especially when the new
members of the Cabinet were voted, a list which includes four candidates from the PPD. One
of them was also the signatory of the Declaration, Iljaz Sabriu. The ones who insisted the
most in this issue were Stojan Andov's Liberals, which even abstained from voting, because
their request to "exclude" Sabriu was not accepted. President Gligorov reacted indirectly, but
in a very transparent way, who two days after the University was opened visited the
University "Ciril i Metodij" of Shkupi, on the occasion of the promotion of the new
development program. In his speech, Gligorov stated that Macedonia can't accept
anti-Constitutional activities, alluding clearly on the inauguration of the University of Tetova.
In regard to the new development program which foresees that the methodic of pedagogical
faculties should be developed in the languages of the nationalities, while the lectures are
organized in the official language, Macedonian, are evaluated by the Albanian students and
public as "pro forma" changes, which will not compensate the need for a University.

The main dilemmas is whether this University is legal or illegal? This still remains as the
main theme which gives no signs of advancement, because it is clear that the party which
should make the next move, the Government, is still acting "unconvinced". The impression is
that the moves of the government to "defend the constitutionality", remind of the Serbian
syndrome "of the defense of the state by all means". This ascertainment is based on the fact
that in this case there is no defense of constitutionality, because it is in favor of the initiators.
And if it is known that the constitution is the highest legal instance, then it is clear that the
Education Law of 1985 is contrary to the Constitution, which was elaborated in times of
pluralism.

However, as any other event, and this has the other side of the medal. It is referring to the
financial means, or how will the University be financed. There are suppositions that the
Government is not very much concerned about the Constitution, because its contents are clear
to it, but it refers to the fact that if it legalizes the University of Tetova, then it would be
included in the financial system of the state and would have to financed same as two other
Universities in Macedonia (Shkupi and Manastir). Therefore, it can be supposed that the
Government, despite the opposition, will still continue acting as "blind on one eye and dean
on one ear", meanwhile the Albanians finance this University privately.

Of course, there is also a problem with the diplomas and their acknowledgement, but this
issue, for the time being, is not of discussion, even though some universities worldwide are
mentioned as the ones willing to acknowledge them. However, this issue could wait at least

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four years when the first generation of graduates will come out from this University. The
Advertisement for the inscription of 515 freshmen is in circulation.

(1984? - No, 1994)

EURASIA STILL IN WAR

ORWELL TEN YEARS LATER

(from the notes of Mr. Naive and his journey through South-Eastern Europe and the Orwell's
reading week)

by EQREM BASHA

Months and years pass as the dark and spooky sky burdens the tired citizens with the
promises of strong winters and hot and burning summers, with threats of cleansing wars
which will come and bring again, after five six or who knows how many hundreds of years -
finally, the territories on the maps for definitive determination. But people don't trust
astrology and don't look upwards, because they have been waiting for the storm for so long,
but it is only threatening and burning with the force of the threat, see there is nothing from the
enormous threats. The rheumatologists, meteorologists and other crafted forecasters had
promised. In vane! And really in vane. Here, there is a tradition of fortune-telling, readers of
ram's but-bones, of remainders of the coffee, of the palm of the hand, who announced the
difficult exit from winter in midst summer, and from summer in the middle of the winter, a
difficult year at the eve of a new year. In vane.

Patience and sacrifice

Thus the foreseen pilgrimage of Euro-Car and Pan-America enterprises, which deal with
exotic tourism and attractive excursions had been delayed. They would again bring a series of
passionate people, retired politicians and curious pensionists of the exotic South-Eastern
Europe in order to see the endangered zones, which don't explode, however they crack,
pretend and promise even though they resist, they stand, even though they flow and flow.

(In the language of Euro-Car these are called zones of experiments with the level of the elitist,
extraordinary and selective Ghandist, Lamist, Pacifist and Masochist type, because they are
characterized by the satisfaction to prove the pains and, in a blood opera, enumerate how
many times they have been beaten on the chest, the butts, inside, outside; how many times
they have been arrested, violated and maltreated, killed-divided-separated, how many wounds
they have, corpses, etc.)

The road is difficult because this corner of Europe has always had bumpy and curvy roads.
They were foreseen for goats, and caravans of donkeys, therefore they either don't have any
pavement, or are full of holes, and later were filled with rocks of the Turkish machinery,
because the vomiting and paleness have always been problematic.

Scientists and specialists would come, together with the passionate travellers to see the
cooked, boiled and shaken zones. An interesting and extensive program was elaborated.

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Very attractive, because it came out from the patterns of the similar travels in Europe. There
are no zoos here, there is no Disneyland nor memorial park, there are no statues of the
unknown hero, neither temples which are respected by all in the same way. This was,
nevertheless, a sacred place and loved by everyone, but in a very strange and extremely
special way. Euro-Car was supposed to distribute its agents in the neighboring airports of
Timisoara, Budapest, Shkup, to gather them all in one place, because we were not allowed to
fly the planes, as any other bird was prohibited to fly, because this is a land under emergency
measures, special measures, or measures of violence, as the Government of Eurasia (it was
thus called by the doyen of Euro-Car's group at the border, immediately after raising his head
from Orwell's book which he had been reading in the train) had planned.

The guide from Eurasia, therefore, a grounded polyglot, used and trained in many similar
travels which had been guided by the local agency "Putnik-UDB", educated, a diplomat and
along with this, a inexhaustible talker who was able to explain the perfected history and right
in the Academy of Arts of Eurasia, which he had memorized.

Fantastic Pilgrimage

"Are there any indigenous people here?" asked Mr. Naive.

"Locals? Ah, Siptari...We will meet them, because it can't be otherwise. Finally, this visit has
this purpose. But the protocols requests to spend the first day in the center, in a big dinner
served by "Putnik-UDB" and the Ministry in Charge to Spread the Sacred Truth. We will
have a talk also with the Vozd, just in case..., said the guide of "Putnik..., which means
voyager. (A bit later, Mr. Naive will notice, during the visit of the prohibited zones, an
extraordinary number of the tourist agencies and voyagers, even though the airports and trains
were not functioning, the visas were not issued and the passports were not legally extended.
But this shouldn't be confused with the "Putnik-sikter (expel)" service of the Ministry for
National Caresses, as the Ministry of Internal Affairs is called here, and which deals with the
collective travels in determined terrains, in which everyone is headed, together with cats and
rats, to hotter places).

"To see the Big Brother?" asked Mr. Naive of the Euro-Car, who will often make this kind of
mistakes, since he was under the influence of the book he had read and wherever he went to,
he would link and join the situations, personalities, ambient and institutions. But everyone
has it clear since the beginning and I believe that you will not drown in the confusion.

"No, we have no Big Brother here", said the bearded guide with a strange scar which had
divided his forehead into four. "We respect the Vozd, and he made a cross with the tip of the
knife which he used to scrape his ear. He is our freedom and perspective, he is our light and
national pride".

"But there is no light here", once again Mr. Naive slipped, but someone had stepped on his
foot and he bit his lip.

Labyrinths of Eurasia

The main problems had appeared because of the impossibility of gathering. The ones from
Budapest had waited for six months at the border and at the end they came to Kelebija.

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The ones from Timisoara had problems with the Rumanian customs which had insisted to
open their diplomatic briefcases, since they hadn't presented themselves as diplomats, but
only as simple tourists and had not given the officers any tips. Only when their leader looked
at his watch to tell them that they were running late, the problem got solved. In fact, the
problem had been the beautiful watch of the gentleman, which the customs officer had set his
eyes on.

In Shkup, where accidents of airplanes which transfer locals occur, and where the planes
coming back, as soon as they approach the lane, crash, they were forced to fly one hour over
the airport. Then, at Elez Han (Elez's Inn), where an old tradition of the inns was preserved,
the guests were immediately introduced through the doors of the inn, on which occasion the
old Eurasian tradition of hospitality was proven with the inevitable questions about one's
health and well-doing - where are you going, why are you going, whom do you have, whom
you don't, how much money you have, why do you have the money, do you recognize Eurasia
and do you love it, do you recognize its laws and do you know whose land this is, whose
cradle it is, whose heart, soul, livers and intestines, etc. etc. In reality those were a couple of
forms and questions, which the new-comers, not knowing the language, had suffered a lot
filling them out. Then, they were stopped at Ferizaj by the Ministry of National Caresses, an
unannounced visit, outside the protocol even though they had opposed (in fact, this was only
a one-hour cocktail in the middle of the road in a small cabin where the waiters, dressed fully
in flak-jackets and ammunition were taking care of the guests, similar to their colleagues in
Han. Such cocktails in the road will be repeated several times, and without hesitation they
will be stopped by the waiters, with their typical sign of Eurasian hospitality, by directing
them their automatic weapons - "Welcome to our paradise of caresses, etc. etc.").

Mr. Naive's Scandals

Euro-Car and Pan-America finally gathered their travellers (naturally not all of them, because
some of them were told to go back by the competent organs because of the unclear travelling
destination).

The scandal caused by Mr. Naive walking down the Slavija Square and asking, without any
bad intentions (and naturally in a very naive way), a group of bearded people wearing military
uniforms gathered around a bottle of spirits who sung a song he wouldn't understand (Note:
Ko to kaze, ko to laze Slbija je mala...") - "Who is Eurasia at war with now?" - almost had
cost him his head.

"Eurasia is not at war, but the sky is - the heavenly people! We are in war with Europe with
the whole world, with the devil and his son, if it is needed, in order to spread our truth" and
they had made a cross sign with the edge of the knife, which they used to cut some smoked
meat.

"How about with Oceania?", once again asked the naive Mr. Naive, and he had it. He was
caught by the mass, which had prepared everything to lynch him.

"This is impossible" said the guide of the heavenly tourist agency "Putnik-UDB" when he
came back almost breathless. This is the safest place in Europe for the aliens. Here we don't
have terrorist acts.

In the same manner, Mr. Naive had gone wrong at the obligatory meeting with the Minister of

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Public Lies, engaged in distorting the human rights of the minorities in the eyes of the public
opinion.

"Why, you have minorities?", he asked. As far as I know, Eurasia has none.

"We don't, but we will create some. The diminishment goes from the minimal to
disappearance. The creation of minorities from non-Eurasian people is our task - until they
disappear, of course."

They had such visits at the different ministries, in which Mr. Naive had made similar
mistakes, before coming to us. (In his report from the travel, one will find the Ministry of
Light - which dealt with it until the eternal, long and uninterrupted darkness - Dominating
darkness, then the Ministry of Emigration to Warm Places - which dealt with the transfer of
uneasy zones through cosmic flights, in more quiet zones called the Zones of the eternal sleep
of the uninterrupted dream. This one was close linked to the Ministry of Heavenly Issues
which dealt with the lots of land and the creation of the heavenly comfort, as well as the
Ministry of the Contacts with the World, which in reality worked on the disconnection of all
links with the aim at the full isolation called I am alone, in this world; then there was other
ministries mentioned by him, as the Ministry of Ruining the Relations with the Neighbors, the
Geographical Ministry (that of expanding the borders), the Ministry for the Distorted History
and the Ministry of Truth, Justice, Vane Things and Chicken Eggs. At the end, Naive had
written - minister, look up the etymology of the word in Britannica).

"The Blackbirds' Field"

The entrance and departure of the expedition was done in nighttime.

"But it is dark here: said Naive, and no one cared anymore, because he had said nothing that
could have come from his dark zones. In total darkness they listened to the expositors of
some of the mentioned ministries (that of National Caresses, of the Truth, where some
Simovitz and later some Sosevitz had been telling them extensively on ice and darkness that
it was freezing cold, that there was no light, there were no woods, there was no oil, no fuel,
and there was no...) about the undisputable right on these sacred lands of the white
blackbird(?), about the ungratefulness of the locals, which the world recognizes, since it has
become a state from its one fourth, while the others have been dispersed to prohibited zones,
about the ideal of creating a new race and one religion in a large state, about the economic
perspectives, the construction of wind-mills, etc, etc.

"The methods applied here will, we think, be successful, he said, and we are working in this
direction. We have started closing the schools, universities, the newspapers, the radios, the
TV sets, the close-down of the institutions, academies, and the physical education of the
people by the instructors of the Ministry of National Caresses. We believe that these are the
most efficacious methods to bring this ungrateful people to the senses.

"1984?", asked Mr. Naive finalizing his notes.

"No, 1994", replied the hosts, full of pride.

P.S.

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In Mr. Naive's notes there is also an annex marked P.S.:

There was no need to go and see the locals. We learned everything from the Eurasians,
Orwell is right - Eurasia is at war with the Universe.

Meditating and under the light of the candle were the philosophers gathered around the old
Oak-tree which has marked all events, bloody histories which comprise the life of a resistant
place. They gave the example of the old man who didn't know the language of the alien and
every time he was hit in the back, he would bravely yell - "udri-udri" (hit-hit), thinking that
this was the most serious offense ever.

The locals had a sense for the symbolic.

MACEDONIA

BOSNIAN CLICHE FOR MACEDONIA

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

The election of the new Government in the Parliament of Macedonia, proved that the
disagreements of the coalition parties, members of the League for Macedonia, have not been
overcome. The Liberals, even though they themselves participate in it, abstained from voting
for the new Government. Thus, everything that could have been part of the "ministers' seats
struggle", which lasted during the twenty days at the disposal of the mandator Branko
Crvenkovski to appoint his ministers, now continues in the Parliament. The reason for the
disagreement of the Liberals was the election of the "eternal" minister Iljaz Sabriu in the new
government. The Liberals were not angry because this was the fifth government for Sabriu as
minister, but because of the fact that he particiapted in the Inauguration of the University of
Tetova, which the government considers illegal. But the stubbornness of the Liberals who are
against the participation of the new/old minister can't stand, because the inauguration was
also attended by Abdurrahman Aliti, chairman of the PPD and vice-chairman of the
Parliament and the majority of the Albanians MPs. The Liberals didn't refer to them at all in
the session. Therefore it is not surprising to hear the rumors that the way the Liberals acted
was due to their dissatisfaction with the gained posts, therefore the compromise, to which
they were forced into, generates the future misunderstandings with their main coalition
partner - the Social-Democratic League of Macedonia, whose denominator and defender is
Kiro Gligorov, shows the first signs of "the worn-out material".

Now it is clear that the coalition of the three political parties, whose common denominator is
the "life and opus" of president Gligorov, is not functioning. It remains to be seen how long
can President Gligorov deposit still his authority and popularity, in order to remain still as a
President who doesn't belong to any party but belongs to all citizens of Macedonia.

The opposition of the Liberals could be linked to the visions of this party to the other ethnic
groups, before all the Albanians. The Liberals, in other words, can be satisfied with
Gligorov's and Crvenkovski's insisting on having PPD and Albanians in the Government.
However, their reaction against Sabriu is a protest against the opening of the University in
Albanian, which is a continuance of the Liberals towards the Albanians in Macedonia. We

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must remind ourselves of the past when the Liberals (at that time within the League of the
Reformers of Markovic), after the first round of elections, when it was clear when PPD would
win in Western Macedonia, proposed to all Macedonian parties to unite and "fight" the
Albanians. The proposal of the Liberals was the constitutional definition, Macedonia as the
state of the Macedonian people, which at that time blocked the adoption of the Constitution
and caused may problems about the new voting and the refusal of the adopted amendment. It
can also be said that the postures of the Liberals in this respect are closer to the Macedonian
national bloc than the parties they form a coalition with.

If the last events in the political scene of Macedonia could be taken as indicators of the
relations between the two largest populations in Macedonia, then the political parties and the
politicians should become concerned. The hermetical close-down in ethnic circles is evident.
On the Macedonian side the differences between the leftists and the rightists or centrists,
could be reduced to some percentages depending on the national dependencies. On the
Albanian side, the Macedonian posture towards the University and all of what preceded it,
homogenized the Albanian parties. All, even those in power and the opposition plus the
independent Albanian MPs not only that supported the University, but also signed the
Declaration, including Aliti on one side and Xhaferi & Thaçi on the other, who caused the
split inside the PPD. Or Nevzat Halili, who had been replaced immediately before the split,
who walked down the streets of Tetova beside the ones who had discharged him. The
Macedonian media described all of this as an attempt to "Kosovanize" Macedonia. This term
had often been used in the second half of the eighties, when the Macedonian Communist
League conducted the party differentiation in respect to the Albanian nationalism and
irredentism. The Kosova cliche could hardly be applied in Macedonia, and still has to do with
different issues. It could be rather said that "Bosnian cliche" has appeared. Because in the
clean ethnic circles there are politicians who, on one side, within their circle fight for the
status of representative, this struggle creates even more radical requests, and on the other
hand, the parties and politicians who fight for this status, negotiate with the other party - with
the representatives of the other ethnic circle. At the beginning everything is easy - they can
agree upon everything - participation in the parliament and the concrete laws. Such a logic
practically makes the ones ask for themselves more than they are ready to offer to the others.
According to the nature of the events, everything fails when "our" rights collide with "their"
rights. And then they have nowhere to go and they insist on their requests. And finally -
someone will join up, they will leave the Government and the Parliament and go to their
"Pale", activate the autonomy and constitute the organs of government.

Deja Vu.

What is more tragic is that despite this, the parties and politicians have learned nothing, and
the ones who voted for them have learned even less.

All the rest is marginal. I an interview to "Makedonsko Sunce", the leader of the PPD, Aliti,
replying to the questions, speaks of the roots of the misunderstandings between the ethnic
Macedonians and the other ethnic groups in Macedonia. Both him and the journalists depart
from the fact that Macedonia is an unitary state, but also a state of the Macedonian people,
which according to the definition of the Constitution is not. The journalist - in order to prove
that the only official language is Macedonian, that other entities have more rights than the
ones foreseen with international covenants and, in accordance to this, they have no right to a
University in their language. Aliti- based on many concrete facts to prove that the
Macedonian side doesn't respect the reality and composition of the population, that the state is

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multi-national, which creates a conviction among the others, that they are second class
people.

According to Aliti, the only way out for this state is to base itself on the individual - citizen,
and not on the group-nationality.

Naturally, every citizen has to be loyal to his state and should have all the rights, as all the
others.

At the same time, with the request of the Ambassador of Albania in Macedonia, Shaban
Murati, Aliti met with him. The communique after the meeting stated that Albania has a
positive posture towards the participation of the Albanians in the Macedonian government.
Despite the statements of Arbën Xhaferi and his MP Rufi Osmani, on TV in Albanian,
opposing the participation of Albanians in the Government, again stating that they had the
support of Albania in this sense. Another proof for the "Bosnian Cliche" - the international
mediators. In a short period of time, Shkup was visited by Matthew Nimitz, who delivered
Clinton's letter to Gligorov, in which, according to some speculations, the American President
mentions the Albanians too. For the time being the letter has not been published, even
though the practice here is to publish everything that goes in favor of the Macedonian
president the same day. Shkup was visited by Owen, Stoltenberg and Arens. The first two
asked about the University, while some say that the third one came exclusively for this issue.

The established University has already published the advertisement for the inscription of the
first students. The Macedonian media doesn't inform about this, while the Albanians manage
somehow. The official TV broadcasted the news, and apologizing that they are unable to read
the whole information because it is long, recommended other informations be gotten at the
University, which should be closed. "Flaka e Vëllazërimit" is more inventive - it doesn't
publish the information about the advertisement, but publishes an interview with a person
who gives all the relevant informations about the inscription in his answers.

We continue ahead, as if nothing happened.

CONVERSATION

Dr. IBRAHIM RUGOVA, President of the Republic of Kosova

PROMISING SOLUTION - CIVIL ADMINISTRATION

by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

KOHA: When you travel abroad, why do you always depart from Albania?

RUGOVA: In the past two years I have been travelling through Albania. Albania is the most
secure place in the Balkans from where I can communicate with the world. I always travel
through Albanian lands, Shkup, Tetova and up to Tirana. I feel secure.

KOHA: What has made you visit to the US successful?

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RUGOVA: This visit is the most successful we've had so far, because we met the highest
officials of President Clinton, including his administration. For the first time, the talks were
open, friendly and warm. This time, when we referred to the threat of Serbia with war,
President Bush's and President Clinton's threat was repeated, that the US is ready to do
anything to stop the conflict in Kosova and at the same time intervene if Serbia attempts such
a thing. Now I am convinced myself that this formulation is honest and decisive if the conflict
is caused by Serbia. it is important to say how the Republicans and Democrats promised that
they will support the issue of Kosova. In fact, since so long have been dealing with the issue
and they would be willing to raise the issue up to the level of the political victory.

KOHA: What was the reception of the Europeans, and are there any changes

in the political language of this decision-making center?

RUGOVA: I had the honor of meeting the German vice-Chancellor and Foreign Minister
Klaus Kinkel, who assured us that he will support Kosova in the diplomatic, political and
economic plane. Holland and Belgium have projects to support the issue of Kosova, and
politically they have a special sympathy towards our resistance in Kosova. Especially
Switzerland as a neutral state, which expresses concern for the situation in Kosova and the
aspirations of the Albanian people.

KOHA: What did you concretely request, and what are their possibilities to help?

RUGOVA: We went there to convince them that the results of the Referendum are the
foundations of our requests, but we were oriented also with other attractive forms which are
moderate in the eyes of international politics. Naturally, we have requested a civil
administration, which is a moderate form of a non classical trusteeship, and there is a lot of
interest for this issue, which would stop the Serbian-Albanian conflict. This forms determines
the continual political flow, ie. determines the contours of the independence of Kosova. There
are already some ideas how to accomplish the trusteeship or the civil administration in
Kosova.

KOHA: And the idea of confederacy links with Albania. Why?

RUGOVA: It is an idea which was presented because of the new relations in the
Croat-Serb-Bosnian conflict which determines the theory that there could be confederacy
links among the warring parties, therefore Kosova, based on these premises, will request
confederacy links with Albania.

KOHA: The officials most probably promise you something concretely. Have you any
hopeful statement for the Albanians in regard to Kosova's issue?

RUGOVA: I can say that the best impressions are from the meeting with Anthony Lake
because it was an open meeting, as well as with Mrs. Albright. The meeting with Talbot was
also open, and he concretely promised political and economic support for Kosova. All these
conversations gave hope, especially the one with Mr. Kinkel who has constantly supported
the issue of Kosova and the Albanian problem in general. He promised that the problem of
the Kosova Albanians will be soon discussed by the EU.

KOHA: Tell us which are the premises that this diplomatic option is grounded on and which

- 11 -
are the divergencies between Europe and USA about civil administration in Kosova?

RUGOVA: I could say that in general lines there are no great differences. All are convinced
that preventive measures must be undertaken to evade the conflict. While we spoke about the
problem, we simplified it to first prevent war, and then there must be serious and concrete
talks about the political solution.

KOHA: Have you spoken about the model of the solution of the problem?

RUGOVA: This is an issue which should be further elaborated. We will continue talking and
to try and find the preliminary solution and finally a definitive solution for Kosova.

KOHA: How will the Albanian vision, respectively the Kosovan vision in 1995 be, without
making a prophecy our of it?

RUGOVA: To speak of the vision of a year in these conditions, in these difficult times and in
times of turbulence, repression, international insecurity, etc., is very hard. Looking at it
realistically, and according to this year's facts and results, the political position of Kosova is
consolidating. The new created elements have positioned us and orient us in the political and
national plane strengthening our position which is politically clear because the issue of
Kosova has been affirmed in all diplomatic and governmental circles of Europe and the USA.
These premises allow us to become brave enough to have a clear vision of the coming year. I
am convinced that Kosova's issue will be ranked in the political lists for the political solution
of its problem, and you should be convinced that the solution will be the best for all of us. All
our postures have political aims based on the referendum we have declared ourselves for.
Naturally, our problem also depends on international circumstances which will be created and
for sure there will be a new realistic and optimal vision which is promising for us in the
future.

KOHA: What can be hopeful for Albanians, and a favorable indicator that the Albanian
problem can enter the list of problem to be solved?

RUGOVA: By all means we should have hopes for the solution of Kosova's problem. As in
an old saying: "I'll give away everything but the hope". This is grounded on the truth and the
facts, and on our organization we have been building for years. Our hope is also my blessing
to Kosova's people. Let's hope Kosova is free next year.

KOSOVA

VIOLENCE IN 1994

1994 was not one of those years which we have expected that could have been at the end of
1993. This year, in one word, wasn't a New one, in regard to the changes in Kosova. The
violence was not new, the killings were not new, taking women and children as hostages,
searches and massive arrests weren't new either.

The "Papillon" cafeteria in Prishtina, one day before Christmas, was raided by the Serbian
police, which brutally identified all the present youngsters. As if it wanted to prove with such

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an act, one day before the feast that creates the mood "of the open heart to peace" and a better
life, oppress the wishes and hopes that it could be better.

Anyhow, this is only an ordinary behavior of the police in Kosova which didn't mark 1994.
The same day, the news came that a 80- years' old man had died as a consequence of police
tortures. The cynical consolation would be: there are even worse things.

If 1994 is taken as significative for 1995, then it wouldn't be logical at all to say that the
coming year will bring better contents in the lives of the Kosovans, so in 1996 we would
become free. But, this is called politics, and everything is possible. Only hope remains. And
this could be noticed among the young people of the cafeteria mentioned above, where after
the policemen left, everything continued where it had stopped, someone continued telling the
joke when he was halted and the other courting the girl he had gone out with, etc. There are
such who think that this is not OK. That we shouldn't live like this. And we have to remember
the saying of a wise Jew "...that we should live the way our enemy wouldn't like us to".

1994 OF KILLINGS

During the past 12 months, even though there were no public protests or demonstrations, not
even for the initiation of the new school year, nevertheless the number of the killed was not
small. During the one-year period, 17 people were killed. Selman Daci (60), from Pustenik,
Kaçanik, was killed on Feb. 28, 1994; Faik Mustafa (56), from Krushec, Obiliq, was killed on
March 6, 1994, Mehmet Hajrullahu (46) from Zhegër, Gjilan, was killed on April 21, 1994;
Naim Bajrami (26) from Llashticë, Gjilan, was killed on April 24, 1994; Bekim Nezaj (23)
from Rromajë, Prizren, was killed on July 27, 1994; Agron Duraku from Damjan, Gjakovë
was killed on July 27, 1994; Fidan Brestovci (6) from Prishtina, was killed on July 27, 1994;
Hasan Ramadani (50) from Shajkovc, Podujevë, was killed on August 7, 1994; Ejup Vllahia
(50) from Prishtina was killed on August 27, 1994; Violetë Dervishaj (23), from Deçan was
killed on September 9, 1994; Ismajl Raka (39) from Kaçanik was killed on November 30,
1994; Hasan Cubolli (80) from Podujevë was killed on December 23, 1994; (there are five
names missing).

From the mentioned victims, 6 of them died due to torture. The others, due to firearms. Based
on the number of victims this year, 1994 could be called otherwise. This year, was the year of
killings.

1994 OF TORTURES

Based on the fact that only 6 (?) people died due to the tortures of the Serbian police, it
couldn't be said that there is not a larger number of tortured Albanians. This number includes,
children, women and elderly people. During the first ten months of the year, 1983 Albanians
were physically tortured, out of which 21 children and 13 women.

Children are beaten and mistreated for different reasons, as for example because they
wouldn't tell the police the house of a person they are looking for, or because they are
attending school in private homes etc. Not being able to list all the names of the tortured, we
present the number of the tortured children: Erhan Bajraktari (15) Prizren; Flamur Murati
(13) Podujevë; Ismail Mustafa (15) Bellopojë, Podujevë; Rrahim Krasniqi (12) Novosellë,
Vushtrri; Zylfeki Musliu (16) Kosharë, Ferizaj; Bekim Uka (14) Banjskë, Vushtrri; Fahri
Jonuzi (14) Pasomë, Ferizaj; Sahit Ceku (14) Pejë; Avni Hajdari (16), Braboniq, Mitrovicë;

- 13 -
Berat Sinani (16) Zhegër, Gjilan; Feriz Selmani (9) Bilincë, Gjilan; Hajriz Selmani (14)
Bilincë, Gjilan; Cabe Hyseni (17) Mitrovicë; Arsim Istrefi (17) Mitrovicë; Fahredin Nuredini
(17) Mitrovicë; Gëzim Musa (17) Vushtrri; Afrim Hasani (17) Celinë Rahovec; Haki Xani
(12) Polac, Skënderaj; Qerim Ademi (17) Kaçandoll, Mitrovicë and Nexhmedin Peci (15)
from Zhabar i Poshtëm, Mitrovicë.

1994 OF THE HOSTAGES

This is another form of repression which characterized 1994. Until the beginning of
December 1994, according to the available data, 52 people were taken hostages, mainly
women and children. This number is not final and as from now and until the beginning of the
next year, the number will probably increase. The data of the Council for the Defence of
Human Rights and Freedoms (CDHRF) contains the names of four children taken hostages by
the police who were beaten on that occasion: Sylë Shala (13), Pejë; Luigj Muja (15) Pejë;
Avni Hajdari (16) Braboniq, Mitrovica; Hafize Shabani (14) Sadovinë, Viti. Especially the
last case of the persecution and arrest of the former policemen, has been followed by this
form of blackmail and by taking hostages the members of their families.

1994 OF THE INFORMATIVE TALKS

The communication of the Serbian state and police with the Albanians is achieved through
the institution of violence called "informative talks". In the last twelve months, 1644 people
have been summoned to "informative talks", 80% because of their political, educational or
humanitarian activities. According to the data which is not complete, it comes out that every
day, between 7 and 8 people are summoned to the police.

1994 OF THE SEARCHES

In order to have 1994 richer with violence and the conduction of different forms of terror, a
big contribution was that of the searches of homes which were usually followed by tortures,
hostages and killings. During this year, 3389 families were raided, which means that the
average is 10 families per day.

1994 OF THE TRIALS

The forms of Serbian repression culminate with its legalization through the sentence of the
Albanians to prison, be it for political convictions or any other reason. Because of political
convictions, 97 Albanians were sentenced to prison. In the year we are leaving behind, in
each month there were 8 Albanians who were convicted to prison. It could be said that this
was Serbia's most successful year of trials. There are indications that the number is not final.

1994 OF ARRESTS

According to the data of CDHRF, during 1994, 2639 Albanians were arbitrarily arrested. The
number of over 200 former Albanian policemen should be added to this number. According
to these figures, it comes our that about 10 people are arrested on a daily basis. 1994 was
characterized by massive arrests. This was, nevertheless, the year of the arrests.

- 14 -
KOSOVA

THE YEAR OF THE PAPER TOWER CONSTRUCTION

by BATON HAXHIU/Prishtina

1994 started with a scratch of Bosnia's problem, with the creation of a contact group for the
solution of this problem. This political appetite is incited by an unscrupulous group of people
and governments, which consider war and the victims, arms' production and trade, as nothing
else but a chance to create profit and to expand their ruling space. This arises the dilemma
about how is it possible that a small group can have under surveillance all that mass of
people, to whom war is loss and pain. These moral dilemmas build and reestablish the rule of
the minority in Bosnia, which has opposed, for an unknown number of times, the plan of the
International Community, choosing war as the only form of political-territorial gains. Serbs
still think according to the logic of force, and without any hesitation reject any attempt for the
new division of Bosnia and are headed towards the victory of the main project, the creation of
Greater Serbia. Serbian political pleonasm was a good rhetoric form which they used all the
time to escape the initiatives which came out in January. At that time they would quote
Churchill, that Balkan is a region inhabited by a series of small people, in a reduced space,
mixed, who fight for territories. But none of them is capable of applying hegemony, none of
them is politically strong and big enough to install it. Because one party wants to do it, the
other party turn to the political forces outside, which consider this region attractive for
confrontations, at the same time far away from the largest conflicts in Europe and the World.
Based on this, the crisis in the former Yugoslavia, has confirmed that the big powers have a
mutual interest, but has also intensified the differences in the presentation of interests based
on the old historical and geo-strategic premises. The Serbs still insist that they lose in peace
what they win in war and they keep on stalling and leaving the problem unsolved.

Their rejection faded the activities of the Geneva Conference and the activity of Lord Owen
and Thorwald Stoltenberg. Their efforts to change the situation in Bosnia were in vane,
because the EU was incapable to consolidate as a stable element, to solve the Bosnian
problem with a stable policy. Since the consolidation of the EU, this is its major crisis and, if
the formula of unification would be destroyed in Western Europe, Europe would go back to a
similar situation it faced in 1914. The idea of political Europe had all the premises of the
interruption all inter-European wars. Slowly, unity and cohesion disappeared. The new
political developments confirm the arrival of the Russian blue-helmets in the zones where the
Serbs had to withdraw from Igman, from where they had shelled Sarajevo two years in a row.

Rugova's visit to USA in February was commented with the biggest discretion. It was still not
sure whether he was meeting President Clinton. The Day Peace made the shaking of hands
possible, not at the level of two heads of states, but at a private level. We will support your
peaceful policy, Clinton promised Rugova, according to "Bujku". This visit, with all internal
problems, gave Rugova the political immunity for secure action.

March 2, arose with "KOHA". It published a survey, "Who will defend Kosova". Tirana and
Prishtina express big divergences who would have to defend Kosova in case of war.

Christine Von Kohl declared in Amsterdam that the Kosova Albanians must understand that
the West, despite the sympathies it has, is not in a situation to engage itself totally. Albanians
should understand that the International Community is not capable of fulfilling their requests

- 15 -
for many reasons of security. They must stress that they don't give up on their final purpose,
but should accept the cooperation which would assure them something as a transitory phase,
said Kohl.

Amongst the informations about the activities of the Police officials against some activists in
Macedonia, the involvement of the Macedonian government in the "weapons' affair",
President Berisha's conditioning who would be the Albanians to talk to in Macedonia, the
emotions of meetings among the Macedonians arose again. The weapons' affair arrested ten
people, including Mithad Emini, PPD 's Secretary. The Albanians in Macedonia were divided
into patriots and traitors. ATSH's comment divided the leaders in Macedonia, while the
announced Congress as the congress of unification, proved the contrary - the final division of
two groups - that of the MPs and ministers, and the "radical" of Menduh Thaçi.

At the same time, almost immediately, two trials in Macedonia and Kosova, were activated,
under the same accusation: armament and creation of the Albanian army. Some structures of
the LDK are mentioned for the first time: Fehmi Agani, Anton Kolaj, Bujar Bukoshi and Nik
Gjeloshi, but also the name of the Minister of Defense of Albania, Safet Zhulali, was implied.
The Albanian party declared that they have no idea about any Minister of Defence, but that it
will be established in the future. In the name of the "future ministry", 15 of its members were
beaten and arrested. Anton Kolaj, because of the created circumstances, fled the country
because it was supposed that he had been engaged in this project.

The close-down of the Institute of Albanology, the mistreatment and expulsion of the
scientists from the building, proved the inevitability of a systematic process which started
long ago aiming at the full de-institutionalization in the social life of the Albanians. The
Woman's day and the packed up cafeterias proved the determination not "to be provoked", the
continuance of the International March 8, and at the same time the beating and loneliness of
the Albanological Institute of Kosova. This was the last Albanian institution which was
dismounted according to the "one by one and without any noise" principle.

At the same time, Bujar Bukoshi, Prime-minister of Kosova declared in Washington that a
status of autonomy for Kosova could be acceptable, only as the first step towards the final
solution of the Albanian issue. Bukoshi's statement was only one more reason for the conflict
between Bukoshi and Rugova and Bukoshi and the LDK, to come to the surface. For the first
time, it is openly spoken of the (non)functioning of the Coordinating Body and the
Government of Kosova. The Coordinating Body, established in 1991 was wrapped with
enigma: does it function, when does it hold its meetings, when does it meet, what does it
decide about, in reality, does it decide about anything at all? Exploring all the problems, it
comes out that the Coordinating Body does not function and does not have any meetings at
all.

April of this year revealed another truth: the accusation that the Government had privatized
the contacts brings to the surface a new mystified segment to the extreme. The problem of the
Government of Kosova become actual after the resignation of several members of the LDK,
who accused Bukoshi that he had detached from our political reality. The whole accumulated
energy was used not to create a new content, but for safeguarding the inefficacious forms, by
making superficial changes, by changing individuals, but without touching the essence of the
problem.

The Peshkëpi massacre happened in Albania. While Greece was trying to determined the

- 16 -
perpetrators, there was proofs that since some time Greece was making preparations, by the
MAVI organization, Bishop Sebastianos and their services, to establish the "North Epirus"
autonomy. The attack was the beginning of a de-stabilizing campaign. It was not casual,
because it was the time when de-stabilizing zones were created. Possible ethnic conflicts
threaten the EU and its development under the motto "Europe of Regions", for there are 32
potential conflicts, without counting the Balkans and the former USSR. This was a
consequence of the lack of an effective system of the protection of the ethnicities, especially
in Europe, where they are mostly expressed. While the game of the ideas about conflicts was
going on, Gorazde is in fire. Croats and Muslims try to marry forcibly, while Macedonia is
affronting the Greek verbal attacks, which pushes some Macedonian forces towards the
pro-Bulgarian orientation.

In May, Clinton's Administration shows signs of determination for the first time. The first
bombarding gives hope that Bosnia's problem will be solved, but the elan stops immediately
after the first attack. The Congress, dissatisfied with Clinton's passiveness, discusses the
possibility to diminish President's competencies. I this time, nevertheless, Kosovans are
suggested that they can't count on their liberation by the American troops while watching
Satellite TV. The Kosovans think that America must be present in Kosova, since they trust its
force and the lack of strength of the other international actors.

Hogg's visit to Prishtina was shocking for many people. While "Bujku" stated that Hogg
supported Rugova's policy, Hogg had declared to "Borba" that Kosova's problem should be
solved within Serbia. This visit opened polemics and the "burning speakers" started attacking
one true statement of Hogg, that the independence of Kosova is our of the question and that
there will be no support for the idea.

In the created circumstances, and the impossibility to keep Kosova, because of it composition
and geography, the Serbs often started mentioning the division of Kosova. In one occasion, in
Kragujevac, Cosic declared that it was about time to divide Serbs and Albanians. Even, in the
time while he was still President, it was claimed that he had presented the project for the
division of Kosova. Djindjic, from the Democratic Party of Serbia, when asked which was his
party's posture about independence, war and the division of Kosova, he replied that these
were not simple questions, but were rather referendum questions. The analysts of the
International Politics and Economic Institute had a clear posture towards the questions, and it
differs a lot from the postures of the Serbian political parties. Albanians and Serbs should be
separated, say the experts of this institute. Serbia shouldn't allow the Albanians a new
autonomy within. First, because their territorial space is not sufficient. They are very rich and
in democratic relations they could, very fast, expand their territory within Serbia proper.
Taking into account that the birth rate of the Albanians will not decrease for some time,
because of the young age of the population, then it comes out that Albanians will equal the
Serbs in numbers in the second decande of the next century. Otherwise, in a short period of
time, they would make the border with Albania so relative, that it would be useless to try and
prevent the territorial unification of one nation. 78% of the Kosova Albanians think that they
can't see the future of Kosova in any future state of Yugoslavia.

The former US Ambassandor to Belgrande, Warren Zimmermann declared that "there is no

doubt that time will come when the Albanians will decide about their own fate". Senator
Robert Dole, for the first time, presents the resolution for lifting the arms' embargo against
Bosnia at the American Congress. Thus, pressure increases for a bigger presence of the US in
Bosnia, so the Muslims would escape being swallowed by Serbs.

- 17 -
In June, Rexhep Qosja calls the Albanian movement as "the movement of stagnation" and
qualifies it as incapable to solve a problem such is Kosova's problem.

After the dispersion of a good part of the Albanian Lobby in the US and LDK's erection,
Joseph DioGuardi declared that "Albanians have a trandition to gather all around a round
table, but when it comes to lobbying and this kind of activity, people must be selected and
professionals. This is the only way leaders as Rugova and Berisha should look upon us and
they should present us their needs, so we can push them through our channels".

Journalism in Kosova still was characterized with the creation of enemies. It was forgotten
that we would be far away from the purpose if we would have restricted the front and if in
continuance we would reveal "enemies and opponents" among co-nationals and the others.
While the decision making center was being mentioned, Mahmut Bakalli stated that this
center should be the foundation of the political-liberation activities. The number and profile
of people to be engaged should be determined according to two criteria: the verified
determination and the undisputable professional capacity.

The world press speak of the crimes in Bosnia and it was said that they differ from Nazi
crimes. The death factories in Treblinka and Auschwitz functioned on a non-personal basis:
in Bosnia, the victims and the murderers were, in majority of the cases, colleagues, neighbors,
even friends.

July was the most difficult for the Albanian movement. The Bukoshi-Rugova and
Bukoshi-LDK conflicts came to the surface. While the LDK wouldn't open up this issue,
Anton Kolaj's interview revealed many aspects of the Albanian movement, called the LDK.
First blows were exchanged in Tirana in the struggle for the post of the Head of the Kosova
Representative Office. Two decisions, one sent by Rugova and the other by Bukoshi, clash.
The competence is not determined, while the fist-blows decide who will be the Heand of
Office in Tirana. The whole problem is silenced and no comment is made, as if nothing had
happened.

August and September marked the deep crisis in the LDK. The "Convention of Silence" was
celebrated. President Rugova faces a series of resignations in the Presidency of the party after
the Convention. All dilemmas about the political quarrels became public after the resignation
of the second man of the LDK, Mr. Agani and the only woman member of the previous
presidency, Edita Tahiri. The dilemmas about who initiated the interviews and who were they
destined to, were clarified. After Agani's and Tahiri's blackmail, the Presidency changed the
decision and they came back as winners (?). The dilemmas about who is red and who is blue
in the LDK Presidency were neutralized by Rugova by minimizing all the created problems.

The deeper the profile of analysis of the Greek anti-Albanian, the less important the why of
the trial against the Albanian Greeks in Tirana. An absurd Greek opinion that Albania lives
only thanks to Greece, created the most serious scandal between these two countries, which
conditioned one-another. The first state requested the release of the Greeks, while the other
appealed for understanding and accused Greece for the incitement of the conflict in the
Balkans. The problem is still not clarified even though Greece conditioned Albania and
vetoed the assistance meant for Albania at the EU.

September and October were the months of diplomacy about Bosnia. Milosevic, already
declared a peacemaker, while another party said that as much as the "Serbian military beast"

- 18 -
is supported, that much will its appetite grow. For the first time, there are serious threats for
the withdrawal of the blue-helmets, even though the Juppé-Kinkel initiatives were very
serious. Nothing works out for them, because the competencies about the Bosnian problem
are not clear. One party, Russia, vetoed the proposal to lift the arms' embargo for the first
time.

After the solution of couple of internal problems and the consolidation of the party, the
members of the LDK presidency, heanded by Rugova, departed to Europe and USA.

The newest publication of Branislav Krstic "Kosova Between the Historical and the Ethnic
Right" was published in Belgrande. Evaluating that the Albanians had themselves developed
a policy to: increase their own population, "occupy the territory of Serbia", expel Serbs from
Kosova, Branislav Krstic, with a non-offensive tone and cold-bloodily comes to the
dangerous ascertainment that Kosova should be divided between Serbs and Albanians. At the
same time, Serbs again start writing petitions "against the Albanization of Kosova". The
father of the Serbian people, Dobrica Cosic, considers that one should evade the phraseology,
the expert on political sciences Simic considers Kosova lost in a long term period, while
amongst the Kosovans, the petition of Fushë Kosovë culminates with the arrest of the former
policemen. It was nothing else but the new game of the old actors.

In November and December, Rugova's visit are enigmatic to the Kosovan public, even though
the West's posture towards Kosova is clear. The meetings remained enigmatic and were
unnecessarily mystified. The elections in Macedonia brought the decrease of the number of
Albanian MPs in the Parliament, 19 instead of 23. The University of Tetova was inaugurated,
while its building in Reçicë was being ruined, even though the Macedonian Constitution
allows private high and superior education.

The Albanians in Albania were living their internal political crisis, because of Berisha's
political infantilism and all the noise about the Draft-Constitution. The presence of the
Kosova Albanian political parties in Berisha's campaign pro the adoption of the Constitution
caused an unusual political precedence. Pëllumbi used this as a reason to criticize Rugova and
accuse him for getting involved in Albania's internal affairs. The "No" to the Constitution
happened, and Albania faced the Governmental crisis.

The visit of President Rugova to the USA, taking into account the level and the messages
given to him, is considered as the most successful so far, along with the evaluations that US
will andvance the issue of Kosova. Rugova, once again, mystifies all the meetings by using
the known vocabulary and saying that the peaceful policy is supported. It is the last moment
to come out with concrete frames and clarify where does Kosova's political problem stand
right now. Kosova is the next to enter in the political line of the decision-making centers and
we don't clarify nor explain in details the problems gathered in the past five years. While
Rugova's visit is praised, 216 policemen are bestially mistreated. The procedure and law are
violated, and in all this Serbian project, we come out with the already known accusation
against Serbia. Serbia acts while we appeal.

The amplitudes of the optimism and pessimism in Kosova, nevertheless, depend on "Bujku",
KIC and the LDK. The war in Bosnia is coming closer to the end. The Serbian territorial
victory is almost sure and we, once again, as many years before, construct our policy
according to the political sects.

- 19 -
As the other years, this year, too, was the year of the construction of the paper tower.

KOSOVA

KAÇANIK'S MPs ARRESTED AND DEPORTED?

by Y.H. / Prishtina

The end of this year will also mark a surprising change of the politics of the neighbors
towards Kosova.

According to the first upsetting informations, over 20 MPs (the informations of the local
radio-stations in Albanian, in Macedonia, claim the number is 29) of the previous legislature
of the Assembly of Kosova who, after the adoption of the famous Constitution of the
Republic of Kosova, known as the Constitution of Kaçanik, on September 7, 1990, were
forced to flee Kosova. A group of them settled in Macedonia, living there in the past years.
Among the arrested, apart from the MPs and the Chairman Ilijaz Ramajli, there are two
intellectuals from Kosova and both correspondents of "Rilindja", Bedri Sadiku and Ramush
Tahiri, who had been also vice-premier of the Government of the Republic of Kosova.

According to some sources, the arrests started on Saturday, December 24. Some of the
delegates escaped on time, as was the case of Muhamed Bicaj, Minister of Education, who
fled to Albania after he was summoned to the police. Halim Demi, MP from Kaçanik, also
escaped imprisonment. However, this was not the fate of his colleagues. Six of them were
even deported and handed over to the Serbian organs. Thus, Refik Rakaj and Naser Sadiku
from Kaçanik, Shaban Hashani, Ali Shahini, Muhamet Shabani from Ferizaj, and Basri
Bajrami from Shtime were held at the police station in Ferizaj, the competent one for the
three municipalities, for seven hours.

As KOHA finds out, some of these MPs were deported with their families in a van. After they
were taken to the police, where they were held over 7 hours, and were told to come back
again, on Monday at nine o'clock sharp!

After the first informations broadcasted by "Voice of America" and BBC, came the reactions
of President Rugova and the Government of Kosova directed to the Government and
President of FYROM Gligorov. But, strangely enough, the Macedonian media do not confirm
the news about the arrest, even the Ministry of Internal Affairs of this Republic denies the
news about the arrests. There was, however, no denial for the hand-over of the six MPs to the
Serbian police. The Serbian media, on the other hand - "based on the informations of the
Albanian media", confirmed the news. According to the first reactions of the Albanian
political subject, this is a revenge of the Government for the University of Tetova, stressing
that these Kosovan political personalities served as "hostages" of the Macedonian policy.

Maybe it is coincidental, but this Christmas present of the Macedonian policy happens in
times when the Serbian president presents projects for the vertical Balkans Confederation,
and in the times when "the parallel Ministry of Internal Affairs of Kosova" is being arrested
in Kosova!

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Anyhow, the denial of the Macedonian organs that they hadn't participated in the action,
forces them to make clarifications, because if this is true, then the Serbian organs have
violated directly the sovereignty of FYROM, by entering, arresting and deporting the MPs of
another Republic, that of Kosova!

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