Theoritcal and Indigenous Perception of Community and Development-Libre

Pensee Journal Vol 76, No.
8;Aug 2014
227 office@penseejournal.com
Theoretical and Indigenous Perception of Community and
Development: ACase Study of Punjabi Cultural Context
Dr. Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry
In-charge, Department of Anthropology, PMAS-Arid Agriculture University Rawalpindi-Pakistan
Aftab Ahmed (Corresponding Author)
Anthropologist, Pakistan Association of Anthropology (PAA) Islamabad-Pakistan
Office #2, Lower Ground, Faysal Bank, Atta Arcade, Main PWD Road Islamabad-Pakistan
+92-345-974-0985, huda.aftab@gmail.com
Haris Farooq
Department of Anthropology, PMAS-Arid Agriculture University Rawalpindi-Pakistan
Abstract
The term community has long been defined by various scholars in their respective works. The aim of the
paper is to highlight the indigenous view of native Punjabis on the term community which brings forth the
reality that the social setup and folk-perception kept the nature friendly apprehensions regarding the
community that included natural environment, wild life and natural habitat. This paper explores the
indigenous interpreting of society as a concept that has to include two essential components which are the
sustainable population as dependent variable reckoning for sustainable natural resources that is the
independent variable. The native notion of balanced social life and sustainability very much comprised human
and non-human resources as well as organic and inorganic resources.
Key Words: Community, Resources, Sustainability, Cultural Perception, Indigenous Knowledge, Traditional
Farming, Development,
1. Introduction
Pakistan like other third world countries is mostly the recipient of non-local products, technology and
development bound brain set. It is also a known fact that whatever passed in the name of development was
merely imported from Western countries commonly famous as the First World in case of Pakistan. The case
of Pakistan after winning independence as indicated by Chaudhry (2013), Chaudhry and Chaudhry (2012) and
Saif (2010: 206) that Frailness and feebleness of Pakistans economic independence as well as destroying of
the traditional and indigenous institutions and left behind a legacy of colonial capitalism. The development
planning of Pakistan has its historical roots in Washington DC where the Harvard Advisory Group (HAG)
initiated the same on behalf of Pakistans government and its colonial brained bureaucracy (ibid).
The main aims of the paper are to contend that the word Development and community have been wrongly
defined. It is therefore that there has always been a conceptual lag between what the recipient population felt
about their needs and the development agencies whether private and public wanted to bring on ground. In the
name of development of the country particularly the rural areas the recipient target population was merely
thought to be the beneficiaries (a term borrowed from the Western Schools of Development and
Development Policy). Instead the cultural set up and make up of the Punjabi villages from the Mughal reign
have been independent enough to manage their affairs at the local level while putting an optimal utilization of
available resources. These historical practices were closely linked with arousing the feelings of self-
sufficiency among the rural masses. This is also historically known to us that villages in historical times were
Pensee Journal Vol 76, No. 8;Aug 2014
independent enough to look after their social, economic, political and eco-geographical matters. This was also
done while empowering the true representative body of the masses that was the Punchayat to officiate such
issues at local level.
Unfortunately, what we see through the three frail experiments of local government system in Pakistan i.e.,
Basic Democracies (General Ayub Khan), Local Government System (General Zia ul Haq) and Devolution of
Power (General Pervaiz Musharraf) that the local populations were treated as clients instead of being
thought as the owners of their local fate. This was not the only thing happened to the development history of
Pakistan rather the civic facilities (including health, basic and higher education, employment, business
opportunities, and better infra-structure were mostly monopolized by the urban centers). This unjust planning
bias resulted in the urban centers with more opportunities due to which unplanned rural-urban migration
happened to start without keeping in view the natural balance of the eco-systems which further resulted in
cities over crowded with rural flock, unemployed army of daily wage laborers, unplanned and unsupervised
town planning, swift raising of urban slums and even squatter settlements). This rural-urban migration also
ended in unprecedented crime rate in the cities in which the criminals were grouped and adopted a unified
code of looting and plundering. The social problems also sky-rocketed that included beggary, street crimes,
drug trafficking, human smuggling, prostitution, high suicide and divorce rates, and the direct outcomes of
inflation. The ecological damage to the urban centers were not the priority in any political reign of the country
but the gradual results have now been observed and transformed into a jinni out of bottle that is now
threatening the healthy and hygienic profile of cities.
The national situation mentioned above invited many researchers from within and outside the country to
analyze what is happening in the development endeavors and why such efforts have not been successful
enough. The contribution of such research chores referred to problems in quality of the change, a lineament of
the products offered in the name of development, and the procedural defects in the launch of development.
There has been a hot debate upon what was termed as development in the country especially for the rural
areas. In fact the development strategies (growth approach, Welfare approach and Integrated Rural
Development approach)as well as the developmental interventions (Prime Ministers Five Points
Developmental Agenda, V-AID, Tameer-i-Watan I & II, Peoples Works Program, Rural Works Program,
Peoples Program I & II, Social Action Program I & II, Khushaal Pakistan and Tawana Pakistan) have also
been analyzed which confirm the conclusion that it was a result of bureaucratic bottle-up and socially
alienated development planning (Chaudhry, 2013; Chaudhry and Chaudhry, 2012). Chaudhry and Chaudhry
also reinforce that Pakistan development case history unveils the bureaucratic mind set up and largely done
through pseudo and fake public representatives who were driven under their internal personalized drives. It is
crystal clear to infer that most of those fake politicians were the products of military controlled political
apparatus. Whereas on the other hand, the bureaucracy in post independence times retained their
predecessors mind set as indicated by Khan (2009) as referred by Chaudhry and Chaudhry (2012). Ahmed
and Rashid (2011) cited in Chaudhry and Chaudhry (2012) and Chaudhry (2013) that lack of representative
and responsive policy making results in disempowerment of the citizens undermining their entitlements
(Ahmed and Rashid, 2011: 82).
The authors in addition to it point out that top-down, non participatory and executive oriented
developmentalism that intentionally desires to maintain the status quo. This realm of affairs further
compromises the capacity at national level to set up developmental preferences after receiving primary
feedback obtained through original and carefully conducted research. Ahmed and Rashid (2011) have cited
the findings of Haque (2010) who refers to the economists with the stereotypical thinking that they know ins-
and-outs of development which not necessarily require the primary feed backs sought as a result of research.
The reality is that due to instable political process in the country, the bureaucratic structures of Pakistan have
become so powerful that denies accountability (Khan, 2009: 575). In the same manner the army controlled
governments of 1958, 1969, and 1977 had to depend on civil bureaucracy that further multiplied its power
(ibid: 576).
As a result, the term development confused its original meanings that was to benefit the masses and then the
nation which was to be actualized by effective and efficient governmental planning. The on-ground outcome
was infact the opposite in which the politicians used their public offices and power to maximise their self-
motivated interests and left the masses in total chaos. The confused orientation on the term development
further confused that role of politicians and planners in the development exercise. The arithmatic addition of
infra-structure was merely handed over to the politicians who used the developmental funds to bestow
political benefits upon their electoral supporters. This political factionalization of development not only
widened the gulf between rural and urban areas but also left the rural masses stupefied. The lack of proper
political socialization made the masses think that development is only possible if they manage to elect their
public representatives (by hook or by crook).
2. Review of Literature
It is my personal conviction and professional predilection that the development of the country can be possible
if we as a nation shun the Western developmental thinking as well as avoid the colonial schema of
development that is through bureaucracy. As a matter of fact, there is no problem with bureaucratic structure
to monitor the developmental process in the country but that role has to be supervisory or monitoring without
the capacity to influence the transparent delivery development target that ensure the nation building in the
country. A number of Scholars who worked on various social, economic, political issues of Pakistan have
signaled towards the manipulative character of the public offices that is responsible to create a gap among the
masses which further gives birth to manifold problems for the country.
The development of the country shall only mean development from the grass roots. The local development
shall be for all the masses irrespective of the political affiliations, caste influences, and other basis of
discrimination. The case of Pakistan clearly speaks of total absence of the spirit that is development for all
rather it is region, caste and political party based. This leads to the mishandling of resources and funds
invested in the development which concludes that development is not comprehensive when it comes to the
masses. Similarly, the inconsistent policy shifts and governmental priorities also affect the development
which demonstrates the severe waste of national resources that are already meager to comply with the
resource-population equation. Now is the time to encourage the primary research tradition that facilitates the
government and development agencies of the country to plan according to the needs of the country in which
preference shall be given to the masses. The masses ought to come first in national development process. The
Marxist paradigm on development as well as the off-shoot of Dependency theory clearly speaks of the
development that is perceived as an instrument of creating dependency among the masses to expect obedience
instead of liberating them to handle their life and developmental priorities. This is also solidified by Ted
Lewellen who opines that the colonial times witnessed the client states only responsible for provision of
human labor instead of enjoying the direct benefits of development chores (Lewellen, 2003). It is to enunciate
and ascertain that the traditional thinking on development (Rostow, 1960, 1962 & 1978 and Eisenstadt, 1964,
1967 & 1970) has ceased to be responsive to the unheard and unseen diverse cultural and historical factors
responsible for purposeful development of the respective countries. These factors are vital because they could
accelerate or slow down the development of any nation of the world. In a scene so, the total ignorance of the
indigenous knowledge and practices played its role in hampering the development process. If the same would
have been done, the developing nations would have the right idea to see the desired way and direction to seek
self-sufficiency and self reliance. In case of dependency theory, L. R. Stavrianos (1981: 34-35) as discussed
by Lewellen (2003) states:
The underdevelopment of the Third World and the development of the First World are not isolated
and discrete phenomena. Rather they are organically and functionally interrelated.
Underdevelopment is not a primal or original condition, to be outgrown by following the
industrialization course pioneered by Western nations. The latter are overdeveloped today to the
same degree that the peripheral lands are underdeveloped. The states of developedness and
underdevelopedness. The states of developedness and underdevelopedness are two side of the same
coin.
The creation of biased developmental terminology of first, second and third world as well as the core
peripheral and semi peripheral countries (Immannuel Wallerstein, 1974, 1979, 1980, 1986) have put the world
into an unending debate of who shall come first. It has also become a race between the nations with advanced
technology as well as the ones with rich natural resource base. It is beyond any doubt that the Western nations
have remarkably progressed in the fields of research and technological advancements that have put them into
a patron-client relation with the so-called nations of the third world. The current state of affairs demands to
involve the active role of social sciences that plead the normative aspect of development like Anthropology
(Barnard, 2004; and Barnard & Spencer, 2005). It is so because development anthropology has seriously
questioned the single-sided development dimension that is economic (Ferraro, 2008).
To speak the truth is that the simple term development is a mainly used by the stakeholders in fashions that
suited their vested interests. To date there is no single definition of development upon which one can expect a
unanimous consensus. As the conceptual clarity shakes so are the pro rata of public policy, directions, plans,
and interventions framed for it. There is no hiding of the fact that this term has been used with political
agenda not for the real target populations and localities. It is therefore the situation in Pakistan witnesses the
huge provincial and regional disparities in the country. This is imperative to mention that the constitutional
promise to revitalize the local government system under the constitutional umbrella has never been actualized.
If this would have been allowed by the post 1973 governmental setups, the nation would have been trained to
govern their affairs at the local level, elect the capable public representative and eventually politically
socialized with democratic norms and values. And, in addition to it the country would have earned truly
trained and dedicated flock of politicians from the local level. It was expected so that they would have been
aware of the true masses feelings and needs.
Another closely connected idea with the term development is the community which is again a debatable
term and largely used in the same style and mode as development did. The Cambridge Dictionary of
Sociology (2006) cited various scholars like renowned scholar Amitai Etzioni who refers to the term
community as critiqued by critics that it is of questionable value because it is so ill defined. In the same way
Margaret Stacey emphasized that the solution to this problem is to avoid the term altogether (cited in Colin
Bell and Howard Newbys edited The Myth of Community Studies (1974). Moreover, Bell and Newby
declare that, There has never been a theory of community, nor even a satisfactory definition of what
community is (1974: xliii).
The Encyclopedia of Social Problems (2008) states that the Theorists do not agreed on the precise definition
of community. What is broadly agreed upon is that community is a locus of social interaction where people
share common interests have a sense of belonging, experience solidarity, and can expect mutual assistance.
Encyclopedia of Social Work (2008) defines that Communities are one of the many social systems that touch
peoples lives and shape their individual and group identities.
Brueggemann (2006) contends that community needs to be embodied to have existence. By that he means that
community must be identified with a physical space that symbolizes the community for its members, and for
those who are not part of the community. This might be a territory with clearly defined boundaries, such as a
town or municipality-sometimes referred to as a locality based community. Joseph (2002) has suggested that
community is less about social identity and more related to practices of production and consumption under
capitalism. Community is frequently used to connote a scale at which people can easily interact and recognize
one another, although as Anderson (1991a [1983]) argued in relation to nations, community can be imagined
and actualized through media and culture rather than interpersonal.
Ferdinand Tonnies envisioned community (Gemeinschaft) as ones family and intimate life, while society
(Gesellschaft) was an imaginary and mechanical structure (Tonnies, 1955 [1887], p. 37). Tonnies (2001
[1887]) conceptualization of community as a traditional rural phenomenon sets it in opposition to or pre-
dating industrial capitalism (Bender, 1978; Joseph, 2002). Various scholars see community as missing from,
or left behind by, modernity. They seek a return to mutual support and responsibility, which, they argue, form
the basis of community and social values (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler and Tipton, 1985). The Penguin
Dictionary of Sociology edited by Nicholas Abercrombie, Stephen Hill and Bryan S. Turner (1994) talk about
the term that community is one of the most elusive and vague in Sociology and is by now largely without
specific meaning.
It is only after a long survey of relevant literature that a branch of Applied Psychology known as Community
Psychology that focuses on person-environment interactions usually at the level of the community and is
aimed at improving the general quality of life within a community (The Cambridge Dictionary of Psychology,
2009). Similarly, another dictionary of Psychology defines Community psychology as a combination of
applied Clinical and Social Psychology that attempts to foster the well-being of psychologically disturbed
people by intervening in their social environment and utilizing the resources of their community to help them
adapt. Modern Dictionary of Geography (2001) defines Community as a set of interacting but often diverse
groups of people found in a particular locality. Although the term implies groups bound together by common
ties and in harmony, a significant aspect of many communities is of strongly differentiated groups, whose
particular interests and values may conflict (Dictionary of Geography, 2001).
The sociology of community has been a dominant source of sociological inquiry since the earliest days of the
discipline. Each of the three most influential nineteenth century sociologists (Marx, Durkheim, and Weber)
regarded the social transformation of community in its various forms to be a fundamental problem of
sociology and sociological theory. Thomas Bender (1978) suggests that as early social thinkers observed the
disruption of the traditional social order and traditional patterns of social life associated with industrialization,
urbanization, and the rise of capitalism, significant attention was focused on the social transformation of
community and communal life. It should be emphasized that contemporary sociology remains, at its core, a
discipline largely concerned with the definition and persistence of community as a form of social
organization, social existence, and social experience. The definition of community in sociology has been
problematic for several reasons, not the least of which has been nostalgic attachment to the idealized notion
that community is embodied in the village or small town where human associations are characterized as
Gemeinschaft: that is, associations that are intimate, familiar, sympathetic, mutually interdependent, and
reflective of a shared social consciousness (in contrast to relationships that are Gesellschaftcasual,
transitory, without emotional investment, and based on self interest). This leads to the conclusion that
according to this traditional concept of community, the requirements of community or communal existence
can be met only in the context of a certain quality of human association occurring within the confines of
limited, shared physical territory. (Encyclopedia of Sociology, 2000).
In the Encyclopedia of Community, David E. Pearson stated, To earn the appellation community, it seems
to me, groups must be able to exert moral suasion and extract a measure of compliance from their members.
That is, communities are necessarily, indeed, by definition, coercive as well as moral, threatening their
members with the stick of sanctions if they stray, offering them the carrot of certainty and stability if they
dont (Pearson 1995, p. 47). International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences (2001) cites
Sassen who says that Community denotes first a local government (village, town, city). Second it conveys
social integrationactual, or desired by the speakeras in the global community. Community sociology
was shaped by Tonnies, Weber, and Durkheim in the late nineteenth century over concerns for rural decline,
industrialization, and urbanization. They held that small communities generated more social integration.
These concerns continue today, but in the post-industrial word, globalization is reshaping the basic contours
of social life, via global capitalism, worldwide migration, mass communication, and the Internet (Sassen
1991).
Louis Herns Marcelin (2006) in the Encyclopedia of Anthropology narrates that concept of community
developed mostly in sociology to refer to an organic whole whose components are tied together by a common
and innate moral order. He states that Classical literature on community emphasizes its homogeneity in
terms of the beliefs and activities of its members, who are interrelated in face-to-face relationships and whose
allegiance and belonging are clearly defined. He says while the nature of modernity is presented as
impersonal and bureaucratic. Anthropology, to a certain extent, has contributed to this view because of
anthropologists strategic insertion and approach to the field as a unified and self-contained whole. He
further adds from the rise of anthropology as a discipline in the 19th century until recently, the most
privileged areas carved for ethnographic investigation remained the exotic others living in non-Western
societies, where ecology and social organization combined with research interests to generate a particular unit
of analysis conceived of as community, endowed with a quasi-ontology. He finally elaborates that it is
within this paradigm that after World War II, community studies in Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa,
Southeast Asia, and even in the United States became popular among anthropologists in their quest to grasp
discrete worlds (communities) that could escape the capillary power of the nation-state. During the end of the
1960s through the mid-1970s, the rising voice of multiple currents within anthropology and cultural studies
culminated in the concept being reevaluated. This reevaluation resulted from the effect of sociopolitical
movements that gave voices to different segments of society and expression of identities.
The concept of community has been one of the widest and most frequently used in social science; its
examination has been a focus of attention for at least the past 200 years. At the same time a precise definition
of the term has proved elusive. Among the more renowned attempts remains that of Robert Redfield (1960
[1949]: 4), who identified four key qualities in community: a smallness of social scale; a homogeneity of
activities and states of mind of members; a consciousness of distinctiveness; and a self-sufficiency across a
broad range of needs and through time. Frankenberg (1966) suggests that it is common interests in achievable
things (economic, religious, or whatever) that give members of a community a common interest in one
another. For Minar and Greer (1969), physical concentration (living and working) in one geographical
territory is the key. For Warner (1941), meanwhile, a community is essentially a socially functioning whole: a
body of people bound to a common social structure which functions as a specific organism, and which is
distinguishable from other such organisms. Consciousness of this distinction (the fact that they live with the
same norms and within the same social organization) then gives community members a sense of belonging.
Anthony Cohen has applied these ideas perhaps most fruitfully to the concept of community (1985).
Community, he argues, must be seen as a symbolic construct and a contrastive one; it derives from the
situational perception of a boundary which marks off one social group from another: awareness of community
depends on consciousness of boundary. The earlier works on community can be seen to imbue the
evolutionary schemas of such nineteenth-century visionaries as Maine, Durkheim and Marx. In particular they
are associated with the work of German sociologist Ferdinand Tnnies who, in 1887, posited the
transcendence of community (Gemeinschaft) by society (Gesellschaft). What he hypothesized (1957
[1887]) was that the traditional, static, naturally developed forms of social organization (such as kinship,
friendship, neighbourhood and folk) would everywhere be superseded (in zero-sum fashion) by associations
expressly invented for the rational achievement of mutual goals (economic corporations, political parties,
trades unions).
Azarya (1984) cited in The Social Science Encyclopedia (2005) defines Community, in the sense of type of
collectivity, usually refers to a group sharing a defined physical space or geographical area such as a
neighborhood, city, village or hamlet; a community can also be a group sharing common traits, a sense of
belonging and/or maintaining social ties and interactions which shape it into a distinctive social entity, such as
an ethnic, religious, academic or professional community. The differences are between what may be called
territorial and non-territorial approaches. The Encyclopedia of Social History (1994) describes that Social
historians of Europe first expressed their interest in community through studies of collective protest activities
(from food riots to working-class political mobilization); more recently they have focused on popular culture
and leisure activities. For many authors, community in Europe equaled the village, parish, or other bounded
unit of pre-modern society.
Sandria (1990) has been cited in the Encyclopedia of Social History who iterates that By contrast, the
scholarly discussion for other parts of the worldparticularly the Third World areas subject to imperialism
has focused on other forms of social organization as the basis of pre-modern community, most notably caste
or tribe orreflecting the vast agrarian societies these imperial structures ruledvillages. (Analysts are only
now beginning to delineate the extent to which these ostensibly ethnographic categories were, in fact, colonial
constructions that served central political purposes in the ideology of rule.) For historians of India, for
instance, the concept of community has provided a fundamental mode of analysis. Conditioned by
anthropologists and 19thcentury administrators alike, community in the South Asian context has continued to
refer to village or caste or to their urban equivalents, such as identities relating to region of origin (and, hence,
linguistic identity), caste status, or religious belief. More recent studies have broadened their horizons,
examining popular protest and cultural activities in terms similar to those used by scholars of Europe, but
often still focusing on caste, region, and religion. Marxist scholars have attempted, without great success, to
interpolate class identity into this array of community identities. To date, only a handful of studies have
moved beyond caste and religion to discuss other forms of local organization and identity that could constitute
the basis for community, such as neighborhood or voluntary association. Indeed, the most dramatic event of
recent historythe division of the subcontinent in 1947 into two separate postcolonial states ostensibly along
lines of religious identityhas often, if implicitly, dominated these analyses.
3. Materials and Methods
3.1 Locale
The current study was conducted in the Union Council of Sacha Soda in the Tehsil and district of
Sheikhupura district of the Punjab province. The district lies roughly between North latitudes 31.0 degree and
32.5 degree and East longitudes 73.5 and 74.42 degree. The village Sacha Soda is 18 km from Sheikhupura.
Data collection was done through the exploratory method while using main techniques of participant
observation, informal interviews via key informants, focused group discussions and community meetings.
3.2 Informal Interviews
There were situations during information gathering when the researcher needed to interact with my
respondents in more informal way to get more information in a face to face situation. It was difficult for me
however to conduct these informal interviews with the respondents because of fact that most of time
respondents were busy in looking after their daily chores due to which researcher had to wait long hours to
converse with my respondents in person for a detailed discussion. During the first phase of data collection,
researcher came across problems of communicating with the respondents especially whenever he tried to
collect information from respondents in relation to the framework of study. Later on during second phase of
data collection, researcher shifted his focus to informal chats with respondents due to which loads of valuable
information was gathered. This method was useful because as compared to the administration of Socio-
economic survey forms, this method kept people at ease and instigated a volunteer response among
respondents regarding information sharing process.
3.3 Focused Group Discussions
Most of the time, researcher had to rely on this technique especially in early days because respondents in day
time were stuck with their work and other routine matters whereas in evening times people used to gather in
smaller groups at their respective mens rooms. This method was helpful in a way that it used to obtain loads
of information in short span of time as compared to other techniques. During the data collection, there were
times when researcher also needed to conduct a focused group interview in order to help senior respondents to
recall their past experiences which in a group form better recalled their memories as one respondent helped
the other to remember the details of an event especially the past development experiences, previous local
governments aftermath as well as the social and economic condition of the area. Usually, researcher
happened to conduct group interviews on common topics like to discuss the role of local markets in
agriculture, staff behavior of agriculture, irrigation and revenue departments, implementation of devolution
plan through union councils, and role of power factions in local political life. It was mostly observed that
response of one respondent also encouraged others to participate in the discussion. The researchers mostly
conducted the group interviews through pre-determined set of questions but at the same time during my work
on indigenous farming practices, the researcher mostly used the unstructured format.
3.4 Community Meetings
In initial days of my interaction with respondents during community meetings, this was only method that was
used because it was hard to judge that out of my respondents who were most appropriate to contact. Later, it
developed as a technique that before start of any new area of inquiry in my research work, the researcher used
to conduct focused group discussion to find out most knowledgeable respondents for further interaction with
them in a more personalized way. This method was very helpful when researcher was compiling details of
indigenous model of development (IMD). The way of conducting focused group discussion was very
interactive in which members were very keen to participate. In a sense, it also provided a forum to the senior
people of the village to socialize with their age fellows with an idea in mind that they were contributing
something. This method served four important functions which were as under:
1. Firstly identification of the respondents who had been practicing IK related agricultural activities;
2. Secondly, the preference was given to respondents, who were somehow politically aware;
3. Thirdly, the necessity of knowledge about development and community organization in their local terms;
and,
4. Fourthly, their willingness to share their experiences was the basic condition during core group operation.
This focused group technique was termed by the researcher as Core Group in the sense that the members of
the group were the people who shared valuable information on the social, economic and climatic suitability of
the traditional methods of agriculture.
4. Results
4.1 Basti or Pindthan: The Community
A commonsensical approach to apprehend the term Community is to lookup the most vernacular usage of
the said term in the daily diction, psycho-social perception or common use dictionary. As per the vision of the
Word Web dictionary on the term in question defines it as A group of people living in a particular local area
or Common ownership. The definitional confusion was raised during the conduct of ethnography of a
Punjabi village that aimed to explore the indigenous farming practices and possibly seek holistic
understandings as well as indigenous cognitive and ecological discernments regarding the traditional farming
methods.
The villagers view abaadi as a living unit comprised of people having their needs dependent on one another.
The word basti communicates the sense of people gathered to live together in mutual cooperation.
Community for the villagers is inclusive of the domestic unit along with wasaael including agriculture land
particularly communal land called shamilat. It also includes local flora and fauna with which people have a
utility based relation. Respondents in village shared their views on community in words below:
Abaadkaran nay is zamin nu abaad kita jadon nehraan banian tay bailay khatam hoay.
Lookan nu zaminan milian tay unha nay apnay khuttam tay kunbay apnian zamina tay
wasaey. Zamindar di shan hai wai-beiji. Zamin maah hai tay maah di izzat day wastay kuch
banda kuch vi ker sakda ay.
Translation:
The settlers inhabited this land. Because before that it was a huge forest area, people after
getting their lands preferred to live by their lands while bringing their extended families and
relatives. A landholders respect is due to his familial land which is like mother because it
feeds them. Like mother, a landowner can go to any extent to save it.
The villagers cited example of Mecca city that grew around a water spring. People inhabited the place due to
availability of water. The same pattern was repeated in canal colonies of Punjab where people established
their communities due to the agricultural land that was main source of their livelihood. According to villagers,
community is the teacher that establishes means of socialization in which people learn methods of survival.
Community comprises agents of socialization like wadkay or sianay (visionary elders) as a big source of
learning methods of livelihood. Social institutions of Tabbar (nuclear family), kunba (extended family) and
biraderi (brethren/caste) also play important role in socialization of youth.
The institutions like parya and punchayat at community level organize indigenous knowledge and practices.
Normally, a matter related to village level is heard in parya in which elders dispose cases in the light of
evidences from known history of village as well as expert opinion of specialists in relative fields like alims
(religious specialists), peers (spiritual guides), hakeem (herbalist), wadkay or sianay (visionary elders who
also act as opinion leaders), etc. The parya is an appropriate forum where youth observe their elders dealing
with various matters related to village. Parya is a democratic forum where people are given equal chances to
speak and participate in various village issues. A matter concerning two or more villages is dealt at punchayat
in which the jury comprises opinion leaders from all member villages so that equal representation is ensured.
The decisions of both parya and punchayat have to be accepted by people because of the members of both
forums due to their respect and good fame. Failure to comply with decisions of both bodies results in social
dislike and disapproval of non-complying parties in the area. It is rarely heard that somebody denied
accepting the decisions of both levels of these bodies even the influential landlord have to come and witness
the proceedings if they are summoned. Both parya and punchayat are informal social organizations that
ensure disposal of issues related to villages at local level. Both bodies possess effective control and
implementation mechanism in favor of its decisions.
Third important feature of basti is the local experts or specialists in various fields like agriculture, livestock
management, herbalists who are specialist of herbs and trees to give advice on medicinal as well as
commercial values, and experts from various other guilds. The presence of experts in a punchayat largely
depends of the nature of issue under consideration of jury of punchayat. For example if a case of theft is under
consideration of parya or punchayat, then village elders would surely call khoji (traditional foot print reader).
These foot print readers are known for their adept skills of chasing the right directions of escape of criminals
after incidence.
So far as the second half of basti is concerned, wasaael constitute the resources necessary to sustain human
life. It includes agricultural land, water sources, forest area, communal land and livestock.
4.2 Taraqqi (Development)
To conceptualize the term taraqqi, a senior respondent summed up that taraqqi bunyadi tur tey wasaael
day khatmay day naal, wasaael dey barhaway da naa ay (development is basically to utilize resources to
ensure its best use without fearing its exhaustion). People of village think that collective efforts can bring
positive results and can also help community organize for a joint social cause. Village community is more
concerned about their surrounding circumstances in terms of social cohesiveness. The population is
segregated in various caste groups which are united at parya level. Matters related to village are dealt by
seeking social consensus which is the only mean to plan or launch any intervention.
People compare their experience with previous developmental efforts in village and state that development
should not be something that puts people in negative competition. This negative competition was experienced
by people during running of Agronomic Research Project (ARP), Second Scarp Transition Project (SSTP),
Water Management Program (WMP) and Devolution of Power. People view that the projects had weaknesses
in its implementation phases. Moreover, the project staff was not trained to cope with the potential hurdles.
Many hindrances were oversimplified or ignored by staff and planners which later on turned devastative.
Village community thought that these weaknesses were manipulated by influential landlords to increase their
hegemonic control over people. According to them, projects were not democratic in functioning therefore
people who did not have any link or support from village power factions were excluded from beneficiaries
list. It was due to this pressure that turned people to join these factions just to take benefits from project
offerings.
Taraqqi is independence from externalities not an addiction. The beneficiaries have to take their independent
decisions in order to exert better and effective control over their livelihoods and available resources at
community level. According to local notion, development in terms of mechanical technology as experienced
by village farmers has even worsened the situation and led to many problems in village. Firstly, it created an
army of unemployed laborers; secondly, it compelled people to migrate to adjacent towns and especially to
neighboring districts in search of jobs; thirdly, it caused a trend in favor of international migration especially
in Gujranwala district; fourthly, the cities currently experiencing pressed economic crisis were not able to
provide work opportunities to all migrants.
The bulk of unemployed laborers were frustrated and their idleness raised incidences of conflict and violence
within households as well as in villages social life. The negative impacts were more over the middleclass of
village that lost its interests in work diligently. Villagers referred to rise in cases of adultery, drinking, theft,
money and cell phone snatching. Upon further probing, respondents replied that it is the village youth that is
indulged in such criminal acts. Few cases of elopement and consequent fights were also cited. Elders of
village responded that unplanned and overwhelming shout for mechanization instead of helping rural people
resulted in problems.
Majority of villagers who experienced farm mechanization are again shifting back to their traditional farming
practices. The case of economic factors was main reason due to which farmers thought to reap more benefits
and the same resulted in the rejoin of traditional practices. The modern agriculture methods became
economically infeasible for the subsistence level farmers to keep their pace with it. The process of
mechanization only suited wealthy and big landlords who had resources to join commercial agriculture. Their
economic cushion provided them a shelter to transform their agriculture chores into a profitable business
activity. A core group of key informants of village were comparing their experience with previous projects in
which planners and project officials were under influence of powerful factions of village. This core group was
critical of naukar-shahi approach (top-down) adopted by development experts and agencies. Whereas, the
core group opined that instead of launching a real grass root development opportunity, the bureaucratic styled
development approach only favored power holders of village. It simply excluded the laymen from
development process. The local strategy adopted by lay men was that they also decided to join the factions
run by power groups of village to be a part of this exercise.
The core group of villagers insisted upon the local skills to be employed as featuring village level
development process while utilizing the local resources. These resources whether they are natural or human
have to be locally available so that traditional independence of rural areas is reinstated. This thing could in
turn also result positive in favor of controlling overwhelming rural-urban migration. Respondents shared that
for long lasting effects of development initiatives, masses have to be the first to receive the benefits. Villagers
were critical of public offices because they thought that a layman cannot consult them at his own will. There
is no mechanism to assist layman in these departments. Political influence has turned the delivery system to
be weak to address a common mans needs. The core group also added their views on why the system in
Pakistan stopped responding to the need of people of Pakistan. The views included instability of political
office and inefficient delivery system to reply to social needs of people. It is due to which the social
institution of family, caste and personal support networks are still influential and operational. People have
more faith in their local patron who though exerts power but also helps in cases especially related to dealing
with police and other important district offices like agriculture, irrigation, revenue, rural development,
community development, education and health.
Baba Waris (an elder from core group) commented that basti serves two purposes. Firstly, it responds to the
individual needs of persons and secondly it serves the collective social needs of community. Baba Waris
divided village community into five classes according to their role and functions in social change process and
community work in village. Development is evidently a process of increasing the efficiency of social
institutions to respond fruitfully to folks needs. The classifications propounded by Baba Waris are as under:
1. Jantey Nahin (a group of people who have no access to information. They are simply ignorant);
2. Jantey Hain, Maantey Nahin (a group of people who possess knowledge and know how to take initiatives
but they do not take risk and therefore refrain from accepting change);
3. Maantey Hain, Amal Nahin Kertey (group of people who know worth of collective efforts for development
but they do not become a part of development practice);
4. Amal Kertey Hain, Kayam Nahin Rehtey (a group of people who do accept change and practice but they do
not assume the change on sustainable basis); and,
5. Amal Kertey Hain, Kayam Rehtey Hain (a group of people who accept and practice change on sustainable
basis).
Unlike conventional styles of development, indigenous development notion is erected upon the sustainable
utilization of both abaadi and wasaael. The top-down approach and its immediate opposite bottom-up
approaches are directly exclusive of its opponent. The indigenous styled development approach is inclusive of
encouragement of self reliance over available human and natural resources. The basti approach is the best
carrier of indigenous development. It makes a usage of working for the people through people and by the
people. The resources are best utilized without the commercial harvest of natural resources. People of village
cite examples of shamilat (communal land) to be best source of animal pasture during fodder dearth. It also
served a source of fire material and provided certain medicinal plants and herbs to the village community. The
disappearance of communal lands due to seize of power groups and manipulations of other influential factors
(discussed in ARP history in chapter four), the community lost its traditional source of animal pasture, fuel
source and medicinal plants. The deforestation of forest also affected the aesthetics, medical as well as
environmental resources of village.
5. Discussion
5.1 Native Perspective On The Term Community And Linkages With Development
As per the views of the respondents of the village Sacha Soda of the District Sheikhupura of the Pakistani
Punjab, the term Community can best be denoted as Pindthan or Basti. The question why I got interested
in studying the concept of community in detail was the conceptual lag between what the term community was
taught to me during the student days. This perceptual learning via the taught term was again reinforced by the
existing literature and the so-called intelligentsia as well as development champions in Pakistan. My student
life understanding regarding the term was then focused on its Urdu synonym Abaadi. And this initial
learning went on concretizing itself as I took a start in Social Research in Pakistan under the banners of
various development agencies. It was only when I was working in my study locale for the sake of collecting
field data and information from the native respondents for my doctoral research that I noticed this definitional
lag.
Most importantly this is a recognized fact that there is no consensus upon the definition of the word
community in relevant social and natural sciences especially political science, social work, sociology,
psychology, ecology, geography, geology, demography, environmental sciences and social history. What is
commonly perceived in terms of defining community leads to the specific mind sets of each subject
respectively (to a larger extent that totally makes sense). My career in practicing Anthropology has sewed an
inclination of perceiving things and objects in holistic fashion.
There was confusion between what was taught to me and what I observed during the field work in a village of
Sheikhupura district of the Punjab. The residents of the village took the words Basti or Pindthan into holistic
and comprehensive manner. The aim of this paper was to understand the unique way of the village people in
which they categorized the word community. As I supplicated that this term in Punjabi language served two
purposes which were studied in detail in order to learn why is the term community not relevant to
apprehensions of the villagers of Sacha Soda.
I would now describe the etymology of both the local terms Pindthan and Basti:
Basti: This term is derived from the Punjabi language that denotes Population that is sustainably prolonging
itself. In its comprehensive way it means to refer to the human settlement that is capable enough of
procreation as well as prolonging. The sense of procreation signifies that the man has developed an
understanding of his surrounding vicinity. This learning about the locus where he has been living for centuries
is the truth speaking secrete of his successful survival in face of many hardships and challenges. And this
overtime understanding is now helpful for evolving methods and techniques that are deemed necessary for the
continuation of the human life in a particular region. The word Basti communicates two hidden meanings of
this umbrella argot. First it tells us about the humans who are the main constituent of this term. Second, it
conveys a pointer towards the resources that are significant for the longevity of human life particularly the
natural resources including water, land, flora and fauna. This term perfectly makes sense that continuation of
life can only be possible if any particular geographic region is replete with resources that are just mentioned
above to support the life continuation mechanism. Similarly, the human that inhibit the land or a specific
geographic territory are not only searching the sources and resources for seeking assurance of their survival
but also receiving the stimuli for refining their techniques and methods of survival in terms of improving the
capacity and efficiency of their tools. In this way, the human beings stimulate their survival mechanism in a
desired direction that further ensures continuity of human life. Upon this very standard, we can see the
digging stick getting transformed into wooden plough and then into the wave of highly efficient tractors in all
over the world.
Thus, Basti also communicates its inseparable connection with the sustainability of the sources and resources
that has to be ascertained for prolongation of life. This exactly coincides with the concept of sustainability
that speaks of harvesting of resources in a way that they remain available for the future generations. This
indigenous Punjabi term largely resembles the sister terms of sustainable development and other related but
distinct terms like sustainable communities, sustainable resource management, sustainable livelihoods, or
sustainable societies as defined by Willis Jenkins in his edited works of Berkshire Encyclopedia of
Sustainability (Vol, 1, page 380-388).
The Berkshire Encyclopedia of Sustainability defines that the root concept of sustainability refers to the
ability of an activity to endure without undermining the conditions on which it depends (XXI-XXII). The
encyclopedia further elaborates that In its increasingly common use, the concept of sustainability frames the
ways in which environmental problems jeopardize the conditions of healthy economic, ecological, and social
systems (ibid: 380). The term sustainable though keeps its intellectual background in the natural sciences
especially ecology but now this term has many connotations in social sciences particularly economics and
anthropology.
The term sustainable development won international attention via report of the World Commission on
Environment and Development, Our Common Future in 1987. The report is also famous as Brundtland
Report presented by the then Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland. The report defined
Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the
ability of future generations to meet their own needs (WCED 1987:43; Jenkins & Bauman, 2010; Chaudhry,
2013; Chaudhry & Chaudhry, 2011).
Similarly, the cultural construct of the word Pindthan (another synonym for the term community) also
carries two hidden signifiers that further denote Pind that is the population and the than that is the land and
prerequisite resources to perpetuate the social and cultural life. Again both terms Pind and Than communicate
the prerequisites of human social life without which the life can neither sustain itself nor can it support the
natural habitat.
During the course of study, it was noted with grave concern that village people had main four expectations by
growing trees regarding coming future. Firstly they related the tree growth to their dead ancestors to serve a
religious preaching that is to benefit the dead ancestors by dedicating the blessings of Allah. Secondly,
villagers grow trees for the economic compensation on the occasion of daughters marriage by selling the
trees, using them for dowry items and fire fuel. Thirdly, in order to control the soil and land erosion
respectively. Fourthly, the villagers grew tree in order to erect a fence against the unexpected flood during
raining seasons or any out of the blue and unforeseen damage in the two huge canals that passed through their
vicinity. This utility approach not only engaged them in tree plantation rather knitted them in a nature friendly
relation.
Similarly the land that served the main source of livelihood was also culturally symbolizing the mother image
for the village people. The folks believed that their agricultural land is just like their mother. The cultural
meaning of relating land to mother can be understood that mother is the most concerned figure in a mans life
regarding all material and non material needs of her children similarly land upon tilling brings fruits,
vegetables, edible and cash crops for the farmers and upon digging it brings fresh and clean water for them.
The second feature of man-land bond is when the villagers related land to a mothers lap. They believed that
after death they will be buried in their graves which are also resting place of man after life. It is so if someone
does good deeds the same is the result otherwise the grave and its connected Islamic concept of trial after
death brings land and grave the focal concepts to pay off old scores, wrong doings and evil deeds. It is thus
the two fold idea that acts as a binding force and creates a humane link between man and land.
The views of the villagers about linking the concepts of Pindthan or Basti with the sustainable Development
and modernization are also worth noticing. The Villagers use the term Zamindar (land holder) for a person
who owns his land (either inherited from forefathers or purchased). The Zamindar is generally a respectable
person in the rural life. Similarly the one who sells his ancestral land is taken as rootless and he does not
enjoy a social respect among his fellows. It is due to the belief of the villagers that land is mother and he
who sells land is just like selling ones own mother. And the one who sells his mother cannot be trusted to be
beneficial for his fellowmen in the village. If God forbid someone sells or has to sell his land, he usually
moves to some urban area because the only bond that connected him to the village had vanished. The selling
of land is normally done for the sake of overcoming some economic challenges or to move to any urban
center for the sake of education or better urban amenities. Among such migrants, the normal trend is that they
prefer to be buried in their native land in order to satisfy their innate belief of getting buried in ones own soil.
The idea of land inheritance is also worth mentioning the cultural set up of the village where the villagers
attach a sense of abhorrence with the one who sells his own ancestral land. The people interpret such act with
acute disgust because they believe that if someone who sells land inherited from his forefathers is like a rebel
clutched into an evil deed just like infidelity. Culturally, people think that the family land is like a token from
forefathers that has to be handed over to the younger generations to assure their prosperity in near future. The
off-springs are found to be complainant of their parents in case if the parents had sold the family land. Selling
of land automatically means reduction in social respect and severely compromised familys social approval
among the village community.
Another connected inkling attached to the man-land bond in the rural context of the Punjab is that people
opine about the people who sell their land is that they witnessed a downward intra-generational social
mobility that is becoming a Hari (tenant) from the status of a Zamindar. This is so because villagers thought
that people in a village with no land act a tenant of the big landholders. It is like deliberately losing ones own
social status and indeed respect. The village community thought that people preferring to migrate to cities are
all Haris (plural of Hari) who seek employment and then act as per somebody else directions just like rural
tenants instead of being the owner of ones own fate while owning familial land.
The high reverence and esteem associated with the land reveals the indigenous perception of the village
people that for them land remains the focal of their socio-cultural and economic life. It is therefore, the land or
the Than remains shaping the schema of cultural uniqueness among the Punjabis. The importance of the
land is also revealed in the poetic work of many Sufi poets of the Punjab like Waris Shah who talks high of
the Ranjha and Sial clans due to their landholdings and progressive farming.
5.2 Analysis of Cultural Perception of Community and Development
The folk society of Sacha Soda believes that both human and natural resources are valuable for progressive
social life. The relationship of community with its resources is like something that is personal and intimate.
People in terms of building a human-environment friendly relationship, bring a person near to nature to create
a symbolic bond of unity. This bond as its details shall be discussed in later parts of the chapter is when a
farming family starts engaging their off springs in various work chores in fields. This also allows observing
how elders work by youngsters. It is strengthened when off springs are encouraged to grow their plants that
become responsibility for off springs to take care of their plants in order to see who takes best care of plants.
The same kind of relation is also observed when the households cattle are assigned among kids to see who
cares more. Both exercises help bringing children nearer to non-human but living parts of their community.
Cutting of a tree to be used as a fuel or slaughtering the goats or sheep from households cattle during Eid-ul-
Azha is normally observed with sobs. But cutting of tree grown by father or grandfather is usually mourned in
the same way as if somebody within family has died. The slaughter of animals especially during religious
festival of eid is preferred to be held in absence of the symbolic owner of animal.
This symbolic bonding is common to majority of farming families. This normal family based ritual indirectly
helps children to come nearer to their plants or domestic cattle that later allows them to understand the
changes in them while maturing. Often a jovial laughter is passed when a kid is told to be even younger than a
farm tree or buffalo. A farming family always grows their own trees in their fields to serve many important
functions including fuel requirements, manufacturing of furniture, and a potential source of money in time of
need. Similarly, this symbolic relation is also strengthened due to domestic pets including pigeons, quails,
kittens, puppies, and lambs.
Basti or Pindthan in local language denotes something that is capable of sustaining itself. It contains human
part (population) as well as land (non-human part), forest, and livestock. Thus, in a broader sense, basti
includes living part (abaadi) and non-living part (wasaael). Village population conceives paidariat
(sustainability) to be a feature of progressive life that further means to ensure that a resource is likely to be
available in future for new generations.
6. Conclusion
The term Taraqqi in both Urdu and Punjabi languages substitutes development that denotes the
relationship between abaadi (population), and wasaael (resources). Taraqqi is a concept perceived by
community of Sacha Soda as a continuous process in which people have definite roles and responsibilities
towards long term survival mechanism of society while using the available resources (social and natural).
Taraqqi is not a mere set of practices to make best use of resources by the community rather it is composite
whole that binds Basti (Community), with its wasaael in a reciprocal relation that continues to progress due to
a benignity. People of village think that development is possible through sustainable reaping of resources
instead of its commercial harvest. Taraqqi requires community not people in the sense that people may have
their individual objectives and motives due to which they may indulge in an exploitative mode which further
poses threats for progressive survival of community. Basti is a more refined concept that speaks of people
inhabiting a certain locality. The purpose is not just survival rather it is to develop the resources and putting a
cultural value on them not only in terms of human aspects of life but also non-human environmental factors
too.
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