International Journal of Social Economics

Communist Prefiguration: The Munster Anabaptists

Daniel J . O#Neil
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Daniel J . O#Neil, (1994),"Communist Prefiguration: The Munster Anabaptists", International J ournal of Social Economics,
Vol. 21 Iss 10 pp. 116 - 132
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Communist Prefiguration:
The Munster Anabaptists
Daniel J. ONeil
University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, USA
Introduction
The thesis of this article is that something very similar to the recent communist
experience occurred in European history, although on a much smaller scale.
This event transpired during an age and in an environment far removed from
our own. Accordingly, it employed theologies, myths and symbols different
from those utilized by nineteenth-twentieth century communism. But in its
ideology, recruitment pattern, leadership arrangement, form of control and
long-ranged impact it bore a striking similarity to the more familiar and more
contemporary communism. Also the ecclesiastical and secular establishments
viewed it with the same alarm, fear and loathing as their descendants viewed
communism. This article will examine this phenomenon of the past sixteenth
century Munster Anabaptism and compare it with the communism of
modernity. It will then suggest that perhaps the appeal of communism is
perennial for the human condition and perhaps the current rejoicing over Soviet
demise ought to be mixed with an element of caution.
The Munster History, Dogma and Implementation
The History
In 1531 a young dynamic priest, Bernt Rothman, attracted public attention by
expounding heterodox religious and economic views in Catholic Munster[1].
Rothman subsequently converted to Lutheranism and thus personified the
movement for luring Munster into the Evangelical camp. With the support of
the guilds and the assistance of a wealthy merchant, Bernt Knipperdollinck, he
succeeded, by 1532, in compelling the town council to install Lutheran
clergymen in all churches. Eventually on 14 February 1533, through the
interposition of Philip of Hesse, a treaty was concluded, resulting in official
recognition of Munster as an Evangelical town.
With the passage of time, however, Rothmans religious sentiments evolved
beyond those of Luther, whom he now considered rather conservative. It became
evident by the summer of 1533 that his views were unlike those of either
Zwingli or Luther, being somewhat similar to those of the radical left. Among
other beliefs he advocated a genuine return to primitive Christianity and the
former practice of holding all things in common. Likewise he denied the
efficacy of all ceremonial observances, especially infant baptism.
The popularity of Rothmans views resulted in an exodus of Anabaptist
refugees. The immigrants came disproportionately from The Netherlands. This
region had become a battleground over reformation dogmas. It had recently
International Journal of Social
Economics, Vol. 21Nos 10/11/12,
1994, pp. 116-132. MCB
University Press, 0306-8293
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suffered from the Black Plague as well as from economic transformation.
Numerous areas were affected by the transition from feudalism to a quasi-
factory system. Thousands were uprooted from the extended family system
and a communal existence to work in the developing factories. The traditional
guilds proved ineffective in the new environment, leaving the workers especially
vulnerable.
Cognizant of their increasing strength and the oppositions division, the
Anabaptists attempted an armed uprising on 8 February during which they
succeeded in seizing possession of the market place. This effort, however, was
countered by the combined forces of the Catholics and Lutherans who impeded
additional success. The subsequent failure of either side to secure a decisive
victory, together with the obvious religious divisions and the threat of external
intervention, encouraged negotiation which culminated in a modus vivendi,
ensuring religious freedom to all. Acquiring for the first time a legally
recognized existence, the Anabaptists regarded the outcome as a victory and
promoted their cause with renewed enthusiasm. They encouraged Saints in the
surrounding areas to migrate to Munster while the more wealthy citizens began
to flee. They urged those immigrating to come armed, promised a tenfold
compensation for everything abandoned, and contended that Munster was the
New Jerusalem foretold by the Anabaptist prophets Melchior Hoffmann and Jan
Matthys. They predicted that the external world would be annihilated before
Easter.
Amid these disturbances the Anabaptists gained political control by winning
an overwhelming victory in the election of 23 February 1534. Immediately
thereafter they organized a campaign for the extirpation of those symbols
related to the previous non-believing society. They sacked monasteries and
churches and publicly burned works of art, musical instruments and religious
manuscripts. Having destroyed the symbols of the past, the Saints now
confidently awaited the arrival of the future.
Meanwhile, Jan Matthys and Jan Bockelson, the Dutch prophets who would
determine Munsters future, arrived and completely dominated the scene.
Matthys, on assuming power, commanded that the city be purified of all non-
believers, and consequently all unwilling to embrace the new beliefs were
expelled. The Anabaptists scorned and ridiculed those leaving as they fled on
27 February in a raging snowstorm. They rebaptized the remaining non-
believers in a ceremony lasting three days, and by the beginning of March,
Munster, the New Jerusalem, was inhabited solely by the Saints, who were
prepared to fight in its defence.
While this eccentric realm, constantly threatened by its former bishop and
his cohorts, was initially ruled by Jan Matthys, his short reign is significant
merely for the internal reforms begun and the methods utilized. Under the guise
of a ruthless system of terror he began the economic reforms representing a
return to primitive Christianity. As first steps towards a communist society,
Matthys abolished private property, prohibited the use of money, and forbade
the possession of gold or silver ornaments. He established communal dining
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halls and ordered house doors continually open. In spite of these innovations,
Jan Matthys was not to be remembered as the ruler of the Munster Saints, for
shortly after erecting an absolute dictatorship, he was to die a victim of his own
fantasy. At Easter he experienced a vision which convinced him that he was
destined to lead a suicide sortie against the bishops massed troops. Departing
with only a handful of troops, he was never to return.
Jan Bockelsons assumption of power following Matthys death was not
inevitable despite his intimate association with the former leader. Instead it
resulted from his inspiring the populace. On the death of Matthys, Bockelson
seized the initiative by assembling the Saints and by attempting to discover
meaning in the tragic occurrence. Speaking with marked enthusiasm, he
contended that:
God shall raise up unto us another prophet, who shall be greater and higher than was ever Jan
Matthys. God willed that Matthys should die, his time was come, and God hath let him die, to
the end that ye should not place all your faith in him and hold him for higher than God. For
what Matthys did and prophesied was even done by God through him, and God is even
mighty enough to give us a new prophet in his stead (quoted in Bax, 1903, p. 195).
Bockelsons sanguine oration convinced the Anabaptists of his inspiration and
they immediately recognized him as the new prophet.
His first significant act was indicative of the future, for early in May he
dashed naked through the streets in a frenzy and then elapsed into a silent
ecstasy lasting for three days. On regaining strength, he revealed that God had
demanded an abolition of the old constitution and its substitution by a
theocratic one modelled after that of ancient Israel. Consequently, he replaced
the burgomaster and the council with 12 elders. Cleverly, his appointments
consisted of representatives of the guilds and of the Dutch immigrants, as well
as a number of the deposed councillors. Theoretically this new government was
entrusted with authority in all matters, public and private, spiritual and
material, and with power of life and death over all inhabitants of the town.
Having securely established his own position, Jan announced his most
revolutionary social innovation the introduction of polygamy. Cognizant of the
uneven male-female ratio and the resultant social problems, he announced to the
Anabaptist preachers that he had had a revelation to the effect that the biblical
command increase and multiply indicated Gods desire for a state of
polygamy. He supported his reform by citing the practices of numerous Jewish
patriarchs and the lack of a condemnation of polygamy in the New Testament.
Subjected to Bockelsons persuasion and threatened wrath, the preachers
obediently expounded the novel doctrine in the cathedral-square. The actual
introduction of polygamy resulted in an internal test of Bockelsons support. It
provoked a counter-revolution that succeeded in temporarily imprisoning Jan
and his most prominent supporters. This rebellion, failed, however, due to the
rallying of the Saints, especially the females, to the prophets support. The
rebels were subsequently executed, thereby indicating the degree of popular
support for the prophet and the futility of rebellion.
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Although constantly under external attack, Jan strengthened the town
defences and organized the Anabaptists into a well-disciplined fighting unit.
There was mass mobilization with citizens of both sexes employed in the war
effort. Jan also provided the Anabaptists with a purpose and goal that
stimulated a degree of enthusiasm lacking in their mercenary opponents. By the
end of August 1534 the Saints so convincingly repelled the bishops major
attack that he was deserted by both vassal and mercenary.
Instead of utilizing this opportunity for an effective counter-attack,
Bockelson took advantage of his ensuing prestige to have himself proclaimed
King and thereby again change the system of government. Thus Dusentschur,
a goldsmith turned prophet, revealed to the Saints that God had designated
Bockelson King of the entire world. Dusentschur then seized the sword of
justice from the Elders and presented it to Jan whom he anointed as sovereign.
The new King subsequently addressed the populace:
In like manner was David, a humble shepherd, anointed by the prophet, at Gods command, as
King of Israel. God often acts in this way; and whoever resists the will of God calls down Gods
wrath upon himself. Now I am given power over all nations of the earth, and the right to use
the sword to the confusion of the wicked and in defence of the righteous. So let none in this
town stain himself with crime or resist the will of God, or else he shall without delay be put to
death with the sword (quoted in Cohn, 1957, p. 296).
Following this oration the Anabaptist preachers spent three days explaining
and justifying the new doctrine. They asserted that Scripture decreed a King for
the Saints, and that Jan was the Messiah-King foretold by the Jewish prophets
of the Old Testament.
In his new capacity the prophet demanded all grandeur reserved for the
King of the last days. The streets and gates as well as the days and feasts
were renamed to commemorate his coronation, while gold and silver memorial
coins were minted. The King, publicly accompanied by his queen and harem,
dressed in magnificent robes and wore rings and chains composed of the finest
metal. Attired in his regal robes, he reigned from a throne in the court square.
On his appearance the spectators fell to the ground in veneration. From his
throne the King would sit in judgment or merely witness the proclamation of
new ordinances.
Despite his lucrative existence the King enforced a rigid austerity on his
subjects. Continuing the economic policy of Matthys, he ordered all homes
searched and excessive items confiscated. Even the clothing of the Saints was
now severely regulated. A male could possess but one coat, two pairs of hose,
two doublets and three shirts, a female, one skirt, one mantle and four chemises.
During these internal occurrences the bishop succeeded in regrouping his
forces, and the possibility of Anabaptist victory began to diminish. Jan
therefore began to appeal beyond Munster for assistance from Anabaptists and
their sympathizers. He commissioned apostles to leave Munster, and Rothman
to furnish propaganda pamphlets justifying the Anabaptist position. While the
apostles effort proved disastrous, nevertheless, an insight into the Saints
vision can be ascertained from the literature provided by Rothman. In his
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pamphlets Restitution and Announcement of Vengeance history is once
again considered in terms of the Joachim fantasy of the three ages. The first age,
that of sin, was seen as culminating with the biblical flood. The second age, that
of persecution and the cross, was seen as lasting until the Anabaptists era,
while the third age, that of vengeance and the triumph of the Saints, had now
begun. This third age consequently explained Munsters existence, for in
preparation for the millennium it was essential that the New Jerusalem be
established with the new David as King.
In spite of Rothmans ardent propaganda effort, Bockelsons defeat drew near,
with his final weeks being characterized by an accentuation of tendencies
evident throughout his rule. There was an acceleration of the use of terror.
Under each of the different governmental systems policy enabled execution of
both civil and religious dissenters. Numerous persons had been executed for
opposition to polygamy and those considered as plotters against the King or
merely critical could be beheaded. Even unauthorized assemblies represented
sufficient grounds for the death penalty, which was often administered by
Bockelson himself.
In addition to terror Munster witnessed numerous circuses. Huge
communal banquets at which the King and Queen would serve were
sponsored, while during the famine such events were replaced by athletic
tournaments. Meanwhile, medieval morality plays were performed in the
converted cathedral and travesties of the Catholic liturgy were encouraged.
These circuses, like the employment of terror, although a constant part of
the New Jerusalem, became increasingly more important during the final
weeks of conflict.
Having failed to capture Munster by the end of 1534, the bishop again sought
additional aid. He turned to representatives of the states of the upper and lower
Rhine who, meeting at Kobling, pledged the necessary troops, equipment and
finances for an effective seize. The imperial forces encircled the town with
trenches and blockhouse and by a double line of infantry and cavalry. Finally at
the Imperial Diet held at Worms in April, all of the states of the Empire agreed
to contribute funds for the war effort, thereby ensuring Munsters irrevocable
doom.
During April, within the city the famine had grown so serious and the
blockade so precluded assistance that Bockelson permitted those desiring to
depart to do so. Those actually leaving were either slaughtered immediately or
allowed to starve in the neutral zone between contending forces. Having thereby
eliminated the luke-warm supporters, Jan next attempted to cope with the
situation by dividing the town into 12 sectors with a duke as head of each. He
declared that following the Anabaptist victory the outside world would be
equally divided among these 12. In spite of these efforts, Munster, on the night
of 24 June 1535, fell, due to the defection of Anabaptist renegades who revealed
the towns weaknesses. The towns inhabitants were massacred while
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Bockelson was exhibited throughout Westphalia in an iron cage and finally
tortured to death a year later in the square from which he had previously
reigned.
The Munsterite Dogma
The Munsterite dogma had its genesis in the religious belief of those exiled
Anabaptist groups that had fled Switzerland because of conflict with Zwingli.
These pre-Munster Anabaptists were characterized by their hostility towards
the established churches, by their refusal to co-operate with the civil authorities,
and by their desire for a theological and economic return to primitive
Christianity. Of the ethical standards of these early Anabaptists, Sebastian
Franck, a contemporary of the movement, wrote:
they taught, as it seemed, naught but love and endurance, showing themselves in much
tribulation patient and humble. They brake bread with one another as a sign of oneness and
love, helped one another truly with precept lending, borrowing, giving: taught that all things
should be in common and called each other brother (quoted in Bax, 1903, p. 28).
Melchior Hoffmann and Jan Matthys transformed these early pacifical beliefs
and provided a new dimension to the dogma in its evolution towards the
Munster phenomenon. From these two prophets the movement acquired a
chiliastic dimension that drove the Saints almost inevitably to their dbcle.
Melchior Hoffmann, a travelling tanner who had formerly been active in the
Swedish iconoclasm, presented himself as the new Elias and his vocation as
the interpretation of the prophetical scriptures especially the Apocalypse. He
announced that the long awaited millennium would materialize in 1533 and that
Strassburg was destined to become the New Jerusalem from which the
144,000 Saints would proceed for the last universal teaching of the Word.
Although the worlds end was in sight and the angel of wrath was preparing to
descend, Hoffmann nevertheless advocated a continuation of passivity until the
angel should deliver the two-edged sword into the hands of the Saints, who
would thereafter arise and participate in the destruction of the mundane
kingdom.
With Hoffmanns arrest and detention beyond 1533, the failure of his
prophecy became evident and his Anabaptist supporters diverted their faith
from him and Strassburg to Matthys and Munster. Bax observes that the
doctrines of Matthys:
were practically identical with those of Melchior Hoffmann, with the difference that the
revolutionary side with Matthys broke all bounds, and the notion of a Holy War in the literal
sense was placed in the forefront of his teaching. What with Melchior was prophecy of what
was about to happen became with Matthys a direct incitement to revolt as a religious duty
(Bax, 1903, p. 112).
Thus while Hoffmann had awaited an extra-mundane signal before proceeding
with vengeance, Matthys contended that the period of vengeance had long since
arrived.
In addition to this characteristic, there were other tenets composing pre-
Munster Anabaptist thought[2]. The dogma as modified by the two prophets
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was based on a theological concept of history. It contemplated history as an
arduous struggle between the forces of good and evil with the former
constantly on the defensive. This would change, however, with the arrival of the
day of reckoning which, it was believed, had now arrived. Christ had formerly
attempted to overcome evil, but his effort had failed. The Church he had
established was corrupted shortly after his death when it was catholicized,
thereby compromising with the world. Similarly, the Reformation, an effort to
recreate the Primitive Church, had been corrupted when the reformers refused
to reform consistently and instead compromised with the forces of evil human
weakness and the civil authorities. Thus Luther and Zwingli were considered
instruments of antichrist to the same degree as the papal prelates, for the
reformers had known how to pull down an old house, but not how to build up
a new one.
In opposition to established belief, the Anabaptists asserted that the
Church could neither be reformed nor cleansed but must be built anew. This
newly constructed Church consisted solely of the redeemed or saved and
apparently represented a vision of the medieval heaven manifested in the
mundane world. It was a voluntary society of those who had experienced an
inner conviction of salvation. Consequently, Anabaptists administered only
adult baptism, with converts being subsequently re-baptized. They
supplemented this rite by the breaking of bread which was merely a
commemoration ceremony. These represented the only permitted rites since the
sect derided ceremony, visible signs and sacraments, maintaining that grace
could not be directed by these material symbols. Instead of ritual the
Anabaptists stressed ethical standards, contending that only those living a life
consistent with the scriptural precepts were members of the Church. The
Church, visualized as a visible society of the redeemed who lived according to
the biblical standards, resulted in the Anabaptists maximizing the importance
of good works for spiritual salvation.
The Anabaptist theories of history and of the Church perhaps become more
intelligible on an examination of the sects concept of the Deity, for this tenet
represented a nucleus from which most of the other beliefs arose. Their idea of
God was more akin to the Old Testament than the New, and their tracts referred
constantly to the Father, the God of wrath who had come to avenge the Chosen
People. Christ is cited in his role of judge during the last days; however, the
traditional belief in his humanity is obscured and his divinity is accentuated.
This was accomplished by a repudiation of the settlement at the Council of
Ephesus and a renouncing of any belief in a natural connection between Christ
and man.
Beneath the Deity stood the individual believer, who likewise occupied an
important role in Anabaptist theology. He possessed freedom of will and was
thus expected to expedite his spiritual salvation ethically with the assistance of
the inner light. This inner light or intuition was stressed rather than logic or
dogma for it was maintained that religion should be felt, rather than expressed
in external symbols or metaphysical syllogisms. Langenwalter notes that:
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They [Anabaptists] felt sure of the correctness of their position concerning this point through
the conviction born of an institutional feeling as to the difference between right and wrong
rather than through the conclusions reached by process of logic. This accounts for the fact
they were loathe to frame dogmatic confessions and also suggests why so many of them
mistrusted the learned whose logic caused them so much discomfort and whose evil lives
made them underestimate the value of learning (Langenwalter, 1922, p. 32).
Thus they felt that a legitimate insight into theological questions stemmed from
an individual experience of faith rather than from a degree of intellectual
understanding. The inner light and the Bible were sufficient tools for the
individuals acquisition of religious truth.
From these theological doctrines arose certain ideas concerning secular
institutions which represented an important segment of the Anabaptist dogma.
The denial of an institutional Church and the belief in authority based solely on
grace led the Anabaptists to deny the validity in human institutions. They
considered the state representative of the realm of darkness and but a scourge
of true Christians. Civil legislation might be obeyed through necessity but had
no bearing on the Saints conscience. The Anabaptists often refused to take civil
oaths, to fight in wars, and to serve in official capacities. They vigorously
objected to capital punishment, to tithes, and to war taxes. Meanwhile, they
hopefully awaited a Turkish victory and its purifying effect. The apparent
contradiction between these pacific beliefs and the actual occurrences at
Munster seems clarified somewhat by the observations of Ronald Knox who
wrote that:
so long as he is living within the confines of a State governed by worldly men according to the
dictates of carnal wisdom the ultra-supernaturalist outlaws himself, morally, from its
constitution. When once a theocratic State is set up, under a perfect ruler, or an army is in
the field marshalled by perfect generals, there is danger that he will be not less but more
bloodthirsty than is the common wont of psychic men (Knox, 1950, p. 132).
Before its implementation the Anabaptist dogma was characterized also by
views about property and personal possessions. It urged a return to the
mythical state of nature and a return of the early church where material things
were believed held in common. There was a marked hostility towards private
property and a longing for the ideal community of goods. Usually unable to
achieve the ideal, Anabaptists stressed instead charitable dealings and
generous mutual aid.
The Dogmas Implementation
With the assumption of power, the economic sphere represented the first area to
absorb the interest of the Anabaptists. Their resulting effort marked an attempt
to institutionalize their economic beliefs derived from an intense desire to
restore primitive Christianity. The culminating arrangement resulted in an
instability because of the position held by the charismatic leader, who could and
did change the regulated system at will. Despite this element of instability, there
was from the beginning a concentrated attempt to break with the traditional
money economy by shunning the possession of money and a pecuniary income
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per se and by rejecting as undignified any pecuniary gain that is methodical
and radical. Thus in one of his more popular propaganda pamphlets Rothman
wrote:
Amongst us God to whom be eternal praise and thanks has restored community, as it was
in the beginning and as befits the Saints of God. We hope too that amongst us community is
as vigorous and glorious, and is by Gods grace observed with as pure a heart, as at any time
before. For not only have we put all our belongings into a common pool under the care of
deacons, and live from it according to our needs: we praise God through Christ with one heart
and mind and are eager to help one another with every kind of service. And accordingly,
everything which has served the purpose of self-seeking and private property, such as buying
and selling, working for money, taking interest and practicing usury even at the expense of
unbelievers or eating and drinking the sweat of the poor (that is, making ones own people
and fellow creatures work so that one can grow fat) and indeed everything which offends
against love all such things are abolished amongst us by the power of love and community.
And knowing that God now desires to abolish such abominations, we would die rather than
turn to them. We know that such sacrifices are pleasing to the Lord. And indeed no Christian
or Saint can satisfy God if he does not live in such community, or at least desire with all his
heart to live in it (Cohn, 1957, p. 132).
Immediately on their acquisition of power, the Anabaptists seized the
opportunity to demolish the old rational money economy and to inaugurate
instead a community of goods. On the expulsion of the non-believers, they
confiscated their property and destroyed all IOUs, account books, contracts and
other symbols of a money economy. The emigrants had their material products
seized and stored in central depots administered by seven deacons, to whom the
needy were counselled to apply for aid. Simultaneously, the Anabaptists
launched a campaign affecting the economic status of the believers themselves.
Besides the prohibition on the use of money, they launched an attack on the use
of gold and silver ornaments, which they subsequently confiscated. Finally,
after two months of propaganda and terror, they abolished the use of money,
which was thereafter employed solely in the relationship with the external
world.
Next the Anabaptists attempted to institutionalize the long sought
community ownership of commodities. At each gate a communal dining hall
was established where those on duty would dine together to the accompaniment
of Old Testament readings. Each hall was under the jurisdiction of one of the
appointed deacons, who arranged for the essential provisions by visiting the
surrounding homes and requisitioning what was needed. The common holding
was further emphasized by the requirement that the doors of all homes be
constantly open. Meanwhile Bockelson introduced a strict direction of labour,
with the artisans not active in the military defence serving as community
employees and thus working for the body as a whole without monetary reward.
This economic arrangement destroyed the usefulness of the guilds, which were
now considered remnants of the obsolete money economy. This implementation,
however, gave rise to another type of economic organization that promoted the
economic needs of leader and lite. Thus the deacons in the earlier stage and the
dukes at a later period formed, together with the charismatic leader and his
court, a guild to provide for their welfare. Throughout the famine and
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suffering which reduced the population to despondency, the members of the
lite continued to prosper.
The institutional implementation, like the economic, was characterized by
instability since the charismatic leader could change at will the form of
government and the personalities involved. As noted formerly, Bockelsons first
significant act on assuming authority was to announce a constitutional change,
replacing the burgomaster and council by himself and 12 elders. Theoretically
they were given absolute authority in all matters with no appeal beyond. This
change was supplemented by the inauguration of a new legal code that imposed
a severe puritanical morality, making capital offences of such vices as lying,
slander, avarice, and quarrelling. Death was introduced as punishment for
every kind of insubordination. Another institutional change transpired with
Bockelsons announcement of his kingship and his subsequent reign as King of
the last days. Finally, during May, he divided Munster for administrative
purposes into 12 sections with a duke and an armed force of 24 men placed over
each. These dukes, appointed by Bockelson, had been chosen primarily from
the foreign element and had been promised a section of the world following the
expected Anabaptist victory.
While Bockelson had introduced an extensive legal code, it is significant that
the provisions concerning the administering of justice were rather ambiguous.
In actuality, the King reserved to himself the authority of judging and even of
personal execution. There are numerous examples of his exercising this
executional prerogative, especially in the latter days of his regime. The
importance of this function is perhaps indicated by the fact that the King in
public was flanked by two pages one holding an Old Testament, indicating
that Bockelson was the successor of David and endowed with authority to
interpret anew the word of God, and the other holding a naked sword.
The attempt to enforce polygamy proved yet another effort to implement
Anabaptist dogma. However, while Bockelson justified this in terms of Biblical
quotations and while it has some relevance to perfectionist beliefs, it appears
more likely that existential circumstances motivated him in this decision.
Finally, the problem of providing for the perpetuation of the system by the
establishment of some system of succession can be examined. In Munster there
existed no legal provision for selecting a successor to Matthys. Rather, in
genuine charismatic fashion, Bockelson convinced the masses that he
possessed unique extra-mundane power and consequently was destined to
replace the first prophet. His oratorical ability and optimistic assurance, rather
than his former position in the community, culminated in his popular
acceptance. Since he likewise failed to advocate a system establishing a method
of succession, it appears evident that a third prophet would have had to follow
Jans example in acquiring power.
Communist Prefiguration
The Anabaptists were small sects of believers who rejected the sixteenth
century religious settlements. They abjured both Catholicism and the
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magisterial Protestant denominations contending that the Reformation had not
gone far enough. They charged that the Old Church was not in need of reform
but was totally corrupt. There must be total reconstruction based on the New
Testament biblical model. The Christian Church had gone astray with
Constantine when it became established, embraced numerous nominal
members, and tolerated pagan accretionism. Total reconstruction rather than
reformation was needed.
The Anabaptists were so labelled by their adversaries as those who re-
baptize. This was to place them under the severe Julian legal prohibition on
rebaptism originally aimed at the Donatists. The Anabaptists rejected
traditional child baptism as meaningless and substituted baptism for those of
age and commitment. This symbolized rejection of the all-embracing
community Church into which the individual was born. Instead Anabaptists
perceived the Church as the communion of redeemed Saints awaiting the end of
the world. It was a remnant, a small minority, always surrounded by evil and
hostility. The Anabaptists also rejected the rites and rituals of traditional
Christianity which they viewed as pagan accretionism. They denied the tenet of
the real presence and instead celebrated a simple communion service,
interpreted as a symbol of fellowship.
Medieval Catholicism proved a very sacramental/incarnational religion[3]. It
taught that with the coming of Christ, God had entered history as man. God
had become man, that man might become God. Accordingly, all of humanity
was capable of divinization hence the cult and communion of saints. But the
material world also benefited. The institution of the Eucharist meant that not
only humanity but the material as well enjoyed the eventuality of divinization
the bread and wine had been transformed at the Last Supper. Ultimately God,
man, and nature would be reconciled through Christ. The incarnation meant
that the estrangement due to the Fall had been transcended. Medieval
Catholicism entertained an organismic view with an emphasis on the unity
principle. It stressed that with the New Testament the material had been
sanctified and reconciled and could be freely utilized in worship. In fact the
material world must collaborate in worship. In addition to the cult of saints,
medieval Catholicism encouraged festivals, processions and the use of water,
fire, incense, rich vestments, and sacred dance. God, man and nature linked in
medieval worship. Grace worked through both humanity and the material. The
entire cosmos was infused with divinity.
The Anabaptists had a radically different perception of the spiritual that
totally abjured a sacramental/incarnation orientation (Littell, 1952). In many
ways it represented a return to the Old Testament Deity separate from
humanity and nature. Their God was the God of wrath and justice who reigned
apart from humanity and nature. They especially feared idolatry and saw as
idolatrous the medieval cult of saints and collaboration with the material. They
sought God Bible in hand surrounded by a material world viewed as hostile.
They rejected traditional rites and rituals as pagan accretions and the cult of
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saints as disguised pagan demons. They transformed the Eucharist into a
memorial service. What the medieval church saw as human and material means
of grace, they saw as sources of temptation and idolatry. Anabaptism
represented a drastic break in Christian tradition.
The Anabaptists viewed the secular state with suspicion, if not contempt. It
was needed due to the Fall and human sinfulness, but primarily for the non-
believers. Consequently, Anabaptists maintained minimal voluntary contact
with the state and usually eschewed oaths, public service and military
involvement. They presented themselves as peaceful, honest, hardworking
folks who only desired to be left alone. They often shared with one another and
provided for their less fortunate fellows.
Leadership within the Anabaptist community represented a break with the
medieval ecclesiastical model and tended to be charismatic. There was total
rejection of the Catholic priesthood, apostolic succession, ordination rites and
appeals to tradition and continuity. Each congregation selected its own leader
based on the candidates personality, oratorical skills and knowledge of
scripture. Hence the Anabaptists tended to be quite decentralized in their
congregationalism and primitive democracy.
To summarize: the pre-Munster Anabaptists were small congregations of
committed believers, led by charismatic leaders, stressing minimal contact with
secular officialdom, rejecting medieval sacramentalism, preaching self-help and
awaiting the end of the world.
Environment of Origin
The Anabaptists came disproportionately from a Holland that was evolving
from a feudal society to a quasi-capitalist factory society. It was an area of sharp
theological confrontation in which the ancient establishment had been attacked
and for many discredited. Also, it had recently been marked by depression and
the trauma of the Black Death. For thousands the old theological certitude, the
traditional economic security, the warmth of extended family and communal
identity had collapsed. Numerous individuals, disproportionately from the
lower orders, reacted by joining the Anabaptists. But the movement also had
its intellectuals and scholars who formulated its tenets, evolved an apologetics
and provided leadership.
This scenario is very similar to Ulams (1960) description concerning
systemic susceptibility to Communism. Ulam argued that the most vulnerable
societies contrary to Marxist prediction were those experiencing a transition
from feudalism to industrialization. The populace had a raised level of
expectation but suffered severe disorientation due to the movement from rural
security, extended family, and known routine to the anonymity and monotony
of the factory system. There followed a heightened level of expectation
combined with a strong sense of exploitation. Communism catered to the needs
of such persons with a demonology that stressed that they were exploited,
blamed the capitalists, and promised a new tomorrow.
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The Leadership Principle
Although Anabaptist ideology stressed non-hierarchical and non-authoritarian
leadership, the Munster reality proved quite different. Anabaptist Munster was
always led by authoritarian, prophet-type leaders who demanded and received
obedience. The leader purported to speak for the absolute (God) and to disobey
was to label oneself as Godless and evil. Dissenters suffered severe penalties
including execution. The congregational, democratic leadership pattern
vanished once the Anabaptists secured actual power. Nevertheless, there were
hints and suggestions of routinizing charisma should the external situation
change.
Communist leadership patterns proved similar. There was considerable
discrepancy between the theory and the reality. Despite the democratic theory,
the writings of the nineteenth century socialist philosophers and the humanistic
tracts of the early Marx, virtually all communist systems deferred to strong
men who purported to represent absolute truth and who demanded conformity
and punished dissent. There were feeble attempts to institutionalize charisma
and provide for peaceful and legitimate transition, but the Marxist-Leninist
world collapsed before this came to fruition.
Ideology
Anabaptist ideology stressed progressive movement through a series of stages
and the crisis nature of modernity (Williams and Mergal, 1957). History
unfolded through three ages and now the last age of the spirit had dawned. The
ideology rejected the Augustinian desacralization of secular history and made
all history sacred. It avoided dichotomizing life into separate spheres;
everything was religious. The long awaited third age had arrived bringing a
state of expectancy and crisis. Scripture allowed history to be read and
interpreted with the possibility of prediction. It envisioned a remnant, a small
lite of Saints, who preserved the truth and awaited joyfully the end. History
was progressing towards its culmination and reality would shortly become
intelligible to Saints and sinners alike. That reality would prove to be quite
different from current appearance. It would demonstrate that only a small godly
minority preserved the truth and now the last would become first and the first,
last. Anabaptists delighted in the biblical apocalypse portrayed in the books of
Daniel and Revelation.
Anabaptist ideology perceived the state in basically negative terms. The state
stemmed from evil the fall and the depraved nature of man and was to be
avoided in so far as possible. Little of a positive nature could be expected from
it. It was destined with all worldly things to oblivion and few would mourn its
demise. Nevertheless, the Anabaptists, on securing power in Munster,
enthusiastically employed the powers of the state for their objective. The state,
became total in a way that the medieval state had not been. It regulated every
area of human activity and employed maximal coercion to promote conformity.
The Anabaptists re-sacralized the state.
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Communist ideology also was progressive, seeing history as moving through
a series of stages for example, primitive, slavery, feudal, capitalism, socialism,
communism to a predetermined destination. With the end of class struggle
and exploitation, politics would come to an end. Presently things were not as
they seemed, conspiracy and exploitation reigned. Only a small lite understood
the intertwined nature of reality, the degree of exploitation, and the movement
of history. For that lite the present age virtually always seemed a time of crisis
and expectation when the revolution might come to fruition. Presently the state
was a tool of exploitation used by those who controlled the mode of production.
With revolution and the successful introduction of Communism it was destined
to wither away. The communist reality with the seizure of power proved quite
different. The communist state was total, giving economic, political and cultural
control to the same lite that dominated a totalitarian state that showed no sign
of withering away. Every area of existence was politicized.
Instruments of Governance
So despite the pacific nature of the early, dissenting Anabaptists, those who
acquired power proved quite violent. Munster was a totalitarian police state
with every area of human activity being regulated and controlled. It made no
concessions to individual privacy or to dissent. It instituted a new legal code
that criminalized many activities previously tolerated. The New Man and the
New Jerusalem must be forged with fire and sword. The Holy City must be
cleansed of the impure. Coercion, rewards for the lite, and games and circuses
for the masses were important to the process. Especially when material rewards
were unavailable, the mass public was mobilized and its attention refocused
with games and circuses. Symbolic rewards became all important.
Communism, despite the humanistic writings of the turn-of-century
theorists, also introduced the totalitarian state with its vast system of control,
regimentation and punishment. The Gulag became a vital instrument of
communist rule. A sophisticated system of tangible rewards for the lite and
symbolic rewards for the masses developed. The Draconian measures were
usually justified as a transition state towards Communism and/or a response to
foreign encirclement.
Controlling History
The Anabaptists attempted to destroy the memory of the past and to rewrite
history from a different perspective (Knox, 1950, Ch. VII). Total resocialization
became of primary importance. All symbols of the old religion had to be
obliterated and its legacy presented in the most negative terms. The
Anabaptists gutted and whitewashed the cathedral and the many churches.
They publicly desecrated, mocked, and finally destroyed statuary, mosaics,
tapestries, altar vessels, stained glass and liturgical vestments. They publicly
burned Mass books, baptismal and marriage records, and church libraries.
They justified this iconoclasm in terms of a war on idolatry but it also meant a
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sharp break with the past. It challenged the sense of tradition or continuity and
enabled the rewriting and reinterpretation of history. The Catholic past must be
destroyed and a revisionist past substituted. Anabaptism involved massive
resocialization utilizing not only church and school, but the entire environment.
Communism also proved iconoclastic and committed to historical
revisionism. It drastically reinterpreted the past to conform to Marxist-Leninist
orthodoxy and it abjured much that was traditional. It attempted massive
resocialization through Draconian control of education, media and culture.
Initially much national treasure was disparaged or even destroyed, although
reaction would occur and attempts would be made to sanitize, reinterpret and
reclaim the national legacy.
Munster Reforms
Bockelson legislated a number of radical reforms that shocked contemporaries
and did not stem inevitably from Anabaptist theology. In an attempt to
introduce primitive communism he confiscated personal property, abolished
individual and family privacy, removed all locks from dwellings, and introduced
communal meals. Austerity and return to essentials characterized Munster life,
although exceptions were made for the King, the court, and the lite. This was
justified as a return to early Christianity as portrayed in the Acts of the
Apostles but also as a necessity, given the war situation and hostile
encirclement. Bockelsons introduction of polygamy seemed even more radical
than his communism. He justified it as conformity to Old Testament practice
that had not been condemned explicitly by the New Testament. It also becomes
intelligible in terms of the male-female ratio in Munster and the need for a
persecuted sect to grow quickly in numbers.
As noted, Anabaptist theology rejected or viewed with suspicion the
institutional. It anathematized the structure of the Church: its hierarchy,
systemic theology, rites and rituals, and buildings and dcor. Similarly it
abjured the structure of the secular state: its leaders, courts, legal systems,
oaths and military service. But when the Anabaptists acquired power and
moved from destruction to construction, they became super-structured.
Leadership, hierarchy, courts and legal codes all appeared in Anabaptist
Munster. Institutionalization returned with a vengeance.
Following the Russian Revolution, the Soviets also introduced radical
programmes of communism involving massive confiscation, property and
property rights, inheritance, tax structure and economic crimes. Lenins NEP
would modify and moderate many of these radical innovations. Also following
the Revolution, the Soviets de-emphasized the traditional family structure by
caricaturing it as reactionary and by institutionalizing easy divorce. Following
the ramifications there would be a retreat to traditional family integrity. Similar
processes would occur in China with early endorsement of communal
communism and disparagement of family and a later return to tradition.
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Eventually, in both societies, as Revel (1971) observed, a very Victorian culture
and morality dominated.
Modern Communism followed a similar path to the Anabaptist in its initial
anti-institutional stance and its later endorsement of total routinization. Lenin
in opposition predicted that in a communist Russia administration would be so
rational and streamlined that a simple baker could govern. That hardly proved
the case since the communist states would be highly structured,
bureaucratized, and regimented. In fact far less would be left to spontaneity and
change than in the decadent West.
Ultimate Impact
Although the Munster Anabaptists suffered defeat and disgrace, their
subsequent influence has been far from negligible. Out of the remnants evolved
the Mennonites, Amish, and Hutterites. These groups preserved a non-
magisterial/remnant interpretation of Christianity. Their rejection of infant
baptism and emphasis on separation of church and state would influence other
more successful denominations. Their experience as a diaspora people in exile,
a remnant in a hostile world, would become more intelligible and meaningful to
numerous Christians in an increasingly secular world. So Anabaptism and the
Munster story is not the totality of this dissenting tradition.
A similar case might be constructed for communist influence. Although
communist rule had an appalling history with its gulags, massive oppression
and systemic intolerance, there is another side of the story told by its apologists.
The communist empire did unite and pacify people who are perennial enemies.
It did drag millions clawing and screaming out of feudalism into another
century, if not the twentieth. It did, utilizing traditional and patriotic symbols,
mobilize the masses to fight Nazism. Probably most important in the long run,
the existence of the communist option forced the West to advance the welfare
state and to view the less fortunate with greater sympathy and compassion.
Communist influence will last beyond the demise of the Soviet Empire.
Notes
1. The basic historical facts concerning Munster and the Anabaptists are based on the works
of Bax (1903), Cohn (1957), Henderson (1928), Janssen (1903), Knox (1950) and Rank (1844).
2. Anabaptist theological beliefs can be found in the works of Bax (1903), Klassen (1964),
Langenwalter (1922), Littell (1952) and Troeltsch (1931a; 1931b).
3. Probably the most perceptive interpreters of Medieval Catholic theology are Frederick
Copleston, Christopher Dawson, Etienne Gilson and J. Huizinga.
References and Further Reading
Bax, E.B. (1903), Riseand Fall of theAnabaptists, Macmillan, New York, NY.
Cameron, E. (1991), TheEuropean Reformation, Clarendon Press, Oxford.
Cohn, N. (1957), ThePursuit of theMillennium, Essential Books, Fairlawn, NJ.
Henderson, E.F. (1928), A Short History of Germany, Macmillan, New York, NY.
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Janssen, J. (1903), History of theGerman Peopleat theCloseof theMiddleAges, Vol. V, B. Herder,
St Louis, MO.
Kautsky, K. (1897), Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation, T. Fisher
Unwin, London.
Klassen, P.J. (1964), TheEconomics of Anabaptism 1525-1560, Mouton & Co., London.
Knox, R.A. (1950), Enthusiasm, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford.
Langenwalter, J.H. (1922), Christs Headship of theChurch, Mennonite Book Concern, Berne, IN.
Littell, F.H. (1952), TheAnabaptist View of theChurch, American Society of Church History, New
York, NY.
Ozment, S. (1992), Protestants: TheBirth of a Revolution, Doubleday, New York, NY.
Rank, L. (1844), History of theReformation in Germany, Lea and Blanchard, Philadelphia, PA.
Revel, J.F. (1971 ), Without Marx or Jesus, Doubleday, Garden City, NY.
Troeltsch, E. (1931a), The Social Teachings of the Christian Churches, Vol. I, George Allen &
Unwin, London.
Troeltsch, E. (1931b), The Social Teachings of the Christian Churches, Vol. II, George Allen &
Unwin, London.
Ulam, A.B. (1960), TheUnfinished Revolution, Random House, New York, NY.
Williams, G.H. (1962), TheRadical Reformation, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London.
Williams, G.H. and Mergal, A.M. (Eds) (1957), Spiritual and Anabaptists Writers, Vol. XXV, The
Westminster Press, Philadelphia, PA.
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