The latest incident involved an installation by mideo Cruz which contained icons and symbols familiar to Catholics and other Christians. The Catholic political party Ang Kapatiran has accused Cruz and the CCP Board of violating Article 201 of the Revised Penal Code. Article 201 is a provision of the RPC on "immoral doctrines, obscene publications and exhibitions and indecent shows"
The latest incident involved an installation by mideo Cruz which contained icons and symbols familiar to Catholics and other Christians. The Catholic political party Ang Kapatiran has accused Cruz and the CCP Board of violating Article 201 of the Revised Penal Code. Article 201 is a provision of the RPC on "immoral doctrines, obscene publications and exhibitions and indecent shows"
The latest incident involved an installation by mideo Cruz which contained icons and symbols familiar to Catholics and other Christians. The Catholic political party Ang Kapatiran has accused Cruz and the CCP Board of violating Article 201 of the Revised Penal Code. Article 201 is a provision of the RPC on "immoral doctrines, obscene publications and exhibitions and indecent shows"
POSTED BY CMFR || 6 SEPTEMBER 2011 Pages: 1 2 By Luis V. Teodoro and Melanie Y. Pinlac Published in PJR Reports, July-August 2011 THE TEMPEST over artist Mideo Cruz art installation underscored one of the ironies of Philippine society. There are no laws explicitly partial to religious groups, but journalists, artists, and writers can still be sanctioned when their work is labeled blasphemous, obscene, and/or immoral. The latest incident involved an installation by Cruz which contained icons and symbols familiar to Catholics and other Christians. The Catholic political party Ang Kapatiran (The Alliace for the Common Good) has accused Cruz and the CCP Board of violating Article 201 of the Revised Penal Code (RPC)the local version of the blasphemy laws Muslim and Christian fundamentalists in other countries have put in placeand has filed charges to that effect. Article 201 is a provision of the RPC on Immoral doctrines, obscene publications and exhibitions and indecent shows. It imposes the penalty of prision mayor (six to 12 years imprisonment) or a fine ranging from six thousand to twelve thousand pesos, or both on: (1) Those who shall publicly expound or proclaim doctrines openly contrary to public morals; (2) (a) the authors of obscene literature, published with their knowledge in any form; the editors publishing such literature; and the owners/operators of the establishment selling the same; (b) Those who, in theaters, fairs, cinematographs or any other place, exhibit, indecent or immoral plays, scenes, acts or shows, whether live or in film, which are proscribed by virtue hereof, shall include those which (1) glorify criminals or condone crimes; (2) serve no other purpose but to satisfy the market for violence, lust or pornography; (3) offend any race or religion; (4) tend to abet traffic in and use of prohibited drugs; and (5) are contrary to law, public order, morals, and good customs, established policies, lawful orders, decrees and edicts; (3) Those who shall sell, give away or exhibit films, prints, engravings, sculpture or literature which are offensive to morals. Defining obscenity But what is immoral, obscene and/or indecent? Since, as Constitutional law expert Joaquin Bernas, S.J., said in his Aug. 22 Philippine Daily Inquirer column, only expressions which are libelous and obscene are not protected by the Constitution, defining what is immoral, obscene, etc. is crucial. Bernas explained how the courts determine whether a particular work is obscene: (a) whether the average person, applying contemporary community standards would find that the work, taken as a whole, appeals to prurient interest (b) whether the work depicts or describes, in a patently offensive way, sexual conduct specifically defined by the applicable state law, and (c) whether the work, taken as a whole lacks serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value. The key legal issue is whether a particular work meets the above standards. But Bernas noted that even bad art is still protected by the Constitution. Since art, even ugly art, is a form of expression, it can be made punishable only when it presents a clear and present danger of an evil which the state has the right to prevent, Bernas said. Protected speech Other legal experts like law professors Florin Hilbay and Raul Pangalanan said Cruz did not violate any law. Manila Bulletinlast Aug. 7 quoted Hilbay as saying that the right of Cruz to express himself through Poleteismo is recognized by the Constitution. It was not as if the CCP exerted extra effort to offend the feelings of subscribers to the Catholic faith. (Cruz) work, shocking as it may be, will fall within that (protection of speech) clause, Pangalangan said. But the Constitutional protection of expression and opinion has not stopped government officials from threatening to use the powers of the state against the artist and CCP. The conservative Senator Vicente Sotto III threatened to cut the budget of CCP if it refused to take down the exhibit, and this and other threats resulted in the exhibits being taken down on Aug. 9 for security reasons. Some members of the House of Representatives also called for the resignation of the CCP Board. Palawan 1 st Dist. Rep. Antonio Alvares filed Aug. 11 A Resolution Demanding the Resignation of (CCP) officials for Allowing Blasphemous Display Masquerading as Art and Inciting Public Outrage (House Resolution No. 01601). It is still pending. President Benigno Aquino III joined the senators and representatives who said they were offended by the exhibit by calling on CCP officials to discuss the Kulo exhibit. There were no reports on what happened during his meeting with the CCP board, but what he said immediately after the closing of the exhibit was alarming enough. Aquino told the media that he was pleased with the CCP Boards decision to close the exhibit, adding that there is no freedom that is absolute though he (Aquino) is not after censorship. Aquino and company may not be after censorship, but threats of budget cuts, possible criminal liability for disturbing public order for exhibiting artwork arbitrarily tagged as blasphemous and offensive do constitute censorship and create a chilling effect not only on artistic freedom but on free expression as well. Censorship of whatever kind and no matter how piously disguised limits citizens choices only to those ideas the powerful approve of. It also divests anyone who might use unpopular ways to express his or her opinions, or who hold opinions different from those of the majority, of their rights. Not the first The Kulo controversy is not the only instance of the states undermining free expression due to arbitrary, if popular, understanding of what is obscene, blasphemous, and immoral. In 2001, then President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo ordered the Movie and Television Review and Classification Board (MTRCB) to recall the permit to show the film Live Show after a clamor from moralists and conservatives including the then archbishop of Manila, most of whom had not even seen the film to competently judge its worth. In July 2006, the MTRCB suspended the airing of GMA-7s i-Witness for its episode Lukayo: Hindi Ito Bastos (Lukayo: This is Not Obscene), a documentary on a tradition in which elderly women in a Laguna town dance and play with phallic symbols during weddings. The MTRCB declared that it had to protect the viewing public from obscene materials, even if the materials had been around for practically ages, and were part of the culture of a Philippine community. Some foreign movie companies have protested MTRCBs cutting portions of films it had rated X because these were allegedly too violent, sexually explicit, or otherwise unfit for public viewing, despite the fact that doing so would mangle the films. The suppression of the Kulo exhibit occurred in the context of a global campaign against religious defamation and blasphemy laws. International free expression groups like ARTICLE 19 and Freedom House have called for the repeal of religious libel and blasphemy laws, saying these are unnecessary and contrary to the right to free expression. Paula Schriefer, Freedom Houses director of advocacy, argues that Acts of religious discrimination are a genuine human rights issue for which everyone agrees a better solution is needed. However, not only do these laws fail to address the problem, but codifying defamation of religions into international law also sets a dangerous precedent and provides legitimacy to the rights abuses these laws inevitably create. In her paper Freedom of speech and offence: why blasphemy laws are not the appropriate response, ARTICLE 19 executive director Agnes Callamard also argued that There cannot be a human rights justification to the existence and implementation of blasphemy laws. Callamard also said: In the United States, the Supreme Court steadfastly strikes down any legislation prohibiting blasphemy, on the fear that even well-meaning censors would be tempted to favor one religion over another, as well as because it is not the business of governmentto suppress real or imagined attacks upon a particular religious doctrine. Necessary International covenants and declarationsto which the Philippines is a signatoryecho Bernas point: they declare that restrictions on freedom of expression and opinion may only be applied when necessary. But what does necessary mean? Mogens Schmidt of the UNESCO Communication and Information Sector wrote in a conference paper that permissible restrictions in the Covenant (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights/ICCPR)refer to a double condition: the limitations must be provided by law AND should be necessary to protect a number of public areas as well as the rights of othersnecessary here means that there must be exceptional reasons for such restrictions. Schmidt quotes ICCPRs Article 18: Freedom to manifest ones religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health, or morals or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others. Reckless disregard What happened to Kulo and Cruz was another example of the medias often reckless disregard for the impact of its actions on the rest of society. But it is also a case of the state and its agencies favoring one religion over another on the argument that the majority belong to it. The suppression of Kulo makes the degree of offensiveness of any form of expression a justification for censorship, whereas the only acceptable standard is the harm free expression may inflict on society. And yet, it is the suppression of expression, rather than the offensiveness of a play, a painting, or a film, that inflicts a greater harm on society because it denies citizens access to ideas, insights and perspectives on matters of concern which may help them better understand the various environmentswhether social or naturalthat otherwise resist comprehension.