1

University College London

The Bartlett Development Planning Unit



Methodological interpretation of The urban revolution:
The blind field of segregation in the production of public spaces in
Santiago




Francisco Vergara Perucich



Primary Supervisor: Dr Camillo Boano
Secondary Supervisor: Dr Caroline Newton

2

Document developed for the MPhil/PhD Upgrading of Francisco Vergara Perucich,
presented in The Bartlett Development Planning Unit in 8th October 2014. London, United
Kingdom.
Feel free to use this work to comment, contact the author, or use the information citing the
author and resource.

francisco.vergara.12@ucl.ac.uk















Development Planning Unit
The Bartlett
UCL Faculty of the Built Environment
34 Tavistock Square
London
WC1H 9EZ

T+44 (20) 7679 1111 - Fax: +44 (0)20 679 1112

3

Table of contents
1-Introduction 5
1.1-Spatial segregation with a blinded urbanism ..................................... 5
1.2-Epistemological Positioning of the research ....................................... 9
2-Literature review ......................................................................................... 13
2.1-Henri Lefebvre in urban theory and the relevance of "The urban
revolution" ................................................................................................... 13
2.2-Segregation in Santiago: What has been studied and what are the
gaps ............................................................................................................... 21
2.3-Crisis of urbanism and obsolete urban design tools in Santiago ... 29
Schematic summary of Literature review ................................................ 34
3-formulating the thesis ................................................................................. 35
3.1-Research Question ................................................................................ 35
3.2-Hypotheses ............................................................................................ 36
3.3-Objectives ............................................................................................... 37
3.4-Relevance and contribution to knowledge ........................................ 38
4-Methodology ................................................................................................ 40
4.1- A critique of neo-capitalism as ontology of the urban studies ...... 40
4.2-Interpreting "The urban revolution" as a methodology to research
segregation in public spaces ...................................................................... 43
4.5-Data Sources, Types and Forms .......................................................... 53
4.6-Problems and Limitations .................................................................... 58
4.7-Work plan .............................................................................................. 59
5-Tentative outline of the thesis .................................................................... 60
6-Expected Outcomes for next 12 months ................................................... 62
References ........................................................................................................ 63

4


Figure 1: Map of Santiago, highlighting Vitacura (up) and La Pintana (bottom), the areas to
study in this research.

5

1-INTRODUCTION
1.1-Spatial segregation with a blinded urbanism

"The urban revolution" written by Henri Lefebvre in 1970 provides
theoretical insights that enable dialectical discussions about the role of
urban design in the spatial segregation of Latin American cities.
Segregation in Chile has been a demanding issue in the political agenda
of the last 30 years. The qualitative differentiation between rich areas and
poor areas of cities makes it evident that there is a failure in the production
of equality through space. Indeed, along 2013 the OECD named Santiago
as the most segregated city among their country members. This problem
has been explained from diverse views such as: l
Neoliberal urban development based on the social and economical
transformations produced in Pinochet dictatorship, following Milton
Friedman ideals of reduces the size of the state increasing the power of
private. This lead to the liberalization of the land declared as non-scarce
good.
Social housing policies based on fiscal subsidy, to exemplify a 75% of the
national budget for urban development goes to promote the private in the
construction of social housing, leaving most of responsibility of the quality
in those dwellings to the market rules.
The extreme focus on social housing production, and not in
neighbourhood production. For example, just a 2% of the national budget
for urban development goes to improve public spaces in low-income areas
6

of cities. Compared with the 75% mentioned before, it is at least
questionable
Dismantling of the planning state apparatus, which was an
implementation in the eighties that considered the abolition of the
"Corporation of Urban Improvement" to divide their functions into five
different organisms. Then, the urban planning started to depend on
developers' interests, instead of produce general guidelines based on the
idea of the city.
The excessive centralization of urban transformation procedures, which is
clearly visible in the way government distributes resources. This
distribution is through the evaluation Social Development Ministry in
Santiago; that defines if projects deserve investment or not.
These analyses have been mainly quantitative, avoiding an analytical
understanding of the everyday life. This has an explanation, due to
methods that government uses to define investment in social projects are
based on quantitative data. These decisions need approval of Social
Development Ministry that applying obsolete instruments (Poduje, 2014)
attempts to distribute resources from fiscal coffers equally along the
national territory. Sadly, this system provoke that the government invests
where exists more activity that justify the investment, which hinders put
fiscal money to improve poor areas with low activity. The quantitative
data is not considered in these evaluations, so, for example, a project
oriented to reduce spatial segregation not going pass the filter of the Social
Development Ministry. In summary, the government invests through
subsidy to build social housing, and it invests in the construction of high
impact infrastructures. Then, everything that lies in between these scales
7

of urban development relies on what municipalities can do. Meaning, the
public spaces quality depends on the municipal budget, and of the
capacities of local authority to develop projects of public space.

Therefore, the public space development model in Chile have problems of
centralization, lack of comprehensive planning, an national investment
system based only on quantitative data, a neoliberal urban development
model, and an invisibilization of people in the decision making process
for spatial transformations. These conditions provide an ideal study case
to apply methodological approaches based on the work of Henri Lefebre
named "The urban revolution."

Figure 2: Based on: GOONEWARDENA, Kanishka; KIPFER, Stefan; SCHMID, Christian &
MILGROM Richard (eds.) (2008), Space, Difference, Everyday Life: Reading Henri
Lefebvre, London: Routledge.

1970S: FIRST WAVE: Neo-marxist and first approaches to the
production of space on political economy:
D. Harvey, M. Castells
[ ]
1980s: SECOND WAVE: Post-modernist and post-structuralist:
E. Soja, Remi Hess
[ ]
2000s: THIRD WAVE: Current urban debates on a post-capitalist
society and connections with space: L.Stanek, N.Brenner, A. Merrifield
[ ]
8

In this work, Lefebvre demands a revolution in the urbanism discipline.
Although this book was translated to Spanish in 1972, and its influence in
some Chilean urbanists was important, the dictatorship of Pinochet
started by burning the whole Marxist works present in the country.
Lefebvre's books in Chile were prohibited, and their followers were
expelled of the country or murdered. Chile had an urban revolution, but
a neoliberal one. The right to the city, the decentralization of decision-
making processes, the participatory projects, the urban life itself were
eliminated of the political agenda in order to increase the profitable values
of the spatial production. This has been a quite successful business for
building companies whose profits are similar to the funds that the
government collects from mining companies.
Nowadays, after more than twenty years of democratization, the country
have been trying to recover their lost values and social life. However the
good quality of urban life is still a debt. The critical perspective about
urbanism that Lefebvre develops in "The urban revolution," provides
several interpretative approaches to the urban problematic in Chile.
Hence, a methodological application of this book over the case of Santiago
may give relevant conclusions to improve Chilean cities. If one of the aims
of Lefebvre with "The urban revolution" was trace a pathway to overthrow
capitalism and install a society where prevails the right to the city, analyse
the Chilean case under his lenses may reveal the reasons why urbanism in
Chile has failed, illuminating this blind field.

9

1.2-Epistemological Positioning of the research

One of the principal questioning of Henri Lefebvre about urbanism was
the lack of epistemology. Before the absence of theory capable to back
decisions making processes, positivist methods of urban design decanted
in inaccurate proposals of urban spaces, due to the distance between the
data measured and the everyday life. After his critique, several urban
theories were developed in order to produce an epistemology of
urbanism. Then the efforts of Edward Soja, David Harvey, Andy
Merrifield, Peter Marcuse, for mention a few, made great contributions to
this field of knowledge.
However, in places like Chile, the space is still thought
compartmentalized, producing disciplinary divisions instead to generate
comprehensive approaches to the urban.
This research contributes discussing the current way of urbanism in Chile,
which remains positivist and lacking epistemology. Although assume this
critical perspective, positivist methods are not rejected in this research.
Cumulative data process will help to characterize the sample in a
descriptive preliminary level. Those measurable characteristics of the
space will follow positivist methods. A second stage will interpret that
data, assigning meaning, and adding complexity of the initial quantitative
information.
Acknowledging urbanism state of the art in Chile ignore quantitative data
might invisibilize this research before the eyes of specialists. For example:
A project to build a highway must count how many bikes, cars, and trucks
are passing by some area of the city, and then demonstrating its "social
10

need". This means that quantitative data have no incidence in the
destination of public funds for social projects. Then, strategically this
research adapt positivists method in order to discuss the same positivism
of urbanism in Chile, adding layers of complexity through interpretative
processes.
Originally, urban design assumed that a human behaviour is predictable
based on quantitative data. The modern movement headed by Le
Corbusier (Framptom, K 2001: 173), regarding urban planning affairs had
a positivist posture that was widely criticised by Lefebvre in "The urban
revolution." He demands complexify urbanism, applying dialectical
understanding of the reality, refuting the existence of positivist urbanism
(Lefebvre, 2003: 62). Lefebvre rejects the application of mathematical
models to ensure successful urban production. The knowledge produced
shall be based on interpretations of information and objects of analysis,
starting by a reliable measure of the sample for measurable phenomena.
Then, interpret the data using the theory and the information from
literature and interviewees.
In this line, the research is intrinsically dialectical. It builds a theoretical
framework discussed by reality observed in the fieldwork. Then, it re-
builds the theory based on the contrast between those stages. Knowledge
produced is consequence of dialectic relations between reality and theory.
Therefore, the research is first deductive, and then inductive:

11

Deductive, a theoretical part based on the literature review where "The
urban revolution" is turned into a methodology in order to build
arguments to read the urban segregation in Santiago.
Inductive, after theorize and produce an analytical framework, the
analysis of study cases permits the discussion of the theory produced in
the deductive part.
This will produce contestations between one stage and other in order to
consolidate a comprehensive and dialectical approach to the analyzed
phenomena.

Figure 3: Diagram of epistemological construction used in this research. By author.
In order to achieve consistent conclusions of this research, inductive or
deductive purely are insufficient. Following the dialectical method
proposed by Lefebvre to analyse urban phenomena, appears as an
adequate approach to producing knowledge. Especially considering that
this research have "The urban revolution" as main theoretical resource.
Deductive Inductive
CASE
STUDY
Positivist
methods
Interpretative
methods
KNOWLEDGE CONTRIBUTION
URBANISM
URBANISM LACK EPISTEMOLOGY
Inductive, after
theorize and produce
an analytical
framework, the
analysis of study
cases permits the
discussion of the
theory produced in
the deductive part.
Deductive, a
theoretical part based
on the literature
review where "The
urban revolution" is
turned into a
methodology in
order to build
arguments to read
the urban segregation
in Santiago.
12


Figure 4: Diagram situating The urban revolution in the production of urban theory by
Lefebvre. By author.

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13

2-LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1-Henri Lefebvre in urban theory and the relevance of "The
urban revolution"

It is important to state the relevance of Henri Lefebvre in the history of
urban theory. His contributions started to be widely acknowledged in
France with his "Critique of everyday life" in the early thirties that was
published in 1947 with the name: Critique de la vie quotidienne. In this
series of studies, he posed that everyday life was underestimated in
comparison with technology or production, and its destiny was the
colonization by capitalism. This contribution to social theory is vital and
visionary of what actually happened with everyday life. Marxist and
critical about some Marxist government, most of its writings before 1968
were about interpretation of Marx and Marxist approaches to social life.
1968 is the landmark year of his intellectual production. This year he has
three widely recognized works: "Sociology of Marx", "Dialectical
Materialism", "The right to the city" (Titles translated from french). After
that year, his main studies turned to spatial and urban issues. It is like in
1968, the sum of these works with the student revolts of May made him
realize of a Marxist interpretation of the urban life and an eventual crisis
of the same. While "The right to the city" is more a cry for urban justice,
his next book "The urban revolution" is a consistent approach to strip
14

capitalism from social relations, in order to install new parameters of
spatial production: Less mercantile and more social.
He observed in the urban production the choice to overthrow capitalist
hegemony.
After that, in 1974 he wrote "The production of space", which as a snowball
came to deliver a deep integration of "The right to the city" and "The urban
revolution", sowing the Marxist urban theory. This aims towards
understand that the urban is a resultant of social processes that need to be
complexify. The city is a consequence of social relations and permits the
reproduction (and prevalence) of once social class dominating the other.
Their contributions to urban theory have been interpreted by several
thinkers. For Neil Smith (2003), intellectualization of urbanism and its
inclusion as a social science is the main contribution of Lefebvre's work. It
generated a holistic thinking of the urban, acknowledging the economic,
political, (Merrifield, 2006)social, environmental and physical factors that
affect the urban phenomena. Specifically, for Smith, Lefebvre gave tools
to address injustice that has been expressed in cities.
The urban theorist Mark Purcell, interprets that the demand delivered by
Lefebvre is empower people in the capability to transform the urban life.
Deeping in the argument of Purcell, Lefebvre is pushing urbanists
towards a feasible utopia in order to destroy capitalism in a definitive
way. Purcell says that this utopia is possible if society is engaged and
organized to achieve this end.
The American urbanist, Neil Brenner, interprets Lefebvre's thought as a
methodological insight to analyse the capitalism and its implications in
15

the production of urban life. For him, spatial production is in a constant
process or rearticulating as well as the capitalism. In the current global
context before the fall of neo-capitalism, Brenner says that urban theory
must refer to Lefebvre in order to think the future of cities from critical
and intellectual outcomes able to generate feasible and necessary
proposals. Perhaps the deeper analyst of Lefebvre's work has been the
British urbanist Andy Merrifield. For him, Lefebvre's aim is rescuing
culture of it falling. Furthermore, the connection between the urban
fetishism that characterizes the capitalist global condition, and the cultural
crisis may be resolved through urban revolutions. For Merrifield, there is
a political specificity in the urban life that need conceptualisation in order
to build a theory able to separate capitalism from social forces. His view
is that this urban revolution should thrive in the streets.
A less orthodox reading of Lefebvre's proposals is delivered by David
Harvey, whose analysis relies more in the relation between Lefebvre's
work and Marx work, giving wide importance to the urban contribution
made by the French philosopher to connect capitalism crisis with urban
production. For Harvey, through some Lefebvrian ideas,
instrumentalizing the urban is a way to overthrow neoliberalism. Another
fundamental user of Lefebvre's thought has been Peter Marcuse. Focusing
especially in the right to the city, Marcuse's interpretation is that an urban
revolution must be implemented sectored, tackling each problematic
independently. Marcuse demands the creation of strategies towards
achieving the right to the city, using institutions to advance in this
discussion. He is sceptical about the revolution as a mean to achieve the
16

right to the city, because the elite forces are huge against the power of
people, even if they organize well.
A book developed by Lukasz Stanek named "Henri Lefebvre on space"
was launched in 2011, delivering new interpretations of the philosopher
contribution in urban theory. This book confronts the practical and
theoretical contributions of Lefebvre in the multi-scalar production of the
urban emphasizing on architecture. In Stanek's analysis of Lefebvre, the
architecture is a fruitful field of struggle to reclaim the right to the city. He
installs the architecture as a symbolic element of social re-appropriation.
Why use "The urban revolution" as theoretical entry?
"The urban revolution" hypothesis is: Society has been completely
urbanized, and the world is approaching to the critical zone, where urban
society falls into total domination of the capitalism. However, until the
total urbanization still there is time to revolve urbanism and change
destiny.

Figure 5: Chile has been almost totally urbanized. By author based on Lefebvre,H. (1972) La
revolucion urbana. Madrid:Alianza Editorial.
Chile = 89% of
Urbanization
17


"The urban revolution" hypothesis is: Society has been completely
urbanized, and the world is approaching to the critical zone, where urban
society falls into total domination of the capitalism. Moreover, until the
total urbanization still there is time to revolve urbanism and change
destiny. Lefebvre's contribution starts in a re-interpretation of Marxism,
asserting that urban phenomenon replaced industrialization as force of
historical switch and capital accumulation source. Urbanization creates
conditions for capitalize through space instead of urbanization as
consequence of capitalist activity.
The book is a critique and a demonstration of the possibilities towards
change history. In deep, the book is an optimistic expression of resume the
pursuit of utopia. "by 'urban revolution' I refer to the transformations that
affect contemporary society, ranging from the period when questions of
growth and industrialization predominate (models, plans, programs) to
the period when the urban problematic become predominant, when the
search for solutions and modalities unique to urban society are foremost.
Some of these transformations are sudden; others are gradual, planned,
determined. But which ones? This is a legitimate question. It is by no
means certain in advance that the answer will be clear, intellectually
satisfying, or unambiguous." (Lefebvre 2003:5) Hence, the urban
revolution should discuss and redefine what is understood by urban,
urbanism and urban society.
Despite the late translation of "The urban revolution", authors to analyse
the urban phenomenon before have used it. Following the journal articles
18

that have been using "The urban revolution" too urban theory since 2000,
it is possible to build the next map:

Figure 6: Map of authors that worked with the urban revolution. By author.
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19

Neil Brenner (2000) established the importance of this book in the question
of scale for urbanization and capitalism. In the building of a Marxist urban
theory have contributed Stuart Elden (2004), Andy Merrifield (2005),
Greig Charnock (2010), and Stefan Kipfer (2012).
In relation to political economy, this book has been used to connect
capitalism with urbanization. Authors like Stefan Krtke (2014), Louis
Moreno (2014), have been using "The urban revolution" to analyse the
economics of spatial production. These authors mixed "The urban
revolution" with David Harvey's "Rebel Cities" of 2012.
The question of scale, class struggle, and levels have been used by Mark
Whitehead (2003), Laurence Costes (2011), Mark Purcell (2013), and Anna
Winkler (2013) to sustain participatory design positions, and the relevance
of the struggle for the right to the city.
The studies made by these authors are fundamental to criticise urbanism.
"The urban revolution" has been used mainly through theoretical
approaches. However this research will discuss the theory with practical
approaches. And here is a contribution to knowledge, when "The urban
revolution" becomes a theory and an operative guideline to deconstruct
urban reality; to discuss urbanism methods that are currently in use in a
determinated context.
Furthermore, some concepts with highly practical possibilities have been
under-used in urban analysis. That is the case for blind field; a stage of
urbanization defined and conceptualized by concepts emerged from
capitalism. A new language is necessary to describe the urban phenomena
and the crisis of urban life; otherwise the urban will remain unseen. Other
20

concepts that deserve a practical approach are Levels and Dimensions of
analysis.
He established three levels: Global, Mixed, and Private; where Global
refers to superstructures and centralized power, Private refers to
dwellings and everyday life conditions, and Mixed is everything between
global and private. Dimensions refer to the means used to analyse each
level separately, and concepts that articulate them.
Perhaps, the most interesting and under-used concept proposed by
Lefebvre in this book, is his critique to the lack of urban epistemology.
This is a big challenge to all specialists that have the urban as object of
study. How to build an urban epistemology? This thesis will attempt to
use these approaches, and also assume the challenge to define what is an
urban epistemology in the Chilean context, based on "The urban
revolution" as a theoretical base.

21


2.2-Segregation in Santiago: What has been studied and what are
the gaps

The 14th September of 1972, an international housing congress was held
in Santiago, where Lefebvre participated with a highlighted intervention.
He said:
"The urbanization of society is accompanied by a deterioration
of urban life: exploitation of centres, deprivation of social life,
people distributed segregative through the space. This is a
contradiction that I named: Contradiction of the space."
While Lefebvre was giving his lecture, the government of Salvador
Allende was attempting to install progressive urban experiences against
segregation. Those ideas were closely linked with the idea of "right to the
city". Sadly, Allende's project and Lefebvre's ideas were burnt in the coup-
dtat of 1973. After that, everything got neoliberal.
Nowadays, Chile is a market-lead society and highly segregated. For
Naomi Klein (2007), Chile was one of the best examples where
neoliberalism has been forcibly implemented through a totalitarian
government using what she named "shock doctrine." For Marco Valencia
(2006) this implementation brought the dismantling of the state urban
planning institutions, producing a severe social segregation in Santiago.
Since 2007, the civil society awoke after years of lethargy. They demand
more and better politics and policies towards social justice. These
processes have been named "The fall of the model" (Mayol, 2012), and
22


Figure 7: Diverse approaches to the definition of urban segregation. By author.

triggered the pursuit of a new model of society (Atria et al. 2014) according
with people's expectations. For Lefebvre, an "Urban democracy would
imply an equality of places, equal participation in global exchanges"
(Lefebvre 2003), and Chile the urbanism have not changed since capitalist
implementation. This undermines what Lefebvre defines as urban
democracy, and prejudice the political construction of society.
Considering that Chile has been under a democratization by 24 years, then
why urbanism following same logic than during the dictatorship?
In 2010, the government proudly announced that Chile became an OECD
member due to successful economic achievements. Contrasting with
Urban
Segregation
For Manuel Castells:
Urban segregation is a
consequence of unequal
distribution of the space
as resource, specially
referred to housing.
Urban segregation is a
non static process that
engages social struggles.
For Jean Lojkine: Urban
segregation is a theoretical
category of research in
social sciences, referring
to accessibility of diverse
social classes to
consumption and
localization within the
city, and how urban
policy define the spatial
segregation.
For Henri Lefebvre:
Organization of space in
capitalist societies where
space is subject of market
trades, those who pay
more receive better urban
life (class struggle) among
the same social class, and
everyday life depends of
spatial trading rather than
of rights.
For the United Nations:
Segregation is the
concentration of
population groups in
diverse areas of the
territory. It is positive in
relation to strengthen
social and cultural group
identities, and negative
due to social exclusion of
the poor
For Francisco Sabatini
(Chilean): Urban
segregation is related with
big cities. It is the
geographical
agglomeration of families
of the same social
condition, believes or
culture. For Sabatini,
segregation might be
positive (same as UN)
23

expectations, in 2013 Santiago was named the most segregated city of
OECD countries, triggering diverse reactions among specialists and
scholars, trying to understand why this happened and how can it be
resolved.
There are different definitions of urban segregation. For Henri Lefebvre:
Organization of space in capitalist societies where space is subject of
market trades, those who pay more receive better urban life (class
struggle) among the same social class, and everyday life depends of
spatial trading rather than of rights. For Manuel Castells: Urban
segregation is a consequence of unequal distribution of the space as
resource, specially referred to housing. Urban segregation is a non static
process that engages social struggles. For Jean Lojkine: Urban segregation
is a theoretical category of research in social sciences, referring to
accessibility of diverse social classes to consumption and localization
within the city, and how urban policy define the spatial segregation. For
the United Nations: Segregation is the concentration of population groups
in diverse areas of the territory. It is positive in relation to strengthen social
and cultural group identities, and negative due to social exclusion of the
poor. For Francisco Sabatini (Chilean): Urban segregation is related with
big cities. It is the geographical agglomeration of families of the same
social condition, believes or culture. For Sabatini, segregation might be
positive (same as UN.)
This thesis will work with Lefebvres definition, who stated that
segregation in cities is a resultant of factors such as urban fetishism, class
struggle, and capitalization of urban. A segregated city is a reproduction
of unjust societies, a physical manifestation of non-democratic urban
development.
24

Despite surprising news about spatial segregation in Santiago, this
phenomena have been largely studied. In 2001, Jorge Rodriguez
established the necessity to measure and monitoring segregation in big
cities. More radical, Alfredo Rodriguez and Ana Sugranyes(2005) in "Los
con techo" demanded the improvement of social housing projects. They
pointed out the importance of think in a city-wide scale. They requested
the inclusion of social housing in the urban fabric, rather than produce it
isolated in peripheries.
Recently, the urbanist Javier Ruiz-Tagle (in Lopez et al. 2013) requested
four measures in order to stop and reduce segregation of cities:
1. Zoning, narrowing the market as primary urban producer through land
speculation.
2. End the segmentation of services and the municipal dependence of
financial resources that come from centralized entities.
3. Reduce the stigmatization of urban areas in media, stopping
discrimination between "rich areas" and "poor areas".
4. Implementing policies of socioeconomic diversification of
neighbourhoods, increasing social mobility.
Complementary, Francisco Sabatini (2013), stresses the importance of
localization policies that ensures the insertion of social housing within city
networks and innerly. For him, land value must be subject of discussion
towards more equality of the urban.

25


Figure 8: Map of segregation in Santiago, based on incomes per person. By author based on
information of Environmental Ministry 2011, CASEN 2009 and Observatorio de Ciudades.

26

Most of these studies are in the Global level, focusing of centralized
decision-making process, which characterizes spatial production in Chile.
However, the Mixed level and Private level has been used just as
quantitative data. The possibilities that both Private and Mixed levels
have for transforming segregation are underestimated.
Furthermore, urban theory in Chile is absent of public discussion. Instead,
it is considered as an eminently technical discipline, lacking ideological
discussions. Alberto Sato (in Cocia et al. 2009) poses that politics and
architecture have different ends, and there are no compulsory connections
between such different disciplines. As an academic leader, his voice
represents what architecture schools have been doing since decades:
depoliticise the discipline and isolate it. Disconnecting spatial design with
urban life makes prevail the segregation trends from the very beginning
of the process. Then urbanism is a mask of capitalism, with the specialist's
face.
27


Figure 9: Urbanism in Chile is a Blind Field. By author.
The knowledge gaps of segregation studies in Chile rely on the urbanism
itself. Lacking analysis in the Mixed and Private level, the
residentialization of the discussion produce a centralization of the
discussion in the production of houses, rather than in the production of
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28

urban life. The absence of the public spaces as a main component of
segregation problems is striking and deserves an analysis, due to it is a
blind field. Perhaps, the extreme privatization and individualistic society
just forgot the importance of the public life. Here is where socialization of
the problem gets difficult, because the public is not important for someone
that only think in his own good. The study of public spaces could also be
another way to tackle the effects of a capitalism with face of urbanist.
It concerns the scarcity of ideological discussions. Urbanists are busy only
with urgencies; there is no time to thinking on long term. A deep
discussion about processes of "urban development" must be installed in
Chile if it is desired to evict segregation from spatial problems, and
improve the urban life.

29


2.3-Crisis of urbanism and obsolete urban design tools in
Santiago
There is a key concept used by Lefebvre in "The urban revolution," which
is Urbanism. He chooses discuss about urbanism as a discipline oriented
to generate urban life. In his interpretation, this discipline has ideological
and practical components that need a symbiotic relation between them.
For Lefebvre, urbanism needs an epistemology, a theorization and
conceptualize this social practice that deals with the urban. Historically,
urbanism has been conceived as a positivist discipline that need a
scientific approach to reality, attempting to ensure optimal results. A
quantitative orientation has served as a mask to hide an evident lack of
theory.
What means to have the theory to urbanism?
For Peter Marcuse (2009) should be an analytical approach to practical
experiences related with developing urban life, aiming to illuminate the
future of that discipline. However, urbanism theory differs with another
theory, because cities are in a constant process of transformation, as well
as society, economy, politics, environment. Its complexity relies on the
necessity to combine human components, physical components, and
design with its interpretative and subjective values. In spite the big
contribution to urban theory given by authors such as Edwards Soja, Jane
Jacobs, Susan Fainstein, Patsy Healey, Manuel Castells, and Henri
30

Lefebvre, the urbanism remains practical without much more theoretical
insights.
Specifically within the urbanism, urban design appears as a critical sub-
discipline that makes of urbanization the main capital accumulation
system. Urban design does the dirty work: designing policies, plans,
projects, and instruments to perpetuate the endless process of exploiting
urban space. Urban design implements the unfairness in cities, extending
the trend around the urbanized world. Therefore, from the critical
perspective of Lefebvre about urbanism, what is necessary is generate
ideological discussions about urban design.
Urban design as such was developed in a post-war context, specifically in
Harvard Graduate School of Design under the command of Jose Luis Sert
around 1956. Although its disciplinary origins date from the early years
of the twentieth century (Cuthbert 2007), through the Harvard project and
the CIAM got international acknowledging. This research project funded
by Rockefeller foundation, authors like Kevin Lynch, Jane Jacobs, E. A.
Gutkind, Ian McHarg, Christopher Tunnard, Ian Nairn, Edmund Bacon,
and Christopher Alexander advanced in the formulation of an urban
design theory (Laurence 2006). The biggest concern of the foundation was
producing an adequate understanding of city processes.
Through this diagram, James Stewart (1982) attempted to explain the
history of theory in relation to urban design. However, his outcome is
more a description of aims and methods of urbanism in production of
cities. This is a constant distortion in urban design theory. Journals and
books about "urban design theory" are defining what have been done and
31

how should be done from now.

Figure 10: James H. Stewart (1982) The future of planning theory whither urban design?,
Planning Outlook, 24:2, 75-83
This distortion perhaps has implications in what Koolhaas called "the
dead of urbanism". The urban design developed only through
quantitative methods failed. That was announced by Lefebvre in "The
urban revolution" and reaffirmed by OMA in S,M,L,& XL (1995)
"Modernisms alchemistic promise to transform quantity into quality
through abstraction and repetition has been a failure, a hoax: magic that
didnt work. Its ideas, aesthetics, strategies are finished."

32

For Alexander Cuthbert (2007), urban design is a problematic discipline in
urbanism due to its absence of professional identity, which debilitates its
position in theory, decanting in eclectic and insubstantial. What Cuthbert
makes is demanding if urban design is a social science, an art, a science; in
order to inscribe it within the field of knowledge.
Deepen in his argument, the failure of urban design is because a
nonconcerned effort to link material creation of urban space with societal
process.
Matthew Carmona (Carmona (2014) says that the urban design is a
mongrel discipline that feeds its theory from a wide, diverse spectrum of
disciplines " sociology, anthropology, psychology, political science,
Economics, ecological, physical and health sciences, urban geography,
and the arts; as well as from the professional theories and practices of:
architecture, landscape, planning, law, property, engineering and
management. Indeed, wherever it can" (Op.Cit 2). For him, knowledge in
urban design exists as an intellectual borrow from other fields to interpret
the practice, and the meanings assigned to that intellectual reflections in
order to generate a sort of urban theory.
Are practical disciplines subject of ideological constructions before
execute a project?
Considering that for Lefebvre, the space is political, the lack of ideology
behind a discipline that deals with spatial production deserves a
questioning.

33

In the case of Chile, urban design theory relies on the practical realm, far
from theories, and absent of ideological discussions. Even in Chile the
term of Urban Design was replaced by Urban Project (Rosas 2012).
Deeping this change of term, in 2011 a group of highlighted urbanists and
academics wrote a book named "Santiago Proyecto Urbano" (Santiago
Urban Project), a statement of what is and should be urban design in Chile.
They said: "For us, projecting the urban is understand the transformative
operativity of an intervention in a scale that is tensing the relation between
the building and the plan, in which should be integrated the strategic
vision, systemic, and environmentaly sustainable." (Greene, Rosas,
Valenzuela 2011:10) Operatively and praxis, without ideology and theory.
There is a gap in urban design in the whole world: the lacking of ideology.
Nevertheless academics are attempting to frame this problem giving space
to discuss and develop knowledge around this topic. In Chile, the gap
looks like a lake, where rather than discuss this lack the academia is
deepening the praxis towards a sort of a scientific process of urban design,
highly quantitative and physical.

34

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35

3-FORMULATING THE THESIS
3.1-Research Question

What theoretical and
ideological constructions
arise from methodological
interpretations of "The
urban revolution", through
analysing the urban
segregation phenomena of
Santiagos public spaces?
36

3.2-Hypotheses
Marxist urban theory has been focused mainly on residential segregation
and capital accumulation through the urban production. The role of public
space within this theory remains open to advances and theoretical
reflections. The collective condition of the public space should be a
primary concern in order to reduce segregation on big cities. In spite this
relevance, urbanism in Chile remain like a blind field, and specifically
urban design lack theoretical reflections. Instead, the notion of urban
design started to disappear, arising the discipline of urban projectists. This
is exactly what capitalism need from spatial production: busy urbanists in
accumulate capital rather than critically thinking.
Spatial segregation in public spaces occurs due to the interest of urban
speculators for valorize the properties and increase those areas value and
services, in the meantime the devaluation of other areas of the city permits
the middle term accumulation. Then, when one area of the city approaches
to the 100% of it maximum value, the developers starts to increase the
price of the land on undeveloped areas through investments and
improvements to the public space. This is a strategic depredation of land,
whose consequence is the displacement of the low-income persons. In
summary, urban neoliberal system isolates low income groups, keeping
the price of the land low through avoiding improvements in public spaces.
Then, when they need land to speculate, starts the displacement of low-
income people. For succeed in these methods, urbanists must remain
apolitical, highly practical, and the less reflective as possible. This fits with
the diagnosis of Lefebvre on "The urban revolution", saying that the urban
life quality is undermined by both, capitalism and irresponsible urbanists
with their social role of pursuit the common good.
37

Segregation on public spaces demonstrates that a revolutionary
transformation is needed in the way urbanism is thought and practiced,
aiming to produce social relations, rather than accumulation of capital.
3.3-Objectives
Produce a methodological reflection and instrumentalization of "The
urban revolution", valorizing its applicability for neoliberal cities in the
global south, complexifying the theory previously generated based on
Lefebvre's contribution to knowledge.
Elaborate, investigate and explore further "The urban revolution" as
theoretical and conceptual potential in the fields of urban studies,
generating a critical approach to urban design within this realm.
Provide an unprecedented understanding of the spatial segregation of
Santiago, following the approach based on Lefebvre's Marxist urban
theory.
Unveil the logic behind urbanism in the production of public spaces
within two representative neighbourhoods of Santiago (one rich and one
poor); mapping the procedures to implement those spaces, in order to
acknowledge the blind fields that producing spatial segregation.
Produce a grassroots oriented, and following a Marxist understanding
of the urban segregation problem, theorize this phenomenon through the
case of Santiago.

38


3.4-Relevance and contribution to knowledge
Lefebvre poses the hypothesis that society has been
completely urbanized, and the world is
approaching to what he calls the critical zone, where
urban society falls into total domination of the
capitalism. When he wrote the book, society was
approaching to this critical zone. Hence, there was
still a lapse of time to change the urban life.
Nonetheless, Chile's urbanization reached the 89%.
Therefore, the possibilities to make revolutionary
transformations in urban life deserve an urgent
study.
This thesis provides a critical reflection and
investigation about the nature of designing the
urban life in Santiago, with a focus over public
spaces. It investigates the connections between
spatial segregation exemplified on public spaces
and the lack of theorization and ideological
discussions in urban design. Researching public
spaces aims to illuminate a blind field that is
urbanism in Santiago under a capitalist regime; This
regime is supposed to be democratic however
segregation remains a trend in urban life.
These urban problems have been analysed and
critically observed by Henri Lefebvre in "The urban revolution," providing
n
2
+
39

methodological insights and pathways towards resolve issues like
segregation, lack of participation, and installing a right to the city.
Considering the relevance of Henri Lefebvre in the production of Marxist
urban theory (which has been totally absent of the Chilean debate for
cities), the operationalization of "The urban revolution" through a Latin-
American metropolis results as a unprecedented experiment un the
production of ideological discussions about the urban life.
Another relevant aspect is the adaptation of Henri Lefebvre Marxist
approach to urbanism, within a Latin-American context, where his
thoughts and predictions made in the early seventies appeared in the
everyday life of people nowadays. This thesis will advance from what
other researchers have been doing before in Marxist urban theory in the
case of Santiago, especially Alfredo Rodriguez, Ana Sugranyes, and
recently Ernesto Lopez-Morales.
This thesis contributes providing a radical critique of the extremely
empirical orientation of urban design, where the lack of theory and
ideological discussion distorts the way urban is produced, impeding the
achievement of spatial justice.

40

4-METHODOLOGY
4.1- A critique of neo-capitalism as ontology of the urban studies

The ontological understanding of this research is that the urban rather
than represent social relations is the social life itself. It is in the urban
where civilization finds its faith and doom, its sadness and happiness, its
prosperity and failure. The urban is a historical construction, and through
urban dialectics occurs the transformation of human life. Global
capitalism decanted in segregated cities.
The ontological understanding of this research is that the urban rather
than represent social relations is the social life itself. It is in the urban
where civilization finds its faith and doom, its sadness and happiness, its
prosperity and failure. The urban is a historical construction, and through
urban dialectics occurs the transformation of human life. Global
capitalism decanted in segregated cities. Transform this unjust conditions,
relies on society capabilities to overthrown this unfair system. Urbanists
should find pathways towards this end, and this thesis attempts it.
Dialectical methods aim towards comprehend how lack of ideological
discussions in spatial production, difficult inclusiveness of social fabric
composition.
Through deepening urban phenomena, urban designers can operate as
social catalysts. Their disciplinary role exceeds the mere developing of
plans and maps. The responsibility of urban designers is direct with the
role of cities in produce fair societies.
41

It is fundamental to understand that urban design and social life are
intimately connected through how space is produced and theorized.
While more inclusive, participatory, beautiful, and responsible becomes
the public space, more happy people live there.
Neo-capitalist system has been undermining the reach of social justice,
being the city the physical manifestation of this condition. Using the
spatial segregation as language, neo-capitalist have stated clearly the class
struggle and desire of divide the society between rich and poor.
This differentiation runs against ideals urban life where everyone feels
part of the whole, aiming towards a more equitable society.
A personal goal of the researcher is answered the question: Is it possible
to conceive a democratic city in Chile? And, Is this democratic city what
people expect from the utopian definition of democracy?

Figure 11: Diagram of ontological construction of this research. By author.

Urban Theory
Neo-
Capitalism
Urbanists
The Democratic
City Utopia
42


For the ontological construction of this research, "The urban revolution"
poses the necessity of re-create utopias and push the society towards that
direction. In the very own reflection of the researcher, the democratic city
is an utopia that deserves a deep and conscious exploration, but first it is
needed to have an ideological discussion, build methodologies, and
arguments to head that discussion. This must be the first step towards that
utopia for this researcher.
43


4.2-Interpreting "The urban revolution" as a methodology to research
segregation in public spaces

In order to achieve the objectives of this research, advancing coherently
with what requests the research question, this section explains the
methodology.
"The urban revolution" carries with several methodological values that
can be translated into social research methods. In spite "The urban
revolution" aimed to produce an actual revolution in the means how
urbanism develop cities, it also provides strategies to analyse the urban
phenomena, unpacking those elements that are blinding the field of
spatial production. The following are the components used by this
research to produce a primary interpretative methodology based on "The
urban revolution:"
Blind field of urbanism: A "blind field" is an area of study that seems to
be insignificant, but that after a theorization unveils its real value. For
Lefebvre, the lack of ideological interpretation of urbanism is a blind field.
The praxis have been the main concern of architects and urbanists.
However, that way of urban practice is a tool and a mask for capitalist
activity through urban production. This thesis assumes the challenge to
understand that blind field of urbanism, and assembles spatial
segregation in public spaces of Santiago as the way to unveiling it.

44

The method to address this part is through literature review, interviews
with specialists, and mapping procedures that guide the production of
public spaces in Santiago.

Levels and Dimensions: There is three levels that facilitate ordering the
information to describe the urban phenomena, specifically spatial
segregation in public spaces:
i) Global Level: explain the reasons of
segregation from a centralized origin,
referred to national structures, like
government policies, macroeconomic
conditions, geopolitical issues, and
other macro scale values that may
appear.
ii) Mixed Level: explain reasons of
segregation in the urban area of study,
for example, the neighbourhood,
excluding private spaces. Besides to
consider streets, public spaces, public
facilities, and green areas contended
in the analyzed territory; it also
consider policies emerged from local
authorities, activities among communities, and other social relations.
iii) Private Level: explain reasons of segregation from inside the private
places. This explores the level of dwellings, for example houses, hotels,
Market
relations
Scalar
relations
Cycles or
Production and
Re-Production
Use of the
space
Struggles
between parts
Mapping
procedures of
production
Mapping
social relations
Global Level
Mixed Level
Private Level
45

and also individual decisions, individual concerns, and other private
relations.
Each level is analyzed by its dimensions. By dimensions understood as the
properties and values of each element to analyze. This dimensioning of
properties is not only by sizes and areas, but also consider to make visible
those values physically invisibles. For example, mapping social relations,
unveiling market relations, scalar relations, cycles of production and
reproduction, uses of spaces, clashes between those relations and its
consequences. Also, an abstraction of differentiations is considered a
dimension of analysis. For example private and public, small and big,
open and closed, symmetric and asymmetric, dominant and residual.
The methods to work with levels and dimensions are mainly through
collecting data from the field (whether public documents, maps, surveys,
interviews), visualize that information and interpret it based on the
theory. This aims to transform hard data into theory and ideological
interpretations of observed reality.
It is important to mention that this methodology is one of the objectives of
this research. Hence, it consolidation remains open until its end. This
because the dialectical methods based initially on inductive, and then
deductive phases, may change the way of interpreting this theoretical
resource obtained from "The urban revolution."
Urban laws: one blind field is unveiled, and the study case has been
analyzed through its levels and dimensions, it is possible to formulate a
re-adaptation of what Lefebvre called Urban Laws. These urban laws are
definitions of actions towards transform the urban life. In this case, the
46

urban laws to achieve must be about segregation in public spaces. The
way to formulate these laws is:
1. Negative laws: based on the interpretations of problems that are
producing segregation in public spaces, these laws define the way to
transform those negative conditions.
2. Positive laws: each negative law, have a consequently positive law. Both
act dialectically to build knowledge, and advances in urban theory.


The method to shape these laws is producing a cross-cutting reflection
between the blind field stage outcomes and the levels and dimensions
stage outcomes. This stage is built based on arguments and theorization
of the practical experiences. This is a reflective moment where initial
theory and fieldwork outcomes are confronted.
Positive Urban Law 1 Negative Urban Law 1
Positive Urban Law 2 Negative Urban Law 2
Negative Urban Law 3
47

4.3- Programme of study
Considering that residential segregation has been largely studied in the
segregation problem, this research will focus on public spaces. The
segregation of public spaces in Santiago will be analysed through a
comparative study of two municipal divisions:

Vitacura:
Area: 28 3 km
Inhabitants: 84,195
Average household income per
month: 1.025
Square meter of green areas per
inhabitant: 56,2
Number of parks or squares: 362

La Pintana:
Area: 30,6 km
Inhabitants: 182.930
Average household income per
month: 112
Square meter of green areas per
inhabitant: 2,4
Number of parks or squares: 244
(Data from Environmental Ministry, 2011)

48



Figure 12: Map of Santiago marking Vitacura (UP), La Pintana (bottom)

49

Pictures of La Pintanas Public Space


50



51

Pictures of Vitacuras Public Spaces

52


53

4.5-Data Sources, Types and Forms


Obtaining primary data from individuals that participate of spatial
transformations in Chile, through semi-structured interviews. These semi-
structured interviews will apply for scholars and leaders of organisations.
Hence, The data analysis of these interviews will be mainly qualitative. It
is important to record these interviews. Time for each interview is 45
minute's maximum.
In order to obtain people perception of spaces to analyse, a survey will be
implemented in each study case. The aim is to produce quantitative data
to contrast with the qualitative data produced in the semi-structured
interviews. Maps, pictures and drawings will be developed by the
researcher in order to interpret the analysed spaces.
Every data collected will be from public sources.
4. Literature reviews.
n
2
1. Qualitative data from
individuals that participate
of spatial transformations
in Chile, through semi-
structured interviews.
Time for each interview is
45 minute's maximum.
3. Maps, pictures
and drawings will
be developed by
the researcher in
order to interpret
the analysed
spaces.
Data
Base
54



Data to Collect Main Source Type of Analysis Timing Goal
Semi-Structured
Interviews
Scholars,
Institutional and
social leaders
Qualitative 6 Interviews:
December 2014 -
January 2015

Rest of
Interviews:
March 2015 -
May 2015.

Create a
framework to
understand how
is interpreted the
segregation
Policies and
Documentation
National
Parliament
Library,
Universities
Libraries
Qualitative +
Quantitative
November 2014 -
March 2015
Build an
institutional
mapping of the
urban design
procedures that
have shaped the
segregated city.
Maps and Plans Municipalities,
Housing Ministry,
Public Works
Ministry,
Transports
Ministry,
Observatorio de
Ciudades office,
own production
Qualitative +
Quantitative
November 2014 -
March 2015
Connecting the
institutional
mapping with
spatial
consequences of
the
implementations
of these policies
or urban
projects.
Survey Users,
Neighbours
Quantitative February 2015 -
March 2015
Evaluate the
perception of
quality of the
spatial
outcomes.

55


Realm Institutional
procedence of the
interviewee
Selection criteria for
the sample
Information expected Number of
Interviewees
Urban Developers Association of
Builders (CChC),
Real Estate
Agencies, Planning
and Architecture
studios
Years working in the
area / Availability /
Access
Perspectives about
the reasons for the
segregation of the
city from the private
point of view.
Data to produce a
quantitative analysis
of these processes.
5
Authorities Housing Ministry,
Public Works
Ministry, Transports
Ministry,
Municipalities,
Regional
Government.
Years working in the
area / Availability /
Access
Perspectives about
the reasons for the
segregation of the
city from the private
point of view.
Data to produce a
quantitative analysis
of these processes
5
Civil Society Community leaders Years leading /
Availability / Access
Perspectives about
the reasons for the
segregation of the
city from the civil
point of view
10
Academics Univeristy of Chile,
Catholic University,
Central University,
Santiago University,
Adolfo Ibaez
University.
Years as scholar in
this field of
knowledge /
Availability / Access
Perspectives about
the reasons for the
segregation of the
city from the
academic point of
view
15
Communities Neighbours, Users People living or using
the facilities
Evaluation of quality 45

56



Participant Information Sheet for Phd Development and Planning in Research Studies
ENGLISH VERSION

You will be given a copy of this information sheet.
THIS COPY WILL BE IN SPANISH.
Title of Project: Interpreting The urban revolution: Segregative production of space in Santiago through a comparative study
This study has been approved by the UCL Research Ethics Committee (Project ID Number): 6168/001
Name Dr Camillo Boano, Jose Francisco Vergara Perucich
Work Address 34 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9EZ, UK
Contact Details c.boano@ucl.ac.uk; francisco.vergara.12@ucl.ac.uk.
Phone of Jose Francisco in the field: +56997421086.
We would like to invite _____________________________________________________ (name of participant) to participate in this
research project.
Details of Study: The study that you are involving on, aims to develop a critical perspective of the reasons of urban segregation in
Santiago, in order to contrast your perspectives with the theoretical framework of this research. Your opinion for us is vital to build a
coherent approach, and anchored to reality.
This is the abstract of this research:
The research addresses the methodological proposals of Henri Lefebvre in his work named "The urban revolution." In this book, he
establishes critical perspectives of urbanism within neoliberal societies. The urban society expresses its class struggle through spatial
distribution, and Santiago is the most segregated city among the OECD members. Considering that Chile was an experimental field to
implement the neoliberal ideals, detach the transformation of society from urban design is a mistake and it deserves a critical reflection.
The urban revolution provides an appropriated framework to understand the gaps, and understand the reasons behind the segregation
of Santiago. To narrow down this theoretical approach there is a case study analysis developed through a fieldwork. This process will
analyse the differences between an urban design project built in a rich district compared with a project developed in a poor district. The
application of this book as a methodological approach to understanding urban design failure is an unprecedented approach in Latin
America. Accordingly with the methodology proposed by "The urban revolution," this research aims to produce a dialectical analysis of
urbanism in Chile, which currently have become a blind field.

If you agree to record your interview, you need to know that the records will be transcribed and translated. You will have full access for
both: Transcriptions and Translations. Just request it to Jose Francisco via the contact details provided above.


Please discuss the information above with others if you wish or ask us if there is anything that is not clear or if you would like more
information.

It is up to you to decide whether to take part or not; choosing not to take part will not disadvantage you in any way. If you do decide to
take part you are still free to withdraw at any time and without giving a reason.
In case you decide to withdraw your participation, please contact Jose Francisco to the e-mail: francisco.vergara.12@ucl.ac.uk or to the
phone number: +56997421086.
If you require anonymous participation it will not be possible for us to withdraw your data once you have returned your questionnaire.

If you decide to take part you will be given this information sheet to keep and be asked to sign a consent form.

All data will be collected and stored in accordance with the Data Protection Act 1998.
57




Questionnaire for Specialists
Guide for Semi-structured interviews
1. Recently Santiago was called as the most segregated city among OECD
countries. Based on your expertise, what is your main reflection about this
declaration from the urbanists role in the production of space?
2. Lefebvre talks about blind fields in the urbanism, meaning that there are
systematized phases in urbanism that lack critical reflection. Instead, these
phases make that you just need to strictly follow the steps in order to deliver an
urban project, which excludes the whole complexity that should involve the
urban production.
Let's land this idea, what is your point of view of this statement of Lefebvre?
How can we interpret this affirmation in the production of space segregated in
Santiago?
3. In "The urban revolution" appear three levels of analysis of the urban: Global,
focused on the power structures and the centralized institutions that decide
about the future of the city (Ministries, State Buildings, The congress,
Cathedrals); Mixed, referring to public spaces such as streets, roads,
pavements, schools, parks; and finally, a private level referring to the dwelling,
which also is subordinated with the other levels.
In your specialist opinion, how these three levels express the segregation in the
city as Santiago?
4. Let's explore a problematic urban situation linked with the mixed level
mentioned before, which is the wide difference of quality between a public
space in a rich district with the quality in a poor district.
Please elaborate an explanation why is this happening in Santiago.
5. This question has two parts. "The urban revolution" claims for a new urban
society as consequence of a disciplinary revolution, where instead of
specialization of disciplines, there is a crosscutting approach to the urban
phenomena, where the multidisciplinary reflection and projection, he says,
results to be a better way towards the real urban life, or the good city
production. The first question is: How you think that the urban production in
Santiago poses a multidisciplinary approach to develop public spaces?
So secondly: Do you think that this multidisciplinary reflection would be
positive or negative and why?
58

4.6-Problems and Limitations

This research would present some limitations that is important to mention
before start:

Relation time/researchers: Considering that only one researcher develops
to this research, the covering of every aspect of the investigation is
practically impossible. Hence, this proposal aims to create criteria to tackle
the methodological approach proposed by Lefebvre in "The Urban
Revolution", and in any case it attempts to install a undiscussable truth.
Also, the results of the data analysis should be considered as a testing
process which aims to enhance the methodological definition of "The
urban revolution," rather than provide an accurate diagnosis of the
segregation problem in Santiago. To produce an accurate diagnosis would
be necessary to have a team to analyse the data produced, extending the
sample size and having more time to produce seminars and conferences
to discuss the advances.
The Bias of Lefebvre: This research is based on the ideas and thoughts of
Henri Lefebvre, meaning that the theoretical definitions and positions of
the researcher are profoundly influenced by his figure. Hence, the
observations and outcomes will be analysed from an interpretation of his
thought, which could throw results that are accurate to interpret
Lefebvre's ideas rather than interpret the real problems that trigger the
urban segregation in Santiago.

59

4.7-Work plan

60

5-TENTATIVE OUTLINE OF THE THESIS

Abstract
Acknowledgments
List of Abbreviations and Acronyms
List of Figures
List of Tables
List of Maps
Chapter 1: Introduction
Defines the relevance, methodology, motivations, and innovations
proposed by this research.
Chapter 2: Understanding Urbanism after and before Lefebvre
Deepen the idea of urbanism, posing a landmark on Lefebvre's "The urban
revolution", in order to understand the manner how urban theory
changed after his contribution.
Chapter 3: "The Urban Revolution" as a methodological tool to questioning the
urban theory and urbanism discipline
This chapter produces the transduction of "The urban revolution" into a
methodology to analyse and produce critical reflections over a study case.
Chapter 4: Assessing the segregative spatial production in Santiago's public
spaces as a blind field
Santiago is the most segregated city among OECD members and this
chapter will explain, following Lefebvre's "The urban revolution," the
reasons behind this urban phenomena. Passing by levels and dimensions
of analytical reflection, this chapter will tease out these problematic,
producing a frame of conflicts.
Chapter 5: Urban illusions of Vitacura and La Pintana
This chapter have a comprehensive approach to the segregation in
Santiago, stating a position of what have been the conditions in this city
61

that have triggered the segregation from the public space perspective. The
illusions of a democratic country that has decanted in a city with people
that don't want to live together.
Chapter 6: Leveling and dimensioning the phenomena of public space production
in Vitacura and La Pintana
This is a core chapter, where the methodology of Levels and Dimensions
promoted by "The urban revolution" is implemented and applyied over
the study case.
Chapter 7: Planimetries of the segregation and virtual sights of Vitacura and La
Pintana
This chapter explores the representations of these procedures, mapping
the segregation and evaluating how could be Santiago if this problematic
starts to be reduced through the implementation of "The urban
revolution".
Chapter 8: The conflicts of Santiago's urban society towards an urban strategy
reflected on Vitacura and La Pintana
The urban is not an isolated social issue, it produces effects in the entire
society; and based on "The urban revolution", these effects are inscribed
within a crosscutting reading of the society under a capitalist regime. This
chapter proposes a critical reflection fo the problematic and offers
strategies aiming to resolve them.
Chapter 9: Conclusions
The conclusions will express the contribution to knowledge given by this
research and what are the new insights emerged from the study. Ideally,
in the conclusions will appear questions about the investigation itself,
opening new research paths in this line.
62

6-EXPECTED OUTCOMES FOR NEXT 12 MONTHS
Articles in Journals:
1. La revolucin urbana para una ensenanza critica del urbanismo[The urban
revolution towards a critical learning of urbanism] sent to Revista Proyecto,
Progreso y Arquitectura; Madrid. Submission 9 September 2014. /This
paper will be translated and modified with Dr Camillo Boano in order to
submit a sub-version in an English journal.
2. Reconstructing "The Urban Revolution" Towards Critical Reflections on
Urbanism , with Dr Camillo Boano and Dr. Caroline Newton. To submit
on Environmental and Planning, Antipode, Radical Geographies,
or Journal of Tropical Geography. Deadline: December 2014.
3. Por una derecho a la ciudad inclusiva: El espacio publico como zona critica en
el caso Chileno[For the right to an inclusive city: The public space as critical
zone in the Chilean case] with Sonia Castro, MSc (Director NGO Plazas
para todos (Plazas for everyone)). To submit in an indexed journal in
Spanish. Deadline: January 2015.
Conferences:
Contested Cities Seminar Series, at Universidad de Chile in November
2014. Topic: The urban revolution and the spatial segregation in Santiago.
Organizing the session The democratic city: As part of the conference
Encuentros 2014. December 2014.

63

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