A review of the relationship between sociocultural factors and

juvenile psychopathy
Jammie S. Rubio
1
, Michelle A. Krieger
2
, Emmanuel J. Finney , Kendell L. Coker
The Department of Forensic Psychology, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology, 325 N. Wells Chicago, Illinois, 60654, USA
a b s t r a c t a r t i c l e i n f o
Article history:
Received 20 June 2013
Received in revised form 19 October 2013
Accepted 30 October 2013
Available online 14 November 2013
Keywords:
Juvenile psychopathy
Adolescent antisocial traits
Race
Sociocultural factors
Community inuence
Trauma
Juvenile psychopathy is becoming an increasingly important construct for clinicians and those in the judicial
system alike. The importance of understanding not only the concept of juvenile psychopathy, but also the
sociocultural determinants and risk factors is important for treatment and predictive purposes. A literature
review of several social, demographic, and cultural factors that may contribute to the development of juvenile
psychopathy was conducted. These factors are race, culture and ethnicity, gender, trauma, family, community
inuence, and peer inuence. Limitations and directions for future research are discussed.
2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Contents
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
2. Race, culture and ethnicity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
3. Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
4. Trauma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
5. Family violence and parental inuences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
6. Community inuence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
7. Peer inuence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
8. Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
9. Discussion and future directions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
1. Introduction
Psychopathy is currently viewed as a cluster of behavioral, affective,
and interpersonal traits that dene an individual's pattern of interac-
tions (Forth, Kosson, &Hare, 2003). These interactions are characterized
by antisocial behaviors, decreased emotionality, and interpersonal rela-
tions that are supercial and predatory in nature.
Hare originally conceptualized psychopathy as manifesting in two
distinct clusters of symptoms or factors, which he used to develop his
measure the Psychopathy Checklist Revised (PCL-R). The rst factor
is the interpersonal and affective cluster and the second factor is the so-
cially deviant lifestyle or behavioral cluster (Harpur, Hare, & Hakstian,
1989). Cooke, Kosson, and Michie (2001) have since developed a
three-factor model of psychopathy which has had mixed support
(Strand &Belfrage, 2005). The factors in this model are: the arrogant de-
ceptive interpersonal dimension; the decient affective experience di-
mension, and; the impulsive irresponsible behavior dimension. Hare
(2003) more recently postulated a four-factor model that splits each
Aggression and Violent Behavior 19 (2014) 2331
Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: jsr1235@ego.thechicagoschool.edu (J.S. Rubio),
mak8277@ego.thechicagoschool.edu (M.A. Krieger), Emmanuel.nney@med.navy.mil
(E.J. Finney), kcoker@thechicagoschool.edu (K.L. Coker).
1
Tel.: +1 224 622 4726.
2
Tel.: +1 647 787 4615.
1359-1789/$ see front matter 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2013.11.001
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Aggression and Violent Behavior
of the original two factors to produce four dimensions: interpersonal,
affective, lifestyle, and antisocial (Jones, Cauffman, Miller, & Mulvey,
2006; Sevecke, Pukrop, Kosson, & Krischer, 2009). A ve-factor model
was also developed from the Five Factor theory of personality.
In 2003, Forth, Kosson, and Hare published the Psychopathy Check-
list: Youth Version (PCL:YV), a downward extension of the PCL-R for
those between the ages of 12 and 18 years. As the PCL:YV was devel-
oped from the PCL-R, it is rooted in the two-factor model of psychopa-
thy. Several factor analyses with varied adolescent populations have
shown that the three- and four-factor models are a better t with the
PCL:YV (Jones et al., 2006; Kosson et al., 2013; Salekin, Brannen, Zalot,
Leistico, & Neumann, 2006). Few studies have looked at the ve-factor
model in juveniles, but a recent study by Salekin, Debus, and Barker
(2010) found some evidence for its applicability.
Researchers have long described two distinct subtypes of psychopa-
thy, most commonly referred to as primary and secondary psychopathy.
Primary psychopathy is viewed as an innate inability to processing emo-
tions, such as fear and empathy, while secondary psychopathy is thought
to develop due to social and environmental conditions, such as severe
childhood abuse (Lee, Salekin, & Iselin, 2010). Research with adults has
generally found support for two distinct subtypes, with one (secondary)
group exhibiting higher levels of anxiety, psychological distress, and
lower PCL-R scores and the other (primary) group exhibiting lesser levels
of anxiety and higher PCL-R scores (Vaughn, Edens, Howard, & Smith,
2009). Studies with adolescents have found mixed support. Some studies
described similar patterns, with the primary group typically presenting
as more dangerous, having more antisocial behaviors, and being less
impulsive and more psychosocially mature than the secondary group
(Andershed, Kohler, Louden, & Hinrichs, 2008; Kimonis, Skeem,
Cauffman, & Dmitrieva, 2010; Vaughn et al., 2009). One signicant differ-
ence withadolescents, identied by Vaughnet al. (2009), was a high level
of anxiety across all groups. They suggested that this might be due to
higher anxiety levels in adolescents as a whole or possibly due to an
environmental factor, such as being incarcerated for the rst time.
Juvenile psychopathy has emerged as a highly studied and contro-
versial topic, as clinicians and researchers have begun to extend the
concept of psychopathy to children and adolescents. Vitacco and
Vincent (2006) noted a 400% increase in articles published on juvenile
psychopathy between 1994 and 2004. Researchers credit this to an in-
terest inunderstanding the development of these traits and predecessor
of adult psychopathy, as well as a desire to stem the roots of child and
adolescent violence and lifelong recidivism (Verona, Sadeh, & Javdani,
2010; Vitacco & Vincent, 2006).
Adolescence is a time of rapid and enormous developmental change.
While the construct of psychopathy in adults has been well established
in the literature, its extension to juveniles is still tenuous and there are
many questions still to be answered. Behaviors central to evaluations
of psychopathy in children and adolescents, such as irresponsibility
and impulsivity, are also viewed as part of the normal developmental
process (Salekin & Frick, 2005). Despite cautions enumerated in the
PCL:YV manual itself, mental health professionals may run the risk of
misinterpreting normative and transit adolescent traits as antisocial or
psychopathic (Forth et al., 2003; Salekin & Frick, 2005). This risk may
be exacerbated for adolescents of particular cultural and social back-
grounds, as will be addressed later in this paper. Viljoen, McLachlan,
and Vincent (2010) found that 79% of forensic clinicians surveyed had
used a juvenile psychopathy measure at least once when assessing
juvenile risk. Given the transient nature of traits during adolescence,
applying a label of psychopathy would suggest a persistent and stable
pattern of personality impairment that would be inappropriate.
Although there have not been many studies on the stability of psycho-
pathic traits across the lifespan, researchers argue that developmental
stages must be considered and biological measures employed when in-
vestigating juvenile psychopathy (Rutter, 2005; Salekin & Frick, 2005).
A recent reviewof adolescent brain development studies found that
executive processing ability (e.g., adolescents' impulse control and
decision-making skills) and the skills needed for social cognition
(i.e., self-awareness and being able to attribute[e] mental states
and intentions to other people) are still developing during this
period (Blakemore & Choudhury, 2006, p.302). Although measures
of juvenile psychopathy are not meant to diagnose youth, but rather
to direct treatment and research, there is the potential for misuse
and great harm when used improperly (Forth et al., 2003). Identifying
and exploiting protective factors in certain youth could potentially
decrease psychopathic traits benetting not only the individual but
also the community at large (Salekin & Lochman, 2008).
Until more is known about juvenile psychopathy, clinicians are at a
disadvantage when developing treatment plans for these youth.
Researchers have suggested that grouping adolescents into subtypes
would be benecial in this regard (Lee et al., 2010; Vitacco & Vincent,
2006). Other researchers have suggested that psychopathic traits are
best viewed as existing on a continuum and have proposed a dimen-
sional model instead of a discrete category. There is some evidence
that dimensional models are both applicable to adolescent populations
and predictive of future delinquent behaviors (Edens, Marcus, &
Vaughn, 2011). The PCL:YV provides a dimensional representation as
there is no cut-off score for diagnostic purposes (Forth et al., 2003).
Viewing juvenile psychopathic traits on a continuum would allow for
specic interventions to be designed while hopefully ameliorating the
dangers of applying a diagnostic label.
This literature review examines the emerging studies that attempt
to extend the construct of juvenile psychopathy by considering racial
and sociocultural factors. Externalizing symptoms, such as antisocial be-
havior, are not intended to be used interchangeably with psychopathy.
However, some of the literature in this reviewdiscusses such behaviors
in order to examine the associations between sociocultural factors and
psychopathy. Also, it tends to be these same behaviors that bring
many of these children and adolescents to the attention of mental
health providers and the criminal justice system.
2. Race, culture and ethnicity
Concerns have been raised about the potential for racial bias in psy-
chopathy assessments, as the original assessments were standardized
on Caucasian male offenders (Brandt, Kennedy, Patrick, & Curtin,
1997). In the adult literature, studies have not found evidence of signif-
icant racial bias for total PCL-R scores when comparing African
American with Caucasian populations (Cooke, Kosson, & Michie, 2001;
Skeem, Edens, Camp, & Colwell, 2004). One exception is by Lynn
(2002) whoconcludedthat psychopathic traits dohave racial underpin-
nings. He proposed that psychopathic traits are most commoninAfrican
and Native American individuals, followed by Hispanic and Caucasian
individuals, and are least present in East Asian individuals. Multiple
studies have since critiqued both the design and conclusions of this
work (e.g., McCoy & Edens, 2006; Skeem, Edens, Sanford, & Colwell,
2003). However, there is some evidence that the relationship between
external factors (e.g., impulsivity) and psychopathy is different between
African American and Caucasian populations (Jackson, Neumann, &
Vitacco, 2007), which suggests the inuence of sociocultural factors.
Studies with adolescents have also found little difference in overall
rates when comparing African American and Caucasian adolescents
(Brandt et al., 1997). McCoy and Edens (2006) performed a meta-
analysis on 16 studies that measured juvenile psychopathy with the
PCL-R and PCL:YV and found that while composite scores were higher
for African Americans than for Caucasians, the actual difference (magni-
tude) was small. The authors noted signicant differences in the effect
sizes for the studies analyzed, so it is unclear if the populations were
truly comparable and the inability to address environmental factors
may have contributed to the heterogeneity of the results. Overall, the
difference found was statistically insignicant so the measures appear
to be equally valid with both groups.
24 J.S. Rubio et al. / Aggression and Violent Behavior 19 (2014) 2331
Verona et al. (2010) compared studies of children and early teens
(6 to 13 years old) and reported higher prevalence rates for non-
European Americans (African American and non-African American
ethnic/minority youth) inthree of the four studies examined. The authors
noted that giventhe mixed results and limited data, it was not possible to
draw conclusions. It is also of note that the studies examined a younger
population than McCoy and Edens (2006) and did not employ either of
the PCL assessments. Future studies utilizing multiple measures and
longitudinal cohort designs would inform this area greatly.
Regarding the factor structure of juvenile psychopathy, studies with
mixed-race samples have not generally reported group differences
(Salekin et al., 2006). Salekin et al. (2006) found that the Cooke and
Michie's three-factor model was the best t for a group of adolescent of-
fenders in the United States, but the four-factor model was also accept-
able. The population included African Americans, Anglo Americans,
Hispanic Americans, Haitian Americans, and a small percentage of ado-
lescents with mixed ethnicity. There have been relatively few studies
that examine juvenile psychopathy across different ethnic and cultural
groups, and that consider non-Western countries (Verona et al.,
2010). Common factors may exist that contribute to the development
of psychopathy regardless of ethnic and cultural background. However,
if social and cultural factors contribute to the expression of psychopa-
thy, it may be predicted that the relative importance of these factors
would vary across cultures and ethnic groups.
Some support for the existence common developmental factors has
been found with studies that look at inconsistent parental supervision
and abuse. For example, a study conducted with multiple ethnic groups
(i.e., Creole, Hindu, Moslem, Tamil, Chinese, English, French) on the is-
land of Mauritius reported a similar relationship between parental
abuse/bonding and psychopathic traits as found in European and
North American studies (Gao, Raine, Chan, Venables, & Mednick,
2010; Marshall & Cooke, 1999; ONeill, Lidz, & Helibrun, 2003; Saltaris,
2002). Research examining deviant peer associations and antisocial
behavior has also produced similar results, in that association with devi-
ant peers was found to be important across all ethnic groups but how
important these associations were varied across groups, as did the im-
portance of moderating variables (Chen, Greenberger, Lester, Dong, &
Guo, 1998; Dekovi, Wissink, &Meijer, 2004). Indiscussing their nding
of a stronger association between parental relationship qualities, devi-
ant peer association and antisocial behavior in the majority (Dutch)
group, Dekovi et al. (2004) observed that this was consistent with
the literature. The authors noted that theories of behavioral develop-
ment commonly explained more variance in the majority ethnic group
than in the minority ones.
The few studies that examine factor structure cross-culturally seem
to have found similarities. Kosson et al. (2013), in their study of
European and North American female adolescents, found a similar
factor structure in samples from both continents. It is still unclear
what role, if any, culture plays in determining factor structure, as almost
all of the studies found were conducted with populations fromWestern
and developed countries. Both a Swedish and an Iranian study from the
adult literature found the three-factor model appropriate (Shariat et al.,
2010; Strand & Belfrage, 2005). The Iranian study suggested that de-
cient emotional experience may be the most discriminating factor
across cultures (Shariat et al., 2010).
There are not many investigations that consider the utility of the
PCL:YV across different cultural and ethnic groups at this time. Studies
with Aboriginal Canadian youth have produced results consistent with
Caucasian Canadian youth, in that the PCL:YV has been found to be a
valid predictor of both violent and general recidivism (Schmidt,
McKinnon, Chattha, &Brownlee, 2006). Studies fromthe adult literature
have suggested that while scoring practices overall are consistent, there
may be some differences in howthe measure is applied, with one study
nding for example, that the same PCL-R score was assigned to individ-
uals with different levels of psychopathic traits cross-culturally (Cooke,
Hart, & Michie, 2004; Cooke & Michie, 1999; Cooke, Michie, Hart, &
Clark, 2004; Cooke et al., 2001). The authors of the study suggested
that cultural differences may account for these results in several ways
(Cooke & Michie, 1999). First, culture may shape the way that psycho-
pathic traits are expressed by differentially reinforcing some behaviors
while discouraging others. Second, cultural norms and morality may
also inuence evaluations. For example, items that refer to manipulative
or selsh behaviors may be judged differently across cultures. A study
by Cooke, Hart, and Michie (2004) comparing rater and participant
nationality found no inter-rater differences, suggesting that the cross-
cultural differences observed likely result from culturally-bound
expressions of psychopathy. It should be noted, however, that both of
these studies examined only two Westernized cultures. Another issue
that complicates cross-cultural comparison is differences in the laws
and legal systems, as serious criminal behavior is typically included in
psychopathy assessments.
As more cross-cultural studies are conducted, researchers will be
better able to separate the consistent features of the psychopathy
concept from the culturally bound trait expressions. One hypothesis is
that primary psychopathy may have a universal presence while second-
ary psychopathy will be culturally bound.
3. Gender
It is also important to discuss gender differences, as sociocultural
variables impact constructions of gender and psychopathology.
Researchers in the juvenile realm have echoed concerns from the
adult literature, where there is a much wider research base for male
populations. Questions remain as to the predictive ability of different
models as well as the ability of these models to capture the range of psy-
chopathic expression in females, as suggested by the differing base rates
of psychopathy across genders. Vitale and Newman (2001) report
that some studies have found similar base rates in psychopathy across
genders, while other studies have reported a lower prevalence of psy-
chopathy in females. A majority of the research studies on women
have found a lower incidence of psychopathy than in male samples
(Schrum & Salekin, 2006) and some have also reported that men
tend to score higher on measures of psychopathy than women
(e.g., Vaughn, Newhill, DeLisi, Beaver, & Howard, 2008).
Gender researchon prevalence withjuveniles has producedconict-
ing results. Studies with delinquent and incarcerated male adolescents
tend to report prevalence rates between 20 to 30% (12 to 15% with a
PCL:YVscore of 30or above), while rates for females have beenreported
in the range of 9 to 17% (8.8% with a PCL:YV score of 30 or above)
(Schrum & Salekin, 2006; Verona et al., 2010). Several investigations
have reported no gender differences in prevalence (Campbell, Porter,
& Santor, 2004; Salekin, Neumann, Leistico, DiCicco, & Duros, 2004),
although most others have reported signicantly lower rates in females
in community, clinical, and incarcerated samples (Sandford, Ebner,
Patton, & Williams, 1994; Schrum & Salekin, 2006). This has also been
found in studies where multiple psychopathy assessment measures
were employed (e.g., Salekin, Rogers, & Machin, 2001). Other research
has found non-signicant trends toward lower rates in females
(Vaughn et al., 2008). This is consistent with the adult literature. It is
possible that the conicting results may be due to differences in the
populations sampled. Cook, Barese, and Dicataldo (2010) did not report
any signicant differences in PCL:YV scores between genders. Using the
PCL-R, Sandfordet al. (1994) foundsignicantly lower scores for adoles-
cent females than for males. This may reect underlying gender differ-
ences or simply a difference in how the measures function across
gender. Cultural and societal changes may also impact this relationship;
for example, it is likely that sociocultural factors have inuenced the
increase in female involvement with crime (Cook et al., 2010).
Investigations into the factor structure of psychopathy have sug-
gested that there may indeed be differences in how the models and
measures function across gender. Sevecke, Pukrop, Kosson, and
Krischer (2009) tested two-, three-, and four-factor models with male
25 J.S. Rubio et al. / Aggression and Violent Behavior 19 (2014) 2331
and female adolescents in Germany. The authors reported that none of
the models were an acceptable t for females, although the three-
factor model appeared to be best suited for males, both incarcerated
and in the community. Additional support for applicability of the four-
factor model with adolescent males has been found in other studies
(e.g., Neumann, Kosson, Forth, & Hare, 2006; Vitacco, Neumann,
Caldwell, Leistico, & Rybroek, 2006). Other studies have found contra-
dictory results with regard to females in that both three- and four-
factor models were a good t (Salekin et al., 2006; Schrum & Salekin,
2006). Kosson et al. (2013) analyzed a large sample of European and
North American female adolescents to address these discrepancies.
The study included samples from incarcerated adolescents,
community-supervised youth and clinical settings. In an effort to
strengthen the design further, the authors employed multiple measures
of t to evaluate each model. The authors found the three- and four-
factor models to be a good t with all the North American
samples and the three-factor model to be a good t with the European
samples. The four-factor model was supported for use with all of the
European samples except for the incarcerated youth. For the remaining
samples, the four-factor model was an acceptable t, though slightly
weaker than with the North American adolescent females.
Additional studies on PCL measures and gender have found differ-
ences in how the items function. Salekin, Rogers, and Sewell (1997)
found that some items grouped together differently for females, specif-
ically impulsivity, lack of empathy and interpersonal deception. Schrum
and Salekin (2006) found that some items were more predictive for
females than others.
In clinical practice, the PCL:YV is used not only to direct treatment
but also in risk assessments. This is especially contentious with juvenile
females, as the support for this use is weaker than for juvenile males.
Psychopathic traits in females correlate with future criminal behavior
to an extent and there has been some evidence that psychopathic traits
are equally predictive for both males and females (Penney & Moretti,
2007). However, several other studies have reported that the predictive
and concurrent validity of the PCL:YV is weaker for females than for
males (Schmidt et al., 2006; Vaughn et al., 2008). Vaughn et al. (2008)
also noted that interpersonal and affective traits, such as narcissism,
impact this relationship in females. Odgers, Reppucci, and Moretti
(2005) also found that the PCL:YV did not predict recidivism for
females, although victimization experiences did.
Researchers have also begun to describe gender differences in psy-
chiatric symptoms and correlates with psychopathic traits in juveniles.
Commonly reported are higher rates of externalizing symptoms in
males and higher rates of internalizing symptoms in females (Sevecke,
Lehmkuhl, & Krischer, 2009). Gender role socialization may explain
this as research suggests that internalizing behaviors are reinforced for
female children by their parents (Keenan & Shaw, 1997).
Gender differences in co-morbid disorders and psychiatric history
have also been documented. Hamburger, Lilienfeld, and Hogben
(1996) found a positive relationship between histrionic and psycho-
pathic traits with female young adults, but not males. Other co-
morbidities, such as substance abuse disorders and cluster B personality
disorders (histrionic, borderline, antisocial, and narcissistic), appear to
be more prevalent in youth exhibiting psychopathic traits regardless
of gender (Salekin et al., 2004). Substance abuse does appear to be
more prevalent within secondary psychopathy manifestations than
with primary in incarcerated males, which is consistent with the adult
literature (Kimonis, Tatar, & Cauffman, 2012). Research establishing
this relationship with juvenile females is still needed. Cook et al.
(2010) reported that while the number of treatment needs did not
differ between genders, the number of females that required mental
health treatment signicantly outnumbered the males.
Differences in criminal expression and/or antisocial behaviors have
also been found between genders, which is consistent with the adult
literature (Vitale & Newman, 2001). Sevecke, Lehmkuhl, and Krischer
(2009) noted gender differences withregard to the facet of psychopathy
correlated with the number of violent crimes committed. In males, the
number of crimes committed was positively correlated with affective
scores, while the number of crimes committed by females corresponded
with higher lifestyle scores. Chauhan and Repucci (2009) also reported
that females were more likely to be violent towards known individuals
while males were not. Also, juvenile females who witnessed violence
were more likely to engage in aggressive and violent behaviors.
Marsee, Silverthorn, and Frick (2005) reported gender differences in
howaggression is manifested. Infemale youth, psychopathic traits were
associated with relational aggression while in males psychopathic traits
were related to overt aggression. Odgers et al. (2005) found a moderate
correlation between the decient affective experience factor and
physical andrelational aggressioninfemales. However, this relationship
dissolved when victimization by a maternal gure was added into the
model. Cook et al. (2010) failed to obtain a relationship between total
PCL:YV score and proactive violence with female offenders, but did
nd a positive relationship for males. They also found that higher scores
on the affectiveinterpersonal factor were related to proactive violence
in both genders. These results suggest that affective and interpersonal
features are more predictive of aggression in females with psychopathic
traits. There is also evidence that gender and race interact as Chauhan
and Repucci (2009) reported differential risk factors for violent behav-
ior for Caucasian versus African American females.
These ndings could reect different etiologies for males and
females or be attributed to gender differences in the prevalence of pri-
mary and secondary psychopathy, wherein males manifest primary
psychopathy more frequently while females manifest secondary
psychopathy more often. It is also possible that behaviors expressed
by females with psychopathic traits are not accurately captured in the
current measures as they were primarily developed with males.
Parenting factors, such as inconsistent parenting and poor monitor-
ing (Vitacco, Neumann, Ramos, &Roberts, 2003), appear to be related to
psychopathic traits in female youth. It is thought that parenting factors
would have gender-specic impacts on youth, but more research is
needed at this time (Vaughn et al., 2008). Similarly, the relationship
between traumatic experiences and psychopathy also appear to have
gender differences.
The literature suggests that while both male and female adolescents
display psychopathic traits, there are differences in both structure and
expression. Although physical differences and social learning have
been posited to explain some of these differences, questions remain as
to the origins and developmental path of psychopathy across gender.
No studies were found relating to transgendered youth.
4. Trauma
In recent years, there has been increasing interest in the relationship
between trauma and juvenile psychopathy. Adolescent offenders who
presently or have been exposed to violence, abuse, or neglect signi-
cantly inuence development of psychopathic traits (Maikovich,
Jaffee, Odgers, & Gallop, 2008; ONeill et al., 2003). This is further sup-
ported by studies that demonstrate adolescents offenders who were
abused with higher PCL:YV scores than their non-abused counterparts
(Campbell et al., 2004; Cauffman, 2008; Krischer & Sevecke, 2008).
Krischer and Sevecke (2008) were able to associate specic traumas
with specic PCL:YV scales. They found that female juvenile offenders
who were sexually abused scored higher on the Personal Gain and
Parasitic Orientation scales, and those who were emotionally and phys-
ically abused scored higher on the Manipulation for Personal Gain and
Parasitic Orientation scales. Physically abused adolescent male of-
fenders tended to score higher on the Interpersonal and Antisocial
Factor, specically on the Poorer Anger Control, Irresponsibility and
Serious Criminal Behavior scales (Krischer & Sevecke, 2008). Although
relationships were found between specic traumas and PCL:YV scales,
emotional neglect and family variables (e.g., foster home placements)
had the most signicant inuence with regard to higher PCL:YV scores,
26 J.S. Rubio et al. / Aggression and Violent Behavior 19 (2014) 2331
specically to Factor 4 (antisocial behaviors; Campbell et al., 2004;
Krischer & Sevecke, 2008). Krischer, Sevecke, and Lehmkuhl (2007)
denote that adolescents with a history of abuse may be more likely to
commit violent crimes earlier and more frequently than those who
have not been abused.
Studies reported some gender differences withregardto trauma and
antisocial behaviors. Adolescent males reported higher incidences of
witnessing violent events, and being victims of community violence;
and females reported more incidences of being victims of interpersonal
trauma (sexual, emotional, and physical; Cauffman, 2008; Kerig, Ward,
Vanderzee, & Moeddel, 2009; Krischer &Sevecke, 2008). It has been hy-
pothesized that adolescent female offenders with traumatic pasts may
be more likely to reoffend because their executive processing abilities
(e.g., decision-making, critical thinking) have been compromised as a
byproduct of coping with those experiences, for example by abusing
substances or becoming aggressive due to hyperarousal (Kerig, 2012).
Children and adolescents may experience various types of trauma,
which is dened as complex trauma (Cook, Blaustein, Spinazzola, &
Van der Kolk, 2003). Complex trauma encompasses exposure and expe-
riences to various types of abuses and violence (e.g., emotional abuse
and neglect, sexual abuse, physical abuse, domestic violence), and af-
fects adolescents on multitude of levels, such as insecure attachment
(Cook et al., 2003). Common diagnoses for traumatized adolescents in-
clude Attention Decit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), Oppositional
Deant Disorder (ODD), Conduct Disorder (CD), and Generalized Anxi-
ety Disorder (GAD; American Psychiatric Association, 2000; Cook et al.,
2003). Symptoms of these disorders often interrelate with psychopathy
(Loeber, Burke, & Pardini, 2009). Insecure attachment can lead to
emotional numbing (e.g., disassociation, avoidance) and if consistently
reinforced may develop into callousunemotional (CU) traits; CU traits
can stay into adulthood (Cook et al., 2003; Kerig, Bennett, Thompson, &
Becker, 2012; Porter, 1996).
Anxiety and fearfulness are common byproducts of having a trau-
matic experience and correlated with psychopathy; anxiety was found
to be negatively associated with the affective components of psychopa-
thy, and fearfulness was negatively associated with antisocial compo-
nents (Dolan & Rennie, 2006). Furthermore, Tatar, Cauffman, Kimonis,
and Skeem (2012) found secondary (high-anxiety) variants had a
higher childhood trauma history and higher previous symptoms of
PTSD than their counterparts. Yet, there were no signicant differences
between the two subgroups with regard to current PTSD symptoms
(Tatar et al., 2012). Results also reveal that adolescents with a history
of trauma who score high on the PCL:YV have anxiety, whichis contrary
to previous theories that those who score high on psychopathy scales
are devoid of anxiety and fear ( Porter, 1996; Tatar et al., 2012). In addi-
tion, O'Neill et al. (2003) found ADHD does not correlate with psycho-
pathic traits, which is contrary to Farrington, Loeber, and van
Kammen's ndings (Farrington, Loeber, and van Kammen, 1990).
5. Family violence and parental inuences
Family and parents (caregivers) are highly inuential during a
child's formative years, and the quality of these relationships can pro-
duce long lasting impacts. Studies postulate that children who
experience familial psychological trauma and negative parental care
(e.g., abuse, poor bonding) had increased risk of psychopathic trait de-
velopment (Gao et al., 2010; Litrownik, Newton, Hunter, English, &
Everson, 2003; Marshall & Cooke, 1999). Parents' mental health,
criminal activity and substance abuse were also found to inuence
development of psychopathic traits, but were not independently pre-
dictive (Krischer et al., 2007; Maikovich et al., 2008).The DSM-IV-TR
(American Psychiatric Association, 2000) notes that the risk of develop-
ing CDis increased when a parent or sibling displays CDtraits. However,
this relationship appears to be environmental as it was also reported to
occur with adoptive parents. Similarly, children with ODD commonly
reside in families where one or more parent has a mental disorder.
Lowmaternal care and abuse were associated with overall psychop-
athy scores, and emotional detachment was specically associated with
low paternal overprotection (Gao et al., 2010). Children who had poor
bonding or attachments with parents were prone to psychopathic traits,
and their scores were not affected when a paired variable (e.g., abuse)
was removed (Gao et al., 2010; Krischer et al., 2007; Saltaris, 2002).
Unstable parentchild relationships are thought to increase ODD and
CD features as well as CU traits (Salekin & Lochman, 2008). This associ-
ation may be attributed to betrayal trauma, when a child is trauma-
tized by a parental gure and the child has to reconcile with trusting
and not trusting the parental gure (Kerig et al., 2009, 2012). Thus,
some children and adolescents disengage emotionally in order to cope
with their environment which may foster development of CU traits
(Kerig et al., 2009, 2012).
Familial violence is also associated with children's external and in-
ternal symptoms relative to child psychopathy (Maikovich et al.,
2008). Harsh physical discipline was positively associated with external
symptoms, and witnessing violence was positively associated with in-
ternal symptoms (Maikovich et al., 2008). In addition, children who ex-
perienced both physical and psychological abuse displayed more
physical aggression than children who were only exposed to psycholog-
ical abuse (Litrownik et al., 2003). Perry (2000) describes how familial
violence can teach children violence. In a sense, familial violence creates
a ripple effect that passes antisocial behavior from one sibling to the
next, and the youngest may carryout negative behavior out on a peer
or animal (Ireland & Smith, 2009; Perry, 2000). Both severity and re-
peated exposure to familial violence increases the likelihood of develop-
ment antisocial behaviors (Ireland & Smith, 2009). Such behaviors may
interact with other risk factors to contribute to the development of
psychopathic traits.
Farrington, Ullrich, and Salekin (2010) reported that antisocial be-
havior and psychopathic traits were related to negative parenting
(e.g., punitive punishment, negative parenting, poor supervision).
Hence, harsh and erratic parenting impacted both psychopathy scales
(Farrington et al., 2010). Poor parental supervision predicted higher ir-
responsible-antisocial scores on the PCL: Screening Version (PCL:SV),
while minimal paternal involvement predicted higher interpersonal-
affective scores in males (Farrington et al., 2010). Gender differences
have also been reported in the level of parental monitoring and supervi-
sion, as some researchers have suggested that females may be looked
after more thanmales (Meier, Slutske, Arndt, &Cadoret, 2008). Areview
by Loeber et al. (2009) illustrated that children of parents with inconsis-
tent parenting and disciplinary practices and/or poor communication
with their child(ren) had increased levels of psychopathic traits. Fur-
ther, harsh and erratic discipline in childhood was related to a future
diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder (Farrington, 2000 p. 615).
6. Community inuence
According to a study by Taylor, Zuckerman, Harik, and Groves
(1992), over half of the adolescents sampled reported witnessing
some type of violence in the past year. Such violence can affect
children's development, particularly with regard to emotional, behav-
ioral, and social functioning (Gorman-Smith & Tolan, 1998; Perry,
2000). It can also increase aggressive behavior (Gorman-Smith &
Tolan, 1998; Perry, 2000) as well as their risk for involvement in juve-
nile justice settings which is further exacerbated by factors associated
with race (Ikpe &Coker, 2010). Children living in violent neighborhoods
have comparable PTSD symptoms (e.g., anxiety, avoidance, depression,
numbing, and aggression) to children living in war zones. Witnessing
violence and subsequent violent behavior are signicantly associated
(Chauhan & Repucci, 2009; Osofsky, 1999). Kimonis, Frick, Munoz, and
Aucoin (2008) found a signicant association between CUtraits and ex-
posure to community violence; particularly in individuals withthe most
extensive history of abuse. They also found that these same individuals
were the most desensitized to distressing images.
27 J.S. Rubio et al. / Aggression and Violent Behavior 19 (2014) 2331
Osofsky (1999) and Farrington et al. (2010) found that children
living in low socioeconomic communities are chronically exposed to
community violence (e.g., weapons, drugs, shootings) and had higher
rates of self-reported juvenile delinquency and violence as compared
to their counterparts. Farrington (2000) suggests an association be-
tween large families and poverty may attribute to antisocial behaviors
because of less parental supervision or lack of resources. Among adoles-
cents residing in unstable neighborhoods, those with hyperactivity,
low levels of anxiety and prosociality were ve times more likely to
join a gang, versus those without these traits (Dupr, Lacourse,
Willms, Vitaro, & Tremblay, 2007, p.1042). This nding appears to be
supported by Trentacosta, Hyde, Shaw, and Cheong (2009) who found
that risk-taking and thrill-seeking adolescent boys who reside in dan-
gerous neighborhoods are more likely to engage in antisocial behavior,
as the result of lack of parental accountability and supervision.
Chauhan and Repucci (2009) found that familial stability, or lack
thereof, was more inuential than the type of neighborhood subjects
lived. Furthermore, gender differences were found with regard to anti-
social behaviors to be associated with disadvantaged neighborhoods,
as this association was not a predictive factor for juvenile delinquent fe-
males as compared to their male counterparts (Chauhan & Repucci,
2009). Familial inuence (e.g., parental monitoring) appeared to a
signicant protective factor to reduce conduct problems, even in a
high-risk environment/neighborhood (Schonberg & Shaw, 2007). Yet,
if high-risk environmental factors (e.g., neighborhood, peers) outweigh
the familial protective factors, adolescents may continue to have
conduct problems (Schonberg & Shaw, 2007).
Meier et al. (2008) also found that adolescents fromlower socioeco-
nomic neighborhoods (low collective efcacy) and who were higher in
impulsivity and CU traits were particularly at risk for delinquency; par-
ticularly adolescent males. This study also supports ndings from
Lynam et al. (2000) that impulsive adolescent males that reside in
lower socioeconomic neighborhoods (low collective efcacy) were
more likely to engage in delinquency versus non-impulsive adolescent
males in higher socioeconomic neighborhoods.
7. Peer inuence
Research has demonstrated that peer rejection, association with de-
viant peers, and antisocial peer involvement are all associated with an-
tisocial behavior and delinquency (Barry, Barry, Deming, & Lochman,
2008; Chen et al., 1998; Dekovi et al., 2004; Laird, Jordan, Dodge, Pettit,
& Bates, 2001; Laird, Pettit, Dodge, & Bates, 2005). Similarly, research
has shown that externalizing behaviors are associated with deviant
peer associations (Dishion, 2000; Giordano, Cernkovich, & Pugh,
1986). How these dynamics would differ with children that are devel-
oping or already exhibiting psychopathic traits is unknown. It is possible
that youth with psychopathic traits do not follow the same pattern due
to underlying differences between the two groups. This might be the
case with primary psychopathy. It is also possible that when excluded
children and adolescents associate with delinquent and antisocial
peers, their interactions could foster the development of psychopathic
traits as antisocial behaviors and attitudes would be reinforced (Laird
et al., 2001; Vitaro, Brendgen, & Tremblay, 2000). This model might be
more applicable in the development of secondary psychopathy. To
some extent, antisocial group activity might be considered part of
normative adolescent behavior.
Muoz, Kerr, and Besic (2008) found evidence that adolescents high
in psychopathy engaged in antisocial activities with their peer group.
Interestingly, Vitaro et al. (2000) found that subsequent delinquent be-
havior was only inuenced by the activities of the best friend and not
the entire peer group. Further, this relationship was only found in ado-
lescents that already held positive beliefs regarding such behavior. In a
study of female juvenile offenders, Silverman and Caldwell (2008)
found that a positive attitude toward delinquent behavior within the
peer group was only related to violent outcomes for Hispanic youth.
Violent outcomes within African-American and Caucasian peer groups
appeared to be related to different predictors (tangible rewards and
time spent together, respectively) which again support the importance
of social and cultural inuence and the need for more research in this
area.
Sheldrick (2004) examined the relationship between psychopathy
and centrality within informal peer groups and failed to nd a linear re-
lationship. This variation suggests that there may not be a typical devel-
opmental trajectory, in that psychopathic traits either lead to rejection
by peers or allow these children and adolescents to excel at charming
their way into peer groups. Sheldrick (2004) also found that the more
psychopathic traits a child exhibited, the less susceptible they were to
peer-pressure.
In their study of school-aged children, Barry et al. (2008) found that
the presence of psychopathic traits negatively impacted relationships
with peers over time. Muoz et al. (2008) found the opposite in that
adolescents high in psychopathy had relatively stable friendships and
also identied important peer relationships, although they perceived
them to be higher in conict than the other individuals involved. This
perception may explain why some of these youth do not remain in sta-
ble longer-term friendships. The authors also reported gender differ-
ences in that males high in psychopathy had more reciprocal
relationships than comparable females. Piehler and Dishion (2007) clar-
ied this relationship by differentiating between persistently antiso-
cial youth (those with the highest antisocial behavior scores) and
adolescent-onset youth. They found that peer relationships were
more mutual for the adolescent-onset youth than for the persistently
antisocial youth.
Muoz et al. (2008) also identied the presence of at least one friend
from school as a protective factor. Adolescents with at least one school
friend decreased their delinquent behavior and psychopathic traits
over a period of time. This suggests that school friends may be a protec-
tive factor for adolescents who demonstrate psychopathic traits;
however, this has not been examined across different types of environ-
ments. Barry et al. (2008) also found support for this in younger
children, as psychopathic traits decreased over time in children with
higher social competence.
8. Limitations
A majority of research on juvenile psychopathy has been dedicated
the description of psychopathy in adolescents and children and the va-
lidity and reliability of psychopathy measures. Due to a limited number
of studies directly examining psychopathy in relation to some socio-
cultural factors, links had to be made indirectly which limits the gener-
alizability of the ndings. Regarding assessments, there is evidence of
cross-cultural scoring differences in the adult literature. This creates a
signicant issue when trying to compare and generalize results cross-
culturally. Another signicant issue is that the studies reviewed
employed different measures of psychopathy that are not equivalent
(Cauffman, Kimonis, Dmitrieva, & Monahan, 2009; Skeem & Cauffman,
2003), but have been treated as though they tap into aspects of the
same construct in order to discuss the ndings.
The research paints a somewhat more complicated picture with ad-
olescents. Studies often produce conicting results, fail to nd similar
relationships (as in the adult literature), and nd weaker evidence for
the predictive validity of commonly used measures like the PCL:YV as
compared to the PCL-R (Cauffman et al., 2009; Corrado, Vincent, Hart,
& Cohen, 2004).
Additional studies are also needed to clarify the impact of various
social and cultural factors on the development of psychopathy, as well
as expand the factors that have been studied. For example, there were
a lack of studies found examining psychopathy within lesbian, gay,
and bisexual populations, specically with regard to trauma history,
gender identity and experience, and community dynamics.
28 J.S. Rubio et al. / Aggression and Violent Behavior 19 (2014) 2331
9. Discussion and future directions
The concept of psychopathy has been extensively studied with the
adult population and has produced a body of research suggestive of a
stable construct. Although the factor structure is still debated, the core
features of psychopathy appear to be mostly consistent across gender,
race, and the cultural and ethnic groups studied thus far (e.g., Flores-
Mendoza, Alvarenga, Herrero, & Abad, 2008; Verona et al., 2010). How-
ever, the cultural and social landscape is constantly changing and stud-
ies that consider non-traditional segments of society are largely absent.
For example, studies with refugee, immigrant, and transgendered youth
would directly inform what is known about gender and trauma corre-
lates of psychopathy as well as the role of enculturation. Recently,
there have been an increasing number of studies that examine the
role of trauma, community and parental inuence in the development
of psychopathic traits in youth. However, the literature on community
factors and juvenile psychopathy is limited and has produced conict-
ing results. Also, the literature primarily deals with juvenile delinquency
and criminality as opposed to psychopathic traits in particular. The rela-
tionships are complex and there is a need for duplication within the
literature, as well as efforts to examine different facets within these
factors (e.g., authoritarian parenting style).
It would be benecial for future studies to examine multiple factors
at once, as sociocultural variables tend to interrelate and inuence each
other. Multiple measures of psychopathy should also be employed in
order to increase the generalizability of the results as well as to tease
out the most predictive items/content areas for different outcomes.
Longitudinal designs that follow cohorts of differently-aged youth
would also help to clarify the developmental course and etiology of
psychopathy.
Research on psychopathy subtypes may be especially relevant when
considering juveniles as they appear to reect different pathways to the
same construct in adults (Porter, 1996). Yet, other researchers have sug-
gested that psychopathic traits exist on a continuum and it would be
premature to consider children and adolescents with psychopathic
traits as fundamentally different from their peers (Murrie et al., 2007).
More research in this area could illuminate risk and protective factors
in the development of psychopathy. Such knowledge would provide an
opportunity to develop early intervention and prevention strategies as
well as treatment tailored to the specic challenges facing adolescents.
In addition to the consequences for mental health professionals, this
body of researchis also relevant to juveniles inthe legal system(Viljoen,
MacDougall, Gagnon, &Douglas, 2010; Ikpe &Coker, 2010) as labeling a
juvenile as a psychopath can have a profound and lifelong impact. As
such, it is vital that while we continue to build upon the current juvenile
psychopathy literature we also ensure that the concept is applied ethi-
cally and appropriately (Seagrave & Grisso, 2002).
Acknowledgments
The authors thank Lindsay Savage, Lauren Reed, Regina Marotta,
Claire Johnson, and Brian Page for their work in the initial stages of
this project.
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