TtuIo do Artigo: "Connoisseur Consumers And The Journey Of Taste

Transformation: The RoIe Of Tasting RituaI In The SpeciaIty Coffee Context"

Autor(es!" Ronan Torres Quinto
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Connoisseur consumers and the journey of taste transformation:
the role of tasting ritual in the specialty coffee context
INTRODUCTION
Time was when only coIIee buyers, roasters, and baristas cared to spend time sniIIing
grounds with patient dedication. But now cuppings at independent caIes attract
connoisseurs who wouldn't be caught dead sipping an overroasted blend and regularly
travel to another borough Ior superior beans (The New York Times, 2008, May 29).
Connoisseur consumers have been increasing steadily in the last decade. Recently, many
diIIerent types oI consumers have been studied in the Iield oI consumer culture theory (CCT)
(Arnould & Thompson, 2005), such as craIt consumers (Campbell, 2005), prosumers (Ritzer
& Jurgenson, 2010), and consumer activists (Kozinets & Handelman, 2004). Although some
scholars have described many oI the characteristics oI these connoisseur consumers (Ahuvia,
2005; Holbrook, 1999; Holt, 1998) and the increasing numbers oI coIIee connoisseurship
practices (Kozinets, 2002) in the online context, no one has yet identiIied who connoisseur
consumers are, how they emerge in the marketplace culture, and what steps consumers Iollow
to become connoisseurs.
Connoisseur consumers are engaged in serious leisure pursuits (Stebbins, 2007).
Leisure is 'an important characteristic oI today`s consumer culture (Karababa and Ger,
2012). According to Stebbins (2007), serious leisure is 'the systematic pursuit oI an amateur,
hobbyist, or volunteer core activity that people Iind so substantial, interesting, and IulIilling
that, in the typical case, they launch themselves on a career centered on acquiring and
expressing a combination oI its special skills, knowledge, and experience. Consumer
connoisseurs are amateurs in diIIerent stages oI their journey oI transIorming their tastes.
There is some marketing research on serious leisure consumption pursuits, such as collection
(Belk, 1988), the Star Trek culture oI consumption (Kozinets, 2001), running clubs (Chalmers
Thomas, Price, & Schau, 2013), and do-it-yourselI home improvement (Moisio, Arnould, &
Gentry, 2013). Other research considers amateur consumers, such as amateur racing (Martin
& Schouten, 2014) and amateur poetry (Karababa & Ger, 2011). However, none oI these
studies has speciIically addressed amateur consumer behavior.
According to Belk and Costa (1998), serious leisure pursuits tend to be ritualistic.
They Iound that ritual in a contemporary consuming Iantasy oIIers incentive Ior
transIormative play, creating a more signiIicant, noble, exciting, and conIident selI. Ritual in
connoisseur consumption also plays a transIormative role as one`s tastes change. This article
explores the role oI ritual in connoisseurship consumption and how consumption rituals can
transIorm the consumer`s tastes. Most research on serious leisure consumption studied rituals
as an extraordinary experience outside consumers ordinary lives, such as the 'mountain man
(R. W. Belk & Costa, 1998), and climbers oI Mount Everest (Tumbat & Belk, 2011), and
Harley-Davidson riders (Schouten & Mcalexander, 1995). In contrast, I provide detailed
descriptions and interpretations oI serious leisure consumption rituals in everyday liIe.
The context oI specialty coIIee was chosen Ior a case study oI connoisseur consumers
because it has several important issues. Preliminary research revealed that signiIicant changes
in the specialty coIIee consumption practices and market occurred during the 1980s
(Roseberry, 1996). AIter Starbucks` success (with 15,000 stores worldwide) and inIluence in
the marketplace culture in the 1990s and 2000s (Arsel, Thompson, & RindIleisch, 2013;
Thompson & Arsel, 2004), a new wave oI interest is taking place in the specialty coIIee
market (Skeie, 2003). Some coIIee consumers are growing more concerned about quality,
variety, artisanal IoodstuII, and brewing methods. In this wave, the independent brands oI
coIIees, such as Intelligentsia (11 stores) and Stumptown (11 stores), are playing an
increasingly important role in the market. In this context, coIIee connoisseurship consumption
practices, like Ottoman coIIeehouse consumption (Karababa and Ger, 2012), are ritualistic
(Driver, 1991; Rook, 1985) pursuits oI leisure. Specialty coIIee allows Ior a variety oI serious
leisure pursuits, like proIessional specialization (baristas: coIIee proIessionals who brew
coIIee), training (public coIIee cupping courses, coIIee tastings, coIIee seminars), equipment
(espresso machines, grinders, brewing equipment), competitions (world and regional barista
championships, brewers cup championships, cup tasters championships), and public
consumption (people who drink coIIee).
First, I review the deIinition oI the connoisseur consumer and concepts oI serious
leisure. Next, I also consider the social giIts (such as order in society, a sense oI community,
and transIormation) that rituals provide. Then, I present the methods used in my qualitative
research and then describe my research Iindings and theoretical contributions. Finally, I
consider Iuture research.
CONNOISSEUR CONSUMER AND SERIOUS LEISURE PURSUITS
In the 1990s, coIIee connoisseurship practices increased (Kozinets, 2002). In his netnographic
research, Kozinets Iound that coIIee connoisseurship was repeatedly taught on the newsgroup
that he Iollowed. He also noted that 'Starbucks, simultaneously, raised the consciousness oI
coIIee connoisseurship, the demand Ior coIIee shops, the sales oI coIIee-Ilavored ice cream
and cold drinks, and the market price oI a cup oI coIIee (2002, p. 66). Connoisseurship
requires reconIiguring mass cultural objects (Holt, 1998) and applying a highly nuanced
schema in order to understand, evaluate, and appreciate those cultural objects. A connoisseur
is a consumer who has diIIerentiated consumption knowledge compared to other consumers
due to her/his expertise or taste in the marketplace. The connoisseur is empowered by Iield-
speciIic cultural competence (Holbrook, 1999), cultural and social capital (Bourdieu, 1984),
and discernment (Ahuvia, 2005). Ahuvia (2005) described examples oI connoisseurship in
which everyday items (cartoons and popcorn) are appreciated in terms oI abstract aesthetic
properties and high levels oI expertise. Connoisseur style is expressed through consumption
practices even iI the object itselI is widely consumed or ignored by other consumers.
Connoisseurs accentuate speciIic aspects oI the consumption object and also develop 'Iinely
grained vocabularies to tease out ever more detailed nuances within a category, the expression
oI opinionated and oIten eclectic evaluations oI alternatives, and the ability to engage in
passionate appreciation oI consumption objects meeting one`s calculus oI quality` within a
category (Holt, 1998).
Connoisseur consumers engage in serious leisure consumption. Leisure is 'uncoerced,
contextually Iramed activity engaged in during Iree time, which people want to and, using
their abilities and resources, actually do in either a satisIying or a IulIilling way (or both)
(Stebbins, 2012, p. 4). Gelber (1999, p. 7) points out three Iundamental assumptions about the
nature oI leisure activities: 1) they take place in time that is Iree Irom work, which includes
personal, Iamilial, and home care activities necessary Ior liIe maintenance; 2) they are
voluntarily undertaken; and 3) they are pleasurable. The author emphasizes that 'activities
that are understood as work, no matter how pleasurable, are not leisure (.) Activities that are
understood as work, including nonremunerated labor such as Iamily care or schoolwork, no
matter how pleasurable, are not leisure (Gelber, 1999, p. 7). For many consumers, leisure is a
way to Iind personal IulIillment, identity enhancement, selI-expression, and the like, and
leisure becomes an opportunity to improve their own work (Stebbins, 1982). Seeking to adopt
those Iorms oI leisure that will yield the greatest payoII, connoisseur consumers 'reach this
goal through engaging in serious rather casual or unserious leisure (Stebbins, 1982, p. 253).
According to Press and Arnould (2011), productive consumption is similar to the serious
leisure concept because it 'also recognizes the blurring oI work and leisure that emerges in
relation to consumer identity and liIestyle-related goals (2011, p. 652).
Serious leisure requires perseverance. Participants involved in serious leisure tend to
have careers in the areas oI their serious leisure endeavors, identiIy strongly with their chosen
pursuits, and invest signiIicant personal eIIort based on special knowledge, training, or skill,
and sometimes all three (Stebbins, 2007). Serious leisure practitioners 'are not dependent on
whatever remuneration they derive Irom it and 'they are Ireer than breadwinners to renounce
their leisure, but they are usually 'more obliged to engage in their pursuits than are their
unserious counterparts (Stebbins, 1982, p. 255). According to Stebbins (2007), amateurs,
such as hobbyists and volunteers, participate in one type oI serious leisure. They pursue an
activity chosen 'because oI its strong appeal (Stebbins, 1982, p. 258). They reIuse to remain
a 'player, dabbler, or novice at this leisure, searching Ior durable beneIits transIorming the
activity into an avocation in which the participant is motivated by seriousness and
commitment, as these are expressed both in regimentation (such as practice or rehearsals) and
in systematization (such as schedules or organization) (Stebbins, 1982, p. 258). Amateurs
perIorm many rituals when they are involved in serious leisure.
Amateurs are part oI a proIessional-amateur-public (P-A-P) system (Stebbins, 1979, p.
24). This system is based on rituals (Rook, 1985) perIormed which strengthen the connections
between the system`s participants. In Stebins`s P-A-P system, clients are reIerred to as
'public. Even Ior amateurs, there is always a public that can be composed oI Iriends,
relatives, neighbors, or other amateurs engaged in the same activity. Amateurs are oriented by
standards oI excellence set and communicated by those proIessionals. In the P-A-P system,
the term 'amateur can be used only with activities that constitute, Ior some, a proIessional
work role. ProIessionals 'educate, train, direct, coach, advise, organize, and even perIorm
with amateurs and when amateurs come to comprise part oI their public (Stebbins, 2007). A
monetary and organizational relationship is 'Irequently established when proIessionals
educate, train, direct, coach, advise, organize, and even perIorm with amateurs and when
amateurs come to comprise part oI their public. There is an intellectual relationship among
proIessionals, amateurs, and publics, which springs primarily Irom the amateurs (Stebbins,
1979, pp. 2526). The number oI amateurs is steadily increasing in part because hobbies, such
as sport, arts, and entertainment, have evolved into proIessions. When proIessionalization
occurs (see Larson, 1977), 'those who retained their serious, albeit part-time, commitment to
the activity were gradually transIormed into amateurs (Stebbins, 1982, 263). The modern
amateur would like to 'spend more time and sometimes more money as his avocation than
time and income permit (Stebbins, 1979, 43).
RITUALS AND SPECIALTY COFFEE SERIOUS LEISURE CONSUMPTION
PURSUITS
Consumer Culture Theory academic interest in specialty coIIee consumption has Iocused on
Starbucks: consumers` (anticorporate) experiences oI globalization (Thompson & Arsel,
2004), emotional branding and doppelgnger brand image (Arsel, RindIleisch, & Thompson,
2012), hegemonic brandscapes (Thompson & Arsel, 2004), boycotts and out-sourcing oI
politics (Simon, 2011), coIIee culture and consumption in Japan (Grinshpun, 2013), and
global consumer culture in Scandinavia (Kjeldgaard & Ostberg, 2007). The specialty coIIee
market segment, which emerged in 1980 (Roseberry, 1996) and has topped the retail sales oI
traditional products since the beginning oI the 2000s (Cassia, Fattore, & Paleari, 2006), had
Starbucks as a principal company in the 1990s and at the beginning oI the 2000s. However, in
the actual specialty coIIee wave, independent coIIee shops and coIIee connoisseur consumers
are playing an increasingly important role.
Rhinehart explains that the term 'specialty coIIee was Iirst coined by Erna Knutsen
oI Knutsen CoIIee Ltd. in a 1978 speech and it is 'deIined by the quality oI the product,
whether green bean, roasted bean, or prepared beverage, and by the quality oI liIe that coIIee
can deliver to all oI those involved in its cultivation, preparation and degustation (Rhinehart,
2009, p. 3). Analyzing the coIIee market, Skeie (2003) and Kozinetz (2002) identiIied the
growing number oI coIIee connoisseur consumers and coIIee connoisseurship practices,
respectively. CoIIee connoisseur consumers are not CaIe Flneurs or oppositional localists,
nor do they adopt an anti-Starbucks discourse (Thompson & Arsel, 2004). They are not
antibrand activists, and they are not involved in the Starbucks emotional branding or in the
doppelgnger Starbucks branding (Arsel et al., 2012). Seeking novelty (Hirschman, 1980) and
driven by Ilavor, they are involved in a long connoisseurship consumption journey which
takes more than a year, tasting diIIerent coIIees in diIIerent coIIee shops and searching Ior
coIIee variation and quality. During this tasting journey, they improve their knowledge and
taste, get into the community, and increase their consumer knowledge in the coIIee
marketplace culture.
Rook (1985) aIIirms that the positive and meaningIul aspects oI ritual behavior have
been studied in both the everyday human experiences and the extraordinary human
experiences. Many studies in the Iield oI consumer culture addressed ritual in the everyday
human experiences such as sacralization through ritual (Belk, WallendorI, & Sherry, 1989),
and death ritual consumption in Asante (Bonsu & Belk, 2003), and in the extraordinary
human experiences, such as high risk consumption through skydiving (Celsi, Rose, & Leigh,
1993), Burning Man (Kozinets, 2002), and river raIting trips (Arnould & Price, 1993).
According to McCracken (1986), 'ritual is an opportunity to aIIirm, evoke, assign, or revise
the conventional symbols and meanings oI the cultural order (1986, p. 78). To Driver (1991,
p. 6), 'rituals belong to us, and we to them, as surely as do our language and culture. The
human choice is not whether to ritualize but when, how, where, and why. Driver proposes a
Iunctional model oI social giIts, which comprises the three giIts (order in society, a sense oI
community, and transIormation) that rituals bestow upon society.
Driver`s (1991) ritual Iunctional model Iits with the tasting ritual perIormed by the
connoisseur consumers during their everyday lives. Rituals reIlect the way the world is
ordered and put that order in place: 'Through ritualization we make routine a certain way oI
seeing, hearing, touching, and otherwise perceiving the environment (Driver, 1991, p. 135).
Rituals 'not only bring people together in physical assembly but also tend to unite them
emotionally (p. 152) by establishing communities. Ritual transIormation is part oI the social
dynamic oI ceremonies and rites that eIIect change in the social liIe. AIter discussing my
research methods, I present my qualitative study on specialty coIIee consumption.
METHOD
A qualitative study oI connoisseur consumer behavior and their rituals was conducted in order
to answer my research questions: who are connoisseur consumers? How do they emerge in
the marketplace culture? What are the steps the consumers Iollow to become connoisseur
consumers? What is the role oI ritual in connoisseurship consumption? To answer these
questions, I immersed myselI in the Iield, visiting and observing consumers in independent
coIIee shops in Toronto and Seattle. I also interviewed consumers and coIIee proIessionals.
Further, I attended the 27
th
Annual Exposition oI Specialty CoIIee Association oI America in
Seattle and three coIIee club meetings.
I started my research as regular coIIee consumer who was in the beginning stages oI
the coIIee connoisseur consumption journey. Adopting a naturalistic inquiry approach (Belk
WallendorI, & Sherry, 1988), I got inside the specialty coIIee community and increased my
coIIee knowledge and taste as a Iully participating member oI the culture oI consumption
(Arnould & WallendorI, 1994). This presence in the coIIee shops and in online social media
helped me gain acceptance and trust inside the community. In the beginning oI the research, to
identiIy coIIee connoisseur consumers, I used as a criterion oI sampling strategy (Miles &
Huberman, 1994) consumers at independent coIIee shops who drank coIIee without milk and
sugar. Another criterion was iI the consumer interacted with the barista, asking questions
about the coIIee. AIter this initial phase, I used snowball sampling (Miles & Huberman,
1994), helped by the Iirst coIIee connoisseurs that I interviewed.
I interviewed coIIee connoisseurs based on the long interview method (McCracken,
1988), looking Ior participants` personal experiences, backgrounds, histories, belieIs, and
rituals regarding coIIee consumption. I also took Iield notes during the observations and right
aIter the interviews. The interviews, conducted as conversations (Belk et al., 2013), were
unstructured with open-ended questions, and they were conducted on-site. I adopt a
phenomenological interviewing approach (Thompson, Locander, and Pollio 1989). The
interviews (table 1) were recorded and transcribed. My data set includes 14 on-site, in-depth
consumer interviews (1,045 minutes and 438 single-spaced pages oI transcribed interviews),
183 pages oI Iield notes, and 203 photographs. Table 1 shows the inIormants` proIiles.
Pseudonyms are used to guarantee the conIidentiality oI the inIormants.
Table 1: PROFILE OF INFORMANTS
InIormants
Length oI
taste journey
Occupation Age Sex City oI residence Nationality
Alan 7 years Vendor Engineer 51 Male Seattle Brazilian
Frank 15 years Website designer 44 Male Seattle American
John ~ 8 years Marketing 32 Male Portland American
Laura ~ 40 years Executive searcher 61 Female Toronto American
Greg ~ 15 years Architect 37 Male Toronto Polish
Maria 2 years Not working 31 Female Seattle Canadian
Bob 1,5 year Not working 29 Male Seattle American
David 3,5 years PhD student 39 Male
Gainsville/Florid
a
American
Jane 3 years Financial controller 30 Female Amsterdam American
Kevin 10 months Undergraduate student 21 Male Toronto Chinese
Paul 10 months Undergraduate student 21 Male Toronto Chinese
Kate Public Undergraduate student 21 Female Toronto Chinese
Joana Public Home entrepreneur /- 64 Female Toronto Canadian
Vera Public Not working /- 23 Female Toronto Canadian
I visited and observed consumers in 21 independent coIIee shops (nine in Seattle and twelve
in Toronto), interviewed Iour baristas (Ior more than Iour hours each) and one roaster (one
hour). I attended three coIIee clubs meetings: two in Seattle; one with eighteen people (two
hours), and one with Iour people (two hours), and one in Toronto with three people (two
hours). For three days, I attended the Specialty CoIIee Association oI America. I watched
three coIIee competitions: 1) USA brewers competition, and 2) USA barista competition,
together with a coIIee connoisseur (six hours), and 3) Canadian brewer competition (three
hours).
The research was inIormed by online discussion on Twitter, Facebook and blogs,
books, online videos (YouTube and Vimeo), and Iilms ('Everything About CoIIee and
'Black Gold). I Iollowed the online interactions oI connoisseur consumers and coIIee
proIessionals on Twitter and also participated by interacting with them online. The body oI
qualitative data was interpreted by using a hermeneutic approach (Thompson, 1997),
comparing consumers` stages in their journeys oI coIIee taste transIormation and looking to
study 'diIIerences between newcomers and those who have long been members (Belk et al.,
2013, p. 148).
I present my Iindings in two sections. First, I demonstrate that connoisseur consumers
are amateurs, as described by Stebbins (1979), in diIIerent stages oI their connoisseurship
journeys. I also propose that Place, as Public, ProIessional and Amateurs, should be
considered in Stebbins`s (2007) amateur system (P-A-P). In the second section I explicate the
role oI the tasting ritual in the connoisseurship consumer`s journey and how it provides order,
community, and transIormation Ior the consumer.
COFFEE CONNOISSEUR CONSUMER AND AMATEUR
Frank: I mean we`re all on a diIIerent journey. It takes some people longer than others. Some people are
slow, just gradual. Some people are just Iast. I`m slow. It took me years Ior me to get to a certain level
and years to another level and I just keep on ramping up.... The coIIee that I drank Iive years ago, I
wouldn't drink today. That's how much my expectations have changed.
During their journey oI transIorming their tastes, coIIee connoisseur consumers increase and
develop their amateur expertise. The inIormants are involved in public cupping courses
oIIered by independent coIIee shops as well as training, tastings, and other types oI courses.
InIormants want to learn how to use coIIee equipment in order to get a better coIIee at home.
Some oI the equipment types might include an aeropress, Chemex, scale, grinder, espresso
machine, and home roaster. Espresso machines are perceived as specialized equipment. They
serve the public as well as proIessionals, and they are usually Iollowed by more people
(Iriends, Iamily, co-workers) during their journey oI coIIee taste transIormation. In many
cases, I met the coIIee connoisseur consumers with their Iriends (public in P-A-P system) at
coIIee shops. For example: I met Paul and Kevin with Kate; and Laura with Joana. They are
Iriends oI the baristas. Alan reports that 'there are many guys in the coIIee industry that I
consider my heroes. Alan, Frank, David, and John watch baristas competitions. One time,
Alan attended a cupping contest as a competitor.
The inIormants shared inIormation about how to brew coIIee, and how to choose
better coIIee beans, and they also indicated coIIee shops to the public and coIIee
proIessionals. According to Simon (2009, p. 153), people who know something 'have value,
and we gravitate toward them to get their ideas and insights, and then we absorb what they
teach us and make it our own. Some oI them plan to open their own coIIee shops and work
as baristas, thus becoming coIIee proIessionals (Stebbins, 1979). This is John`s
entrepreneurship dream: 'What I plan on doing within the next year or so is opening my own
small caIe . so owning a small caIe will give me a chance to work and do my own thing, and
then I can work there as a barista and just drink up as much coIIee as I want and do that. So
that's really my plan Ior the next couple oI months. John, one oI the baristas that I
interviewed, Iollowed this path. He was an amateur until 2014, when he opened his own
coIIee shop in Toronto with three Iriends.
All inIormants started their 'journey oI transIorming their tastes because they had
been inIluenced by a coIIee connoisseur, barista, or the city in which they lived. They also had
to learn how to balance the time and money invested in their serious leisure pursuits with their
liIe responsibilities. Alan doesn`t drink coIIee at home because 'when you get inside this, it
has no end. You will start to invest money, you will start to invest time, and I don`t have time
and money to spend in this. However, John does not seem too worried about those particular
issues: 'I don`t mind spending a whole bunch oI money on it. It`s what I like to talk about
when I`m just relaxing. It`s something I like to spend a lot oI time on and have a lot oI Iun
with.... I got really into espresso and it's a very expensive habit.. I was probably spending 10
or 20 dollars a day just on espresso. He also spends time volunteering in Ior SCAA Events:
'I am volunteering (SCAA event) in the mornings.. I get there pretty early, like 7 or 8, get in
a couple oI hours to volunteer. Then I come 'up here and get my real work done.
CoIIee connoisseurs as amateurs 'are marginal in the sense that they have chosen a
marginal Iorm oI leisure, one that is closer to being work than any other (Stebbins, 1979, p.
260). They are not participants in popular leisure; they are not dabblers or proIessionals.
According to Stebbins (1979), they are misunderstood by their Iriends, neighbors, relatives,
and co-workers who participate only in popular leisure. Jane, Ior example, does not talk about
coIIee normally, because 'people usually don`t care about it. The amateur`s seriousness
about the topic contrasts with the absence oI seriousness in the consumers oI popular leisure.
Greg said that most people are less obsessive about coIIee than he is. John revealed, 'It`s
something I wish my wiIe was more interested in, but she doesn`t care. Alan`s wiIe and sons
preIer not to talk about coIIee, either. Frank aIIirmed that most people are simply not
interested in the topic oI coIIee.
The inIormants admit that they want to explore and learn everything about coIIee.
Paul, Ior example, described learning about coIIee as 'an addiction. CoIIee is 'a subjective
science, according to Kevin, a barista who was the instructor oI the one coIIee cupping
course in Toronto. CoIIee has many variables (weight, temperature, time), that should be
measured and controlled during the brewing in order to get the best coIIee. This
'apprenticeship oI consumption (Baudrillard, 1988, p. 49) is evident when they talk about
Iair trade, an issue that also concerns the coIIee industry. For Frank, 'Some things, I could
care less about. Like Iarming, something like that. I don't really ... I shouldn't say that. The
opportunity to know about coIIee Iarms and how coIIee is produced and harvested is a way to
learn more, as John describes.
Author: Why are you now concerned about coIIee Iarm?
John: I think it`s because I`m always wanting to learn more. No matter what I am studying, I always
want to learn more. I think that`s just a natural way to do it. Also, understanding how it aIIects the taste
and the Ilavor proIile is kind oI big deal too, so going back and saying, 'Wow, this tastes diIIerent
because . That`s so weird to think about like a product that they`re consuming, how it was produced,
how it was harvested and how that`s going to aIIect the Ilavor proIile, all the way down to the supply
chain. Yes, it`s really interesting. (.) I am just that kind oI person who just gets really interested in the
details oI everything and how things are really made and created, the artists and craIts and products and
things like that. So coIIee is a really cool place to just keep going, learn all the details about it because
there is so much that goes into it, and so many things Irom just the Iarm to the roasting, to the barista
process and everything. There's just so much to it. It's really interesting.
Baudrillard (1988, p. 49) argues that the consumer universal curiosity 'is no longer desire, nor
even taste nor a speciIic preIerence which are at issue, but generalized curiosity driven by a
diIIuse obsession, a Iun morality, whose imperative is enjoyment and the complete
exploitation oI all the possibilities oI being thrilled, experiencing pleasure, and being
gratiIied.
P-A-P-P: Public-Amateur-Public-Place
CoIIee connoisseur consumers take part in the system Stebbins (2007) calls P-A-P
(ProIessional-Amateur-Public), in serious leisure pursuits. Beyond these three elements in the
system, a Iourth is necessary: place, which provides the amateurs with the opportunity to
improve their knowledge and become more involved in their pursuit. Thus, I propose
expanding Stebbins`s P-A-P system into a new system, P-A-P-P. Many CCT scholars have
mentioned the inIluence oI the place in consumer behavior (Belk & Costa, 1998; Karababa &
Ger, 2011; Kozinets, 2002). Gieryn (2000) deIines place as geographic location, with material
Iorm and investment with meaning and value. 'Places bring people together in bodily co-
presence (Gieryn, 2000, p. 476) and help to develop consumption communities. Many
inIormants started their journeys oI coIIee taste transIormation when they moved to a new
city with an active coIIee culture (Alan, Frank, Maria: Seattle; Jane, Laura: New York), or
they leIt a city that had the specialty coIIee marketplace culture (Kevin, Paul: Toronto; John:
Seattle). Jane started her connoisseurship journey when she moved to New York. Greg grew
up in Italy and was immersed in coIIee culture when he moved to Toronto.
Author: In the begining did someone indicate coIIee shops to you?
Jane: No, I was living in New York City, so it`s mainly, 'Okay, I`m on 14
th
Street, what is around? and
Iinding one that`s in the neighborhood. Actually that`s where my Iavourite coIIee place is, in New York
City.
Greg: I`ve always enjoyed espressos. But I think, Ior me, the big breaking point was when I was in
Italy, |inaudible| culture and the community. Just even little things like standing at the bar to have your
coIIee. For me, it`s part oI why I drink coIIee.
New York, Seattle, Portland, and also Italy allowed some inIormants to improve their coIIee
knowledge. On the other hand, leaving a place with little or no tradition in specialty coIIee
potentially made it diIIicult Ior inIormants to improve their coIIee knowledge and taste. Jane
who lived in New York during her undergraduate courses, has had diIIiculty in Amsterdam
continuing her coIIee connoisseurship journey because she not yet Iound at least one specialty
coIIee shop to visit regularly in the city. She is trying to brew coIIee at home to solve this
problem. David leIt in a city in the United States that, according to him, has only one
specialty coIIee shop. Every week, he attends the public cupping courses provided by his
coIIee shop, and he also visit as many independent coIIee shops as he can when he travels to
another city, like Toronto, where I interviewed him. Laura who was born and lived in New
York aIIirmed that 'when you live in a city, like you live in New York, and you go to .
you`re very particular. Like, there`s restaurants on every corner, every street corner, and a lot
oI them are really good. But iI you live there, you want to go to the best. ... because you can.
1OURNEY OF COFFEE TASTE TRANSFORMATION: TASTING RITUAL
The journey oI coIIee taste`s transIormation is based on tasting ritual, which means tasting
diIIerent kinds oI coIIee brewed by diIIerent proIessionals in diIIerent coIIee shops. The
coIIee connoisseur consumers go to diIIerent neighborhoods, cities, and countries to taste
coIIees and to develop their palates. I Iocused my research on the coIIee tasting in coIIee
shops, because the quality oI brewed coIIee in coIIee shops is usually higher compared to the
quality oI coIIee brewed at home. Moreover, extracting a good shot oI espresso requires
proIessional skills that are diIIicult to develop at home, even within serious leisure pursuits.
Although some coIIee connoisseur consumers have more knowledge than the baristas have,
the work oI outstanding baristas (such as champion baristas) can not be accomplished with
knowledge alone. The sales oI home coIIee brewing equipment are increasing, but not all
coIIee consumers brew coIIee at home. None oI the inIormants have an espresso machine at
home (Frank is the only inIormant who ever had one, but he sold it). Amateurs 'are oIten
Irustrated in their eIIorts to meet the high standards oI perIormance set by the top
proIessionals in their Iields (Stebbins, 1979, p. 264). For all oI the inIormants, the coIIee
shops are the places to improve their tastes and knowledge. To be coIIee connoisseurs,
consumers need to taste coIIee as much as they can at diIIerent coIIee shops. This ritual
transIorms their tastes, and it also transIorms them in the process. Drawing on Driver`s ritual
model (1991), which Iocuses on the needs satisIied through ritual behavior and the Iunctional
elements, I describe and analyze the role oI ritual in the consumer`s journey oI coIIee taste
transIormation. According to Driver (1991), rituals provide three social giIts: order,
community and transIormation.
1) Order
Driven by Ilavor, the inIormants go to coIIee shops to taste diIIerent coIIees. Greg 'was
always concerned with Ilavor, and Alan drinks coIIee 'only because oI the Ilavor. This
tasting ritual can be Iormal or inIormal, and it can occur at any time during the week, but it
should be perIormed Irequently and continuously. Alan visits coIIee shops in his home city
with his wiIe every Saturday morning. Kevin, Kate, and Paul go to coIIee shops at least once
a week (usually Saturdays) to taste coIIee and study. Laura goes every weekend, Greg goes
every morning, and David goes weekly when the coIIee shop in his home city oIIers a public
coIIee cupping. Others inIormants meet in a Iormal way, using a web platIorm
(www.meetup.com).
The inIormants control the Irequency with which they drink coIIee because they are
concerned about the amount oI caIIeine that they can ingest in a day. AIter drinking coIIee Ior
many years, Laura developed a caIIeine allergy. She still goes to diIIerent coIIee shops every
week, but now she drinks decaIIeinated coIIee. Kevin used to drink coIIee to help him study
because he does not sleep when he drinks coIIee. His eyelids started to tremble during the day,
and he had to reduce the amount oI coIIee that he drank. Although Alan likes coIIee very
much, he does not want to become addicted to coIIee. BeIore choosing which coIIee shop
they will go to and what kind oI coIIee they will drink, the inIormants must consider many
Iactors. Alan and Frank each keep a spreadsheet to monitor the number oI espressos they
drink. Frank allows himselI to drink Iour espressos per day, and Alan averages one espresso
every two days. This concern about caIIeine elevates the level oI expected quality oI the
coIIee. They do not want to waste their caIIeine level capacity on bad coIIee, According to
Alan, 'There is certain amount oI caIIeine that you can ingest, and you have to spend this
limited caIIeine level with coIIee that is really worthy.
Frank reveals the importance oI order in the tasting ritual when he provides
explanations to people who want to Iollow him: 'We're not going to overwhelm you, we're
going to have new events. We're going to try to keep moving to diIIerent neighborhoods.
We're going to do them at diIIerent times in diIIerent places. We're going to keep everyone
interested. His quotation also introduces two types oI the order that coIIee connoisseurs
establish in their tasting ritual: variation in the choices and space.
! Variation in the choices
The mission statement below is Irom a well-known and consistent Iormal coIIee club based in
Seattle and created in 2006. The statement describes the variations in the choices oI the coIIee
connoisseur, who has an explorer-like behavior:
The Coffee Club of Seattle is a social group that celebrates the independent quality coffee scene of
Seattle and neighboring areas. Occasionally we might go to a coffee cupping or brewing demonstration,
but most of the time we just get together for great coffee and conversation. The Coffee Club of Seattle
explores every neighborhood in Seattle and we have even been on road trips as far away as Bellingham,
Vancouver BC, Victoria BC, Portland, and Sequim. If you are interested in exploring more of your city
and the Pacific Northwest all while drinking a tasty coffee beverage, join our group
(http://www.meetup.com/seattle-coffee-club/).
The inIormants have similar behaviors to what the mission statement describes. This behavior
is described by Warde (1997) as 'the spirit oI restlessness, the cultivation oI novelty, and the
associated pursuit oI Iashion being a result oI the contemporary society (p. 57). Baudrillard
(1988, p. 48) calls it 'a universal curiosity. Oldenburg (1999, p. 44) reveals that 'as
technological gains give us more residual time, the low-skill standbys such as recreational
driving, shopping, or watching TV become increasingly inadequate in supplying the measure
oI novelty we require. In the specialty coIIee context, the inIormants seek novelty in coIIee
shops in their cities or in other cities as much as they can. Alan said that he likes variety, and
he does not like to repeat the coIIee. He also combines his work travels or Iamily travels with
his interest in trying new coIIee shops. John takes advantage oI the possibilities to work out oI
the oIIice whenever possible, and sometimes, he goes to another city to taste coIIee.
Frank, who has been guiding many consumers in the journey oI transIorming their
tastes, adopts a tasting variation strategy to advise consumers:
Frank: I usually ask him where they`re Irom, where do they live? It doesn`t really matter where I think
the best place is iI they can`t get to it. I like to Iind out what`s their neighborhood?... I want to know
where they`re at. 'Oh you live there? Try that. Have you tried that? 'Oh, I tried that, it was
wonderIul. 'I tried that and that one but I liked this one better. 'Oh, you like that one better that that
one. Okay, then you might want to try this one over here, where coIIee is better. You just guide them.
Greg has searched Ior better things since he was a child.
Greg: I`ve just wanted to Iind what next thing was, I`ve just wanted to Iind what was better than what I
was having. I knew it could be better than this. I always want to keep going. Things can be better
than what I have, or, new Ilavor, new experience, or new something else, just very interesting. Kind oI
exploring what that would be. And I just as always like quality. For me quality is important, doesn`t
matter what it is.
Each coIIee connoisseur inIormant I interviewed gave me a list oI independent coIIee shops to
visit and taste the coIIee. Greg gave me advice to improve my taste: 'deIinitely go visit as
many oI these guys |independent coIIee shops| as possible, and keep visiting them because
the Ilavors are very diIIerent Irom place to place. Sometimes they talked about the
competence oI the barista and the quality oI the coIIee machines in the coIIee shop.
In the last Iew years, the new trend oI single origin coIIee in the independent coIIee
shops has supported this consumer behavior in which the consumer wants to explore
everything. Single origin coIIee means that each lot oI beans has its own speciIic proIile and
Ilavor: Single origin coIIee is 'one coIIee Iarm's product, no matter how large or small the
Iarm is, processed any one way, roasted with one roast proIile (Dal Anderson, 2010).
Variables like date (year), altitude, soil, weather conditions, and so on inIluence the Ilavor oI
each microlot oI coIIee beans. Single origin coIIee opened a new universe oI coIIee
experimentation Ior Alan:
Alan: Here, Seattle CaIe`s guys started to brew a lot oI single origin in 2009. So, they sent on Twitter:
'This week we have coIIee Irom, I don`t know, 'Irom Guatemala, rare coIIee. I then stopped
everything that I was doing. I came to here to taste. Each time they announce stuII like that, like a good
barista who won a championship, or one coIIee that is very rare, I come to taste.
Starbucks has taught consumers much about what makes Ior good coIIee and that consumers
should pay higher prices Ior a good cup oI coIIee (Hartmann, 2011). In the 2000s, according
to Simon (2009, p. 15), independent coIIee shops oIIered less mass-produced, more genuine-
seeming products compared to Starbucks, which lost its sense oI authenticity by building
stores everywhere and by rushing customers through the line. Additionally, several inIormants
claimed that Starbucks brews over-roasted beans. Starbucks doesn`t provide the coIIee Ilavor
variation expected by the consumer connoisseurs; instead, the company provides
predictability oI coIIee Ilavor (George Ritzer, 2007). The Starbucks brandscape (Thompson &
Arsel, 2004) lost its 'mystique and started to compete with McDonald`s, Dunkin Donuts Ior
the same always-in-a-hurry, caIIeine-dependent, Irothy-drink-seeking customers (Simon,
2009, p. 17). 'When something loses this mystery, it loses its sacredness and becomes
ordinary and proIane (Belk et al., 1989, p. 7).
CoIIee sacralization (Belk, WllendorI, & Sherry, 1989) through ritual is evident at
independent coIIee shops. InIormants sacralized the coIIee in many ways. For example, Frank
and Alan each use a scale borrowed Irom the blog 'I Need Espresso to evaluate the quality oI
the espresso shot: 1) awIul shot, undrinkable; 5) 'God shot. 'The God shot is 'the kind oI
espresso you remember Ior months, maybe years. The rest oI your day is spent in a blissIul
daze. Extremely rare (http://ineedcoIIee.com/espresso-as-a-lottery-ticket/). John read a book
called 'God in Cup, and Alan reIered to the blog Sprudge as a 'bible oI the coIIee world.
! Space
Space is another primary way that the inIormants Iind order in the tasting ritual. Driver (1991)
reveals that ritual places are meaningIul because they help individuals construct alternative
worlds called 'the real world, which are diIIerent Irom ordinary liIe. Depending on the stage
oI their journey oI coIIee taste transIormation, consumers Irequent diIIerent coIIee shops.
When they were younger (Paul, Kevin, Kate, Jane) or not yet in the journey oI taste
transIormation (Alan), some inIormants preIerred coIIee shop chains like Starbucks, Second
Cup, and Tim Hortons. These coIIee shops Iollow the same Iormat and pattern driven by mass
consumption (Ritzer, 2007). On their menus, these coIIee shops have many coIIee drinks
mixed with milk, sugar, caramel, and other ingredients (latte, caramel macchiato), and they
also carry many kinds oI Ioods (muIIins, sandwiches, salads, cakes, cereal bars, and so on).
Levy (1999) notes that adding milk to coIIee moves coIIee beverages down the by making
them less potent, younger, and more Ieminine, much like adding milk to alcohol. In the coIIee
seminars at Starbucks, the company teaches consumers how to choose the best muIIins and
cakes with the coIIee that they order in order to increase the Ilavor and get the best coIIee
experience.
InIormants who have started the journey oI coIIee taste transIormation preIer
independent coIIee shops, which Iocus on coIIee as the most important product oI their
businesses. CoIIee shops like Victrola and Stumptown in Seattle, which have the roasters in
their coIIee shops to guarantee the coIIee`s Ireshness and quality, and BoxCar Social, Lit
Espresso and Sam James in Toronto, sell Iew Iood options. To emphasize the coIIee Ilavor,
some oI these coIIee shops indicate the amount oI milk in each coIIee drink. Lit Espresso, Ior
example, draws 'the lactometer in the menu, indicating the quantity oI milk in their coIIee
drinks. In the coIIee cupping course oIIered by Lit Espresso, Stumptown, and Victrola,
participants just taste coIIee and nothing else. The coIIee shops teach people how to perceive
the diIIerences between the coIIees by comparing their smells and Ilavors.
Stebbins (2007) explains that amateurs are normally adults, although some Iields may
include people in their late teens. The choice oI the coIIee shop is inIluenced by the person`s
age as well as their taste. According to Levy (1999), the beverages that are dark, served in
small units oI quantity, and have an intense taste are perceived as both more mature and
higher in status. Adults or those who have been on the journey oI taste transIormation Ior
many years, such as Greg, John, Frank, and Alan, preIer espresso. This preIerence was also
conIirmed by the baristas that I interviewed. The younger inIormants or those who are near
the beginning oI the journey preIer pour-over coIIee (Paul, Kevin, Kate) or Americano coIIee
(Bob, Maria, Jane, David), which is 60 ml oI espresso and 90 ml oI hot water. Pour-over and
Americano are less concentrated coIIee drinks than espresso. Jane explains what happened
with her taste:
Jane: I started drinking coffee eight years ago, seven years ago. Before that I hated it. I really couldnt
stand the smell of it. I thought it was just too bitter and didnt taste good. Then as I became an adult I
was like, Okay, I should see what this is all about. So I just tried it, and at first I didnt like it, but Id
just drink it because I was working really long hours. I was like, I need this. But over time I
developed a taste and then started having better coffee, and I realized the reason why I didnt like it is
because I was having bad coffee.
Levy (1999) aIIirms that 'product perceptions are patterns oI the meanings derived Irom
consumption eIIects, preparation processes, colors, quantities, and variety. In the same way,
during their journey oI taste transIormation, the inIormants move Irom natural resources and
simple processing up through more complex methods oI preparation, Irom light color to
darkness, Irom large quantities to smaller units, and Irom homogeneity to heterogeneity in
both the substances themselves and in the variety available Ior choice (Levy, 1999).
2) Community
Specialty coIIee shops, such as the Ottoman coIIeehouse (Karababa & Ger, 2011), enable
people to interact with others and enjoy time away Irom their responsibilities. These specialty
coIIee shops share some characteristics with third places (Oldenburg, 1999), which are neutral
places oI socialization, pleasure, and social Ilatness. According to Wolburg and Treise (2004,
p. 11), 'drinking together unites people emotionally and establishes a bond between them. As
a social lubricant,` many people Iind that it puts them at ease, intensiIies the relationship, and
enhances the experience.` CoIIee is about sociality, conviviality, and intimacy (Sherry, 1995).
In terms oI coIIee connoisseur consumption, a particular communitas (Turner, 1995) emerges
at independent coIIee shops and on social media. As a rite oI intensiIication (Belk & Costa,
1998), the inIormants meet with baristas and others coIIee consumers at coIIee shops and also
experience a sense oI community online. These meetings are not extraordinary consumption
experiences, as described in the consumer culture tradition (Arnould & Price, 1993; Belk &
Costa, 1998; Kozinets, 2002; Schouten & Mcalexander, 1995; Tumbat & Belk, 2011). Instead,
they are everyday consumption practices.
Social interactions among participants are positive and collaborative, boundaries are
attenuated instead oI accentuated, and they have the same goal: 'have a good coIIee. The
participants act within a community. As in the river magic experience (Arnould & Price,
1993), a community is developed among customers and the baristas. InIormants report
thinking oI the baristas not as service providers but as Iriends. They develop commercial
Iriendships with the baristas (Price & Arnould, 1999). For Frank, 'It's just the people I know
in Seattle. John revealed that he is 'really good Iriends with all the baristas. You know, at this
point, they`re just people that I just really have been kind oI Iriends with. In the postmodern
consumer culture, which is Iragmented and individuated (Firat & Venkatesh, 1995),
consumers are able to 'Iorge an ephemeral sense oI interpersonal connection via common
consumption interests' (p. 639), seeking 'a palliative Ior the distressing Ieelings oI isolation,
inauthenticity, and depersonalization (Thompson & Arsel, 2004, p. 640). David expresses the
sense oI community in the specialty coIIee and the importance oI the barista in their social
liIe.
David: There is a nice sense oI community in the specialty coIIee shop. There are other people who are
also regulars, and so by going there, I just have encounters with Iriends oI mine, but I haven`t planned
it. So, it is a social occasion as well. It`s such a nice community that many oI the baristas have become
my Iriends. Those individuals have become important to me personally.
3) Transformation
CoIIee is a culturally acceptable drug (Sherry 1995), and coIIee 'oIIers its users more Iorms
oI transIormation than most ritual artiIacts, and 'transIormation allows people to release
inhibitions, induce relaxation, and assume a diIIerent identity as much as alcohol (Wolburg
& Treise, 2004, p. 13). Some inIormants 'don`t usually like to talk too much (John) or are
introverted and not social (Bob, Alan), but when they drink coIIee or even have the
opportunity to talk about coIIee they transIorm themselves:
John: I`m not a super social person, but when it comes to coIIee, it`s really Iun to just talk about it, and I
really love hearing other people`s stories too and what they have to say and what they like. It Ieels great
to share that kind oI stuII.
Tasting diIIerent coIIees at independent coIIee shops provides consumers with another
important transIormation. This tasting ritual allows consumers to transIorm their palates. The
journey starts when they begin this ritual oI transIormation (Belk & Costa, 1998). During
their journey oI taste transIormation, they become more taste knowledgeable. Frank said,
'People start using less sugar, less milk, less chocolate, less syrup, and they start getting back
to the essence oI coIIee. That`s one thing I see. They just start trying new places. They
become more oI an explorer. In the quotation below, Alan describes his own taste
transIormation during the journey.
Alan: There are people that are in the beginning, and when you begin, you. I don`t know, there are
many reasons why people drink coIIee. Many times it`s to wake up or because it is. a habit. So
you are not concerned about the taste, you are not worried about the coIIee`s taste. Because the majority
oI coIIee is. the quality is relatively bad, so you put sugar, put cream, and, aIter a while, you realize
that you don`t need it. The Iirst thing that you do is reduce the amount oI coIIee that you drink. Here, it
is common to drink a 16 oz. vanilla latte. Then, you reduce to the mocha. Then I reduced to the
cappuccino, and Irom the cappuccino, I then got the espresso. And then I just drink espresso nowadays.
You reduce more and more, and you stop mixing in stuII that is not healthy and you don`t need. Then
you start to develop your palate to really appreciate the diIIerences.
CoIIee connoisseurs are explorers, tasting coIIee beans Irom diIIerent Iarms in diIIerent
coIIee shops. In a certain moment oI the coIIee journey, they have a taste revelation that some
oI them called 'epiphany (Alan), 'click (Frank), or 'breakpoint (Greg). Usually, at this
moment, something happens. As John explains, 'I`ve never experienced that |Ieeling| beIore
the coIIee. It totally blew my mind. As Tumbat and Belk (2011, p. 44) observe, people seek
to participate in transIormative experiences. Jane describes the tasting ritual: 'What I
discovered was, as I was getting it out oI necessity, you could say, iI I got it Irom one place or
another, I noticed I liked one place better than another, and so Iorth.
DISCUSSION
Many studies have mentioned connoisseur consumers and also identiIied their characteristics,
but none oI them have described either their consumer behaviors or identiIied who they are.
Connoisseur consumer are amateurs (Stebbins, 1979), engaged in a journey oI taste
transIormation that can take years. They emerge in the marketplace culture inIluenced by
proIessionals, other connoisseur consumers, and also the place. ProIessional and connoisseur
consumers guide the beginners in their journey, and the place also provides conditions Ior the
beginners to explore and develop their knowledge and tastes. This study`s Iindings expand
upon Stebbins (2007) by expanding his amateur system to include place: P-A-P-P
(ProIessional-Amateur-Public-Place). Place is an important element in the journey oI taste
transIormation, gathering proIessionals, companies and consumers in a space that provide
appropriate conditions Ior connoisseur consumers to develop themselves by tasting diIIerent
products and being with people who are within the same consumption culture.
Drawing on Driver's (1991) model, three social giIts oI ritual provide order,
community and transIormation, many insights have been generated by this research regarding
to connoisseur consumer behavior. To improve their taste knowledge, connoisseur consumers
perIorm a tasting ritual by visiting diIIerent places Irequently and continuously, in a Iormal or
inIormal way, alone or with someone (public), searching Ior quality products. They preIer to
try products that they have not tasted beIore. Seeking novelty (Hirschman, 1980; Warde,
1997) and driven by Ilavor, they vary products (coIIee beans) and places (coIIee shops and
cities). During the journey oI taste transIormation they become members oI the connoisseur
community, which is made up oI consumers, proIessionals, and business owners, as well.
Tasting rituals play an important role in connoisseurship consumption. AIter a while, as a
result oI perIorming the tasting ritual Irequently, they transIorm their taste in such a way that
they both improve their taste knowledge and also Ieel more comIortable within the
community.
Connoisseur consumers are increasing in many types oI marketplace cultures, such as
in wine consumption, wine connoisseurs, and sommeliers (proIessional), Iood connoisseurs
and cheIs, and beer connoisseurs and beer sommeliers. Although my research is in the
specialty coIIee context, the Iindings could be applied and expanded to another beverage or
Iood context as well. Future research can also address the consumer behavior oI connoisseur
consumers in non-Iood and non-beverage contexts, such as clothing and Iurniture.
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