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Mortuary Preferences: A Wari Culture Case Study from Middle Horizon Peru
Author(s): William H. Isbell
Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Mar., 2004), pp. 3-32
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4141562
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ARTILES
Mortuarypractices reveal a great deal about the social organization of prehistoric cultures and their landscape of places.
However, tombs are favored targetsfor looters, making it difficult to determine original burial practices. Verylittle was
knownabout Wariburial during the Middle Horizon (A.D. 500-1000), even though Wariwas an imperial, early BronzeAge
culture with a spectacular urbancapital in highland Peru. Excavations at the secondary Waricity of Conchopataproduced
remains of more than 200 individuals,from disturbedand undisturbedcontexts. These burials as well as informationfrom
other sites permit an initial description of ideal patterns of Warimortuarybehavior. Theforms abstracted reveal graves
rangingfrom poor and ordinary citizens to royal potentates, supporting inferences of hierarchical political organization.
It is also clear that the living accessed graves of importantpeople frequently, implying some form of ancestor worship.
However,unlike the later Inkas, Wariancestors were venerated in their tombs, located deep within residential compounds
and palaces.
El estudiode las prdcticasfunerariases invalorablepara el conocimientode las culturasprehist6ricasy los pueblos antiguos.
Desgraciadamente,las tumbasson tambie'nel blancofavorito de los saqueadores,por lo que resultadificil en muchoscasos
interpretarlas prdcticas originales. Pese a la importanciade una cultura como Wari,un imperiode la Edad del Bronce que
tuvo una espectacular capital urbana en la sierra del Pert, conocemos muypoco respecto a sus prdcticas funerarias. Las
recientes excavaciones en la ciudad secundaria wari de Conchopatahan permitido recuperarrestos humanos,en contextos
funerarios disturbadosy no disturbados,correspondientesa ma'sde 200 individuos.Estos entierrosy la informacidndisponible
de otros sitios waris (incluyendoal centro urbanode Huari) hacen posible plantear una descripcio'ninicial de patrones ideales de la conductafunerariawari duranteel HorizonteMedio (500-1000 d.C.). Lasformas interpretadasrevelantumbasque
correspondentantoa ciudadanospobres y ordinarioscomo a gobernantesreales.Ademds,las tumbasde las personas importantespresentanevidencias de haber sido abiertas con frecuencia luego del entierro,implicandoalgunaforma de culto a los
ancestros.
Archaeological
tuaryremainshavebeencriticalforunder-
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IKalki n Palacio
PampaGrande4?
Yarnobabanba
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e WariCenters
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500 Km.
Figure 1. Central Andes showing Middle Horizon centers including the capital, Huari, provincial Wari cities and other
contemporary capitals.
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THnawasin.
Hu ta
ghway to Huanta
San Miguel
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Figure 2. Map of Ayacucho Valley and the Conchopata archaeological zone.
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ZONE
10 meter grid
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Type1
Type 6
Type3
profile
prfilei
plan
1~~z~~
plan
Type 7
Type 2
Type 4
proflane
profile
p cifile
plan
residentialareasof largercompounds.Perhapsthis
kindof tombshouldbe recognizedas anothervariant of the mortuaryroom, which I have classified
below as the Type5 burial,an issue to be resolved
by furtherstudyof Warimortuarypractices.
Bedrock cavity tombs have different shapes,
probablybecausethecontoursweredeterminedby
cracksin the rockthatmadeit easierto removethe
stone. Most, but not all, the bedrockcavity tombs
discoveredat Conchopatawere looted.All appear
to havecontainedtheremainsof morethanone person, andsignificantnumbersof pots as well as other
offerings.Onebedrockcavityintermentwas found
intactbelow Conchopata'sroomEA-31 (Figure5).
To constructthe tomb, earthand then stone had
been cut away to produce a broad shaft-like
entrance,with two burialchambersin the deepest
WariBurial Type4-Bedrock CavityInterment northernpartof the excavation,one to the northBedrockcavityburialemployeddeep tombsexca- east andone to the northwest.A ttoco about15 cm
vatedintothebedrockunderlyingConchopata(Fig- in diameterthathadbeen cut throughthe bedrock
ures4, 5, and6). They appearto havebeen marked at the northwestedge of the tomb shaftappearsto
by raisedbench-likestructuresthatoftenhadttoco have servedboth burialchambers.
holes in them.They were locatedunderthe floors
The northwestchamberwas open, havingbeen
of buildingsthatwereprobablyroofedroomsin the looted, and containedmany fragmentsof human
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Figure 5. This bedrock cavity tomb was cut though the floor of room EA-31, and a ttoco was also opened through the
rock to its left. All photographs are by William Isbell.
12
Figure 6. The bedrock chamber tomb in room EA-105 had large pots and other objects just inside its entrance. Its bench
and ttoco can be seen just behind the tomb opening.
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Type 5a
Type5b
PrimaryBurialChamber
WithOfferingHouseConstructed
On BurialChamberLid
BuralRoom
Chambereringouse
tWith
Doorway
over
Ttocoe
LRoomRo
locoiiiiN
pranance T
Figure 8. Mortuary Room EA-38 is an example of Wari Burial Type 5a. The offering house, now lacking a roof, is constructed over a massive lid of the primary burial chamber. Its ttoco notch is visible at the top edge of the stone. Secondary
cist tombs were located around the primary burial chamber.
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Figure 9. Mortuary Room EA-150 is an example of Wari Burial Type 5b. The offering house, with roof intact, is constructed over a chamber that was entered from the side, where its rectangular lid, now broken, has collapsed into the
void. The ttoco notch is located inside the offering house.
16
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N
Cist3
Pit
Raisedstep
in floor
PitA
135
(1
Pit C
2m
Stonelid withttoco
coveringcist
nexcavated
134
RaisedstepV
in floor
234
3acy
161
MoraduchayuqCompound, Huari
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ata1997:Figures33, 34) consistingof a hugestonelined cist with heavy rock lid and central ttoco.
Remainsof a smallrectangularofferinghouse surmountthe lid, andmanyothercist tombsandmortuaryrooms are locatedclose by. Therecan be no
question that the Batan Urqu mortuarycomplex
representsan orderof magnitudeor two grander
than anything at Conchopata,but the mortuary
behavioris clearlythatof a Type5a Wariburial.
I believe that ConchopataType 5b mortuary
roomsareformallysimilarto numerousexamples
from Huari, but the Huari tombs have been so
severely damagedthat most are difficultto conceptualize in their original form. Called "cheqo
wasi" (stone house), they are megalithicchamber
complexes,often of two or even threefloor levels
(Figures12 and 13).No one has attemptedto determine theiroriginalforms, althoughwe have severaldescriptionsof thelootedarchitectural
remains
(Benavides 1984, 1991; Bennett 1953; Gonzailez
Carr6and BragayracDaivila 1996; P6rez 1999,
2001a, 2001b). Based on these discussions, my
own researchat Huari,and the new Conchopata
comparisons,I conclude that the majorityof the
megalithic chambers were enclosed within the
roughstonewallsof architectural
compounds.They
were re-openable mausoleums similar to Conchopata'sType5b mortuaryrooms.
Type5 mortuaryroomsdescribedfor Huarican
encloseone largechambercomplexorseveralsmall
chambers,probablyrangingfromtwoto five.Small
and simple cheqo wasi probablywere enteredby
removingthelid (Figure12).Morecomplexexamroomor complexof
ples consist of a subterranean
rooms enteredfrom one side througha crawlway,
perhapsalso coveredby a heavystone(Figure12).
The upperlevel is often a room,or room complex
thatmay have been closed except for ttoco. Other
ttoco connect the upperchamberswith the lower
chambers.In form, Huari's cheqo wasi are like
Type5a and5b mortuaryroomsfromConchopata,
except thatthey are much grander.I proposethat
these megalithictombs be recognizedas another
subclass,Type 5c (Figure12)
All knownType5c mortuaryroomsfromHuari
werelooted,probablymanytimes,beginningin the
distantpast.Inearlypostconquesttimestheyserved
as quarriesfor constructionstone,furnishinghuge
expertlyworkedashlarsthat could be re-cut into
mill stones,waterconduits,andotherstoneobjects
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0600
--offering
--'
......
Remainsof
house
andaltarchamber
constructedoverprimary
tomb
Mortuary
rooms
'
10m
...
....I
Figure 11. Batan Urqu, Cuzco, mortuary building with burials of Types 5a and 6. (Redrawn from Zapata 1997: Figures
5 and 34).
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20
Type5c HuariMortuaryRoom
with two smallchambers
Type5c HuariMortuaryRoom
with one largechambercomplex
aPlan
r
Entrance
Chamber2
r2
Profile
7m.Profile
Figure 12. Huari's cheqo wasi or megalithic mortuary rooms of Type 5c. (Redrawn from GonzAilezCarre and Bragayrac
Divila 1996: 20 and from PNrez2001a: Figure 32).
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Figure 13. This mortuary room at Huari contains a medium sized cheqo wasi, or megalithic tomb of Type 5c.
second subterranean
level of architecture(Figures
15, 16, and 17).
level conMonjachayoq'ssecond subterranean
tains 21 cells constructedof ashlarsin combination with rough stonework(Figures 16 and 17).
Thisconstructionwas disclosedby cleaningone of
Monjachayoq'sgapingholes of loose stone,revealing a surfaceexposedby lootersand subsequently
worked by colonial stonecutterswho converted
ancientashlarsintomillstones,waterconduits,and
otheritems requisitionedby Spanisharchitectsin
the new city of Huamanga.In fact, the 21 chambers areexposedbecausemassivecoveringstones
were removed, along with several levels of constructionabovethem.Pdrez(1999) foundstonesin
theprocessof beingre-cut,alongwithanexhausted
iron chisel of the colonial masons.
Huari's subterraneanmegalithic complex of
cells must have been opened and looted, perhaps
in prehispanictimes.Duringthe colonialeraSpanish contractorsbegan quarryingstone from Mon-
jachayoq,recuttingits originalconstructionblocks
fornew requirements
in thecolonialcapitalof Huamanga.In spiteof this destruction,therecanbe little questionthatthe complexof 21 cells represents
a mortuarygroup,of subsidiaryburialchambers,
or perhaps offering houses built above an even
granderprimarymortuarychamber.
Under the complex of 21 cells is a thirdbasement level, accessible only by a shaft. It is a hall
whose plan resembles a llama viewed in profile
(Figures 16 and 18). Pdrez (1999) observedthat
entry was at the mouth of the symbolic animal.
And, at the tip of the llama'stail a still-deeperelement was constructed,that mightbe considereda
fourthundergroundlevel. This is a circularchamber, lined with roughstonework,3.7 to 4 m deep,
reaching 1.2 m in diameterat the bottom, with a
flat-stonelid that once sealed it. It looks remarkably like a primaryburialcist froma Type5a Wari
mortuaryroom,as well as theprimaryburialchamber in the BatanUrqumortuaryroom.
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22
:I
WallTombs
SmeNiches
lo
s
..6 niches
surface
St
wall tombs
SProbable Walls
walls
ecorated
icstonesd
"D" ShapedhbuildinsFloorlevel
FirsdinTe
er r
TW aceFfPill
of stones
.
Floors
canal
Floor
esu
Fo
Moqosector.
Figure14.Mapof Huari'sVegachayoq
So
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-I
---------------
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-------------
Vegachayoq
Sector
Moqo.-..y
Entrance
SPossible
Sectorarchitectural
Sashlars
Vg
First
subterranean
hallswallslevel
meters
Monjachayoq
ashlarUncleares
Cleared
in1973
Second subterranean
level cells
Third subterraneanlevel
llama-shaped hall
Surface walls
--
Figure 15. Map of Huari's Vegachayoq Moqo and Monjachayoq sectors. For details of subterranean levels in
Monjachayoq Sector, see Figure 16.
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Originalentrance
to llama-shapedhall tomb
D3
'd?
1
~c~fV
3
~a7~s7G3
17~=3
5
llama shaped
Vto
subterranean
level
Cells of second
1
2
0
Cylindrical
cyst-tombof fourth
subterraneanlevel hall
Llama-shaped
tomb of third
-????-metersmeters
loters'
hall tombentrance
subterraneanlevel
Figure 16. Map of Huari's Monjachayoq Sector showing the second, third, and fourth subterranean levels.
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Figure 17. Wari Type 8 Royal Tombs are represented by the megalithic subterranean complex at Monjachayoq, Huari.
The second subterranean level consists of 21 cells that probably served as secondary tombs and offering chambers.
26
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Figure 18. The third subterranean level of Huari's Monjachayoq royal tomb was probably the primary burial chamber.
It consists of a narrow hall whose plan resembles a llama in profile. Located 6 to 8 m below the original ground surface,
the looted chamber now contains construction rubble and fragments of human bone.
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BatanUrqo in Cuzco implies Warikings of similarnoblerankin thedistantcity of Huaro,butjudging by the graves, Batan Urqo's kings were
probablywealthierthan Conchopata'srulersin a
regionalscale of powerandaffluence.Type5a and
5b burialsseem to representa fourthlevel of social
statusin ancientWariculture,perhapsrulersof secondarycities and governorsof provincialterritories.
Mortuaryroomsof Type5a and5b weretheapex
of the funeraryhierarchyat Conchopataand at
Huaro/BatanUrqu, but they were modest when
comparedwith Huari's cheqo wasi-megalithic
chambertombs-but placed in mortuaryrooms
similarto those of Conchopata.This demonstrates
that the fourth-levelcuracas of Conchopatawere
significantlyout-rankedby more powerfulnobles
at Huari,who could build trulymagnificentmausoleums.Furthermore,
Type5c megalithicmortuaryroomsappearto havebeenlimitedto Huari,and
perhaps one provincial site in the south, where
some Huariprince may have establisheda royal
villa orcountryestate.Consequently,Type5c burials must representa fifth hierarchicallevel of status and wealth in Waricultureand society. Their
limitationto the capitalcity impliescentralization
of political power, with deceased nobles being
buriedonly in the greatcity. Wari'slandscapeof
deathproclaimsHuari'suniquehierarchicalposition, contradictinginterpretationsof the Middle
Horizonthatarguefor equivalentcities or confederationsof lineages.
Supremepowerand wealthin Wari'smortuary
landscapeis representedby Type8 royalinterment,
a sixth level in the power hierarchy.Still poorly
known, these tomb complexes were vast and
impressive.Furtherresearchwill probablyprove
thattheywerethe tombsof Huari'semperors.And
they significantlysurpassall othergravesof Middle Horizon date anywhere within the Wari
sphere-Pachacamac, Cuzco, Huamachuco,
Nasca,or Moquegua.Theironly appropriate
place
was Huariitself, wheretheyprobablydefinedcentrality,for therearehintsthatsocial relationswith
these dead emperorsneverended, and that social
memorywas constructedaroundtheirtombs.
Wari's dead, or perhaps more correctly, the
higher-statusdead,werein continuedrelationships
withtheliving.Offeringsof some sort,butcertainly
including small luxury objects, were introduced
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intotombsthoughttocoopenings.Offeringhouses
with altarchambers,built over the tombsof Type
5 as well as Type 8 royal tombs, may have containedmany otherkinds of gifts. This shows that
progenitorswere objectsof adoration,andthatthe
peopleof Waripracticedancestorworshipof some
sort.
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
Andean peoples practicedreligions that emphasizedancestorworship(Doyle 1988;Duviols 1988;
Isbell 1997a; Salomon 1995). Corpsesof important lineage founders and political leaders were
mummifiedbecausetheirbodieswereholy objects
of publicworship.The cadaverwas carefullypreserved,even body exuvia-fingernail cuttingsand
trimmedhair.Some mummiesresided in special
mortuarytowns,othersremainedin theirhomesand
palaces, and, at least some of the time, dead Inka
kings sattogetherin a greathallwithinCuzco'ssun
temple(MacCormack1991).Founders'mummies
anddeceasedkings were publicfigures.They participatedin feasts, traveledabout,and were availableforconsultation.Theydemandedandreceived
fine clothing,foods, and otheritems of conspicuous display,andwitnessingtheirenjoymentof these
gifts seems to have been an essentialpartof worship by theirdescendents.
It would be attractiveto imaginesimilarmummies populatingWari'slandscapeof death,butthis
seems unlikely.Warimortuaryfacilities were not
designedto preservemummifiedflesh. Underthe
floorsin the ground,Warideadwere soon reduced
to bones. Furthermore,some of the bones, but not
mummifiedcadavers,were removedwhile other
partsof the body remainedin the graves.Apparently, Wari ancestorswere deliberatelydismembered, somethingthat would have horrifiedInka
worshippers.
Manyof the higherstatusWaritombswereeasily openedand sealed again,but it seems unlikely
thatthey containedfounders'mummieswho were
broughtout for public worship.The entrancesof
these tombswouldhavemadeit difficultto extract
andreplacewhole mummies.But the evidencefor
Type 5a tombs is even more indicative.Theirprimary cists were impossible to re-open once an
offering house and altarchamberhad been constructedover the lid.
Principalcists of Type5a mortuaryroomscontainedimportantancestors,but it is impossibleto
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Wari'sregionaladministrativecenterat Pikillacta
now seems very unlikely. Quoted in a recent
National Geographic Magazine article (Morell
2002:123),McEwanstatedthatPikillactawas used
as a mummystoragedepotwhereWarileadersheld
capturedancestormummieshostageto insurepolitical compliance from their living descendents.
Withoutmaterialevidencein supportof this assertion, andin light of inconsistenciesbetweenMiddle HorizonAyacuchomortuaryfacilitiesandthose
associatedwith Inkapublic display of mummies,
suchancestorbundlesseem unlikelyin Pikillacta's
landscapeof death.If ancestormummiesexisted
at Pikillacta,they were partof the cultureof the
conqueredpeoples of Cuzco.
Therecan be no doubtthat this study of Wari
mortuarylandscape is preliminary.Much more
informationmust be collected and compared.As
dataincrease,so will the refinementof ideal types
of Wari mortuary practices, as well as actual
cases-the occasionalintacttomb-providing better understandingof variability and individual
strategiesin the treatmentof Waridead. But even
in preliminaryform,this typology of Warimortuarypreferencesfurnishesa tool for inferringsocial
andpoliticalhierarchyduringtheMiddleHorizon,
whileit createsa new understanding
of Wari'slandof
death.
scape
Acknowledgements:The ConchopataArchaeologicalProject
is directedby Dr.WilliamH. Isbell, Dr.Anita G. Cook, M.A.
Jose OchatomaP., and Lic. MarthaCabreraR. de Ochatoma.
It is administeredby AlbertoCarbajal.Special recognitionis
due the sponsors, and particularlythe National Geographic
Society that has been the primarypatronsince 1998. Initial
supportwas a grantfrom WennerGrenin 1997 to Ochatoma.
Additionalfundinghas come from the CurtissT. and MaryG.
Brennan Foundation, Dumbarton Oaks, and the Heinz
Foundation.Excavationswere conductedin 1997, 1998, 1999,
2000, 2001-02 and2003 withpermissiongrantedto Professor
Ochatoma(1997-1998) and Dr. Isbell (1999, 2000, 2001-02,
2003). I wish to thankthe co-directors,and also the archaeology students,especially those from the State University of
New York-Binghamton (Catherine Bencic, Juan Carlos
Blacker, Juan Leoni, Greg Ketteman,Mike Calaway,Marc
Lichtenfeld,Ariela Zycherman,Kris Mearish,Amy Groleau,
Dan Eisenberg, Brian Finucane, and Meridith Davis), La
UniversidadNacional San Crist6balde Huamanga(Lorenzo
Huisa, Carlos Mancilla, Ismael Mendosa, Maximo Lopez,
Teresa Limalla, Irela Vallejo, Alina Alvarado, and Edgar
Alarc6n),the CatholicUniversityof America(BarbaraWolff,
Nikki Slovak, David Crowley, Teresa Carmona, and Eric
Schmidt), La Pontifica Universidad Cat6lica del
Perdt
(Gonzalo Rodriguez, Manuel Lizarraga, and Antonio
Gamonal),the Universityof Pittsburgh(CharleneMilliken),
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31
32
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
Notes
1. "Huari"is also spelled "Wari."This name refersto the
archaeologicalruinsof a greatcity in Peru'scentralhighland
AyacuchoValley. It also refers to the art style and archaeological culturethat probablyoriginatedin the city, and was
spreadacross much of the CentralAndes duringthe Middle
Horizon (A.D. 550 to 1000). To reducethe confusion, I have
proposed(Isbell 2002) that "Huari"be used for the city and
its contents, while "Wari"be employed for the broadlydiffused cultureand its distinctiveart found outside the capital
city. I follow that practicein this article.
2. I wish to recognize the co-directors,project administrator,sponsors,and otherparticipantsand contributorsto the
Conchopata Archaeological Project. Please see
"Acknowledgments"at the end of the article. Special thanks
are due Dr. Tiffiny Tung for her painstakinganalyses of the
Conchopataskeletal remains, and the preliminaryinformation presentedhere. Bioarchaeologicalstudy of these materials is continuing.
3. This discussiondeals with the burialof adultsandjuvenile children.Except where they were placed in what appear
to have been family tombs, the burialof fetuses and infants,
as well as young children, was significantly different from
burial for adults and youths. This probablyexpressed practices appropriatefor differentage grades.Complete analysis
of Conchopataburial practices, including the intermentof
children,will be presentedin the future.
4. A tupu is a long pin with flat head ethnohistorically
used by women to fasten a wrap-aroundgarmentover their
shoulders.
5. ChallengingIsbell and Cook's originalconclusionthat
the women were sacrificialvictims, recentre-examinationof
the bones by TiffinyTungfailed to detect evidence of violent
death. Of course, strangulation,poison, and othertechniques
for killing would leave no detectableevidence, especially on
poorly preservedbones, as these are. But the conclusion that
the women were sacrificedrequiresmore examinationin the
future.