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Marketswith AsymmetricInformation:
The Contributionsof GeorgeAkerlof,
Michael Spence and Joseph Stiglitz*
Karl-GustafLofgren
Universityof Umea,SE-90187 Umea,Sweden
karl-gustaf.lofgren@econ.umu.se
TorstenPersson
StockholmUniversity,SE-10691 Stockholm,Sweden
torsten.persson@iies.su.se
Jorgen W Weibull
StockholmSchoolof Economics,SE-11383 Stockholm,Sweden
jorgen.weibull@hhs.se
adverseselection;signaling;screening
Keywords:Asymmetricinformation;
JEL classification: D8
I. Introduction
Formorethantwo decades,researchon incentivesandmarketequilibriumin
situationswith asymmetricinformationhas been a prolificpartof economic
theory.In 1996,the Bankof SwedenPrizein EconomicSciencesin Memory
of Alfred Nobel recognizedJamesMirrleesand WilliamVickrey'sfundamentalcontributionsto the theoryof incentivesunderasymmetricinformation, in particulartheirapplicationsto the designof optimalincometaxation
and resourceallocationthroughdifferenttypes of auctions. The modem
theoryof marketswith asymmetricinformationrests firmlyon the workof
this year'sprizewinners:George Akerlof (Universityof California,Berkeley), Michael Spence (StanfordUniversity)and Joseph Stiglitz (Columbia
University).This work has indeed transformedthe way economiststhink
aboutthe functioningof markets.Analyticalmethodssuggestedby Akerlof,
*Wewouldlike to thankToreEllingsen,BertilHolmlund,BertilNaslund,BernardSalani6and
LarsE. 0. Svenssonforhelpfulcomments.
? Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 IJF, UK
and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.
Spence and Stiglitz have been applied in explaining many social and
economicinstitutions,especiallydifferenttypesof contracts.1
Asymmetricinformationis a commonfeatureof marketinteractions.The
seller of a good often knows more about its qualitythan the prospective
buyer. The job applicanttypically knows more about his ability than his
potentialemployer.The buyer of an insurancepolicy usually knows more
about her individualrisk than the insurancecompany.Such asymmetries
immediatelygive rise to a numberof questions.What happensto prices,
tradedquantitiesandthe qualityof tradedgoods, if agentson one side of the
market are better informed than those on the other? What can betterinformedagentsdo to improvetheir individualmarketoutcome?Whatcan
less-informedagents do? In their work, this year's laureatesaddressed
preciselythese questions.
Theirpioneeringcontributionshave given economiststools for analyzing
a broad spectrumof issues. Abundantapplicationsrange from traditional
agriculturalmarketsto modem financialmarkets.Why are interestratesso
high in many local creditmarketsin developingcountries?Why do people
looking for a good used car typicallyturnto a dealerratherthan a private
seller? Why do some firmspay dividendseven when these are taxed more
heavilythan capitalgains?Why is it in the interestof insurancecompanies
to offer a menu of policies, which combine premiums, coverage and
deductiblesin differentways? Why do wealthy landownersnot bear the
entireharvestrisk in contractswith poor tenants?These questionsdeal with
familiar-but seeminglyvery different-phenomena.In all cases, however,
a key to the answerrelies on one and the same observation:one side of the
marketis betterinformedthanthe other.The borrowerknowsmorethanthe
lender about his creditworthiness;the seller knows more than the buyer
aboutthe qualityof his car;the CEOandboardof a firmknowmorethanthe
shareholdersaboutthe profitabilityof the firm;insuranceclientsknowmore
thanthe insurancecompanyabouttheiraccidentrisk;andtenantsknowmore
thanthe landowneraboutharvestingconditionsandtheirown workeffort.
More specifically,the contributionsof the laureatesmay be summarized
as follows. Akerlof showed how informationalasymmetriescan produce
adverse selection in markets.When lenders or car buyers have imperfect
information,borrowerswith weak repaymentprospectsor sellers of lowqualitycarsmay thuscrowdout everyoneelse fromtheirside of the market,
stifling mutuallyadvantageoustransactions.Spence demonstratedthat informed economic agents in such markets may have incentives to take
'Riley (2001) surveys the developmentsin the economicsof informationover the last 25
years,emphasizingmanyof the issueswe raisehere.
Dates in bracketsreferto publicationsby Akerlof,SpenceandStiglitz(see Bibliographies);
datesin parenthesesreferto worksby otherauthorslistedat the end of this article.
? Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences.
phenomenonwhereas"adverseselection"emphasizesits consequences.
? Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences.
W Weibull
If there were separate markets for low and high quality, every price
between vL and wL would support beneficial transactions for both parties in
the market for low quality, as would every price between vH and wH in the
market for high quality. Those transactions would constitute a socially
efficient outcome: all gains from trade would be realized. But if the markets
are not regulated and buyers cannot observe product quality, unscrupulous
sellers of low-quality products would choose to trade on the market for high
quality. In practice, the markets would merge into a single market with one
and the same price for all units. Suppose that this occurs and that the sellers'
valuation of high quality exceeds the consumers' average valuation. Algebraically, this case is represented by the inequality vH > w, where the
average valuation w is given by w =- AwL+ (1 - A)wH. If both qualities are
sold, consumers are willing to pay at most w. But this maximum price falls
short of vH, the minimum price at which sellers of high-quality goods are
willing to part from their units. High-quality sellers therefore leave the
market until only low-quality goods, the lemons, remain for sale.3 In other
words, Adam Smith's invisible hand is not always as effective as traditional
economics had us believe.4
In his paper, Akerlof not only explains how private information may lead
to the malfunctioning of markets. He also points to the frequency with which
such informational asymmetries occur and their far-reaching consequences.
Among his examples are social segregation in labor markets and difficulties
for elderly people in buying individual medical insurance. Akerlof emphasizes applications to developing countries. One of his examples of adverse
selection is drawn from credit markets in India in the 1960s, where local
moneylenders charged interest rates that were twice as high as the rates in
large cities. However, a middleman trying to arbitrage between these
markets, without knowing the local borrowers' creditworthiness, risks
attracting those with poor repayment prospects and becomes liable to heavy
losses.
Another fundamental insight is that economic agents' attempts to protect
themselves from the adverse consequences of informational asymmetries
may explain existing institutions. Guarantees offered by professional dealers
in the used-car market is but one of many examples. In fact, Akerlof
concludes his essay by suggesting that "this (adverse selection) may indeed
3A very earlyprototypeof Akerlof'sresultis usuallyreferredto as Gresham'slaw:"badmoney
drives out good". (ThomasGresham,1519-1579, was an adviserto Queen ElizabethI on
currencymatters.)But as Akerlof[1970a,p. 490] himselfpointsout, the analogyis somewhat
lame; in Gresham'slaw both sellers and buyerscan presumablydistinguishbetween"good"
and"bad"money.
4Classicaleconomicanalysisdisregarding
asymmetricinformationwouldmisleadinglypredict
thatgoods of both qualitieswouldbe sold on the market,at a price close to the consumers'
averagevaluation.
? Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences.
sH
(sH, wH). All points northwest of this curve are regarded as better than this
alternative, while all points to the southeast are regardedas worse. Likewise,
the steeper curve through B indicates education-wage combinations that
low-productivity individuals find equally good as the minimum education
L = 0 and
wage wL.7
With these preferences, high-productivity individuals choose educational
level sH, neither more nor less, and receive the higher wage, as this
alternative A gives them a better outcome than alternative B. Conversely,
low-productivity individuals optimally choose the minimum educational
level at B; they are worse off with alternative A, as the higher wage does not
compensate for their high cost of education. Employers' expectations that
workers with different productivity choose different educational levels are
indeed self-fulfilling in this signaling equilibrium. Instead of a market
failure, where high-productivity individuals remain outside of the market
(e.g., by moving away or setting up their own business), these workers
participate in the labor market and acquire a costly education solely to
distinguish themselves from low-productivityjob applicants.
7Thecrucialassumptionthatmoreproductiveapplicantsfindit less costly (by any margin)to
increasetheireducationlevel-the flatterindifferencecurvein Figure1 is closely relatedto
Mirrlees's(1971) so-calledsingle-crossingcondition.A similarconditionis foundin numerous
contextsin modem microeconomictheoryand is often referredto as the Mirrlees-Spence
condition.
,
pLd,
and both groups are fully compensated in case of damage, b = d (competition drives down premiums and deductibles to their minimal levels).
In the case of asymmetric information, Rothschild and Stiglitz establish
that equilibria may be divided into two main types: pooling and separating.
In a pooling equilibrium, all individuals buy the same insurance, while in a
separating equilibrium they purchase different contracts. Rothschild and
Stiglitz show that no (pure-strategy) pooling equilibrium exists in their
model. The reason is that in such an equilibrium an insurance company
could profitably cream-skim the market by instead offering a contract that is
better for low-risk individuals but worse for high-risk individuals. Whereas
in Akerlof's model the price became too low for high-quality sellers, here
the equilibrium premium would be too high for low-risk individuals. The
only potential equilibrium in the Rothschild-Stiglitz model is a unique
separating equilibrium, where two distinct insurance contracts are sold in the
market. One contract (aH, bH) is purchased by all high-risk individuals, the
other (aL, bL) by all low-risk individuals. The first contract provides full
coverage at a relatively high premium: aH > aL and bH = d, while the
second contract combines the lower premium with only partial coverage:
bL < d. Consequently, each customer chooses between one contract without
any deductible, and another contract with a lower premium and a deductible.
In equilibrium, the deductible barely scares away the high-risk individuals,
who are tempted by the lower premium but choose the higher premium in
order to avoid the deductible.
This unique separating equilibrium corresponds to the socially most
efficient signaling equilibrium, point C of Figure 1 in the simple illustration
of Spence's model.11 In both models, "good types" incur a cost in equilibrium; high-productivity workers have to educate themselves beyond those
who are less productive, and low-risk insurance clients do not obtain full
coverage, respectively. As noted above, Rothschild and Stiglitz also identify
conditions under which no (pure-strategy)equilibrium exists-non-existence
is a feature not shared with Spence's model.12 The fact that at most one
equilibrium exists is typical of screening models, as is the correspondence
Bernhardt(1995) develops these argumentsinto an analysis of promotions, explainingwhy low-educationemployeespromotedto high positions
are usually extraordinarilycapable. An employerwho wants to hide his
private informationabout employees from a competingemployerhas an
incentivenot to promotecompetentworkers.For a promotionto be profitable, a low-educatedworker thereforehas to be sufficientlycapable to
compensatefor the higherwage the firmis forcedto pay to retaina worker
whose competenceis revealedto potentialcompetitors.Similarmechanisms
can also explainwage discrimination.Milgromand Oster(1987) point out
that such discriminationleads to social inefficiency when workers are
assignedto the wrongjobs or are not given sufficientincentivesto become
bettereducated.
Riley (1979) makesan earlyattemptto empiricallytest Spence'ssignaling
model. Riley's idea is that signaling should be most importantin those
sectorsof the economywhereworkerproductivityis difficultto measure.In
suchsectors,wages andeducationarethusexpectedto be stronglycorrelated
at the outset of a worker'scareer,whereasthe correlationshouldbe weaker
in sectorswhere productivityis more easily observed.Over time, as firms
learn more about the productivityof their employees,the correlationbetween wages and educationshould become weaker,particularlyin sectors
where productivityis hard to measure.Riley was able to confirmthese
effects empirically.More recent tests of Spence's signaling model were
carriedout by LangandKropp(1986) andBedard(2001). Both studiesshow
thatdataon high-schoolenrollmentsand dropoutratesare consistentwith a
model.
signalingmodelandinconsistentwith a purehuman-capital
In their empiricalanalysis of firing on a labor marketwith asymmetric
information,GibbonsandKatz(1991) test the relevanceof adverseselection
and signaling.If firms can freely decide which employeesshouldbe fired,
other agents on the labor marketwill conclude that the ability of fired
workersis below average(they are "lemons").Workerswho are alike in all
other(measurable)respects,but who hadto leave theirjobs becausethe firm
closed down,shouldthus find it easierto get a newjob andreceive a higher
wage. Basedon a largesampleof redundantworkers,GibbonsandKatzfind
empiricalsupportfor thesepredictions.
Farberand Gibbons(1996) developedSpence'ssignalingmodelby allowing employersto obtain informationon workerproductivityby observing
their careers. The model predicts that the wage effect of education is
independentof the length of time a workerhas been on the labormarket,
which are
whereasthe wage effect of constant,unobservablecharacteristics,
? Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences.
210
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