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Opinion Lead
Strategic networking in the Indo-Pacific
Rakesh Sood
Indias look-east policy is maturing, with diplomatic and political linkages built up with Asian forums providing the Modi government
a foundation to establish overlapping non-formal networks based on strategic convergences. Outreach with Japan and Australia are the
building blocks
Last week, Prime Minister Narendra Modis diplomatic outreach covered two established democracies of the AsiaPacific, Japan and Australia. The outcomes reflect the geostrategic shift from the Euro-Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific and
together, the two engagements provide interesting insights into Mr. Modis foreign policy agenda and diplomatic style.
The personal chemistry between Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Mr. Modi was evident during Mr. Modis
Japan visit. Extra time spent together in Kyoto feeding the carp and at the tea ceremony sent its own message and
further cemented the personal rapport between the two leaders. They come from very different socio-economic
backgrounds but their shared sense of nationalism and destiny has drawn them to discover strategic convergences
in their respective world views.
Both believe in the Asian century and are convinced that Japan as a normal state and an economically resurgent
India can, together, be a force of stability and prosperity in the region. This sentiment can nurture a potential defence
relationship, which for the first time finds prominent mention in the Tokyo Declaration.
The erstwhile strategic and global partnership with Japan has been elevated to a Special Strategic and Global
Partnership, but negotiators were unable to bridge differences on the civil nuclear cooperation agreement that has
been on the table now for over two years. Clearly, notwithstanding personal chemistry at the top, diligent homework
and deft domestic political management are necessary, in democratic societies, to change deeply ingrained mindsets.
Civil nuclear opening
Both sides are aware of the complexity of the negotiations, and for Japan (the only country to have suffered a nuclear
attack), Hiroshima and Nagasaki remain vivid memories. So while it enjoys the security of a nuclear umbrella provided
by the United States under a bilateral security treaty, it had taken a highly critical view of Indias nuclear tests. The
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), which India cannot be a party to, remains an article of
blind faith for Japan. Therefore, it was a breakthrough in 2011 when Japan agreed to open negotiations with us on civil
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nuclear cooperation. Yet, there is a long way to go, as three issues remain divisive. One, Japan would like India to sign
the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), while Indias position is that it will maintain a moratorium on
testing. Two, India seeks to retain the right to reprocess spent fuel while providing assurances that this will only be
under safeguards and for peaceful purposes, whereas Japan would like India to accept restrictions on its basic right to
reprocess. Interestingly, Japan possesses a huge stockpile of reprocessed plutonium, more than 40 MT, of which threefourths are stored in the United Kingdom and France. Third, Japan wants India to accept inspections over and above
what India has agreed to with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), under national flagging, which India
finds unacceptable. In short, India cannot accept more obligations than those negotiated in 2008 with the U.S., which
provided for the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) waiver.
Out-of-the-box thinking
Therefore, some out-of-the-box thinking is needed to conclude the India-Japan agreement, which not only has
significant symbolic value, but is also crucial because Japanese companies supply critical components, including the
massive 400 MT special steel Reactor Pressure Vessels, for the Westinghouse, GE and Areva nuclear power plants.
Notwithstanding
personal chemistry
at the top, diligent
homework and deft
domestic political
management are
necessary, in
democratic
societies, to change
deeply ingrained
One way would be to accelerate the process of Indias membership into the ad hoc
export control regimes NSG, Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR),
Australia Group, and the Wassenaar Arrangement, a reference to which has also
been made in the Tokyo Declaration. Second, 2015 will be the 70th anniversary of the
Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings and it is likely that Japan will want to mark this
event. This will provide an opportunity for India, given its long-standing
commitment to a nuclear-weapon-free world, to conceive of and launch a new
disarmament initiative together with Japan. Such approaches can help create an
environment conducive to concluding pending negotiations.
Shift with Australia
Coincidentally, the highlight of Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbotts visit to
India was also the signing of the Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement, under
negotiation since 2011. Once again, though Australias security is guaranteed by the
U.S. nuclear umbrella, it has remained insensitive to Indias security concerns arising
out of Chinese proliferation activity in Pakistan. In 1996, when India decided to
withdraw from CTBT negotiations citing national security concerns, Australia
flagrantly disregarded international law and took the lead in introducing a provision
that made the CTBT entry into force contingent on India signing and ratifying it! In
1998, it was one of the most vociferous critics of Indias nuclear tests. Patient
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mindsets
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The ratification of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Additional Protocol within a month of taking charge
indicated that the Modi government considered nuclear power expansion an integral part of long-term energy security.
However, forward movement will depend on resolving the dilemmas created by our liability laws and addressing
supplier concerns in a transparent and legally tenable manner.
The look-east policy launched by Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao in 1992 is maturing. Diplomatic and political
linkages built up with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a dialogue partner, as part of platforms
such as the ASEAN Regional Forum, East Asia Summit and ASEAN Defence Ministers (plus) Meeting provide the
Modi government a good foundation to establish overlapping non-formal networks based on strategic convergences.
Outreach with Japan and Australia are vital building blocks; new equations need to be built with Indonesia and
Vietnam, while Singapore will remain the tested friend and sounding board for the Modi government as it gears up for
the Prime Ministers meetings with Mr. Xi and Mr. Obama, followed by the East Asia Summit in Myanmar and the G20
summit in Brisbane, and coupled now with the return bilateral visit to Australia.
(Rakesh Sood, a former Ambassador, was the Prime Ministers Special Envoy for Disarmament and NonProliferation till May 2014. E-mail: rakeshsood2001@yahoo.com)
Keywords: strategic networking, Indo-Pacific, Nuclear Liability Law, IAEA, Narendra Modi, G20 summit, Tokyo
Declaration, nuclear issue, Asia-Pacific
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