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Case Study 2
Every Day is Worth Fighting For: LBs Truckface #16 as a Case Study in Resistant
Vernacular Rhetoric
The 2012 Chicago Public Teachers Strike was widely covered by mainstream and
alternative media sources, both of which represented strikers resistant rhetoric displayed
on protest signs and banners, in rallying cries and chants. Bloggers also took to the web to
provide first-hand accounts of the strike (see Windy City Fights Back), and the Chicago
Teachers Union (CTU) likewise blogged the events from their perspective. What each of
these accounts fails to provide, however, is insight into individual teachers experiences,
particularly those who were not leaders of movement. Though focused attention on leaders
observing public, it [also] provides a specific interpretation of what caused the movement,
what it means to those involved, and what it aspires to achieve (Hauser and McClellan 25).
Thus, Hauser and McClellan call for greater attention to vernacular rhetoric that occurs
among social actors who are part of a movement, actors whose resistance is expressed in
rhetorical exchanges of the everyday (25). This case study responds to Hauser and McClellans
call by analyzing a zine constructed by LB, a self-identified androgynous public high school
English teacher in the Chicago Public School system (4), 1 as an instance of vernacular
rhetoric that writes an alternative narrative to that offered by most media outlets. After
providing a material and textual description of Truckface #16, I will consider contexts
provided by local and national media coverage of the Chicago Public Teachers Strike.
Through this examination, I will demonstrate how Truckface #16 can be classified as
vernacular rhetoric according to Hauser and McClellans theory, and I will conclude by
considering what this case study contributes to our understanding of everyday writing.
Truckface #16: Material and Content
half, for a total of 96 pages. Though the zine is photocopied in black and white, a smear of
Truckface #16, like most zines, does not contain page numbers. Throughout this case study I will identify
passages by page numbers I have assigned to the text by counting the pages.
1
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gold paint across the title on the zines cover (see figure 1) marks it as an original in the
sense that no two zines have the same paint pattern (see figure 2). More importantly, this
tactile paint smear acts as a physical trace of the zines maker, who refers to herself 2 as LB,
because it foregrounds the hand-crafted nature of the text. The hand-drawn images on the
front cover are representative of the 23 that are found throughout the zine, most of which
function to illustrate ideas present in the alphabetic content, though not all are explicitly
connected. For instance, fig. 3 shows a representation of LB dressed as Effie Trinkett (from
The Hunger Games) to accompany the visual description in
Figure 4. Hand-drawn
definition.
Though LB is careful to mark herself as androgynous (see appendix A), she also writes of her students
referring to her as Ms. B. My choice to refer to LB using feminine pronouns stems from LBs choice to
represent herself this way in the text.
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The alphabetic text is presented in short, titled sections, each of which narrate an
event related to LBs teaching experiences or the strike, and, more rarely, LBs personal life.
The sections follow chronological orderthe 4th and 5th years of LBs teaching career (4)
and vary in length from one-half to two or three pages. The zine is framed by an
preceding the strike while teachers and administrators were meeting to discuss new
policies (see appendix A for full story). LB writes of taking a break from the distressing
meetings to visit the faculty bathroom, which was locked and accessible only by faculty:
Following this, she explains her theory that the faculty were all being secretly filmed for a
reality show entitle: How Much Shit Can You Take Before You Wipe It On the Wall? (2), and
she concludes by stating [T]his year, with this mayor, there are not enough walls (3). This
introduction serves to situate the zine within the context of the Chicago strike and, though
the content and language might surprise some readers, within the zine tradition. The shit
metaphor is threaded throughout the narrative, representing widespread feelings of
hopelessness, despair, and anger.
Though much of the alphabetic content focuses on issues relating to the strike, LB
also describes interactions with her students, both inside and outside of the classroom,
verbal and written. For instance, in an episode entitled, The Lunch Period That Solved
Everything, LB describes a conversation with a former student, Jim, at her desk in the
English office. Jim comes to her for advice on a paper he is writing on education in another
course because he has arrived at the conclusion that [education] should be a way for us to
think outside of the box instead of just passively accepting everything or following
whatever our teacher is thinking, but he is not sure how to describe the benefits of that
type of education (89). After a spirited conversation, during which both LB and Jims hands
flew off the desk, Jim decides that he has his conclusion and thanks Ms. B. LB concludes
the section with, This is why I decided to do this. This is why I decided to pursue this crazy
fucking dream (90).
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Likewise, LB writes about her encounters with parents (16-18) other faculty (see
fig.5), her student teacher (28-29), her partner Lucas (44), and the outside world. The
Interactions that LB describes tend to revolve around issues like those mentioned in the
excerpt in fig. 5: standardized testing, stress, the decline of education, and finding ways to
make do. LBs mood fluctuates throughout the zines, ranging from the utter (yet
humorous) despair present in this passage entitled Advice for Teachers to uplifting
moments like that shared with Jim:
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about whom she always writes favorably, as evident in her introduction: My students
consistently make awesome work because they are consistently awesome (4).
While LB was active in the strike and, possibly, involved in composing text for her
zine, local media were interested in providing immediate coverage to the public. The selfproclaimed socialist, feminist, and anti-racist organization, Solidarity, devoted itself to
coverage on the ground, with its editorial staff sending out the following message prior to
Monday, September 10th, 2012 (the first day of the strike):
We'll be posting live updates and reporting from the strike next week,
hopefully soon after the picket lines begin at the crack of dawn on Monday.
Over the week, check back here for photos, news from the picket line,
interviews with union members and activists, and more.
Interestingly, Solidarity issues a call for everyday writing from citizens, and they frame their
coverage of the event as issuing from the everyday experiences of those facilitating the
reflections are submitted to the blog, most focus on representing and expressing support
for the movement as a whole. Thus, we see many different examples of vernacular rhetoric
(see fig. 6 and 7 for two examples), and though leaders are mentioned, much of the writing
The Chicago Tribune covered the strike using a similar format to Solidarity:
providing an update of events over the course September 10th, with each update being
authored by different the CT staff or the Associated Press. These posts are entirely
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coverage of the strike. Whereas Solidarity attributed statements to specific people and
often quoted them directly, CT posted vague statements without attributing them to an
individual. For example, one subheading reads, Students complains, Theyre hurting us,
and the story simply reads Some students expressed anger at the strike, blaming the
school district for interrupting their education. Other subheadings include, Its a shame
my daughter cant learn, Clear they were headed for this, and Teachers complain
about classroom conditions. Each of these stories represents the strike as a clash between
three major forces: parents and their children, school administrators and politicians, and
teachers. Rather than representing the complex interrelations between these three forces,
CTs coverage works to homogenize the movement, giving the reader the impression that
the majority of parents and students do not support strike. Thus, readers are presented
with one viable position: The strike is harmful to our children and parents, and teachers
National Context: The Today Show and The New York Times
Perhaps even more reductive than the Chicago Tribunes coverage is that of the Today
Show. Their two-minute and thirty-nine second segment focuses almost exclusively on the
negative impact the strike has had on students, parents, and even Chicago traffic. The
report begins with a voiceover stating, Thousands marched to city hall causing massive
traffic jams. 29,000 teachers hit the picket lines, striking for the first time in 25 years, and
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leaving some 400,000 students out of the classroom. Interspersed with this statement are
shots of teachers walking en masse down the Chicago streets to the beat of beeping horns, a
segment that is immediately followed by a sound bite from 6th grader Jasmine Joy, who
explains, Its not the best thing coz you cant learn very much things when you have to
miss the subjects. Her complaints are echoed by a senior who worries about how this will
affect graduation, and several angry parents, who are seen interacting with their children
while a voiceover booms, Many working parents were left scrambling for childcare. One
mother, who juggles a home business and family must now work to keep her children
up-to-date. She says with disgust, I feel like theyre being used as pawns. This is not
helping the students at all. With less than a minute left in the segment, the direction turns
to the political realm, where Romney allegedly accused Obama of siding with the
teachers.
The New York Times story follows a similar trajectory, though it does appear to
present a slightly more balanced version of the story than the other dominant media
outlets covered in this case study. Like the CT and Today Show, the NYT writer, Monica
Davey, highlights the tension between parents and teachers, noting in its second paragraph
that as the strike began, families raced to find alternative child care (1). Parents are also
quoted as saying, This was very bad timingI plan my day around [my childrens] school,
and I dont get paidif I dont work (2). In a similar vein, teachers are also represented as
making unreasonable demands, as is evident by the claim that School board officials said
the average salary for teachers here is $76,000 (1). 3 In spite of this negative slant, the NYT
does make an effort to explain teachers concerns, explaining that, Teachers also clearly
saw the strike as a protest not just of the union negotiations in Chicago but on data-driven
education reform nationwide, which many perceived as being pushed by corporate
interests and relying too heavily on standardized tests to measure student progress (2).
Though Davey mentions these points, she fails to contextualize them or provide any
additional information for readers who would not be familiar with these complaints. Davey,
too, presents the strike within a local and national political context, discussing tensions
LB directly addresses this point, stating Our stomachs drop thinking of the backlash that we will
experience, that we have already heard and experienced when the Chicago Tribune prints an average slary
that is way higher than any of the paychecks I have ever seen (61).
3
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between teachers/unions and Emanuel, Obama and Romney, and Democrats and
Republicans, a move which ultimately reduces the strike to pro-union and anti-union
arguments.
election. In all three mainstream media sources, the strike is presented negatively, as an
event that could have been avoided if teachers cared about the children and accepted the
contracts being foisted on them from above. Generally, teachers are represented as selfish
and self-serving, caring only about money and failing to consider the effects of their actions
on students and parents (and traffic). Though union leaders are quoted in the NYT and a few
teachers are quoted in both the NYT and CT, little attention is actually given to the everyday
Solidarity provides a fuller representation of the strike precisely because its editors
elicited the help of everyday people participating in the strike. Through the weblog updates
readers are able to see teachers and students protesting together, parents holding signs
alongside teachers, and students speaking to the press in solidarity with teachers. This
representation comes much closer to Truckface #16 in meeting the four characteristics of
vernacular rhetoric of social movements as outlined by Hauser and McClellan: These texts 1)
are polyvocal, 2) evade detection, 3) interrogates authority, and 4) perform power (26). Both
Solidarity and Truckface are polyvocal in that they either provide space for multiple voices
student support in her daily log of the strike: Seeing current and former students on the
picket line with us or downtown at marches is melting my heart. I scream and give them high
fives as they snake through the crowd singing chants. SO PROUD. Forever grateful (66).
Truckface, and to a lesser extent Solidarity, also evade detection. To state the obvious, zines
are not typically perceived as common reading material for school board officials,
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political figure is slim, and even if the zine does fall into these hands, its author is
anonymous. 4 Additionally, the moment of the strike has passed, though LB does speak to
issues that continue to plague the education system, particularly standardized testing,
problematic methods of evaluating teachers, and improper use of resources. In teasing out
these issues and considering their effects on her everyday practices as teacher, LB is also
interrogating authority (see also fig. 8). Finally,
ecology of everyday writing, and Truckface is no different. Throughout the zine we are
presented with examples of LBs illustrations, descriptions of her protest signs and chants,
excellent) bandsThe OvensTumblr page, which also grants viewers access to The
Ovens Facebook and Bandcamp pages. Thus, not only can you read Truckface #16 in the
Granted, she provides an email address, and her zine is advertised through her bands
Tumblr. One could discover her identity if one wanted to.
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original zine and anthologized collection, you can also listen to and buy LBs music and
network with other LB fans.
Also like many of the everyday writing texts weve examined this semester, Truckface
tactile. More importantly, these genres are intimately connected to the identities LB chooses
to share with her readers. She presents herself as a devoted teacher, thus her recreations
of student work are flattering to her students and serve to demonstrate both her devotion
and dedication as a teacher. She is also careful to mark her resistance to dominant cultural
dressing in drag, writing positively about school graffiti, and displaying a dry sense of humor
to which many people would likely take offense (i.e. the
shit metaphor; see also fig. 9). These identities, and the
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Works Cited
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Chicago teachers strike affects 350,000 students. NBC News. NBC, 10 Sept. 2012. Web. 1
Nov. 2014.
Chicago Teachers Strike Updates: Lewis, Others, End Talks for Night. Chicago Tribune.
Chicago Tribune, 10 Sept. 2012. Web. 1 Nov. 2014.
Davey, Monica. Teachers Strike in Chicago Tests Mayor and Union. The New York Times.
The New York Times Company, 10 Sept. 2012. Web. 1 Nov. 2014.
Editorial Committee. Windy City Fights Back: Live blogging the Chicago Teachers Strike.
Solidarity. Solidarity News. 13 Sept. 2012. Web. 1 Nov. 2014.
Hauser, Gerard, and Erin Daina McClellan. Vernacular Rhetoric and Social Movements:
Performances of Resistance in the Rhetoric of the Everyday. Active Voices: