Copyright

by
Jarrod Leigh Whitaker
2005

The Dissertation Committee for Jarrod Leigh Whitaker Certifies that this is the
approved version of the following dissertation:

Drinking Status, Wearing Duty:

Magic, Power, and Warrior Ethics in Ancient India

Committee:

Joel P. Brereton, Supervisor

J. Patrick Olivelle
Stephanie W. Jamison
Martha A. Selby
Cynthia Talbot

Drinking Status, Wearing Duty:

Magic, Power, and Warrior Ethics in Ancient India

by
Jarrod Leigh Whitaker, B.A.; M.A.

Dissertation
Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of
The University of Texas at Austin
in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements
for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

The University of Texas at Austin

May, 2005

UMI Number: 3184816

UMI Microform 3184816

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Dedication

To Nicole, for making me listen.

To Gabriel and Maya, for allowing me to see.

Peace is despaird, For who can think Submission? War then, War Open or
understood must be resolvd.
Milton, Paradise Lost, Book 1 v.660-662

Acknowledgements
It is of course impossible to thank all the people who have helped this
project come to fruition. Two people, however, deserve more praise than I can
possibly state here. First, I am truly indebted to Dr. J. Patrick Olivelle for his
example, integrity, and insight. He let me do whatever I wanted, yet silently
guided my choices. He has given this diamond-in-the-rough an opportunity
beyond his wildest dreams. Second, none of this would have been possible without
Dr. Joel P. Breretons statesmanship, patience, encouragement, and enormous
gift of time. His mentorship will not be forgotten. These two scholars have given
me much more than an academic education, and for that I am eternally grateful.
My deepest thanks and respect go to Professors Martha A. Selby, Janice
Leoshko, and Cynthia Talbot. All three patiently opened intellectual doors for
me, that, as they know, I went kicking and screaming through only to see a
glimpse of what is possible at interdisciplinary and theoretical levels.
I have also benefited greatly from Dr. Stephanie W. Jamison, whose work
and readings of chapters have kept me honest and humbled everyday.
Special thanks to Joel Brereton and Stephanie Jamison collectively, as
they graciously provided me with a draft version of their forthcoming translation
of the gveda in Spring 2003. It was an invaluable and comprehensive source for
v

mining the text. Its publication is eagerly anticipated. Final responsibility for all
translations is my own.
I would also like to thank many of the scholars who in varying degrees
have helped with this project. In alphabetical order: Arlo Griffiths, Edeltraud
Harzer, Stanley Insler, Bill Malandra, Gail Minault, Theodore Proferes, Stephen
Sharp, Mark Southern, and Randall Styers.
Special thanks to the Asian Studies administrative and library staff for
their unfailing support: Anne Alexander, Merry Burlingham, Jeannie Cortez, and
Sandra Paschall.
I also have to extend my profound thanks to all the people who gave me
the support and time to work on this beast: my beautiful wife, Sarah Nicole; my
parents, Tom and Lynette; my brother, Sean; my father-in-law, Tom Iverson; and
my angelic mother-in-law, Kathy Naylor.
And then there are the graduate students, who have all provided
encouragement, support, and good times on the way: Michael Bednar, Dave
Brick, Laura Brueck, Shayne Clarke, Neil Dalal, Robert Goodding (Ph.D.), Sarah
Green, Gardner Harris, Scott Harvey, Steven Lindquist, Elliott McCarter,
Kristen Rudisill, Matt Sayers, Douglas Simms, and Joel Tishken (Ph.D.). In
particular, I want to thank Karline McLain (Ph.D.), Mark McClish, and Chris Hill
your friendship is deeply cherished.

Its not about whose facts are true.

Its about whose fabrication of culture has the most consensus.
vi

Drinking Status, Wearing Duty:

Magic, Power, and Warrior Ethics in Ancient India

Publication No._____________

Jarrod Leigh Whitaker, Ph.D.

The University of Texas at Austin, 2005

Supervisor: Joel P. Brereton

A martial mind-set plays a fundamental role in early Vedic culture, as attested in

the gveda (1500-1200 BCE). Early Vedic martiality involves cattle raiding,
conflict over natural resources, open warfare, and claims to sovereignty and
kingship. This dissertation illuminates the ritual processes and cultural values that
socialize men into this martial system. It argues that gvedic rituals shape the
militant and aggressive identities of early Vedic men (nr-), warriors and warlords
(vr, ra, rjan). The key to uncovering early Vedic martial ethics and values lies
in reconsidering the terms nm, pasya, indriy, vry, jas, shas, and vas.
Past scholars have situated these terms within value-laden theories of magic and
power in the social sciences and the study of religions, often interpreting them as
forms of mana or (meta-)physical power. This dissertation systematically unravels
the complex history of magic and power, and lays out the shared influences of
vii

social theorists and scholars of Indian religion. It thus undermines the theoretical
categories magic and power, in favour of more complex and interdisciplinary
ways of accounting for ritual practices in ancient India as they pertain to martial
behaviour and values. It pays special attention to ritualized modes of symbolic
production, and considers in-depth complex social and political values, and
aggressive male identities. It argues that the power terms signify and define
early Vedic martial ethics, social relations, and political responsibilities, all of
which are reflected and reproduced in the personality of the war-god Indra, who
is the paradigmatic model for all early Vedic warriors to imitate. Hence, this
dissertation illuminates complex systems of ritual legitimation, the socialization of
warriors, the construction of aggressive male identities, notions of the body, and
issues of ritual performance and practice. Early Vedic rituals mediate and
promote social and political authority, prestige, martial obligation, and male
identity. Moreover, the power terms relate to important cultural symbols, such
as sma, weapons, tattoos, and amulets, all of which demarcate ritual and political
allegiance, duty, and rank. The dissertation thus concludes that early Vedic rituals
play a central role in promoting ryan martial ideologies and migratory
expansionism in ancient India.

viii

Table of Contents
Introduction................................................................................................................. 1
Chapter 1: Magic, Power, and the Theoretical Legacy........................................... 20
1.1. History of a Problem ....................................................................... 20
1.2.a. Anima, Mana, and Sympathetic Magic: Mller, Tylor,
Frazer, and Codrington ................................................................ 24
1.2.b. Magic and Mana: Mauss .............................................................. 38
1.2.c. Catharsis and Wish Fulfillment: Marett and Malinowski .......... 48
1.3. The Legacy of Phenomenology: Otto and Van der Leeuw .......... 65
1.4.a. Magic, Power, and Indology......................................................... 79
1.4.b. Gonda............................................................................................ 88
1.5. Epilogue ........................................................................................... 93
Chapter 2: Manhood (nm), Masculinity (pasya), and Male Identity.......... 95
2.1. Introduction ..................................................................................... 95
2.2.a. Nm ............................................................................................ 97
2.2.b. Nm as Manhood .................................................................. 99
2.2.c. Pasya as Masculinity .......................................................... 103
2.2.d. Nm and Pasya .................................................................. 109
2.3.a. Men, Manhood, and Fire ........................................................... 116
2.3.b. Men, Manhood, and Indra......................................................... 124
2.4.a. Men and Martiality..................................................................... 136
ix

2.4.b. Manhood, Masculinity, and Martiality...................................... 140

2.4.c. Divine Men, Divine Example..................................................... 148
2.5. Conclusion...................................................................................... 156
Chapter 3: Indrahood (indriy) and the Human Indra ........................................ 160
3.1. Introduction ................................................................................... 160
3.2. Indriy as Indras Unique Cosmological & Political Station...... 162
3.3.a. The Conferral of Indrahood ...................................................... 168
3.3.b. Drinking Sma, Assuming Indrahood (indriy)....................... 176
3.4.a. Acts of Indrahood, Acting as Indra ........................................... 187
3.4.b. The Human Indra....................................................................... 198
3.4.c. Indra and King Trasadasyu: V.4.42.1-10 ................................ 205
Chapter 4: Soldier (vr) and Soldiery (vry)....................................................... 211
4.1. Introduction ................................................................................... 211
4.2.a. Warfare and Martiality............................................................... 212
4.2.b. Vtra,Vry, and the absent Vr ............................................... 225
4.2.c. Lords, Alliances, and Soldiers.................................................... 229
4.2.d. Commander (suvra) .................................................................. 235
4.2.e. Suvra and the Ritual Patron (sr) ........................................... 242
4.3.a. Soldier versus Hero: The Meaning of Vr in the
gvedic Sma-Cult ..................................................................... 251
4.3.b. To proclaim (pr- vac-), Martial Reputation (rvas) ....... 259
x

4.4.a. Wealth ......................................................................................... 269

4.4.b. Suvrya ......................................................................................... 274
4.4.c. Soldier, Ritual Participant.......................................................... 278
4.4.d. Sma and Soldiery...................................................................... 282
4.5.a. Wealth and War.......................................................................... 287
4.5.b. The Distribution Ceremony (vidtha) ...................................... 292
4.6. Conclusion...................................................................................... 297
Chapter 5: jas: Power and Authority .................................................................. 300
5.1. Introduction ................................................................................... 300
5.2.a. Power: the meaning(s) of jas ............................................... 303
5.2.b. Power that is Cosmological and Political Authority............. 306
5.2.c. Indra, Mastery (-), and jas .................................................. 314
5.2.d. Cosmic Power and Authority: The Mountain and the
Primordial Waters....................................................................... 320
5.3.a. Drinking Status: Sma and jas ................................................ 337
5.3.b. Indra and Varua ....................................................................... 348
5.4.a. Indra, jas, and Ritual Participation ........................................ 351
5.4.b. The Human Indras Ritual Birth ............................................... 357
5.4.c. Martial Duty and Political Responsibility ................................. 362
5.4.d. The Obligation to Distribute Spoils .......................................... 369
5.5.a. Embodying Power, Wearing Authority..................................... 373
xi

5.5.b. The Atharvaveda: Amulets and Political Authority ................ 386

5.6. Conclusion...................................................................................... 388
Chapter 6: Martial Dominance (shas) ................................................................. 392
6.1. Introduction ................................................................................... 392
6.2. Shas and the Body........................................................................ 395
6.3.a. Martial Dominance (shas) ....................................................... 397
6.3.b. Battle Fury (many), Dominance (shas), and Authority
(jas) ............................................................................................ 416
6.4.a. Fire and Dominance................................................................... 420
6.4.b. Son of Strength vs. Issue of Dominance ................................... 433
6.4.c. Agni, Hot, and Dominance....................................................... 438
Chapter 7: Capacity (vas), Vtra, and the Warlord (ra)................................ 444
7.1. Introduction ................................................................................... 444
7.2. vas as a Spatial and Martial Metaphor..................................... 445
7.3.a. Power over Nature, Control of the Universe............................ 448
7.3.b. Territory ...................................................................................... 453
7.3.c. Waters.......................................................................................... 469
7.4. Vtra ............................................................................................... 470
7.5. Warlord (ra) ............................................................................... 480

xii

Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 492

Appendix: Power Term Tables............................................................................... 499
Introduction .......................................................................................... 499
Table 1: Nm ..................................................................................... 499
Table 2: Pasya .................................................................................. 500
Table 3: Indriy ..................................................................................... 500
Table 4:Vry ........................................................................................ 501
Table 5: jas ......................................................................................... 501
Table 6: Shas ....................................................................................... 502
Table 7: vas........................................................................................ 502
Statistical Analysis ................................................................................ 503
Bibliography............................................................................................................. 508
Vita ......................................................................................................................... 546

xiii

Introduction
A martial mind-set has played a fundamental role in the development of Vedic
religious beliefs and practices. Pastoralist tribes calling themselves ryans (rya),
and speaking an archaic form of the Indo-European language Sanskrit, arrived
from Central Asia and settled in the fertile Punjab around 2000-1500 BCE. The
term rya expresses a cultural, rather than racial, designation for groups of people
who maintained distinct social and religious identities.1 By 1000-800 BCE ryan
social and ritual customs were codified in a corpus of four oral texts known as the

Vedas. The oldest text, the gveda (c.1500-1200 BCE) is our primary and almost
exclusive window into the complexities and diversity of early Vedic culture. The
gvedic hymns were almost exclusively used in rituals for the purification of the
divine draught sma and its offering to the ryan war-god Indra. The gveda
attests a martial society and a volatile political environment. Warfare and shifting
alliances marked the successive waves of migration, and the ryan tribes
constantly struggled with each other and with indigenous peoples.2 The martial
aspects of early Vedic culture are thus embedded in the rhetoric and processes of

sma rituals. The types of martial activity evident in the gveda revolve around
seasonal migrations, cattle raiding, competition for natural resources, open

1 Late nineteenth and early twentieth century German Orientalist scholarship embraced notions

of a pure Indo-European ryan race, which German Nationalism adopted in order to distinguish
Jews as non-ryan. See Rothermund (1986), Pollock (1993), & King (1999: 85).
2 For early Vedic history, see Allchin (1995), Erdosy (1995), & Witzel (1989, 1995a, 1997a, 1997b).

warfare, and claims to sovereignty and kingship. 3 ryan warriors were highly
skilled in horse and chariot combat, which they introduced into the subcontinent.
The migratory and pastoral realities of the early Vedic period do not bear witness
to any forms of permanent control of territory or issues of state formation. Thus,
while they do not represent the only aspects of ryan culture, migratory conquest
and martial expertise are dominant motifs in the ritual hymns of the gveda, and
seasonal skirmishes and open warfare are central to ryan ideology and life.
Unfortunately, Vedic scholars understand very little about the values and ethics
that socialized men into this martial system and trained them to engage in
violence as a constant. Moreover, scholars have woefully neglected the central
role that gvedic rituals play in constructing the identity of warriors and ritual
proponents, and in promoting early Vedic martiality.
The key to uncovering early Vedic martial ethics and values lies in
correctly understanding certain terms repeatedly associated with male identity
and martial behaviour. Throughout the entire Vedic corpus an array of terms
appear that Vedic scholars have accepted as denoting unspecific forms of
physical, mental, or magical power; for example, nm, pasya, indriy, vry,

jas, shas, and vas. This list is by no means exhaustive; it simply represents the
primary words that I will reconsider in this dissertation. On the one hand, scholars
accept that the powers magically protect and enhance individuals and produce
long life, physical and mental energy, wealth, good fortune, and victory over

3 For assessments of Vedic martial and political realities and developments, see Schlerath (1960),

Thapar (1984), Heesterman (1985, 1993), Hoek, Kolff, & Oort (1992), & Oberlies (1998).

enemies. On the other, scholars constantly interpret the terms from the
perspective that they reflect an indigenous recognition or experience of natural
qualities or physical abilities. The fact that Vedic scholars have unanimously
accepted this interpretative stance has made these power terms almost
meaningless and contrived. The difficulty in furthering a new interpretation of
these terms lies in the fact that translations such as power, strength, might,
energy, force, Kraft, or Macht are ingrained in Vedic studies the

modus operandi has changed little in the last century or more. Such universally
applied translations readily bleed the specific meaning and function of individual
power terms together. More importantly, this interpretation has obfuscated any
redeemable social and political ramifications that underlie the use of the
aforementioned terms, and highly significant cultural and ritual realities have
been lost in the physical-cum-phenomenological quagmire.
As a general observation that will be explored more in-depth in the next
chapter, the methodological force driving such hermeneutical proclivities lies
squarely in late nineteenth and early twentieth century debates concerning the
nature of magic. Early theorists intrinsically linked magic with a universalized
notion of metaphysical power. By the mid-twentieth century, the two fundamental
categories of magic and power were so thoroughly enmeshed that their legacy
directly influenced the wider academic community, spawning gross theories on
religion and society, human intellect and evolution, and ultimately the nature of

primitive worldviews.4 In general, past theorists speculate that through ritual

techniques the priests of magic (read: sorcerers, magicians, or shamans) believed
they could transfer to recipients qualities, power, or energy, either through
invisible ritual means or through tangible fetishes such as amulets. Depending
on the type of magic, the recipients would thus believe themselves to be
empowered or enervated. This kind of interpretation focuses on individual
experiences of assumed physical or spiritual states. The problem is that it relies on
assumptions about the psychological disposition of individuals (Sangren 1987:
230),5 which is something we have little or no access to. We have to imagine that

4 King (1999) demonstrates that the agenda to classify Indian culture as inherently mystical and

magical lies in Orientalist discourse and its hegemonic stance towards the mystical East, as
opposed to the rational and enlightened West. For further distinction between the words
mysticism and magic, see Glucklich (1997: 8).
5 Sangrens (1987) analysis of the meaning and function of the Chinese ritual word ling (spirit,

efficacy, magical power) is an exemplary study of the way in which such concepts can be
situated in social, historical, ritual, political, and economic contexts. I have appropriated Sangrens
phrase a little out of context. He specifically writes: In other words, ling replicates both the
structure of social relations and the structure of relations among supernatural entities because it is
constituted in public rituals on the one hand, and in historical events culturally selected as
significant on the other. Hence, the relationship between society and cosmology is even more
intimate than conventional functional accounts presume, because relatively less must be assumed
about the psychological dispositions of individuals. Instead, correspondences between the
structure of social institutions and the structure of collective representations can be ascribed to
their both being reproduced in the same social processesamong them, communal rituals and
historical events as they are culturally appropriated. Insofar as ritual reproduces both community
and religious symbols, it is constitutive, not mere display. To clarify this point, Sangren (1987:
129) states earlier: In insisting that the analysis of collective religious symbols be sociologically
rather than psychologically grounded, I do not mean to imply that individuals can be entirely

individuals acted under the belief that they were pumped up with power, as if
ancient Indians lived within a video game culture. This is a most unsatisfactory
assumption.
The continued ramifications of this methodological disposition molded
mid-twentieth century interpretations of the power terms in the Vedic corpus.
The two categories magic and power reached their interpretative apex and
total integration in the work of the prolific Dutch philologist Jan Gonda, who
codified the aforementioned terms as power-substances (Daseinsmchte)
(Gonda 1952, 1957, cf. also 1989). Gonda asserts that the Vedic mind conceives of
power terms as concrete ontological qualities or forces, which are subject to
ritual/magical metaphysics.6 As we shall see, Gondas major influences come from
the phenomenological approaches of Rudolf Otto (1958 [1917]) and Gerardus
van der Leeuw (1967 [1933]), who in turn were reacting to and incorporating
various theories of magic and religion proposed by scholars such as Frazer (1922

ignored. Although it is a commonplace that to some degree everyone thinks in terms of cultural
categories acquired as a member of society, it is also clear that there is considerable room for
individual variation and creativity. Many innovative ideas, although building on collective
representations, are the creations of individuals. But it is only those symbols and ideas that
achieve social efficacy that persist and become collective representations.
6 I use the term metaphysics/-ical to refer to alternative ways of explaining natural and

supernatural processes, causes and effects, and the term ontology/-ical in its most literal sense to
refer to those concepts and objects posited to exist within coherent yet alternate worldviews.
While both terms and their intellectual history are vast, I refer the reader to Strawson (1992),
whose excellent introduction to such issues bridges the gap between philosophy, semiotics, belief,
and lived reality. See also Bunge (1987), who states that if epistemologically consistent and
coherent, a worldview constitutes an ontology.

[1890]), Mauss (1971 [1902-03]), and Marett (1914). One of the dominant threads
throughout the writings of all these scholars is that power (normally an
appropriation of the Melanesian term mana) underlies magic, which is considered
a pseudo-science that attempts to manipulate reality. The phenomenological
imperative also placed considerable weight on physical or emotional states in
order to substantiate the thesis that religion and magic merely reflect an
experience of some ultimate reality, namely, God. Within the study of ancient
Indian religion and culture, Gondas work represents the culmination of a long
and steady amalgamation of ideas on magic and power drawn from the social
sciences and humanities. In short, Gonda uncritically subjected the power terms
to value-laden theories.7 The power terms have not received any major systematic
and critical evaluation since.
Henceforth, I will employ the refrain power term(s) in order to refer to
these words. The reader should understand from the outset that this is laden with
irony, as the power terms are not generic and meaningless signs of physical,

7 Gondas research becomes the touchstone for all subsequent interpretations of the power terms.

See Hara (1967-68, 1987, 1994), Magnone (1993 [1990]) and B.K. Smith (1994), who classifies
them as essential powers (a phrase used by Gonda) and situates them within a systematic
hierarchy of Brhmaa ritual taxonomies (vara, bandhu). For criticism of Smith and a
reconsideration of the vara system and bandhus, see Cavallin (2002), who makes several
important observations about ritual theory that parallel my own concerns with regard to the
theoretical history of magic. Gonda has also influenced my own previous research (Whitaker
2000, 2002). While I do not want to characterize the aforementioned scholars as uncritically
accepting Gondas work, their research does little to deviate from his general acceptance of the
relationship between power and magic.

mental, or magical power. I will demonstrate that each term resonates in its own
specific semantic field and it is more fitting to understand the power terms as
symbolic markers of social and political status, prestige, and duty a wholly
different form of power. More than any other deity, the early Vedic war-god,
Indra, is closely associated with the power terms. Indra is the paradigmatic
warrior, warlord, and king in early Vedic society. For this reason, the power terms
are overwhelmingly martial in nature and Indras mythic cycle thereby reflects
and reproduces early Vedic martiality and militarism. Even when certain terms
are closely associated with physical or mental realities, we should be diligent in
our semiotic analysis since conceptualizations of the body within any given society
are frequently constructed to reproduce and map social and political values onto
the body. This process serves to naturalize such values and makes them appear to
be intrinsic factors of individual and social identity (see Lock & Scheper-Hughes
1987; Connerton 1989; Strathern 1996). In early Vedic culture, the body most
certainly functions as a natural symbol (Douglas 1973 [1970]).8
Bourdieus (1977: 171-183; 1990: 123-139; 1993) notion of symbolic
capital best captures the cultural values and meanings conveyed by the power
terms in the gveda. Symbolic capital refers to accumulated and redeemable
conceptualizations of prestige, celebrity, knowledge, or honour that are highly
contested and recognized within a culture, and serve to legitimize elites and allow
them to impose legitimation. In relation to notions of honour, Bourdieu (1990:
22) states at length:

8 I will return to this important issue in Chapter 5.

the idea that struggles for recognition are a fundamental dimension of social life and
that what is at stake in them is the accumulation of a particular form of capital, honour in
the sense of reputation and prestige, and that there is, therefore, a specific logic behind
the accumulation of symbolic capital, as capital founded on cognition [connaissance] and
recognition [reconnaissance]; the idea of strategy, as a way of directing practice that is
neither conscious and calculated, nor mechanically determined, but is the product of the
sense of honour as a feel for that particular game, the game of honour; and the idea that
there is a logic of practice, whose specificity lies above all in its temporal structure.

The power terms definitely reflect fundamental early Vedic cultural concerns,
such as martial prowess, societal prestige, political responsibility, ritual aptitude,
and the monopolization of wealth. It is my contention that in the early Vedic
context the composers of the gvedic hymns and the performers of early Vedic
rituals are also the individuals expected to live up to the martial standards
communicated in the ritual arena. An early Vedic warrior can also be a poet and a
priest. When a man recites ritual hymns that feature the power terms, he publicly
communicates martial values while simultaneously affirming his commitment to
them (though this is not limited to just power-term hymns). In addition, in
recognizing the importance of such values a warrior-poet implicitly challenges his
brother-in-arms to embody and act upon the expectations so entailed. gvedic
rituals thus serve to reproduce such values by reproducing and sanctioning the
actors who internalize and carry out such values in ritual and martial realities.9

9 With the reflexive sociology of Bourdieu in hand, Sax (2002) cogently articulates the cultural

realities of north Indian Pav Ll performances of the Mahbhrata in the region of Garhwal.
He frequently demonstrates the way in which the participants not only reflect but also reproduce
local values and identities through ritualized performances of the epic story.

Drawing heavily on Bourdieus work, Bell (1992: 196) qualifies the

importance of seeing the production of society lived reality through the lens
of rituals:
In sum, it is a major reversal of traditional theory to hypothesize that ritual activity is not
the instrument of more basic purposes, such as power, politics, or social control, which
are usually seen as existing before or outside the activities of the rite. It puts interpretive
analysis on a new footing to suggest that ritual practices are themselves the very
production and negotiation of power relations[that] ritualization as a strategic mode of
practice produces nuanced relationships of power, relationships characterized by
acceptance and resistance, negotiated appropriation, and redemptive reinterpretation of
the hegemonic order.

Bell thus provides us with an indispensable way in which to analyze

processes of ritualization, whereby ritual activities constitute a specific
embodiment and deployment of social power. Ritualization mediates and
promotes social and political power relations, and is intertwined with notions of
objectification and legitimation. Bell (1992: 180-181) rightly argues that ritualized
activity is not a uniform method of social control. It is one of the many ways
through which people experience, embody, reproduce, and manipulate the basic
cultural order of a society. Rituals do not control individuals or groups, but rather
constitute particular mechanisms of social empowerment. Moreover, ritual
rhetoric and activities are often cloaked in realities that are supposed to
transcend the limits of human actors, such as myth, and thus are embedded in a
misrecognition of their social and political purposes. Ritual activity further
reproduces or reconfigures dominant ideologies and thus acts as a process of
redemptive hegemony, whereby actors restate and thus recreate their social and
9

political interests and investments anew with each ritual performance. By

recognizing ritualized processes, we are able to understand ways in which actors
engage with various manifestations of hegemony in lived experience, in moral
orders, and in systems of prestige. Hence, the processes underlying ritualization
account for lived ways in which power is ordered. Ritualization is not monolithic
and must be reenacted, re-(in)stated, and even resisted in numerous forms of
practice (Bell 1992: 82-83). It has to be seen as a practical set of actions that are
fluidly connected with other forms of activity, yet are distinguished in varying
degrees and types. Ritualized practices thus serve to produce and reinforce these
differentiations and establish orders of privilege as more important and powerful.
Instead of interpreting ritual as a reflection of reality, we are able to go one step
further and see the creation of reality and the constant reproduction of social
systems and the individuals who move within them. As Bell (1992: 85) states: To
analyze practice in terms of its vision of redemptive hegemony is, therefore, to
formulate the unexpressed assumptions that constitute the actors strategic
understanding of the place, purpose, and trajectory of the act. Bell (1992: 221)
continues at length:
The ultimate purpose of ritualization is neither the immediate goals avowed by the
community or the officiant nor the more abstract functions of social solidarity and
conflict resolution: it is nothing other than the production of ritualized agents, persons
who have an instinctive knowledge of these schemes embedded in their bodies, in their
sense of reality, and in their understanding of how to act in ways that both maintain and
qualify the complex microrelations of power. Such practical knowledge is not an
inflexible set of assumptions, beliefs, or body postures; rather, it is the ability to deploy,
play, and manipulate basic schemes in ways that appropriate and condition experience

10

effectively. It is a mastery that experiences itself as relatively empowered, not as

conditioned or molded.

Therefore, when examined through the reflexive sociology of such scholars as

Bourdieu and Bell, the power terms highlight an early Vedic ritual strategy that
promotes elite masculine identity and ritual allegiance, and more than anything
else ensures the continuation and success of ritual practices and martial
endeavours.
Vedic scholars have thus misunderstood the power terms, and their
central importance in early Vedic culture has been glossed over. I contend that
the power terms reflect complex social and ritual values, and symbolic
relationships. Taken collectively the terms reveal a dynamic and violent system of
early Vedic martiality. Such values play a substantial role in fostering ryanness, and the impetus for ryan militarism and its quest for political expansion
and dominance. The power terms thus play a significant role in shaping early
Vedic masculine identity, martial behaviour, and ritual customs, and their use
underscores a privileged arena of symbolic production in early Vedic ritual
culture (cf. Sahlins 1976).
Without an understanding of the meaning and function of these terms and
their social significance, it is difficult to appreciate fully the nature of early Vedic
ritual and martial culture and its divine right to wage war and conquer territory.
In the early Vedic context, social relations are constituted in rituals to martial
gods and human identities are defined in cosmological terms. The use of the
power terms defines tangible social relations and communicates martial values
that are attested in ritual performance (cf. Sangren 1987: 127-131). At the heart
11

of this ideology lies an elite ritual cult of institutionalized violence centered on

the exploits of the ryan war-god, Indra, and his functional representative, the
human warlord and sacrificial patron (cf. Oberlies 1998: 427). However, as Bell
(1992: 191) argues, ideology need not be taken as a fixed set of ideas conveyed by
unified social systems, and imposed on people who uncritically accept them. Any
given ideology must be represented in its specific historical context and in
relations to other ideologies. Ideologies are continually in dialogue with the
voices they reflect, manipulate, and suppress. Hence, individuals subconsciously
or actively construct, reproduce, constrain and even resist such ideologies. People
do not passively acquire beliefs. They appropriate, negotiate, and qualify their
inherited worldviews, and thus consent, resist, or manipulate aspects of dominant
ideologies. As Bell (1992: 192-193) further states:
ideology is best understood as a strategy of power, a process whereby certain social
practices or institutions are depicted to be natural and right. While such a strategy
implies the existence of a group or groups whose members stand to gain in some way by
an acceptance of these practices, it also implies the existence of some form of opposition.
Thus, ideologization may imply an unequal distribution of power, but it also indicates a
greater distribution of power than would exist in relationships defined by sheer force. It is
a strategy intimately connected with legitimation, discourse, and fairly high degrees of
social complicity and maneuverability.

Therefore, I will explore a deep-seated, ritualized early Vedic ideology pertaining

to institutionalized martiality, masculine socialization, and political identity, all of
which are bound up in the use and function of the power terms. 10 Moreover, I will

10 I concur with Jankowskis (1991: 84) definition of ideology as

an organizational resource for

groups that involves a logically connected set of beliefs that provide the members with (1) a

12

consider the processes by which the complex system of martial signs are
constrained, produced, and given purpose within the practice of early Vedic
rituals (see Sangren 1987: 1-11; Hodge & Kress 1988).11
To recapitulate: The primary issue at hand is that past interpretations
have habitually characterized the power terms as denoting physical or magical
power. No translations to date enhance our understanding of these terms outside
of connoting power in some form, which in itself is simply not an adequate
explanatory device; it is more rightly merely a placeholder for further but
unfurnished explanations of social functions. The extent of the hermeneutical
problem so outlined permeates all layers of Vedic literature and affects our
appreciation of Vedic culture overall. I contend that much of the intellectual

picture of the world, (2) an interpretation of the picture, and (3) a justification for its superiority
over other pictures. Ideology serves two interconnected functionsFirst, it attempts to explain
how the world functions on a broad societal level; second, it creates a set of moral principles that
will solidify the group.
11 Hodge & Kress (1988: 1-2) aptly state: the social dimensions

of semiotic systems are so

intrinsic to their nature and function that the systems cannot be studied in isolation. Mainstream
[structural] semiotics emphasizes structures and codes, at the expense of functions and social uses
of semiotic systems, the complex interrelations of semiotic systems in social practice, all of the
factors which provide their motivation, their origins and destinations, their form and substance. It
stresses system and product, rather than speakers and writers or other participants in semiotic
activity as connected and interacting in a variety of ways in concrete social contexts. It attributes
power to meaning, instead of meaning to power. It dissolves boundaries within the field of
semiotics, but tacitly accepts an impenetrable wall cutting of semiosis from society, and semiotics
from social and political thought. For more recent analysis of social semiotics, see Kress & Van
Leeuwen (1996: 40-42). For a more progressive use of Structural semiotics, see Hawkes (1977).
For further criticisms of structuralism, see Saler (1993: 10-17).

13

impetus behind such interpretations lies squarely in the theories of magic from
the early part of the twentieth century. Such theories intrinsically coupled magic
with the notion of metaphysical power, that is, magic is the manipulation of
power. Jan van Baal (1971: 74) has already assessed the extent of this problem
while referring to the work of early twentieth century scholars:
Fortunately, the term dynamism turned out to be short-lived, but the same cannot be said
of magic power, a term of amazing persistence, haunting the works of scientific
ethnography with almost undiminished frequency. There are at least two reasons for it.
The first is that magic and magic power are highly convenient short-hand expressions
which can be so applied as to leave the reader free to interpret them just as he likes. The
other is that the problem of the contrast between magic and religion, initiated by Frazer
and reduced but not eliminated by Marett, still holds its sway over the theory of religion,
the prevailing view being that the two should be discerned as the contrasting poles of a
continuum. In essence this is a mock solution which leaves the problem intact.12

Therefore, it is crucial to systematically unravel the theoretical Gordian

knot that, at one point in time, completely entangled the notions of magic and
power cutting it is not an option. The strands of both concepts must be laid
bare in order to assess their impact on past interpretations of the power terms.
We must further appreciate how these strands have intertwined themselves within
various interpretations of Vedic ritual behaviour. It is also equally as relevant to

12 The term dynamism will be discussed in the next chapter. Van Baal (1971: 55) emphasizes

that Magic is a dangerous word, more dangerous than magic itself, because it is such a handsome
term to cover everything that we fail to understand. The term is used far too often as a vague kind
of explanation, but in fact it explains nothing. So as to make it an important part of religion, Van
Baal (1971: 6) offers a minimalist definition of magic as simple rites performed for the purpose

of concrete ends. I question this oversimplified goal-directed assertion.

14

explore how the early interpretations of the Vedas have influenced the former
grand theories of magic. It is necessary, then, to consider in detail the debates
over magic and power before we can investigate the gveda.
Before assessing the theoretical history of magic in the next chapter, a
brief word must be said about the Atharvaveda, ancient Indias so-called magical
text par excellence. My initial research goal was to formulate new ways of
understanding magic in this text. However, after some preliminary research into
the Atharvaveda (see Whitaker 2004c), and after substantial mining of the history
of magic, I concluded that all a priori assumptions were intensely problematic.
Moreover, the power terms play a significant role in the ritual hymns of the

gveda and Atharvaveda, yet they appear more frequently and frankly in more
detail in the former and larger text. The issue was simple: without systematically
examining the way in which the power terms feature in the gveda, it would be
impossible to understand their appearance in the Atharvaveda. Nevertheless, the
ramifications of the way in which magic and power have been conceived impacts
interpretations of both texts. Consequently, before any substantive conclusions
can be drawn about the appearance and function of the power terms in the
chronologically later Atharvaveda and the parallel ritual traditions contained
therein, the appearance of the power terms in the gveda must be methodically
and critically assessed. Thus, circumscribing my semiotic and sociological analysis
to almost exclusively the gveda will offer more profound interpretations of the
power terms and how they relate to early Vedic martiality.

15

In saying this, I can make a tentative observation about the use of the
power terms in the Atharvaveda as they appear to be identical in meaning and
function to their use in the gveda. The statistical and semantic evidence
indicates that the Kva and girasa families that composed books 1 and 8 of
the 10-book gveda are most familiar with the use and meaning of the power
terms. These two poetic families are in all likelihood composers of the

Atharvaveda and the performers of its rituals (Witzel 1997b: 275; Insler 1998: 17).
Thus, contrary to past theories, which posit that the Atharvaveda caters to a
different sphere of Vedic society, the ritual traditions attested in the gveda and
the Atharvaveda run parallel to each other and cater to the same groups of
individuals, at least in relation to the reception of the power terms (these issues
are discussed briefly in Whitaker 2004c). The intertextual application of the
power terms thus points to a shared martial and ritual culture. Further discussion
of the Atharvaveda and the power terms appear in the Appendix.
In the next chapter, I will examine the theoretical history of magic and its
relationship with power in the social sciences and humanities over the last century
or so. With an overview of the ways in which magic and power have been
conceived, I will be in a better position to examine early Vedic rituals and culture
and more specifically the meaning and function of the power terms. Chapter One
will thus trace the history and development of magic, ritual, and power in the
fields of social science, anthropology, and religious studies. It also contributes to
the study of religion, in general, and the reciprocal relationships shared between
theorists of religion and scholars of ancient India.
16

In Chapter Two, Manhood (nm), Masculinity (pasya), and Male

Identity, I demonstrate that the ritual arena socializes men and communicates
their responsibilities to carry out acts of violence. In addition, I argue that ritually
active men (nr-) equally carry out warrior and priestly functions. This suggests
that gvedic rituals are not only performed to communicate, legitimize, and
justify the identities, duties, and exploits of warriors, but also that the individuals
performing such rituals are the ones most invested in the process, that is, the
warriors and warlords themselves. A ritually mature man can be at once a warrior,
priest, or poet. Hence, in the earliest period of Indian history a well-defined class
hierarchy did not exist between priests (brhmaa) and warriors (katriya), but
developed later.
Chapter Three, Indrahood (indriy) and the Human Indra, argues that
a single individual, the human warlord and sacrificial patron, imitates the specific
function of Indra, and in the ritual arena and in battle becomes a functional
representative of the war-god, that is, a human Indra. Hence, real human beings
internalize and act upon the martial pronouncements directed toward gods such
as Indra.
Chapter Four, Soldier (vr) and Soldiery (vry), considers the
circumscribed role of the vr, who must constantly engage in warfare and cattle
raids in order to procure wealth, which must be distributed in the ritual arena for
legitimacy. In addition, this chapter argues that no cult of the hero exists in
ancient India, as the identities and exploits of real individuals are deliberately
camouflaged through ritual participation, which subsumes all acts of war under
17

the auspices of the god Indra. For this reason, real human soldiers (vr-) carry
out martial deeds in the name of Indra, which serves to confirm the gods
presence in the lived world of early Vedic warriors.
Chapter Five, jas: Power and Authority, examines the consistent
relationship between the privileged act of drinking sma, accepting martial
responsibilities, and assuming a state of political supremacy. It further explores
the social recognition of successful martial and political acts and highlights the
demands on warriors to patronize and participate in ritual performances
throughout their lives.
Chapter Six, Martial Dominance (shas), argues that one specific ideal
praised in early Vedic culture is a warlords ability to achieve unrivalled military
domination through his own skills and that of his troops. Moreover, this state of
martial control extends symbolically to the ritual Fire, which exerts its dominance
over martial and ritual realities.
Chapter Seven, Capacity (vas), Vtra, and the Warlord (ra),
explores the intimate relationship between territorial conquest, the control of
wealth and natural resources, and the parallel myth of Indras destruction of the
cosmic serpent Vtra.
In the Conclusion, I argue that the ritual setting is the fundamental arena
in which social values and ethics are mediated and communicated. However, in
contradistinction to one current theory of Vedic ritual development, the early
Vedic ritual arena is a place of order and affirmation. It functions as a controlled
fulcrum in the violent and deadly world of ryan migratory expansionism and
18

conquest. Early Vedic rituals do not alleviate tension or violence, but serve to
encourage and promulgate it. For this reason, ritual participation socializes men
within a system of martial ethics and ritual responsibility. The ritual has internal
mechanisms to ensue its continued promotion and success, to which ritual
participants invest substantial intellectual and material capital. The ritual further
legitimizes warriors and sanctions their stations and duties. Ritual performance
and participation thus provide a system for masculine socialization and serve to
construct aggressive male identity and notions of masculinity.

19

Chapter 1: Magic, Power, and the Theoretical Legacy

1.1. History of a Problem

It is an academic given that the validity of the interpretative process is dependent
on theoretical assumptions. If many of the inherent assumptions about magic and
power can be undermined, then the responsibility remains to formulate more
reliable ways of understanding human culture. As far as I am aware, no one has
systematically re-assessed the theoretical relationship between magic and power,1
nor, more importantly, how this has prejudiced past interpretations of the power
terms in the early Vedic context. By undertaking this task, we will be in a much
stronger position to assess ritual, martial, and social realities underlying the
narrative hymns of the gveda.
The following assessment of past theories relates as succinctly as possible
to only the issue of magic and power. Each theory has much more to say about

1 Several scholars in recent decades have questioned the precedence given to mana-types in

magical thought. See, for example, Philsooph (1971), who undermines notions of mana in
primitive societies, while outlining its history and impact on various academic disciplines.
Needham (1976) equally chastises ethnographers for their constant assertions that such terms are
properties or substances present in people or things, because such translations only serve to fill in
logical gaps more so of the ethnographers in the causal reasoning of indigenous people.
Needham (1976: 83-84) also suggests that explanatory models proposing notions of force (the
mysterious factor x) have become less apparent and more inherent in the social sciences, but that
such notions provide little validity for understanding the motivations of real people. Cf. also Boyer
(1986).

20

magic, ritual, and religion, in general. Given the scope of this study, I will not
cover every detail, nor review every method of understanding magic. I have
omitted, as much as allowable, discussions about the structural and ethical
relationships among magic, religion, and science; the corresponding nature of
magicians and priests; and numerous details and individual value judgments and
assertions about the negative nature of magic and magic-using cultures.2
Many recent scholars have asserted that while the interpretative category
magic works as a commonplace structuring device, it is not an analytical
category of any worth for understanding human culture to paraphrase J.Z.
Smith (1982), magic is the creation of the scholars imagination.3 The standard
theories of magic are wholly unsatisfactory for the intellectual inquiry into the
lives of real people. Assumptions about magic, and their impact on our
understanding of myth and culture, desperately need denaturalizing and deempowering. Practices deemed magic must be placed within their specific social

2 For an interesting and critical article of early theories of magic, see Wax & Wax (1963), and

more recently, see the succinct presentation of these theories by Cunningham (1999). For
insightful ways in which to consider the contextual values, symbols, meanings, and functions of
magical thought and practices, see Lukes (1971), Hollis (1971, 1971b), and especially Beattie
(1964, 1971) and MacDonald (1995). Cf. also Saler (1993: 143-145). Van Beek (1975) also rejects
Goodes (1951) and Norbecks (1961) assertions that magic and religion exist in a continuum,
because magic is still marginalized in relation to religion.
3 For similar opinions about the value-laden nature of magic and its lack of utility, see Ehnmark

(1956), Pettersson (1957), Hammond (1970: 1350), MacDonald (1984-1986, 1995), and most
telling, Leach (1982: 133), who states: after a lifetimes career as a professional anthropologist, I
have almost reached the conclusion that the word [magic] has no meaning whatsoever.

21

context, and any investigation must take into account the impact magic has on
individuals and the wider community (Grambo 1975: 90-91, 95).4 Such practices
cannot be isolated from their greater social and historical context as if they
actually exist as separate delineable entities (cf. Hammond 1970; Boyer 1986).
The fact that the Frazerian model of magic and its coupling with power
has become ingrained in Western academic discourse and in popular culture is
intriguing. The academic world, modern forms of spirituality, and mainstream
media are, for the most part, unaware of the assumptions that they constantly
assert with regard to magic and the way in which it functions.5 Styers (2004)
argues that the category magic still persists because it reverberates in wider
social issues relating to modernity. He cogently demonstrates that magic
functions to offset and define the categories religion and science (often by
exclusion or opposition). In addition, magic is often deployed to characterize
what it means to be modern, that is, individuals or cultures that practice magic are
thoroughly non-modern and an anathema to the modern intellectual and social

4 For scholars such as Grambo (1975) and MacDonald (1984-1986, 1995), magic is a type of

activity that communicates the experiences and worldviews of its practitioners and the greater
culture. All forms of behaviour have underlying systems of signs encoded within common frames
of reference shared between transmitters, recipients, and the wider community, and these
function according to social, economic, historical, political, and personal factors.
5 For a discussion on the current persistence of magic in Western society, see During (2002), who

argues that secular magic functions in the media as a counter balance to explain the problematic
and contradictory nature of modern identity, such as celebrity, beauty, and other contingent
modern social dimensions that are difficult to comprehend or explain.

22

agenda (which is under-girded by protestant, enlightenment, and colonial ideas of

proper religious and social behaviour).
Furthermore, scholars such as McCutcheon (1997) and Fitzgerald (2000)
have called into question the implications of using the term religion and its study
within academia.6 Fitzgerald (2000) argues that the modern notion of religion
serves to construct its opposite, that is, a rational, objective, and secular realm,
where capitalist and individual values hold sway. McCutcheon (1997) undermines
past academic assertions that religion is a privileged arena, which is personal, sui
generis, and distinct from material or political endeavours. The assertions of both
scholars that diverse interdisciplinary methods and theories are crucial for any
successful investigation of religion as culture are well taken. Any investigation
into religion or for that matter magic should focus, then, on institutionalized
values and the relationships between such values, processes, and ideologies that
allow for the legitimation of social, economic, and political power in specific
cultures. Therefore, preconceived ideas about magic say far more about Western
intellectual and cultural biases, than actually accounting for thick webs of cultural
and historical descriptions from specific contextual situations (to paraphrase
Geertz (1973), whose seminal work implements such methods). With this
heuristic statement of hermeneutical skepticism in hand, we can now assess the
theoretical history of magic and power that has constructed our appreciation of
the power terminology in the early Vedic period.

6 For a discussion of similar issues, see Saler (1993).

23

1.2.a. Anima, Mana, and Sympathetic Magic: Mller, Tylor, Frazer, and
Codrington
The academic climate of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century deemed
the categories magic, science, and religion worthy of investigation, and
scholars tendentiously applied these often-extraneous categories to all societies
throughout time.7 It would not be stretching the truth to say that an Indologist
was a key player in the initial foray into the nature of magic as part of the greater
inquiry into religion (see Van Baal 1971: 20-26; Morris 1987: 91-93).8 Friedrich
Max Mller (1823-1900), one of Europes most famous comparative philologists,
developed a theory of human religious and cultural evolution based on data from
numerous cultures.9 Mller argued that religion originated in the worship of

7 It is evident that the epistemological legacy of the West directly prejudiced early anthropological

discourse. Tambiah (1990) has done an outstanding job of critiquing the ancient and more
modern theoretical history and impact of the study of the three categories magic, science, and
religion. I will note here the often quoted factoid that our modern word magic comes from
ancient Greek interpretations of a Persian word. For the Greeks, magi (<) meant magicians
and magea (<) referred to their religion (Tambiah 1990: 9). This however tells us nothing
about how ancient Persians understood the word. For other excellent accounts of the theoretical
background pertaining to magic and religion, see also Morris (1987) and Cunningham (1999). For
an excellent account of the early separation of religion (religio) and magic (superstitio) in early
Graeco-Roman and Christian thought, see Belmont (1982).
8 For a succinct summary of the discovery of Sanskrit in the West and its importance for the

study of myth and religion, see Van Baal (1971: 18-19).

9 The primary impetus for the development of the science of religion lies in Darwinist

evolutionary theory (see Morris 1987: 91-93; Raphael 1997: 42-43). Morris (1987) and Raphael
(1997) both underscore the Christian-centric ideologies of the early science of religion thinkers
and their anti-religious tendencies.

24

nature, especially the sun. The overabundance of verbs and action words in
ancient Indo-European languages (in Mllers case, Sanskrit) meant that
primitive people could only produce narrative stories and myths. In addition,
metaphor was taken as reality, which led to the personification of natural
phenomena and the animation of the world (the disease of language). Mllers
theory had little influence in his time and was largely discarded (Pals 1996: 3-10,
19-20; Ackerman 1987: 75-77). Nevertheless, the ancient Indian texts that Mller
prolifically worked on became highly utilized sources for social theorists,
anthropologists, and scholars of religion alike, especially Mllers staunchest
critics Andrew Lang (1844-1912)10 and, more importantly, E.B. Tylor and James
Frazer.11
Edward Burnett Tylor (1832-1917), a Victorian anthropologist, was the
first scholar to explain magic systematically in his tour de force Primitive Culture

10 Andrew Lang (1897) called attention to the fact that primitive cultures believed in high gods or

even a single all-powerful being. For nineteenth century scholars, the notion of monotheism
entailed an ethically based belief system, something not originally ascribed to primitive societies.
Lang asserted that myth had to be understood as a response to material, social and psychological
conditions experienced by all humans, which also explained why non-Indo-European myths
contained many of the same themes. Lang (1901) was also highly critical of Tylor and Frazer (cf.
Van Baal 1971: 59-63).
11 These works include Mllers initial 1867-75 two-volume work, Chips from a German

Workshop (expanded into 5 volumes by 1900); his essays on the science of religion (1872); his
edition of the gveda (1849-1873); and his fifty-volume series of edited religious texts entitled

The Sacred Books of the East (1879-1910).

25

(1958 [1871]).12 Tylor (1958, 2: 8) applies the term animism (Latin anima,
spirit) to the universal belief in spiritual beings (his minimal definition of
religion).13 Tylors primary assumption is that all humans share the same
cognitive and interpretative processes. This allows him and others such as Frazer
to imagine the primitive mind-set. Consequently, Tylor is able to expound
universal customs and beliefs, with little concern for any social or historical
contexts.14 To explain causality primitive people believe that creatures and objects
possess personal souls or spirits (anima) that transcend the body in destruction or

12 Tylors primary source for European folklore and myth came from the works of Jacob Grimm

(1785-1863) and Wilhelm Grimm (1786-1859), especially the elders Deutsche Mythologie (1835),
which by Tylors time had expanded to 3 volumes (Grimm 1875-1878). The Grimm brothers
catalogued numerous examples of European folk magic and magical tales without any real theory
to account for either. For a summary of the brothers important role in the study of European
mythology, see Van Baal (1971: 19-20). For further consideration of Tylors importance for the
study of religion and magic, see Saler (1993: 88-93).
13 Tylors main sources for ancient and more contemporary Indian

religious and magical customs

came from numerous missionary accounts and amateur ethnographies, plus the work of
Indologists such as Otto von Bhtlingk and Rudolph von Roth (1855-75), John Muir (1868-73),
and Horace H. Wilson (1840), but principally from Max Mller (1867-75, 1872). Tylor is also
aware of the Atharvaveda (1958, 2: 401), Smaveda (2: 456), and Bhlers translation of the

Manusmti (1958, 2: 96-97, 106, 466). While Tylor incorporates some of Mllers ideas, he rejects
any notion that a theory based on linguistic misunderstandings can account for complex religious
beliefs and rituals (for more on Tylors life and work, see Marett 1936; Pals 1995: 69-83; &
Tambiah 1990: 42-64).
14 The European folklorist W. Mannhardt was primarily responsible for this method (Ackerman

1987: 81-82). Evans-Pritchard christened it the if I were a horse kind (see Tambiah 1990: 48).

26

death (which explains the belief in immortality).15 This also explains why
fetishes are treated as sacred, as the spirit within is worshipped, giving the
object its life and power (Tylor 1958, 2: 229ff.).16 Because the spirits can exist
externally, they are able to influence nature (cf. Van Baal 1971: 35ff.). This
animistic process is evolutionary as a hierarchy of spirits culminates in
monotheism (Tylor 1958, 2: 417-447). The human race is thus involved in a
process of intellectual evolution. To account for the existence of various practices
at different developmental stages, Tylor introduces his influential doctrine of
survivals: when magical practices exist in modern countries, they are survivals of
a past age.17
As a universal system, magic is primarily an association of ideas. When
ideas are connected in thought, primitives invert this so that the connection is

15 Herbert Spencer (1820-1893) influenced Tylors notion of the personal soul or spirit (see

Cunningham 1999: 16-17).

16 The word fetish becomes a catch-all in theories of magic to account for sacred objects, e.g.,

wood, stones, ritual implements and symbols, talismans, amulets, etc. It also explains in part the
practice of idolatry. Portuguese sailors first used the word to describe African religious beliefs and
customs. Charles de Brosses (1709-1777) coined the term Fetishism in 1760 (see Tylor 1958, 2:
229-230; Van Baal 1971:11-12; Morris 1987: 93). The Portuguese feitio means artificial or
factitious, and was thus employed to refer to magic. In modern Spanish and Portuguese speaking
countries, a fetish is a spell or curse, but also refers to something that is fake.
17 Both Malinowski (1944: 28-31) and Burrow (1966: 240-241) critique Tylor for not explaining the

continuing role survivals play in society and why they exist in the first place. For Malinowski,
survivals persist because they acquire new meanings or functions and therefore must be studied as
living items within a culture. For an application of the doctrine of survivals, see Hodgen (1936).
It is interesting to note that Frazer felt that ancient ryan society and practices still existed in the
nineteenth century in the form of Europes illiterate peasantry (Ackerman 1987: 81).

27

believed to exist in reality (Tylor 1958, 1: 116). Primitives thus believe that people
can be healed, injured, or even killed at distance if the magician possesses an item
or physical piece of the victim or benefactor. Objects are efficacious if they share
symbolic connections; for example, jaundice can be cured by gold because the two
are yellow. As a rational effort to influence the environment, magic is thus a
pseudo-science (Tylor 1958, 1: 119).18 Tylor is, however, unclear about the
connection between anima and magic. He implies that the magician tries to
control and coerce the anima of various phenomena, while the priest worships
and propitiates them.19 Tylor asserts that in all cases primitives must acknowledge
that the theory of animism a natural parallel to science (Pals 1996: 29) is
mistaken in the face of scientific inquiry (Tylor 1958, 1: 317).
James George Frazer (1854-1941), a student and avid supporter of Tylor,
advanced his own amplified version of animism through his extensive study of
primitive customs and beliefs.20 His magnum opus, The Golden Bough, was

18 Evans-Pritchard highlights the major problem with this: The error here was in not recognizing

that the associations are social and not psychological stereotypes, and that they occur therefore
only when evoked in specific ritual situations, which are also of limited duration Quoted in
Tambiah (1990: 51). However, Tylors assertion that magic had an inherent logic and that the
mental processes of its practitioners were identical to our own was a major step forward in the
social sciences (Morris 1987: 101).
19 For similar criticism, see Van Baal (1971: 33-34), Mauss (1972: 64-68), & Tambiah (1990: 49-

50).
20 The friendship of W. Robertson Smith (1846-1894) played a large factor in Frazers intellectual

growth. Smiths own work, Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (1894), compelled Frazer to
seriously pursue anthropological inquiry. Smith encouraged Frazer to work on issues of taboo and
totemism, which figure large in The Golden Bough. For a succinct summary of Smiths work, see

28

greatly expanded through its various publications from its reserved two-volume
debut in 1890 through its prolific twelve-volume edition in 1911 to its abridged
version in 1922, and finally its Aftermath, a supplement published in 1937. The

Golden Bough was probably the most widely read and significant academic work
of its time. Nearly all fields of academic inquiry felt its influence, not just the
social sciences and humanities, but the natural sciences as well (Pals 1996: 30, 50
n.37; see also Douglas 1978; Fraser 1990).
Frazer primarily argues that sympathetic magic a phrase that he
coins is based on associations of numerous ideas. When primitive peoples
construct mental associations, that is, when two or more concepts appear
sympathetic, to the primitive mind such concepts represent physical realities (see
Frazer 1922: 11-48). First, the Law of Similarity states that the magician
employs imitative (mimetic) or homeopathic magic, which associates
phenomena through their similarities; that is, like affects like and an effect
resembles its cause. The magician believes that an effect can be produced simply
through imitation. Second, the Law of Contact or contagious magic
associates objects through attachments or contiguity and states that part
affects part and a part represents the whole.21 Thus, magic is primitive albeit

Van Baal (1971: 45-53). For a detailed account of Smith and Frazers relationship, see Ackerman
(1987).
21 Humes influence on Tylor and Frazer is palpable, as the philosopher argues that principles of

resemblance and contiguity account for perceptions of cause and effect, and function through
none other than an association of mental impressions or ideas (Fraser 1990: 19-21). Hegel (17701830) advanced the thesis that magic represented the earliest form of religion, and was

29

false science (an abortive art) that allows practitioners to believe that they
control the natural world through universal principles; a belief that by its very
nature guarantees success (Frazer 1922: 11).22
One major criticism leveled against Frazers central thesis that magic
functions due to similarity and contiguity is that Frazer overstated the function of
metaphor and metonymy as the two basic operating principles of signs.23
Following Jakobson (1956), Tambiah (1968) argues that sympathy/similarity and
contagion simply stand for basic modes of figurative speech, that is, metaphor and
metonymy. Tambiah (1990: 53) states that such laws can be used productively
when stripped of their causal connotations as applied to magic.24 Sympathy
and metaphor equally connect entities that share some similarity through

characterized by the manipulation of nature (Cunningham 1999: 2-5). Kant (1724-1804) critiques
Hume (1711-1776) for similar interpretations of causation (Strawson 1992: 122-124).
22 Tambiah (1990: 52) characterizes Frazers stance on the relationship between magic and

science as follows: Magicwas in some ways a precursor of science, but it was its bastard sister.
In other works, Frazer reasons that magic allows kings to dominate and reifies their position
(Frazer 1968 [1905]). Magic also demarcates property and individual boundaries (Frazer 1913
[1909]).
23 For succinct definitions of metaphor and metonymy and their use for interpreting magic, see

Tambiah (1968: 189-190). For critical evaluation of Frazers theory of magic and the laws of
sympathy, see Tambiah (1968, 1973), Jarvie & Agassi (1971: 172-193), & Douglas (1978).
Tambiah (1973: 199) has aptly observed that magic functions symbolically to confer culturally
desirable properties on ritual recipients or objects through persuasive analogy, which can be either
positive similarity or negative difference. Rituals serve to communicate affirmative and inventive
meanings and thus have a certain persuasive validity (Tambiah 1973: 212-213).
24 Tambiah notes that this can be seen in the works of Roman Jakobson (1956, 1960) and Lvi-

Strauss (1963). See also Tambiah (1985).

30

linguistic substitution. Contagion and metonymy identify one entity with another
through linguistic complementation. Both metaphor and metonymy thus involve a
verbal and wholly symbolic transfer of characteristics. Tambiah (1968: 194) states:
The rite of transfer portrays a metaphorical use of language (verbal substitution)
whereby an attribute is transferred to the recipient via a material symbol which is used
metonymically as a transformerThe technique gains its realism by clothing a
metaphorical procedure in the operational or manipulative mode of practical action; it
unites both concept and action, word and deed.

The expressive and symbolic characteristics of language are interwoven with the
instrumental performance of actions.25 People construct meaningful worlds
through specialized forms of analogy: magic represents one of these forms. The
symbolic references further structure actors and re-establish social order through
the manipulation of ritual objects and substances. The association of metaphoric
values with recipients thereby demarcates participation in this very system (cf.
Tambiah 1984).26 Furthermore, Tylor and Frazer were criticized for over

25 Tambiah (1968: 202) cogently concludes: It is a truer tribute to the savage mind to say that,

rather than being confused by verbal fallacies or acting in defiance of known physical laws, it
ingeniously conjoins the expressive and metaphorical properties of language with the operational
and empirical properties of technical activity. It is this which gives magical operations a realistic
colouring and allows them to achieve their expressiveness through verbal substitution and transfer
combined with an instrumental technique that imitates practical actions.
26 Grambo (1975: 82) states: A system of values may constitute the ethos of a group or of a whole

culture. Values may serve as a focus of integration of any given culture. Values are indicators of
norms to be followed in given situations. Of course, magic as a social phenomenon, is dependent
upon the values attached to its use, hence the famous division into white and black magicIt is
perhaps only appropriate that these terms have entered the science of folklore, even if the
expressions in themselves are full of symbolic undertones (white vs. black!). But the distinction

31

intellectualizing culture and for their lack of appreciation for social relations.27
This criticism came from social theorists, yet only after scholars such as Mauss
(1972 [1902-1903]), Marett (1914 [1909]), and Lvy-Bruhl (1926 [1910])
developed theories of pre-animism. And only After the so-called early stages of
religion were discussed obsessively in terms of the Melanesian mana, the
Iroquoiah orenda, the Central Algonquian manito and the Siouan wakanda
(Radin 1958: xi; see also Evans-Pritchard 1965: 25).
Robert Codrington (1830-1922) introduced the term mana into
anthropological discourse at the end of the nineteenth century. He was one of the
first to suggest that antecedent to the belief in spiritual beings or gods, primitive
people conceived of their world as governed by supernatural power or energy.
Codrington undertook his fieldwork on the Norfolk Island of the Melanesian
archipelago from 1863 to 1887 during his missionary service. However,

between white and black magic is rather vague. Very often the term is dependent mostly on the
point of view of the scientist, not the persons involved. What we consider destructive magic may
well be the last desperate and justified means to obtain ones right in the eyes of the person doing
this magic. Cf. MacDonald (1984-1986: 89, 1995: 144-145).
27 The suggestive nature of Tylor and Frazers basic questions may have negatively influenced the

methods of nineteenth and early twentieth century anthropologists and allowed for the
falsification of results (Van Baal 1971: 43). For further strong criticism, see Van Baal (1971: 5859), Ackerman (1987: 79, 99), & Pals (1995, 1996: 44-47). Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951)
formulated one of the strongest attacks against Frazers rationalizations and inability to present
logical arguments (see Wittgenstein 1979). Wittgenstein vehemently states that people do not act
out of sheer stupidity, which is in direct opposition to Frazers intellectualist stance that all magic
is false belief (cf. Banner 1990: 76-78). For a succinct presentation of Wittgensteins views on
Frazer, see Douglas (1978: 157-159) & Tambiah (1990: 54-64).

32

Codringtons interpretation of mana should raise questions about its authenticity

as he was not a trained anthropologist and much of his data came from newly
converted islanders (Van Baal 1971: 65). Regrettably, Codringtons views reflect
more about his own intellectual proclivities than accounting for the role mana
played in Melanesian life in the nineteenth century. In addition, Lehmann (1922)
and Firth (1967 [1940]) have challenged Codringtons interpretation of mana.
Lehmann questions Codringtons dogmatic interpretation that mana is only
concerned with the supernatural. He rejects any connection between mana and
the supernatural, and suggests that mana refers to issues of success and capability.
For Firth, mana only appears in pragmatic social contexts and in the
preponderance of situations only relates to the power and authority of chieftains,
whose relative success and efficacy are proof of their mana (cf. Van Baal 1971:
65-66). Furthermore, Philsooph (1971: 196-197) casts doubt on the logical
coherency of Codringtons assertions about mana, as he exaggerates his
statements and is confused whether mana is independent of its agents or not.
What is interesting is the fact that mana clearly had some currency in
academic circles before the publication of Codringtons book in 1891, as he
thanks Mller for expressing his ideas verbatim in a series of lectures in 1878.28
Codrington had sent Mller a letter, which in part reads:
There is a belief in a force altogether distinct from physical power, which acts in all kinds
of ways for good and evil, and which it is of the greatest advantage to possess or control.

28 Codrington published a rarely cited article on Melanesian religion in 1881, where his views on

mana (supernatural power) are fairly undeveloped and the concept is given cursory treatment.

33

This is ManaIt is a power or influence, not physical, and in a way supernatural; but it
shews itself in physical force, or in any kind of power or excellence which a man
possesses. This Mana is not fixed in anything, and can be conveyed in almost anything;
but spirits, whether disembodied souls or supernatural beings, have it and can impart it;
and it essentially belongs to personal beings to originate it, though it may act through the
medium of water, or a stone, or a bone. All Melanesian religion consists, in fact, in
getting this Mana for ones self, or getting it used for ones benefitall religion, that is, as
far as religious practices go, prayers and sacrifices.29 (Codrington 1891: 118-119 n.1)

Codrington translates mana in such as way as to solidify its connotations

as an otherworldly force.30 It is striking how similar his ideas on spirits are with
Tylors notion of anima (cf. Van Baal 1971: 65).31 In spite of this, Codrington
never indicates whether he is familiar with Tylors work, which was published
twenty years earlier. Tylor posited that the concept of anima encompassed all
notions of spiritual power. Codrington (1891: 191-195) states that the concept of

mana lies behind all natural and supernatural processes and it works through the
medium of spirits (tindalo). He declares that magical practices manipulate the
spirits so that they manifest their mana according to desire. Eminent humans,
especially chiefs and ghosts, and special objects possess mana. Consequently, they
are considered to be sacred or taboo by acting as efficacious vehicles of power
(Codrington 1891: 200). Rituals transfer mana and thereby serve to enhance the

mana of individuals. Human sacrifices grant mana to warriors, supposedly

29 Mller interpreted the concept of mana as the Melanesian word for the ultimate spiritual

reality (see Van Baal 1971: 25).

30 For example, spiritual power (Codrington 1891: 51), magical

power (1891: 90), ghostly

power (1891: 108), invisible power (1891: 191) or supernatural influence (1891: 103).
31 See Philsooph (1971: 201) for assessment of Tylors awareness of concepts like mana.

34

allowing them to become proficient fighters (Codrington 1891: 126, 135).

Individuals with mana can influence the natural and supernatural world. Mana is
thus the active force and ultimate principle behind the natural and supernatural
world for Melanesians. In fact, mana is a way of accounting for a surplus of
success, prosperity, fertility, prestige, and authority in daily life. Certain effects,
successes, and objects attest the amount of mana individuals possess. Van Baal
(1971: 64) states: It is as if to these Melanesians power, including human power,
is supernatural by nature.
What Codrington advances for Melanesian religion is an interlocking of
the notion of spirits, on the one hand, and the specialization of power or mana as
distinct from spirits, on the other. The notion of impersonal power thus supplants
Tylors minimal notion of personal anima, and magic is the only means by which
to access and control this order of reality. What Codrington further provides is a
level of rhetoric that inseparably weds the concepts of magic and power.
Following in the footsteps of Codrington, numerous anthropologists and students
of comparative religion would similarly discover with uncritical avidity
(Radin 1958: xv) general concepts of power (Philsooph 1971: 192-193).32 They
whole-heartedly applied the concept of mana to primitive notions that the world
can be manipulated to individual ends and it became thoroughly integrated into

32 See, for example, Dorsey (1894), McGee (1897), Hewitt (1902), Jones (1905), Fletcher (1911),

Hocart (1914, 1922), and Hogbin (1936). For a more negative critique of the symptomatic
nature of this rationalist methodology, see Van Baal (1971: 72). It is interesting to note that
Hewitt (1902: 46) concludes his article by equating the potency of the Sanskrit holy syllable
with the Iroquoian concept of orenda.

35

any discussions of magic by the turn of the twentieth century. Unfortunately, the
term mana ended up trivial and redundant. Scholars deployed it to substantiate
already held conclusions that magic was primarily concerned with the
manipulation of metaphysical power.
Frazer never modified his theory of magic to incorporate the term mana,
even though he was familiar with it in latter editions of his magnum opus.33 He
nevertheless characterized the efficacy of his two forms of sympathetic magic by a

mana-like allusion:
since both assume that things act on each other at a distance through a secret
sympathy, the impulse being transmitted from one to the other by means of what we may
conceive as a kind of invisible ether, not unlike that which is postulated by modern
science for a precisely similar purpose, namely, to explain how things can physically affect
each other through a space which appears to be empty. (Frazer 1922: 12, italics mine)

33 Frazer never mentions the term in the abridged edition of The Golden Bough (1922). In the

third edition of The Golden Bough (1911: 11), Frazer explicitly states in a footnote that Maretts
interpretation of mana represents for him the physical basis of magic. To quote Philsooph
(1971: 193): This modification is not however fundamental. It does not affect Frazers actual
treatment of magic and is chiefly a result of the influence of those who advocated the importance
of the concept of mana. For a brief discussion on Frazers views on magic and its lack of a
relationship with power or mana, see Philsooph (1971: 193), who has independently recognized
Frazers assertion about ether in the abridged edition. Philsooph also points out that the
resemblance between mana and ether was already adopted by mana proponents.

36

Frazer also spoke of the oscillating power of kings as taboo and like that of an
alternating current of electricity a metaphor that would have had some
resonance during the 1890s (see Fraser 1990: 59, 65).34
Therefore, in the early history of the study of religion, power was
intrinsically linked with the notion of magic. Moreover, magics sole purpose was
to utilize concrete principles to manipulate reality. Mana, like anima or
electricity, provided the necessary key to situate primitive theories within a
pseudo-scientific framework.35 We should nevertheless remember that nineteenth
century social sciences and anthropology were extensions of biological inquiry
and the quest for a natural history of humanity. Proponents of this view almost
automatically reduced social metaphors of power to pseudo-biological and
metaphysical principles that simultaneously existed in people, animals, and the
natural world. The overarching impact of the concept of mana would thus
resonate throughout most theories of magic, and mana would acquire a central

34 The explanatory models of cause and effect drawn from physics and modern inventions had a

profound impact on early social theorists such as Durkheim and Mauss, who readily adopted
notions of force and energy to explain indigenous notions of causality (Needham 1963: xxv n.1).
35 For a brief assessment of the shared characteristics of mana and electricity, see Herskovits

(1948: 356). While the theory of phlogiston, or the substance or principle supposed to be the cause
of combustion, was no longer current around the end of the nineteenth century (it was generally
abandoned by 1800), one wonders whether this theory influenced social theorists wanting to
ascribe to primitives a similar mistake in thinking. I should also note here that discourse on power
appears to have been a general yet unformulated cultural idiom or interpretative shorthand of
nineteenth century European scholarship. One need only look at Bhtlingk & Roths Sanskrit-

Wrterbuch (1855-75) or GrassmannsWrterbuch zum Rig-Veda (1976 [1873]).

37

place in the science of religion. This propelled anthropologists to locate the

concept of power within different ethnological contexts, while also prejudicing
their interpretative proclivities. It would moreover influence Indological research
well into the mid-twentieth century. Nevertheless, it is in the work of Mauss (1972
[1902-1903]) that the concept of mana would become fully incorporated into a
holistic theory of magic and any notion of spirits would take a secondary position
to power.

1.2.b. Magic and Mana: Mauss

Marcel Mauss (1872-1950) was the first scholar to interlock systematically the
concepts of magic and power in A General Theory of Magic (1972), first
published in 1902-1903.36 The original essay was written in conjunction with
Henri Hubert (1872-1927), who was never acknowledged in its English

36 Mauss uncle, mile Durkheim (1858-1917), was not overly interested in the laws of magic, and

he writes very little on magic per se (1915 [1912]: 42-47, 355-362). For Durkheim, religion and
magic were both connected with the sacred, but religion was communal, organized, and
benevolent, while magic was individual and malevolent (Durkheim 1915: 47; cf. Belier 1995: 170171). In LaCapras (1972: 252) words: Magicalmost seemed to imply a misappropriation of the
public fund of sacred values for private and particularistic interests. Durkheim posited that clanbased societies originally worshipped an impersonal and powerful force (the totemic principle)
that constituted the sacred and connected animate and inanimate phenomena. The totemic
principle reflects Tylors anima, and embodies Codringtons and Mauss interpretations of mana,

wakanda, manitou, and orenda (Durkheim 1915: 71-86, 188; cf. Morris 1987: 118; Pals 1996: 103).

38

translation.37 Mauss should thus be taken as shorthand for both authors when
this work is cited.38 It is important to note here that Mauss utilizes research from
mostly South Asian, Native American and Greek sources. Mauss was also an
accomplished Sanskritist, and ancient Indian texts provided primary source
material from which he constructed his universal theory of magic. His work was
further informed by the highly respected Indologist, Herman Oldenberg (18541920), who, as we will see, was one of the central figures to overlay an
interpretation of power on the Vedas. More importantly, the main evidence
Mauss employed for Brahman magic came from the Atharvaveda and its
ancillary literature.39 Mauss also admits that his ideas on Vedic magic were

37 A General Theory of Magic was originally published as Esquisse dun thorie gnrale de la

magie in the Anne sociologique; a journal initially edited by Durkheim and then after his death
by Mauss. Like Durkheim, Mauss was concerned with the nature and function of magic in socalled primitive societies around the world. Their collaboration, Primitive Classification (1963
[1901-1902]), elucidates the role of magic in the initiation of Australian magicians. For their
differences, see Belier (1995: 182).
38 The two scholars had worked together before on the function of sacrifice (Hubert & Mauss

1899). It is within this work that Hubert and Mauss begin to work with the concepts of energy and
force in religious rituals. For a brief assessment of this work, see Belier (1995: 172-173). Hubert
published an article on magic in the Dictionnaire des antiquits in 1902, in which he draws the first
real distinction between the nature of religion as social and legal, and magic as non-social and
illegal (Belier 1995: 174).
39 Mauss had access to most of the sources on the Atharvaveda that are still in use today, for

example, Roth & Whitney (1856), Bloomfield (1890, 1897), & Caland (1900). With the exception
of Roth, these scholars represent to date the primary interpreters of the Atharvaveda.

39

influenced by the Sanskritist Sylvain Lvi (1966 [1898]), who argued that brhman
was an impalpable and irresistible power which is releasedlike electricity.40
Mauss criticized Frazers dogmatism over the relationship between
sympathy and magic, as laws of sympathy did not always govern magic, and
religious practices can involve sympathetic principles (Mauss 1972: 11-13, 2021).41 Magic was nevertheless a kind of science governed by principles: it was a
gigantic variation on the theme of the principle of causality (Mauss 1972: 63).
Mauss thus took it upon himself to qualify and expand the laws of sympathetic
magic, yet he asserted that the laws of sympathy did not go far enough to explain
how magic was believed to work.42
The central thrust of Mauss argument is that the primary function of
magical rites is the manipulation of magical power, which is none other than

mana. Mauss is happy to lump all forms of power together and fill in the blanks of

40 Quoted in Strenski (1996: 34), who lays out the close ties between Lvi and Mauss.
41 According to Mauss, religion is public and magic is private and illicit (Mauss 1972: 23-24). This

view will hold sway for some time, yet we must acknowledge the fact that any distinction between
public or private spheres is extremely tenuous (Hammond 1970: 1351). For a brief assessment of
Mauss interpretation of magic and ritual, see Belmont (1982: 15-16). Drawing on Mauss work,
Sigmund Freud was especially interested in the neurotic and obsessive nature of magical rites (see
Belmont 1982: 17-18).
42 Mauss (1972: 64-74) avers that magical beliefs and practices operate according to laws of

contiguity (simultaneity/contagion), similarity (identity), and opposition (contrariety). His

interpretation of symbols, as they pertain to the laws of magic, is fairly unsophisticated and overly
literal (Mauss 1972: 71-72). For further presentation and criticism of Mauss views on magic, see
Van Baal (1971: 117-118), Belmont (1982: 18), and Belier (1995: 176).

40

one culture with another (Mauss 1972: 108-112ff.).43 What Mauss wants his
readers to believe is that behind every magical act, object, instrument, symbol,
and for that matter any sympathetic law is the unleashing of magical power
(Mauss 1972: 98-121):
We may well concludethat the formulas of sympathetic magic are not the laws of
magical rites nor even those of sympathetic rites. They are but the abstract expression of
very general notions which we have found to be diffused throughout magic. They are
nothing more. Sympathy is the route along which magical powers pass: it does not
provide magical power itself. In a magical rite the residue after the sympathetic formulas
have been abstracted provides us with the essential elements of magic. (Mauss 1972: 102)

Power is ultimately functional, tangible, and impersonal. Since magic

power makes the system work, it is compatible with modern notions of
mechanical force (Mauss 1972: 107). Moreover, because it is extrinsic to magical
items, power must be transferred to them (Mauss 1972: 103-104).44 Mauss thus
sets in stone a level of rhetoric about magic that will influence many subsequent
thinkers and represents one of the first manifestations of cultural dynamism as an
interpretative method. However, such formulations are overly concerned with the

43 Mauss draws directly on Codringtons interpretation of Melanesian mana and further employs

as many examples of power from other sources; such as, Assyrian mmit, Algonquin manitou,
Iroquois or Huron orenda, Sioux mahopa, Omaha Xube, Dakota wakan or wakanda, Central
American naual, Australian boolya, koochie, or arungquiltha, and finally Vedic brahman or akti.
Henceforth, mana should be read as shorthand for the above terms.
44 Mauss (1972: 103) notes: the magicians attitude towards these properties is very commonly

general and vague in the extreme. In India things have either a good or bad augury. Those with a
good augury are the ones containing urjas (power), tejas (brightness), varcas (lustre, vitality), etc.
Here we see the direct connection between Vedic power terms, mana, and magic.

41

internal mechanics of power and display little interest in how power was actually
conceptualized in specific cultural contexts (Hammond 1970: 1352).45 In addition,
Norbeck (1963: 510) asserts that in many accounts of magical or ritual belief and
practice no explicit conception of power exists and practitioners of magic display
no interest in such notions. If Durkheim has been charged with deifying society
rather than the savage, then in the same way Mauss makes power the ultimate
concern of magic.46 Mauss summarizes his position thus:
From the foregoing, we feel justified in concluding that a concept, encompassing the idea
of magical power, was once found everywhere. It involves the notion of automatic
efficacy. At the same time as being a material substance which can be localized, it is also
spiritual. It works at a distance and also through a direct connexion, if not by contact. It is

45 For criticism of assertions that reduce mana to impersonal force and thereby reduce magic to a

formalized system of control, see Hammond (1970: 1351-1352), & Philsooph (1971). As
Hammond (1970: 1352) states: In much of the writing the terms most frequently associated with
magic are impersonal, mechanical, automatic, compulsive, coercive, efficient, learned
techniques, and acquired skills. Such associations indicate that usage gives more weight to the
employment of power than to the nature of its power.
46 In his The Sociology of Religion (1963 [1922]), Max Weber (1864-1920) was primarily

concerned with the development of magical and religious institutions. For him, basic religious
phenomena are inherently magical and magic represents the earliest form of religion. Most
modern religions contain magical elements, except Protestantism, which completely purged magic
(see Cunningham 1999: 9-13). Weber theorizes that magic and charisma are intrinsically related
concepts. Underlying the notion of charisma is spiritual force. Magic thus manipulates spiritual
force (e.g., demons). Morris (1987: 69-70) points out that Webers notion of charisma parallels
other concepts of supernatural power, such as mana. Although Weber never fully defines magic,
OKeefe argues that a statement like the routinization of charisma serves this purpose (OKeefe
1982: 10). Thus, the charismatic leader is firstly a magician and new religions start out as magical
institutions.

42

mobile and fluid without having to stir itself. It is impersonal and at the same time
clothed in personal forms. It is divisible yet whole. Our own ideas about luck and
quintessence are but weak survivals of this much richer concept. As we have seen, as well
as being a force, it is also a milieu, a world separated frombut still in touch withthe
other. In order to explain more clearly how the world of magic is superimposed on the
other world without detaching itself from it, we might go further and add that everything
happens as if it were part of a fourth spatial dimension. An idea like mana expresses, in a
way, this occult existence.

The process by which Mauss formulates his grand theory of magic is

specious at best. He takes anthropological data at face value. He accepts the
sweeping generalizations made about various forms of power from disparate
cultures. He then tries to theorize how the anthropological interpretations can be
valid, on the one hand, while criticizing indigenous thought patterns, on the other.
After taking extraordinary pains to describe the relationship between magic and
power, Mauss disparagingly concludes that power is the most simplistic
explanatory device (Mauss 1972: 104). Nevertheless, because it is such a
heterogeneous term, mana cannot be subject to any logical analysis and it further
allows people to project their subjective ideas into reality, albeit in delusion
(Mauss 1972: 122-127). The use of mana by primitive peoples underscores
primitive errors of interpreting psychological experiences. Consequently, mana
only serves to highlight primitive wish fulfillment. According to Mauss, the
concept of power is utterly malleable and vague, even to its users (or more
correctly to nineteenth century anthropologists). Given this fact, power is an
imprecise and confused concept, which irrational, habitual, and childlike

43

practitioners of magic completely accept because it suits their collective needs,

desires, and prejudices.
Lvi-Strauss (1987 [1950]: 53) ardently defends Mauss on this point:
conceptions of the mana type are so frequent and so widespread that it is appropriate
to wonder whether we are not dealing with a universal and permanent form of thought,
which, far from characterising certain civilisations, or archaic or semi-archaic so-called
stages in the evolution of the human mind, might be a function of a certain way that the
mind situates itself in the presence of things, which must therefore make an appearance
whenever that mental situation is given.

Lvi-Strauss (1987: 63-64) nevertheless suggests that any notion of universal

power must be taken as pure symbol or possessing no symbolic value: it is empty
of meaning, a floating signifier. His point here is that mana can only be
understood in the context of its symbolic relationships with other categories of
thought. Power acts as a universal explanatory device that, according to primitive
logic, adequately resolves any discrepancies of thought between the signifier and
signified. The notion of power is therefore able to connect and make intelligible
other symbols, which would normally be disparate and unconnected.
Lvi-Strauss believes that his formulation of power undercuts past
interpretations of magic as somehow distinct from other forms of human activity.
It makes magic part of other symbolic actions that resolve the same incongruities
in thought, such as ritual.47 Pocock (1972: 4) best summarizes Lvi-Strauss

47 For an assessment of Lvi-Strauss interpretation of magic, see Barnes (1979). Douglas (1978)

discusses the differences between Frazer and Lvi-Strauss. In addition, Douglas (1978: 160)
reiterates Leachs (1970: 49) remark: Lvi-Strauss uses much the same analytical methods as

44

position here: Rituals do what words cannot say: in act black and white can be
mixed; the young man is made an adult; spirit and man can be combined or
separated at will. Indeed actions speak louder than words. In contrast, Mehlman
(1972: 17) states that Lvi-Strauss constructed the concept of the floating
signifier to explain the conjectured incoherence of primitive thought. With this
in hand, he is able to justify Mauss loose interpretation of mana and his method
of explaining belief in a subjective yet universally intelligible sense. Thus, LviStrauss is less concerned with magic and more with protecting his mentors thesis.
Boyer (1986: 52) further challenges Lvi-Strauss assertion about the linguistic
function of mana:
The idea the mana-terms are used to denote anything flies in the face of the facts; manaterms are precisely not used in that way; they cannot be used as a joker in card games,
even when one actually needs a linguistic joker; their actual use is limited to certain
cases.48

The problem with Lvi-Strauss acceptance of the universal nature of

power can be further undermined with regard to the gveda, where individual
power terms appear in limited symbolic relations, semantic fields, and social

Frazer, emphasizing resemblance and contiguity, though he calls them metaphor and metonym,
while Frazer calls them similarity and contagion.
48 Boyer (1986) argues that the Fang word evur, which shares certain mana characteristics,

appears in three distinct forms of discourse; common, gossip, and that of specialists, which also
highlight the specific ways in which the term is employed and understood. Furthermore, Boyer
(1986: 60, cf. 63-64) calls for the study of such words in their specific cultural and historical
contexts: Mana-notions can be called empty because there seems to be no definition of them
available but it remains to explain how people can use such apparently meaningless terms to refer
to things. For a similar assessment of mana, see Douglas (1966: 109-113).

45

usages. The relationship between the signifier and the signified is far more
constrained in usage than Lvi-Strauss allows. I suspect this is true for all forms of
power, if they were studied in detail within their cultural and historical contexts.
Like most proponents of power, Lvi-Strauss essentialist definition of mana is so
elastic that it denies any situational logic or specifics, and ends up excluding
nothing from its semantic field.
Interestingly, Lvi-Strauss accused Mauss and Durkheim of attributing to

mana connotations of mysterious power or secret force simply because it suited

their theories. He critically stated that the notion of universal power only exists
with respect to the relationship it constructs. It is a purely social sentiment that
explains, unites, and manipulates various phenomena. He subsequently asserted
that power does not illuminate phenomena, but simply participates in them. This
last assertion is problematic. In the Vedic context, specific phenomena are
associated with certain power terms because the power terms constrain the
meaning and function of the phenomena. Thus, power terms define the
phenomena with which they are associated and signal their importance in Vedic
culture. There is no universal and meaningless concept of power in the early
Vedic context.
It is important to acknowledge that concepts such as mana vary in
meaning according to their cultural contexts. We cannot deploy them
indiscriminately. While referring to the work of scholars who explained magic by
way of a generic power concepts and dynamism, Grambo (1975: 80) aptly states:

46

Let us admit the sad fact that we cannot yet formulate any adequate definition about
magic, taboo or mana that can have a general validity. Many definitionsare too
dogmatic, too formulaic and academic in the worst sense of the word to be taken
seriouslyWhat should now be done is to analyze the concept of magic within restricted
culture areas. It is surely a more modest task than to try to formulate all-sweeping
definitions of magic.

Philsooph (1971: 201) preempts this line of thought with a caustic attack
against theorists who employ the term mana:
On the whole, however, the advocates of the concept of mana mystified primitive magicoreligious beliefs, and this can be seen, among other things, in their treatment of the spell
and the contagious aspect of the supernatural. The concept of mana, that is, the notion of
a supernatural power which is quasi-physical and independent of conscious agents is a
reification and a mystification. It is not a discovery of anthropology but an illusion of the
observer. Anthropology has made so many genuine contributions to the study of man
that it need not take pride in this concept. The theorists of the concept of mana have
built on sand because they have not sufficiently observed a fundamental methodological
rule according to which the first-stage study of a set of beliefs should consist in a
thorough investigation of the actors own conscious formulation of those beliefs. 49

Tambiah (1968) further undermines the focus on mana as the most fundamental
aspect of magic, because scholars such as Mauss fail to appreciate the symbolic
meanings and nuances of magical thought and practice and the numerous

49 Philsooph (1971: 199) aptly obverses that like mana, political power is contagious and

transmissible through individuals and objects, and thus people want to be in contact with animate
or inanimate objects that have political significance: But in spite of this, political power is not
generally conceived of as a physical substance floating in the air. Philsooph (1971: 200) continues
to state that mana is not a concrete entity and thus when it is associated with objects, which
become tokens of mana, or conferred on individuals, then, like political power, it is only done in a
symbolic manner.

47

refractions involved in understanding the internal logic and semantic

frameworks of magic systems. Therefore, power cannot be set apart from the
complex system of symbolic references and social and political realities that
reflect and reproduce cultural and individual ideals and identities.

1.2.c. Catharsis and Wish Fulfillment: Marett and Malinowski

The theories outlined so far were not without their contemporary critics. Robert
R. Marett (1866-1943), Lucien Lvy-Bruhl (1857-1939), and, most vehemently,
Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942) proposed their own interpretations of magic
and power. Marett hypothesized that the initial stage of human religious
evolution is pre-animistic a direct attack on Tylor.50 Primitives express fear,
admiration, wonder or awe at the supernatural, which is objectified and
personalized. The concept of mana encompassed such indistinct notions of awe,
which resided at the core of religious and magical experience. 51 Nevertheless,

50 Maretts primary work, The Threshold of Religion, is a collection of essays written between

1899 and 1914. The first edition was published in 1909 and an enlarged second edition was
published in 1914. It is interesting to note that Marett (1936) wrote a pseudo-biography cum
critical synopsis of Tylor.
51 Maretts views on mana are contained in the essay The Conception of Mana (1914: 99-121).

He recognizes that his views on mana have been influence by Codrington (1891), Hubert & Mauss
(1902-1903), and Hewitts (1902) essay Orenda and a Definition of Religion, where the scholar
claims that primitives believe magic manipulates the mystic potency orenda, which exists in all
phenomena and is personalized. For criticism of Hewitt, see Van Baal (1971: 71). What is even
more interesting is that Marett employs strong energy metaphors for mana, for example, Like
energy, mana may be dormant or potential (1914: 112); Mana is always mana, supernatural

48

Marett expressed little interest in the contextual use of mana, so long as an

experience of the emotional value thereby signified can otherwise be shown to be
present. (Marett 1914: xxxi, cf. 99-121) For Marett, then, any notion of
supernatural power represented an emotional and religious attitude of awe
toward whatever was perceived as mysterious, and when mana was moralized, it
represented the essence of developed religion. Magic was merely an explosive
release of pent-up violent or passionate emotions that left the magician feeling
gratified. These emotions were usually expressed through contrived and
formulaic mediums such as spells. For Marett, magic was thus individual
catharsis. At the heart of magic is the pursuit of individual desires and wish
fulfillment. This sense of power existed behind social restrictions and thereby
instilled fear in humans. The magician believed that the psychological effect was
manifest in reality. Consequently, magic attempted to control the dynamic forces
that governed the universe.
As we will see, Maretts thesis enabled certain schools of thought to posit
that religion is ultimately concerned with the experience of an overwhelming
universal power mana was no longer reserved for the domain of magic.
Maretts hypothesis thus altered the way in which scholars understood religion
and magic. The two cultural categories were no longer distinct, and both were
placed in the mental realm, which was typically irrational and unstable. The

power, differing in intensityin voltage, so to speakbut never in essence; animism splits up into
more or less irreducible kinds, notably soul, spirit, and ghost. (1914: 119) Kruyt (1918-1920)
also explains magic power in Indonesia by way of electrical analogies.

49

previous ontological status given to power was reduced to the psychological

sphere. Religion and magic were only intelligible as emotional responses to
individual or collective experiences of awe in nature. Moreover, the original stage
of human evolution was one of frailty, illogicality, and childlike mentality. At the
heart of our forebears psychological makeup lay fear and naivety.52
In addition, Maretts methodology would increasingly characterize
primitive thought with the term dynamism.53 To quote Van Baal at length (1971:
74):

52 As a direct attack on Christianity, David Hume (1711-1776) proposed that the original catalyst

for all forms of religion was superstition and fear. For a more modern take on this line of thinking,
see Guthrie (1993).
53 In the introduction to the second edition, Marett (1914: xxx)

recognizes that others have

classified pre-animism as dynamistic. He concludes somewhat condescendingly (1914: xxxii):

Thus there will be found attributed to the sacred and divine now the impersonal nature of a
force, as in dynamism; now a living nature in which the body and its indwelling life are not
distinguished, as in animatism; now a nature of a dual kind, in which the body is subordinated to
an independent animating principle, as in animism; now a nature as of a living man, only crowned
with transcendent personality, as in anthropomorphic theism: which attributions will tend to
overlap, and, at any rate as they occur in the confused thought of savages, will correspondingly
defy precise analysis. It is important to note here the work of the Dutch missionary Albert C.
Kruyt (1869-1949), who worked on the relationship between (what he called) soul-substance
(zielestof) and magic in Indonesia, and whose theories are heavily dynamistic (Kruyt originally
uses the term levensflude, life-fluid, but adopted Chantepie de la Saussayes zielestof
formulation). Kruyt (1906, 1914, 1918-1920) dismisses Maretts psychological-cum-emotional
interpretation of religion and magic. He offers a rationalistic thesis, not unlike Frazer or Mauss,
that the primary goal of religion is the increase of soul-substance (in his case head-hunting and the
acquisition of skulls as the primary source of such power). This view influenced scholars such as
Elshout (1926), Hutton (1938), Izikowitz (1941), Schmitz (1960), and Jensen (1963 [1951]): the

50

Mana, presented by Marett as the product of a notion of awe, a term covering the
manifestations or mysterious or supernatural poweris here turned into an energy
subject to rationally calculated manipulation. The rules of its manipulation are fixed by a
specific doctrine, the doctrine of dynamism, a term first proposed (at least as far as I am
aware) by Van Gennep in his Rites de Passage. Dynamism is the doctrine preceding
the doctrine of animism. We note, however, that it is only too evident that the doctrine of
dynamism does not reflect the ideas fostered by the poor dynamists themselves, because
they are supposed to be unaware of their real motives. The doctrine pays very little
attention to what primitive people think themselves. In fact the doctrine is hardly more
than a simple, heuristic principle applied by rationalist westerners to explain in their own
terms what is unintelligible to them in the behaviour of primitive people. The use of this
principle reveals more about the opinions of the authors than of the way of thinking of
primitive people.54

Maretts work nonetheless represents a crossroads in the evolution of

magic theories between the older metaphysical arguments and the performative
and phenomenological approaches that would follow. His recognition of
psychological or emotional motives is significant, though subsequent scholars

last two scholars modify the term soul-substance to Schpfungskraft or creation-power. For a
succinct account and criticism of Kruyt, Jensen, and Schmitz, see Van Baal (1971: 71-75). For a
brief assessment of other dynamistic interpretations of magic, see Grambo (1975: 77-78). For a
convincing refutation of Kruyts dynamism in relation to head-hunting, see Needham (1976).
54 While Van Genneps Les Rites de Passage was published in 1909, the word dynamism (Greek

dynamis, power) has a much older history. Dynamism refers to philosophical systems or theories
that account for the workings of the universe by some immanent force or energy. Dynamism was a
term current for much of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and owes a good deal of its
weight to the philosophy of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibnitz (1646-1716), who proposed that the
ultimate elements of the universe are individual beings called monads, which are centers of force,
and all substance involves force. It is interesting to note that, prior to Leibnitz, Johannes Kepler
(1571-1630) constructed a cosmology wherein God is simply diffuse creative energy, the source of
which is located in the sun. For a summary of Van Genneps work, see Cunningham (1999: 58-59).

51

tend to misappropriate it (Van Baal 1971: 70-71). Before we can consider the
impact that these developments had on the interpretations of the power terms in
Vedic literature, we must evaluate the most immediate chronological response to
Mauss and Marett.
Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942) voiced one of the few arguments
against the entrenched formulation that magic and power were intrinsically
related concepts. In Magic, Science and Religion (1955), an essay first published
in 1925,55 Malinowski fervently rejects the assumption that at the root of magical
principles are generic powers, such as mana. He directly attacks Preuss,56 Mauss,
and Marett by asserting: There is no more fallacious guide of knowledge than
language, and in anthropology the ontological argument is specially dangerous.
(Malinowski 1955: 78, cf. 19-20) He employs the term magical virtue for any
notion that might account for the efficacy of magic. Magical virtue always plays an
important albeit highly circumscribed role in magical practices, and material
objects associated with it are of a strictly appropriate character (Malinowski 1955:
73).57 To quote Malinowski (1955: 76-77) at length:

55 In this same year Mauss published his most famous and influential work,

Essai sur le Don or

The Gift, in which he argues that magic plays a role in ritual trade and law (see Mauss 1954
[1925]). It is also interesting to note that Malinowski became interested in anthropology partly
due to reading Frazers The Golden Bough (see Cunningham 1999: 28-30).
56 For a summary of Preuss (1869-1938) and his view on Zauberkraft (magic power), see Van

Baal (1971: 75-77, 91-93).

57 With regard to concrete items involved in magic, MacDonald (1995: 150-151) asserts that we

should pay special attention to their material nature and its significance, rather than to powers or
qualities supposed to be infused in them. Cf. Tambiah (1968: 193-194), who states: The logic

52

Thus, the force of magic is not a universal force residing everywhere, flowing where it will
or it is willed to. Magic is the one and only specific power, a force unique of its kind,
residing exclusively in man, let loose only by his magical art, gushing out with his voice,
conveyed by the casting forth of the riteThe obvious result of this is that all the theories
which lay mana and similar conceptions at the basis of magic are pointing altogether in
the wrong direction. For if the virtue of magic is exclusively localized in man, can be
wielded by him only under very special conditions and in a traditionally prescribed
manner, it certainly is not a force such as the one described by Dr. Codrington: This

mana is not fixed in anything and can be conveyed in almost anything. Mana also acts
in all ways for good and evilshows itself in physical force or in any kind and excellence
which a man possesses. Now it is clear that this force as described by Codrington is
almost the exact opposite of the magical virtue as found embodied in the mythology of
savages, in their behavior, and in the structure of their magical formulas. For the real
virtue of magic, as I know it from Melanesia, is fixed only in the spell and in its rite, and it
cannot be conveyed in anything, but can be conveyed only by its strictly defined
procedure. It never acts in all ways, but only in ways specified by tradition. It never
shows itself in physical force, while its effect upon the powers and excellences of man are
strictly limited and defined.

If power is ascribed a universal or generic role in certain cultures, then

according to Malinowski, it cannot have anything to do with magical virtue. He
equates mana with Durkheims totemic principle and concludes that if primitive
societies interact with power, then they are interacting with a symbol of the
collective (Malinowski 1955: 21-22). The generic notion of power has no
connection to the situational, contextual, and specific function of magic. Magical
virtue is intrinsic to spells, whereas mana is independent of its agents. For this

guiding the selection of these articles is not some mysterious magical force that inheres in them;
they are selected on the basis of their spatio-temporal characters like size and shape and their
sensible properties like colour and hardness which are abstract concepts and which are given
metaphorical values in the Trobriand scheme of symbolic classification.

53

reason, mana and the virtue of magic share little similarity. Magic only relates to
individuals and encompasses their expressive or emotional needs. It cannot have
developed from the application of an abstract universal power to real situations
(Malinowski 1955: 78ff.). Philsooph (1971: 194) points out that, despite his
assertions, Malinowskis notion of magical virtue and standard interpretations of

mana are nearly identical.58 For this reason, as much as he tries, Malinowski fails
to present us with a new or more profound interpretation of the role of power in
magical practices.59
It is important to consider briefly Malinowskis wider views on magic as
they continue to affect interpretations of ritual behaviour, on the one hand, and
power, on the other. Unlike Lvy-Bruhl (1926 [1910]), who proposed that
primitive thought is unable to make distinctions between substance, attribute,

58 Philsooph (1971: 194) states: Mana and magical virtue are fundamentally similar to each other.

Both are impersonal powers, both reside in the spell, and both serve to deny the relation between
the spell and any conscious agents which could be inferred. It is worthy of note that, in his later
writings, Malinowski himself uses the terms magical virtue and mana interchangeably.
59 Malinowski (1922: 424) mentions briefly that the Trobriand term megwa refers to supernatural

power residing in the spell. For criticism of Malinowskis notion of magical virtue/force and its
latent associations with mana, see Philsooph (1971: 192), who states: It is undoubtedly true that
for the Trobrianders the spell is important, but it is questionable whether this importance is
believed to be intrinsic. To say that verbal expression is a major element in oratory is one thing,
and to say that this element is in itself powerful is another. It would appear that Malinowski does
not give any convincing evidence for this thesis, and is indeed projecting the thesis on to the
actors. Cf. also Evans-Pritchard (1937: 623), who states that the spell plays no significant role in
Zande magic and thus functions in direct opposition to Malinowskis characterization of
Trobriand beliefs. Cf. Tambiah (1990: 73-74, 80-81), & Philsooph (1971: 191-192).

54

cause and effect (his influential pre-logical mentality), Malinowski suggested

that primitive culture, as seen in the Trobriand Islands, is characterized by a
sliding scale from rational to irrational. Practical activities and the rational
application of knowledge represent the profane, while cultic practices and beliefs,
such as magic, represent the sacred. Trobriand Islanders realize the importance
of employing sophisticated techniques in their gardening, boat building, and
fishing endeavours, among other activities.60 Malinowski thus makes an important
assumption: all humans are inherently reasonable and practical agents, and most
forms of behaviour are directed towards mental and physical needs.61 This is an
important step forward for anthropology and the science of religion.
However, in order to mediate the unforeseeable, such as natural disasters
or bad luck, primitive people employ magic.62 Where knowledge and skill entail
predictable and safe situations no magic will be found, but in situations of danger
and uncertainty the extensive use of magic appears, such as deep-sea fishing and

60 Leach (1957: 129) comments: In seeking to prove that Trobriand savages are not really savages

after all, he endeavours to impose upon them a precision of mental classification such as is
ordinarily demanded only of professional logicians.
61 Cf. Leach (1957: 119-137), Nadel (1957: 189-208), & Tambiah (1990: 66-67).
62 Tambiah (1990: 72) takes Malinowski to task here by underscoring the social value of gift giving

and ostentation placed on gardening, which highlights the social rather than technical side of
magical practices. In other words, we have to look more at the social valuations and social
imperatives which indicate which of a societys economic activities are important to it, and to
relate that societys rituals and ceremonials to its anticipations and anxieties in the realization of
social values rather than to insufficiencies presented by raw nature or by technology.

55

warfare (Malinowski 1955: 30-31).63 Magic essentially instills confidence,

optimism, and security in people in uncertain, dangerous, and emotional
situations. Primitive people nevertheless discard magical practices when
knowledge prevails. Magic and many types of rituals are thus a universal human
response to desires and wish fulfillment.64 Ritual practices alleviate crises by
filling in the gaps and circumventing the impasses of personal or collective
knowledge. They instill confidence, courage, and integrity in these situations
(Malinowski 1955: 90).65 Magic, then, is nothing more than collective belief in the
cathartic or encouraging power of a ritual performance or rite (cf. Nadel 1957:
197).66

63 For a criticism of this position, see Tambiah (1990: 72), who points out the Malinowski failed to

recognize the ritual importance of sharks in Trobriand life. Malinowski rightly states that magic is
employed at appropriate times and places, rather than haphazardly. Cf. Malinowski (1935).
Langer (1942) expressed a similar view in the case of seasonal rites, that is, they do not cause rain
or prosperous harvests as such, but demarcate the natural course of events.
64 Banner (1990: 70-78) suggests that the expressive nature of magical acts is not an attempt at

wish fulfillment, but are rather an observation about the human condition. Banner (1990: 84-88)
rightly concludes that while an expressive interpretation provides an excellent method by which to
understand magic, it must only be one method among many in order to account for the motives
and actions of real people in diverse cultural situations. However, for criticism of the expressive or
instrumental interpretation of magic, see Bell (1992: 70-71).
65 For example, magic (white) and counter magic (black) represent a play of desire and counter-

desire, of ambition and spite, of success and envy (Malinowski 1955: 85). Nadel (1957: 194-195)
criticizes Malinowskis interpretations of black magic and sorcery, as the latter failed to consider
evilly used magic as a sociological or ethical issue, rather than just psychological.
66 Tambiah (1990: 72) refers to this process as anxiety reduction or compensatory action. In a

separate article, Tambiah (1968: 200) heavily criticizes Malinowski for arguing that magic is a

56

For Malinowski (1955: 38), then, magic is goal driven and represents a
means to an end.67 Through simple standardized mental and practical techniques
magic is supposed to cause certain definite effects (Malinowski 1955: 69-92).68
The emotional responses of the magician are of utmost importance to appreciate
in magical rites, for example, black magic is typically characterized by anger, fury,
and hatred. In the same vein as Marett, Malinowski asserts that the dramatic
expression of emotions is the essence of magic. 69 The fundamental element that
conveys emotions in magical rites is the spell. The formulaic utterance of spells
lies at the core of any magical performance. The spell is essentially an act of
mimicry as the magician verbalizes the desired goal and impersonates natural

product of mans limitations of thought, of gaps in his empirical knowledge, that it is objectively
absurd but has a subjective pragmatic rationale as an anxiety-queller. He thus reduced a highly
formalised and structured system to the spontaneous expression of emotion with no intellectual
content. It would be more in line with his evidence to say that Trobriand magic is a testimony to
the creativity of thought, that its logic is an anticipatory effect.
67 In other works, Malinowski argues that magic encourages trade (Malinowski 1922), mediates

social interactions (Malinowski 1926, 1929, 1935), and has its own specialized language
(Malinowski 1949). Magic and myth are intrinsically related (Malinowski 1969), and miracles
confirm magic (Malinowski 1927). For a detailed account of Malinowskis arguments and their
importance in anthropology, see Firth (1957).
68 This reductionist formulation allows Malinowski to posit that in knowing one spell or rite, you

are able to understand all forms of magic from every culture in time and space (see Nadel 1957:
190-191).
69 For a further assessment of Malinowskis take on emotions, myth, and magic, see Barnes

(1979).

57

phenomena.70 In addition, the emotive and expressive characteristics of magic

underlie any laws of sympathy (Malinowski 1955: 71-72).71 In Tambiahs words,
magic for Malinowski is meaningful performance that relates to symbolic
activity (Tambiah 1990: 22, 42ff., 65-83).
While Malinowski presents us with an important functionalist
interpretation of magic, he nevertheless reduces magic to a simple pragmatic
belief system or psychological device, which in reality applies to various forms of
propaganda or invigorating speech.72 Mary Douglas (1966: 59) sarcastically
questions how Malinowski could have reduced magic to a form of stress relief: a
kind of poor mans whiskey, used for gaining conviviality and courage against
daunting odds. Consequently, Malinowskis understanding of magic is highly
subjective and fails to explain the sociological importance of magical knowledge
and rules (Nadel 1957: 197).73

70 See Van Beek (1975: 69 n.6) for a summary of Goodes (1951) eleven characteristics of magical

rites, which are formulated in the same vein as Malinowski, yet slightly modified.
71 As Nadel (1957: 191-192) points out, Malinowski rightly observes that the belief in the efficacy

of magic in part derives from inherited myths, which are constantly re-invented, yet projected as
timeless.
72 Malinowskis Functionalism set itself in opposition to Durkheims collective effervescence

by positing an individualistic pragmatic psychology (Tambiah 1990: 65). Leach (1957: 127)
states: Malinowskis biggest guns are always directed against notions that might be held to imply
that, in the last analysis, the individual is not a personality on his own possessing the capacity for
free choice based in reason.
73 Bourdieu (1977: 116) rightly suggests that the metonymic relationships set up between humans,

their desires, and the physical or supernatural world serve only to foster specific and imitative
modes of ritual and practical behaviour (mimesis). Bourdieu highlights this point by referring to

58

Moreover, at the heart of the issue are questions over the rationality of
magic, or many forms of ritual activity for that matter. Put simply, how can people
believe in magic and its claims to efficacy in the face of experience?74
Malinowskis research sparked fifty years of heated debates over the rationality of
magic, which finally faded out with a recognition that it was the wrong question to
ask in the first place.75 Van Baal (1971: 69) has made a rather scathing remark
with regard to this issue: Primitive people know as well as we do that a wish is

a fertility rite, which connects cooking grain, pregnancy, and germination. Strathern (1996: 28)
clarifies it by citing an example from Malinowski (1935): when a Trobriand garden magician
mimics the actions of yams growing in a garden and says, The belly of my garden swells, he
transfers the scheme of pregnancy in the human body over to the scheme of garden fertility,
thereby setting up a correspondence that reenergizes both contextsWhat is involved here is not
just symbolic action based on metaphor but also the bringing together of two separate spheres,
which thereby become cosmically fused.
74 As Bourdieu (1977: 115) so nicely observes: Rites take place

because and only because they

find their raison dtre in the conditions of existence and dispositions of agents who cannot afford
the luxury of logical speculation, mystical effusions, or metaphysical anxiety. It is not sufficient to
ridicule the more naive forms of functionalism in order to have done with the question of the
practical function of practiceBut, contrary to appearances, scarcely more understanding is
derived from a structural analysis which ignores the specific functions of ritual practices and fails
to inquire into the economic and social conditions of the production of the dispositions generating
both these practices and also the collective definition of the practical functions in whose service
they function.
75 For many of the central articles, see Bryan Wilsons edited volume Rationality (1971). The

arguments continue in Horton & Finnegan (1973), Hollis & Lukes (1982), and Agassi & Jarvie
(1987). For an insightful summation of the basic assumptions and problems made by many of
those involved in the rationality debates, see Lukes (1971: 194-213). For a similar summary, cf.
Bunge (1987). For criticism of the use of the word rational in these debates, see Buchowski
(1986) & Banner (1990).

59

not fulfilled by wishing more ardently, and that fair words butter no parsnips.76
The point is that scholars must be wary of psychological interpretations that
promote the specious thesis of risk management, stress relief, or even supposed
notions of ritual efficacy. We are at a loss to adopt meaningful conceptualizations
of ritual practices and power unless we are critical of their associations with
universally applied emotional, (meta-)physical, or existential concerns.77 This
kind of functionalism relegates indigenous worldviews about religion, ritual,
magic, and power to a secondary if not inconsequential position, simply because
magic, and for that matter most types of rituals, are underpinned by emotional
and psychological responses. For this reason, rituals of all kinds only become
intelligible when understood as collective performances, that is, every one has to

76 Belmont (1982: 18) offers a similar criticism in relation to Tylor and Frazers insistence that

magic is mistaken science: for agrarian rituals exist alongside agrarian techniques. People must
therefore have been perfectly capable of telling technical effectiveness from magical
effectiveness. Cf. also Evans-Pritchard (1933, 1937, 1956) & Horton (1971: 131-171). For
criticism of Horton, see Beattie (1971: 263). Cf. Jarvie (1971: 59-61). Barnes (1979: 119) points out
that practitioners of magic readily defend their endeavours as based on legitimate scientific
knowledge. See also Winch (1971: 100-106), Lukes (1971: 203-206), & Hollis (1971: 214-220). In a
similar vein, Beattie supports Evans-Pritchards (1933, 1965) refutation of Frazers laws of
sympathy, which if taken to their extreme would be chaotic and nonsensical. Beattie (1971: 245)
states that when a practitioner was making magic he was performing a rite, not applying laws of
nature, however dimly apprehended. Cf. Buchowski (1986: 160ff.).
77 Banner (1990: 81-83) concurs: religion and magic often concern those areas of peoples lives

over which there is no technical control, such as death, major illness, and the elements. The total
inappropriateness or futility of technical endeavour in dealing with these problems directly may
argue that a supplement to technical skill is just what is required. At this frontier the utility of
human technology ends, and there begins the appeal to spirits, saints, and gods.

60

hold the same beliefs about the efficacy of the rite in order for that efficacy to be
enacted, staged, or held as true.78 In many cases, this basically implies that people
simply delude themselves in the face of experience. Evaluating the mental states
supposedly underlying the motives of practitioners of rituals, including those
deemed magic, is therefore an unproductive and problematic method.
It is a crucial point to remember that no matter how convincing magic or
ritual practices may be, no matter how internally coherent its mechanisms are at
persuading its user of its ability to affect reality, no matter how cogent ritual
rhetoric is at conveying efficacy, individuals and groups internalize, act upon, and
live with the consequences of real actions in real world situations. Moreover,
often the explicit statements made in ritualized activity such as magic are taken
far too literally, and many scholars are unable to account for the ethical, social,
and symbolic subtexts underlying ritual language and practices. While it is very
important to appreciate the way in which ritual rhetoric functions to impart
rational belief, rhetoric does not, and cannot, affect reality it would be
ludicrous to think otherwise.79 What cogent rhetoric does do is serve to make

78 Tambiah (1968: 200-201) states: The Trobrianders practise prospective magic because they

have engaged in systemically conceived activities in the past and because they intend to engage in
them in the future. But when fate does withhold the regularity of events, when pigs run away into
the bush, when drought strikes or when canoes prove unseaworthy, they resort to a retrospective
system of evil magicwith which to re-order their experience and come to terms with failure. As
with all classic types of witchcraft, the Trobriand system deals with misfortunes ex post, not in
terms of laws of nature but in terms of deviation from an ideal order of social relations.
79 This is apparent in the recent work on tantric mantras by Yelle (2003), who presents us with a

very useful theory of spells, although it is not the semiotic panacea he claims it to be. Yelle fails to

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ones conviction to action all the more ardent and justified. To abstract the speech
act (read: spell, mantra, hymn, etc.) from the very act of being spoken, to analyze
its structure apart from its performative and practical relations, the context of its
performance, and the status and intentions of its various performers, is to
promote a form of social reductionism. Such reductionism carries little
interpretative validity for the lives of real individuals, the structures of social
groups, and the significance of their institutions and ideologies.
The very fact that magic and many types of rituals are constantly
interpreted as attempting to bring about specific concrete ends that magic is
goal driven and that its practitioners are wholly committed to the efficacy of
their rites as the sole motivating factor of their intentions only forces us into the
interpretative corner of trying to explain the psychological makeup of the users of
magic or ritual participants. Without ethnographic research, we simply do not
have access to what people believed, felt, or experienced (cf. Sangren 1987: 230).
Moreover, social and historical issues often influence and produce individual
belief and identity. People are products of their complex social realities, and are
constantly engaged in dialogue with these realities, and vice versa. Simply put,
people do many things at once and often their reasons for doing these things are
far more complicated than simply a matter of belief, and often they are not aware
of many of the social, economic, and political reasons that motivate them to
provide details of the social, economic, political, and historical contexts of medieval Tantra and its
rituals. Moreover, because he is unable to account for the actual effects the mantras are supposed
to have in the real world, he puts forth the notion of virtual efficacy, which does little to address
the larger social and historical questions surrounding the use of mantras.

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participate. Let us thus admit that in most cultural contexts the word magic is
highly inappropriate and notions of ritual efficacy must be placed within complex
social and semiotic contexts. In order to identify cultural meanings we must assess
the internal standards of ritual values and symbols and completely appreciate how
phenomena are judged within contextual social, economic, political, and
historical situations otherwise we are imputing our own classifications and
perceptions and committing the same ethnocentric mistakes of our intellectual
forebears (Hollis 1971b: 227-228; Saler 1993: 8-10).80 Invoking the term magic,
and accepting its claims to efficacy as a literal statement of belief, denies the
situational logic and social meanings of indigenous institutions and practices, and
the complex and dynamic identities and intellectual abilities of peoples who
engage in rituals. Moreover, it ignores the multifaceted and interconnected ways
in which people forge meaningful links between their socio-economic situations
and other realities within and outside ritual behaviour that they perceive as
advantageous, necessary, practical, or meaningful (cf. MacDonald 1995: 145-

80 Hollis (1971: 218-219) does not allow for different kinds of rationality: If anthropology is to be

possiblethe natives must share our concepts of truth, coherence and rational interdependence
of beliefs. Otherwise we are confronted as theorists with vicious circles. In other words Western
rational thought is not just one species of rational thought nor rational thought just one species of
thought. And if we supposed it was, and so had to discover empirically which societies espoused
which brand of rationality, we would destroy our only test for the identification of native
beliefsIf my argument has been sound, the only way to produce justifiable accounts of other
cultures is to make the natives as rational as possible.

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146).81 The issue is not whether goal-directed action is rational or not (which of
course it is), but how to make sense of it in the terms of its practitioners, who, we
must assume, are not solely and exclusively committed to the efficacy of their
rituals. To suppose that people accept literal statements of efficacy as the sole
motivating force for their activity and beliefs only serves to make people primitive
in their worldviews and ignores the myriad other practices, pressures, and
institutions they engage in and are subject to.
Simply accepting that people perform magical or ritual acts in order to
achieve self-centered goals by employing contrived laws of sympathy that
manipulate erroneous forms of power does little to further our understanding of
what holds true in the lives of real people, nor does justice to the complexity of
their lives. Understanding the symbolism of magic as just metaphor or metonymy
is too simple. Ritual symbols and values indicate specific social and historical
contexts and reflect special modes of cultural influence and importance.
Moreover, rituals reproduce such values within a culture, by reproducing the

81 MacDonald, an anthropologist who works on Papua New Guinea, is clearly reacting to

Malinowskis work. She also disavowed the use of the term magic due to its derogatory
connotations: Hence, magic comes to designate rituals which are not Christian, symbolic
performances of which missionaries and local pastors disapprove. (MacDonald 1995: 140) In
relation to the supposed efficacy of magic, MacDonald (1995: 144) writes: Let us remember that
the words and actions of magic are part of a larger set of actions and words, some of which, like
clearing land and planting seed, are quite utilitarian. Perhaps if we focus on the work of the
magician from a poetic, rather than from a scientific, perspective, we may come to at least a partial
understanding of how practitioners understand magics operation within a communication
network which constitutes their cosmos.

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identities and social and hierarchical positions of the actors who accept and carry
out such values in the real world. We must therefore scrutinize semantic fields
and semiotic relationships in specific social and historical contexts. We must
further ask how and why frames of reference can be linked in meaningful
conduct. We must also ask the all-important questions about the motives and
positions of the practitioners, recipients, and communities involved in such
endeavours, that is to say, what is symbolically, socially, and politically at stake,
and who will benefit or be disadvantaged. It is thus crucial to focus on the internal
meanings and logic of magic and ritual behaviour, their inherent symbolisms and
contextual worldview(s), and the social, economic, and political situations of
those involved in such activities. To ignore any one of these questions when
considering manifestations of so-called magic, and for that matter ritual, is to
advance an oversimplified form of social reductionism.82

1.3. The Legacy of Phenomenology: Otto and Van der Leeuw

The persistent ethnocentric trend to define religion by notions of supernatural
power has its root in the early nineteenth century theology of Schleiermacher
(1958 [1799]), who defined religion as a personal and sensual experience of

82 Padin (1996: 3-18) argues that theories which accepted the validity of the mana model failed

to account for social structures bound up in notions of territory, bonding, tradition, honour, and
other social roles and systems.

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absolute subordination to the infinite and universal power of the godhead.83 Tylor
and Frazer, among others, adopted Schleiermachers thesis that attitudes of
submission, dependence, and humility characterized the religious experience.
This informed their stance that magic could not be a form of religion due to its
mechanistic nature. The contrived division between magic and religion was poorly
resolved at the beginning of the twentieth century with the acceptance of the
cumbersome term magico-religious (Van Baal 1971: 1-2; Van Beek 1975: 55).
In addition, the early science of religion thinkers provided theologians with the
generic notion of power as a metaphysical category (Raphael 1997: 41). Hence, in
the early part of the twentieth century, we see a shift from purely metaphysical
power in line with the notion that magic is a pseudo-science to an individual
recognition of physical qualities and powers in line with personal religious
experience. Consequently, any arguments against the wedding of magic and
power, and any methodologies circumventing claims about individual belief and
psychology, had to withstand the force of the phenomenological tidal wave that is
Rudolf Ottos Das Heilige or The Idea of the Holy, first published in 1917 and
translated into English in 1923.84 At the same time Marett (1914 [1909]) and

83 For a detailed discussion of Schleiermachers life, intellectual environment, and legacy, see

Crouter (1988: 1-73). It is interesting to note that Schleiermacher extrapolated his views on the
divine experience by employing metaphors from the hard sciences.
84 For a thorough assessment of the impact and importance of The Idea of the Holy and also

Ottos influences, see Raphael (1997: 1-24, 41-84). Raphael (1997: 16) notes: Theologians have
commonly regarded Otto as more of a phenomenologist of religion than a theologian; yet, strictly

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Sderblom (1913, 1916) were publishing their own views on the effusive nature of
magic and power, Otto (1869-1937) formulated an independent thesis about the
essence of religion although the influence of the former pair on Otto cannot be
denied.85
Otto asserted that behind any animistic, magical, or psychological
interpretations of primitive religion resides an irrational or more correctly a
non-rational, a supra-conceptual (Raphael 1997: 31) experience of
numinous dread, tremendous awe, or overwhelming awesomeness. The essence
of religion exists in private emotional responses to feelings of the divine, which

speaking, his work pre-dates phenomenology proper: that is, the scholarly tradition instituted by
Van der Leeuw, among others, on the basis of Husserlian phenomenology.
85 See Otto (1958: 15 n.1), where he notes that Marett comes within a hairs breadth of what I

take to be the truth about the matter. See Raphael (1997: 44), who briefly outlines Maretts use
of the term mana and its influence on Otto. Raphael (1997: 45-46) also summarizes Sderbloms
anti-Durkheimian thesis that the sacred is experienced individually rather than communally.
Sderblom (1866-1931), an accomplished academic and Lutheran Archbishop of Sweden, was the
first to equate notions of the holy (read: sacred or das Heilige) with the concepts mana and
taboo (for him mana simply represented human vitality, which primitives conceived as a soulconcept). Magic is an attempt to manipulate power or the sacred, which is experienced as fear or
confidence (although magic is inherently anti-social). To briefly quote Raphael (1997: 46):
[Sderblom] finds the origin of the concept of holinessand hence religionto lie in the
subjective mental reaction of astonishment and terror. And objectively, the origin of religion lies
in the cause of that elemental religious experience: the powercalled variously, mana, orenda,

wakanda, as the culture prescribeswhich is resident in certain objects. For further discussion of
Sderblom, see Van Baal (1971: 79-82). Radin (1958) notes that Lvy-Bruhl influenced scholars
of religions, such as Gerardus van der Leeuw and Mircea Eliade. Radin (1958: xvi) also suggests
that Tylor preempted Rudolf Otto (1958 [1917]) with his interpretations of religious responses of
emotion and awe.

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constitute the mysteriously impelling power that accounts for all forms of
religion from the least developed to the most sophisticated (Otto 1958: 15-16).86
In his famous formulation, Otto classifies human reactions to the divine by the
term numinous (Latin numen, a deity or localized power), which
represents the sense of dependence, impotence, and nothingness when faced with
the realization of the infinite. This is none other than Ottos idea of the holy,
which can only be analyzed indirectly through individual experiences. The specific
nature of the numinous is experienced through the forces of the mysterium,

tremendum, and fascinans. The three categories overlap in degrees and Otto
classifies their interactions through various sub-qualifiers such as mysterium

tremendum or tremendum majestas. Raphael (1997: 62) succinctly summarizes

Ottos intent:
Religion begins, then, with the arousal of numinous awareness by the sense of the
uncanny at the feeling of a wholly other (and hence mysterious) presence, which is

tremendum in its awe-inspiring power. The ideogram of majestas (majesty) unites the
tremendum and the fascinosum in a twofold reaction in which a person is entranced and
overwhelmed by this poweryet at the same time feels repelled or horrified.

Otto (1958: 23) states, however, that the emotional experience is not the final
interpretation as such feelings have in themselves a palpable energy or
urgency that manifests itself symbolically in vitality, passion, emotional
temper, will, force, movement, excitement, activity, impetus. Otto proceeds to

86 Otto (1958b: xvii) credits Schleiermacher with uncovering the true essence of religion in his

introduction to a translation of Schleiermachers On Religion (1958). Cf. Otto (1931: 68-77). Otto
(1958b: xix) also advocates, if not proselytizes, Schleiermachers own personal theology.

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explicate this experience in various religions such as Hinduism,87 Judaism, and

Christianity: the last being the truest formulation.88
Under the chapter title Its Earliest Manifestations, Otto argued that
primitive notions such as magic, spirits, and the strange idea of power (orenda
or mana) were all manifestations of a common element: the experience of the
numinous (Otto 1958: 117). Objects that embody any numinous qualities are not
ontologically any different from natural objects of the same kind, except that they
point to the unknown power and significance of the holy (Raphael 1997: 32).
Following Judaeo-Christian tenets, Otto did not allow for the holy to exist as a
magical ingredient of an object, simply because power (in all cases, God) cannot
actually reside in anything. In Raphaels (1997: 33) words: The holy object may
offer access to supernatural power, but only as a medium.89

87 While Otto was a successful Christian theologian, he also had a direct interest in South Asian

religion, and translated and interpreted various Sanskrit texts. See Otto (1917, 1923, 1930, 1939,
1948).
88 For a critical appraisal of the derivative nature of Ottos work, see Raphael (1997: 70-73).
89 We also must keep in mind that Ottos work is deeply embedded in Judaeo-Christian

theological and ontological assumptions (Raphael 1997: 16-18, 28-34). In order to justified the
elevated position of the Christian God, Otto essentially inverts the way in which power, or in his
case, the holy, has been previously ascribed as being concrete and tangible. Raphael (1997: 30-31)
notes: Holiness cannot be reifiedit is not a quality of objects, but a spiritual seal of approval
marking its inclusion in the divine scheme. As such, although it is attributed to concrete objects of
sense experience, those objects are experienced as such only in the spiritual, intuitive discernment
of faith. On the contrary, Van der Leeuw (1967: 37-42) offers a thesis in which power is believed
to be a concrete and tangible entity that resides in objects and people. Cf. Swanson (1960: 6), &
Thomas (1971: 51, 53).

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Otto (1958: 117) viewed magic as a universally accepted phenomenon,

whereby its practitioners tried to manipulate natural processes to their own ends.
The magician employs crude mental projections to directly influence natural
processes, rather than simple imitation. These projections highlight the desires of
the magician, yet are navely analogical (Otto 1958: 118). For magic to exist in
the proper sense it must involve an impression of supernatural efficacy. Otto
(1958: 118) states:
it is to-day universally recognized that magic is independent of a belief in spirits or
souls, and probably existed before itthe point at issue is not by means of what class of
powers the magical effect was producedwhether soul-powers or othersbut by means
of what quality or character in the powers. And this quality can be indicated solely
through the daemonic, a character ascribed to certain definite operations of force, be
they strong or weak, extraordinary or quite trivial, the work of a soul or a non-soul. The
quality can be only suggested through that unique element of feeling, the feeling of
uncanninesswhose positive content cannot be defined conceptually, and can only be
indicated by that mental response to it which we called shuddering.

Otto articulated that any notion of power involved in magic was a

precursor to and indicator of an experience of the numinous. Power is proof that
primitive cultures recognize divinity. Thus, magical practices are testament to a
universal experience of the holy (see Otto 1958: 121).90 In the Indian context, the
abstract neuter concept brhman and the personal deity Brahm represent the

90 It is interesting to note that Otto highlights that magic and religion cannot always be clearly

differentiated. Such ramifications may have influenced the growth of occult practices in inter
world war Germany. The members of occult groups included prominent Nazi party members and
Hitler himself, while also legitimizing their claim to power in pre-Judaic metaphors of personal
energy (energicum) and sacredness (see Raphael 1997: 77-78).

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indissoluble union as the two essential poles of the eternal unity of the
Numen.91 (Otto 1958: 199) Ottos formulations had a profound effect on various
disciplines and set in stone the phenomenological method, which held a firm
grasp on religious inquiry for subsequent decades. The Idea of the Holy also
provided a springboard for prominent theorists of religion, especially Ottos
staunchest supporter, Van der Leeuw.
In his most famous work Phnomenologie der Religion (1933), and its
two-volume English translation Religion in Essence and Manifestation (1967),92
Gerardus van der Leeuw (1890-1950) continued the theological tenets of
Schleiermacher and Otto, and integrated many of the ideas on anima and mana
formulated by previous scholars. This unparalleled composition attempted to
comprehend a mammoth variety of religious phenomena. More than any other
work, it represents the definitive culmination of late nineteenth and early
twentieth century thought on magic, power, and religion.93 Van der Leeuw argued

91 One can clearly see in Ottos work the influences of the non-dualism of Advaitavedanta and the

Bhakti notion of a personal deity or Ivara. For the further implications of Ottos interest in
Advaitavedanta and his Orientalist agenda, see King (1999: 125-128).
92 All citations come from Turners (1967) English translation, of which Van der Leeuw explicitly

approved. All German citations come from the original 1933 text.
93 For an assessment of Schleiermachers bearing on Van der Leeuws work, see Crouter (1988:

49-50, esp.50 n.165). Van der Leeuw is also the direct successor of early scholars of religion whose
nascent methods would become the phenomenology of religion. For a detailed account of the
work and direct influences of Pierre Danil Chantepie de la Saussaye (1848-1920) and W. Brede
Kristensen (1867-1953), see James (1995). James (1995: 22-46) points out that the term
phenomenology was first used in correspondence between Johann Heinrich Lambert (17281777) and Immanuel Kant (1724-1804). It is however in the work of Sir William Hamilton (1788-

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that religion facilitated an ultimate experience, although the divine always

remained concealed. It can only be studied through its reflection in human
societies. James (1995: 223) best summarizes the thrust of Van der Leeuws
argument:
The object of his study is what he takes to be the reply of human beings to something he
finds presented to them as a departure from all that is usual, familiar, and mundane, by
reason of the Power that it generates. This totally other Power may be authenticated in
an object or a person from which it emanates. It may be the Power that animates the
universe (ta, Tao, Ma-at), or it may form the basis of religion without even being
assigned a name. It may be purely dynamic, or it may take on ethical and spiritual
dimensions. It may also achieve will and be expressed in the form of such types as the

Mother, the Son, or the Absolutely Powerful. To this Power, according to van der Leeuw,
mans reaction is astonishment, wonder, awe, and fear. Objects and persons with such
potency have, for those who confront them, that essential nature of their own which we
call sacredIt is the observable reply of man to this that is the object of van der
Leeuws study.

1856) that phenomenology becomes intimately connected with ontological and metaphysical
notions of an unknown substance of which phenomena are manifestations. Furthermore, Georg
Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) associated phenomenology with the spiritual and intellectual
development of individuals, and more recently Edmund Husserl (1859-1938) applied the term to
the scientific inquiry into the nature of innate experiences, which form the basis of empirical
psychology and epistemology. Husserls influence on Van der Leeuw can be seen by way of the
religious studies methodology employed by Max Scheler (1874-1928), who innovated Husserls
ideas to his own ends. For a succinct summary of the different uses of the term phenomenology,
see James (1995: 267-268). For a concise account of Van der Leeuws life and work, especially his
theological training and thought, and his use of phenomenological methodology, see also
Hubbeling (1986).

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The primary goal of Van der Leeuws phenomenology was thus to uncover
how humans conducted themselves in relation to power (1967: 191). The sacred
or numinous is that which is powerful and potent. In contrast, the profane
characterized relatively powerless, impotent, and secular phenomena (1967: 4748, 52-53). Emotions such as astonishment and fear expressed the divine, the
ultimate Other (1967: 23). To quote Van der Leeuw (1967: 27-28):
Among extensive divisions of primitive peoples, as also those of antiquity, the Power in
the Universe was almost invariably an impersonal Power. Thus we may speak of
Dynamismof the interpretation of the Universe in terms of PowerI have dealt with
the idea of Power which empirically, and within some form of experience, becomes
authenticated in things and persons, and by virtue of which these are influential and
effectiveTo this Powermans reaction is amazement (Scheu), and in extreme cases
fear. Marett employs the fine term awe; and this attitude is characterized by Power
being regarded, not indeed as supernatural, but as extraordinary, of some markedly
unusual type, while objects and persons endowed with this potency have that essential
nature of their own which we call sacred.

Primitive religions did not worship nature, but always the power residing
within or behind (Van der Leeuw 1967: 52-53, 83ff.; cf. James 1995: 251-253).
Thus, underlying the success of both magic and religion is the category of
numinous power (1967: 547). In primitive thought, power was neither divine,
supernatural, nor had any inherent moral value (James 1995: 244). Drawing
directly on Codrington (1891), Van der Leeuw asserted that mana and its
equivalents were indicators of the sense of the sacred in primitive religions and

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thus all notions of power pointed to the existence of God (James 1995: 222-223).94
According to Van der Leeuw, mana was power (Macht) par excellence, which
manifested itself in such human qualities as influence (Einflu), strength (Kraft),
majesty, intelligence (Verstand), dominion (Herrschaft), deity, capability
(Fhigkeit), and extraordinary power (auergewhnliche Macht). When an object
was considered to be sacred and acted as a permanent medium of power, it
became a fetish. Likewise, when a medium or site stored up too much power, it
was considered dangerous and was designated by the term taboo (Van der Leeuw
1967: 43-44): Tabu is thus a sort of warning: Danger! High voltage! Van der
Leeuw also undermined Lehmanns (1922) criticism of Codrington by asserting
that primitive thought made no distinction between the categories magic, the
supernatural, and power: efficiency is per se magical, and sorcery eo ipso

94 Under the rubric of analogous power phenomena, Van der Leeuw (1967) includes orenda,

wakanda, manitou, petara of the Dayaks of Borneo, the ancient German haminqja or luck, and
the Arabic word baraka. For the Semitic traditions, power is encapsulated by the word God.
Van der Leeuw directly responds to and employs the works of Codrington (1891), Hewitt (1902),
Marett (1914), Saintyves (1914), Sderblom (1916), Frazer (1922), Lehmann (1922), and in the
revised English edition he cites Wagenvoort (1947), whose own study on Roman Dynamism was in
part inspired by Van der Leeuw. It is interesting to note that even as early as 1916 in his
theological dissertation on Egyptology, Van der Leeuw argued that an impersonal power or manatype existed in Egyptian religion from the earliest stages (see Hubbeling 1986: 3-4). Furthermore,
Hubbeling (1986: 13-14) states: In phenomenology of religion Van der Leeuw starts with

dynamism. This is the belief in an all pervading power. Everywhere there is a special manifestation
of power, where something special happens or where life shows itself powerfully, there is mana.
This term mana has been taken from the Polynesian language. It is used by Van der Leeuw as a
technical term.

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mighty (Van der Leeuw 1967: 24). Sacredness was thus experienced in primitive
cultures as an impersonal power that was either conceived as a personal soul or
active force in the universe. Moreover, power was conceived of as tangible, which
undermined any notions that material and spiritual categories were distinct in
primitive thought (Van der Leeuw 1967: 545). James (1995: 210) succinctly
summarizes Van der Leeuw on this point:
With this, the changes and processes of the universe are no longer the arbitrary effects of
distinctive powers but manifestations of a unitary world-order. Such ordered world
systems which possess mana-like characterare reflected in the term Tao in China, ta
in India, Asha in Iran, Maat among the ancient Egyptians, Dike in Greece. In the GreekChristian worldthe ideas of Power becomes [sic] transformed into that of a single
power by means of the concept of pneuma that, in St. Paul as well as in Gnosticism,
penetrates man from without and transforms him, though with St. Paul it is identified
with Christ. Lastly in India, there is completed the equalization that is the final word in
the theory of Power, the union of human and cosmic Power, such that the substance of
the self and the substance of the All are one and the same.

Van der Leeuw concluded that power was at once specific and localized in
the pragmatic affairs of primitives, and could be generic and universal. For the
Indian context, he drew on the widely misappropriated equation between the
concept of tmn, in Van der Leeuws case soul-breath, and the neuter concept
of brhman, or cosmic Power, in the formula tat tvam asi, thou art that. Like
Otto, Van der Leeuw projected onto the mid-first millennia BCE Upaniads an
attitude steeped in monism (Van der Leeuw 1967: 36): And thus the primitive
and intensely empirical idea of Power developed into religious Monism. Like
many interpretations of this phrase prior and subsequent, the monistic take is

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most likely due to the influence of medieval Advaitavedanta.95 In addition, Van

der Leeuw utilized Oldenberg (1915, 1917) to substantiate his claim that social
stratification occurred due to specific substantiations of power. For example,
priestly and warrior elites of ancient India, the Brahmans and Katriyas
respectively, were infused with their own appropriate powers, brhman and

katr, and the concept of tpas was chastening fiery power, while agn
represented universal vivifying power par excellence (Van der Leeuw 1967: 29,
60-64). The subtext of this is that even non-Christian religions such as Hinduism
are ultimately concerned with an awareness of the divine, albeit misguided.
Following on from the celebrated scholar of religion Paul Tillich (18861965), Van der Leeuw suggested that the decline in a power-centered awareness
began with the Greek formulation that spirit was separate to nature and
represented an internal state (1967: 37ff.). To primitive minds, however, manifold
spontaneous forces or currents of power governed nature (1967: 43, 56). Only by
interacting with these forces, by monitoring their principles, by accessing their
potentials, and by attempting to control and manipulate them could primitive
humans maintain the regularity of natural events and instances of power. Thus,
primitives only engaged with the divine for practical and pragmatic purposes.

95 Brereton (1986: 98-109) cogently argues that the demonstrative pronoun tad in the refrain tat

tvam asi is simply used as an adverb to mean in that way, and does not refer to any universal
category of power or brhman. The intention of the refrain is to express a similarity or equation
between the nature of an individual and certain specifically delineated processes. This undermines
any monistic connection between tmn and brhman at epistemological and ontological levels in
Upaniadic thought.

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Van der Leeuws view of primitive attitudes toward power represented his
monolithic and somewhat unsophisticated interpretation of magic, which he
qualifies as a form of creative domination (schpferische Beherrschung) and
theoretical domination (theoretische Beherrschung) (see Van der Leeuw 1967:
543-559). Magic was thus a form of pre-scientific science (vorwissenschaftliche

Wissenschaft) the refrain was taken directly from the title of Oldenbergs
(1919) work of Vedic magic and power, which, we shall see, is one of the primary
sources that tempers our understanding of the power terms. Van der Leeuw was,
however, in no way interested in the specific social contexts where power
appeared, nor did he care for any interpretation beyond the dynamic: Everything
social is merely secondary, and is the consequence of the experience of Power.
(1967: 79) Van der Leeuw concluded that the belief in a supreme being, or for
that matter any conceptualization of divinity, required the simultaneous existence
of animistic and dynamistic views (James 1995: 211-213).96
Van der Leeuws phenomenology of religion was essentially nondevelopmental and ahistorical.97 For example, Van der Leeuw accepted Langs

96 Van der Leeuw (1967: 88) writes: In many cases, certainly we can show how impersonal power

received will and form. But at all periods there has been Dynamism as well as Animism, while
both still exist to-day side by sideAnimism and Dynamism therefore designate not eras, but
structures, and are as such eternal. For an expanded definition of the distinction between the two
structures, see Van der Leeuw (1967: 89), where he attributes the initial insight to connect both to
Sderblom (1916).
97 Phenomenology tends to treat a text as an organic whole that embodies unified, coherent, and

internally consistent meanings. The text is thus detached from its historical context, author(s),
internal methods, and audience: all of which in reality could be multivalent and disparate.

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(1897) formulation that many primitive societies held a belief in an ethical high
god, and thus Van der Leeuw argued that monotheism was not the ultimate result
of a steady development from rudimentary beginnings. He did not overly intend
to moralize primitive religions here, but to substantiate the original thrust of his
argument that Gods existence was attested in all forms of human society. In
addition, Van der Leeuws overall thesis is highly reductionist, repetitive, and
generalized.98 Merkur (1996: 109-110) points out that Van der Leeuw ultimately
transformed Ottos phenomenology into metaphysical idealism. His constant
assertion that magic and certain rituals are goal driven and governed by simple
pragmatic techniques to bring about specific worldly goals, only serves to
substantiate his initial assumption that primitives are primitive and only
concerned with petty material endeavours and the base fulfillment of desires.
Hence, primitive religion is simplistic in its attitudes towards divinity, which
underscores its inherent immorality and heathenism. Nevertheless, in the context
of Vedic scholarship, Van der Leeuws work had a profound impact on Jan
Gonda and his interpretations of the power terms. I now turn to these
developments.

Phenomenology also approaches a text with methods that are not critical of internal structures,
semantics, or stylistic differences. Its ultimate goal is to uncover the base humanity of the text. For
a critical assessment of phenomenology, see Eagleton (1983), and Flood (1999).
98 It is interesting how Van der Leeuws theory categorizes religious and magical systems in the

same reductionist way as most modern day fantasy genres, especially as seen in the world of video
games and other pop culture mediums. A study of the laws of sympathy and the dynamistic
influences on more mainstream literary and pop culture interpretations of magic and power would
be worthwhile.

78

1.4.a. Magic, Power, and Indology

As we have seen, scholars mined ancient Indian sources in order to substantiate
their theories of magic, ritual, and religion. Such theorists widely utilized the work
of the German Indologist, Hermann Oldenberg (1854-1920), among others. His

Die Religion des Veda was first published in 1894 and a revised second edition
was released in 1917 (a competent yet mistake ridden English translation was
done by Shrotri in 1988). This work is considered even today a reliable source on
Vedic religion and culture. In addition, Vorwissenschaftliche Wissenschaft (1919)
represented Oldenbergs most focused study on conceptualizations of power in
Vedic culture. It is clear that Oldenberg draws on and reacts to the work of
previous Indologists such as Bergaigne, Bloomfield, Caland, Hillebrandt, Keith,
and Whitney, on the one hand, and social and ritual theorists such as Frazer,
Hubert, Marett, Mauss, and Tylor, on the other.
Oldenberg (1917) provided the first substantial theory of Vedic religious
and magical practices.99 He advanced the view that sacrificial practices were

99 One can clearly see the influence of Frazer (though the influence was reciprocal, see Frazer

1922: 67), although Oldenberg is not a proponent of comparative scholarship and he often
acquiesces to Henrys (1980 [1904]) more detailed work on magic in ancient India (and Henry also
cites Oldenberg). Henrys investigation of Atharvavedic magic draws heavily on Durkheim, Frazer
and focuses on the psychological aspects of Brahman priests, whom he thinks are the sorcerers of
ancient India. Moreover, Atharvavedic magic is an old institute that predates Greek or European
cultures. It is also is personal, unorganized, and not sacred or special. In addition, Atharvavedic
hymns are full of divine power (la puissance divine) or creative power (la pouvoir crateur), and

79

predominantly the domain of religion and were performed by ethically motivated

priests, while magic was often negative, immoral, primitive, and concerned with
the manipulation and control of impersonal powers and substances. The

Atharvaveda was overwhelmingly concerned with magical rites and practices,

while the sma rituals of the gveda represented nascent Vedic religion.100
However, magic permeated the sacrificial realm, and more often than not, priests
were simultaneously magicians. Magic was thus an inseparable component of
Vedic rituals, although magic practices were simpler than sacrificial actions.
Nevertheless, we see at an early stage, the meshing of theories of magic with
notions of Vedic ritual efficacy (cf. Cavallin 2002: 35-64). 101 In the same vein as
Marett, Oldenberg stated that both magical and religious practices were
ultimately concerned with similar effects and goals, that is, the acquisition and
increase of magical power (magische Kraft, Zauberkraft) (Oldenberg 1917: 483;

the function and efficacy of magic is inferred by analogy or witnessed. Henrys work does not offer
any worthwhile interpretations of the Atharvaveda or Vedic culture on the whole, beyond many of
the negative structures, socio-religious divisions, and romantic (read: reductionist) notions of
magic and culture that have been presented in this chapter.
100 This erroneous distinction regrettably still plagues the interpretation of the social position of

these two texts, which frankly contain parallel ritual traditions (see Whitaker 2004c & the
Appendix of this dissertation).
101 In relation to the complex system of Vedic ritual correspondences (bandhu), Cavallin (2002:

60) aptly states that it is not whether certain ontological discourses of the ritual practitioners are
well founded, but merely that such reflections may be of importance for the concrete practice of
sacrifice. Moreover, Cavallin demonstrates that such correspondences cannot be understood as
reflecting systems of beliefs, as their utility is temporal, symbolic, and only appropriate to the limit
ritual context in which they are posited.

80

1919: 129ff.). When specifically dealing with impersonal powers or substances,

however, magic was primarily the means of control, and thus Vedic rituals were
inherently magical (Oldenberg 1917: 307-315, esp. 315-316 n.2).102
Any specific considerations of power are rare in Die Religion des Veda;
for example, the neuter concept of brhman is either sacred magical power
(heilige zauberkraft) or the sacred-sinister substance or power (die heilig-

unheimliche Substanz oder Kraft). Other magical substances include, but are not
limited to, human and animal qualities, weather related phenomena
(berirdischen Mchte), hunger, thirst, numbers, syllables, seasons, directions,
thought, evil, and sin. The magical substances and powers ( die zauberkrftigen

Substanzen) are inherently transferable, for example through food, liquid,

speech, senses, and contact (Oldenberg 1917: 335, 420, 497).103 Moreover, in an
overtly Frazerian mode, the transmission of power and substance in Vedic rituals
worked through association (Zusammenhang), that is, similarity and contagion
(Oldenberg 1917: 480-481, 479). Individuals could also easily squander power
through the loss of effluvia, unrestrained senses (including the loss of light-

102 Oldenberg is aware of more systematic studies of magic and power, such as Marett (1914), and

Hubert and Mauss work on sacrifice (Hubert & Mauss 1899) and their 1902-1903 collaboration
on magic (Mauss 1972). It seems that Oldenberg did not intend to radically expand on his early
thoughts on magic in the revised edition to Die Religion des Veda, whereas he predicts that he
will return to the subject at a future time (see Oldenberg 1917: 475 n.1). He thereby presages the
completion of his 1919 work on ritual and magic.
103 It is interesting to note that similarity of these early theories of magic and power with

Marriotts (1976, 1990) transactional theory (the dividual) of Indian culture.

81

energy (Lichtkraft) through absent-minded smiling), and sexual intercourse

(Oldenberg 1917: 429).
In his 1919 work, Oldenberg presented his most systematic interpretation
of power. He employed for the first time the term Daseinsmacht or powersubstance as a general term to account for numerous power concepts in Vedic
literature. Power primarily related to human existence (Menschendasein).
Oldenbergs conceptualization of power was freely interchanged with ideas of
substance (Substanz), essence (Wesenheit), quality (Eigenschaft), and fluid.

Dasein thus acted as a collective term for all of these characteristics of power.104
Oldenberg

proposed

the

theory

that

the

Brhmaical

worldview

104 Gonda (1952, 1957) translates Daseinsmacht as power-substance, which is of course non-

literal. Dasein literally means existence, being, plus Macht power. The compound implies the
ability to fully exist or power to exist. Gonda sometimes employs a closer rendering essential
power (cf. Smith 1994). Oldenbergs adoption of the term Dasein over Substanz or Wesenheit
raises interesting questions about the early twentieth century German intellectual environment.
The word Dasein is a central concept in the phenomenological philosophies of Husserl (18591938) and later Heidegger (1889-1976). Dasein is itself a compound, da+sein, meaning therebeing or being there. In Heideggers Being and Time (Sein und Zeit), first published in 1927,

Dasein refers to the ontological nature of human existence and essence that is experienced in an
original unity. It implies a concrete being or entity existing in the world and involved with notions
of individuality, Being-in-the-world, Being-with-others, concern, dwelling, state of mind,
understanding, and so on. Entities are characterized as being there in the sense that they are
constantly related to the world in specific ways. Dasein cannot be defined in terms of a set of fixed
properties. Instead, it is characterized as a set of possibilities. For extensive discussions on the
meaning of Dasein in philosophy, see Pathak (1974: 3-58), Stambaugh (1992: 115-122),
Macquarrie (1994: 7-31), Marion (1998: 77-107), Pattison (2000: 109-110), & Mitchell (2001: 114175).

82

(Weltanschauung) substantially changed from the time of the gveda to the

exegetical Brhmaa texts. Priests began to question the existence of gods and the
efficacy of capricious natural phenomena, and by the time of the Yajurveda and

Atharvaveda, they began to posit the existence of secret supernatural essences

(verborgene berirdische Wesenheit) that were independent and could be
acquired through knowledge of sacrificial connections or identifications. By the
time of the Brhmaas this new formulation of power and knowledge of the
intricate web of connections (Sanskrit: bandhu) reached its fullest fruition. In this
new formulation of the efficacy of sacrificial practices, all phenomena, whether
divine or not, were reduced to the worldly powers that inherently resided in the
technical peculiarities of hymns, ritual actions, utensils, and the unique ritual
abilities and qualities of priests and kings. For example, priests possessed

brhman and warriors possessed katr, both of which were fluid and
transferable. Terms such as jas (Strke), tjas (Schrfe, Glut) and vry
(Kraft) became general words for power par excellence, or the active energy in
humans, gods, and natural phenomena (Oldenberg 1919: 50-51).105 Sacrifice also
became a science (Opferwissenschaft) wherein skillful priests monopolized and
increased supra-mundane powers by possessing correct knowledge and
performing ritual activities. Sacrificial and magical thought was thus prescientific science (vorwissenschaftliche Wissenschaft) that attempted to explain
and control the essences and powers of the universe and humans, which were

105 Oldenberg asserts in several places that many of these words only reflect notions of power as

opposed to concepts such as soul or self.

83

conceived only at a metaphysical level. Consequently, Oldenberg declared that

Vedic sacrificial culture was originally a form of religion that, over time and due
to corruptions and wayward influences, developed into magic or at least a
system of thought focused on magical laws and processes.
Furthermore, Oldenberg argued that the Atharvaveda (berwiegend

Zaubertexte) and the Brhmaas drew a distinction between magic (my) and
the magician (yt), on the one hand, and priests and their priestly power
(brhman, tpas), on the other. Thus, brhman and tpas were the
interchangeable energies of the priest-cum-magician. This led Oldenberg to the
conclusion, in line with current anthropological thought, that the Vedic terms

brhman and tpas (along with the other terms for power) did indeed constitute
types of mana (Oldenberg 1919: 134-145).106 For Oldenberg, then, Vedic rituals
were inherently magical as they were primarily concerned with power, and power
in the Vedic context met the requirements of mana. Oldenberg thus concluded
that while Vedic priests were not entirely concerned with notions of power in the
earliest period, they came to reduce the ritual processes over time to the workings
of power. They further constructed elaborate interpretative frameworks of a
mechanical and magical nature to account for the development of power-

106 See Oldenberg (1919: 134-145), where he weighs up the validity

of the debates on mana and

their usefulness in the Vedic context. He cites Sderblom (1916) to support his assertion that

brhman and tpas represent a mana-type (see Oldenberg 1919: 143 n.1, 146 n.2). Moreover, to
support his thesis that religion and magic are intrinsically intertwined, Oldenberg cites an early
work of Marett (see Oldenberg 1919: 134 n.2), and he disagrees with Hubert and Mauss
separation of the two categories (1919: 144 n.1).

84

centered interpretations.107 This suggests that, at least in the Vedic context,

concerns with power do not represent the earliest forms of religion. Ironically,
Oldenberg implied that, like the early social theorists of magic, Vedic exegetes
also possessed a tendency to downgrade the workings of ritual and magic to
simple notions of power.
Following directly from Oldenberg, Stanislav Schayer (1925) attempted to
catalogue various aspects of Brhmaa magische quivalenz (bandhu,

upaniad, nidna, brhmaa, yatana, pratih). Schayer maintained that the

Brhmaical worldview changed from gvedic theism to a more magical attitude
concerned with power, first seen in the Atharvaveda and then fully developed in
the Brhmaas.108 Schayer asserted that gvedic religion focused on capricious
gods who had absolute control over the universe, while magic was only concerned
with impersonal abstract powers or substances that magical laws manipulated to

107 For a detailed and critical account of the nature of the bandhus (and their relationship with

various forms of power, among other phenomena) in the Kautaki and Aitareya Brhmaas, see
Cavallin (2002), who employs the term correspondences for bandhu, etc. Cavallin (2002: 23)
points out that Oldenbergs acceptance of the brhmaical worldview (Weltanschauung) as
mechanical and magical in nature comes in part from Sylvain Lvi (1966 [1898]). For an
assessment of Oldenbergs use of the adjectives vorwissenschaftlich and primitive, see Cavallin
(2002: 4 n.11). For an interesting study of Sylvain Lvi and his influence on the Vedic scholar Abel
Bergaigne and Marcel Mauss, see Strenski (1996: 22-32).
108 Schayer (1925: 265) asserts that in the Brhmaas a direct relationship of control was

established between the gods and abstract substances through the magische-symbolischen

quivalenz.

85

various ends.109 Both magic and religion however shared a common feature,
namely an attitude of subjugation to supernatural powers or potencies
(bernatrliche Potenzen) (Schayer 1925: 260). In compliance with Lvy-Bruhl
(1923, 1926 [1910]), Schayer thus concluded that the Brhmaas represented a
form of pre-logical mentality, whereby Brahmans made little distinction between
phenomena and ascribed identical attributes to them (Schayer 1925: 271). By
possessing the knowledge and correct ritual use of the correspondences in the

Brhmaas, priests were able to control the universal impersonal powers and
enhance themselves.
Helmuth von Glasenapp (1891-1963) picked up the Daseinsmchte
mantle from Oldenberg in 1940.110 Von Glasenapp accepted Oldenbergs theory
that the later Vedic texts were more concerned with metaphysical issues. He went
one step further than Oldenberg and Schayer by formulating synchronic and
systematic interpretations of the various substances, qualities, and powers not just
from traditional Vedic literature, but also from Buddhism (dharmas), Jainism
(jva and ajva), and later Indian philosophical systems, such as Skhya (purua
and prakti, tattvas, guas), Yoga, Nyya, Vaieika, Mms, and Vednta.
Like Oldenberg, Von Glasenapp asserted that almost anything in the Vedic
world, whether personal or material, embodied a transferable essence or

109 For Schayer, magic is thus primitiven Dmonologie (1925: 260) and a Verfallserscheinung

or symptom of decay (1925: 267).

110 Vogel (1930) is the first scholar I am aware of who systematically examines the appearance of

one of the power terms, i.e., tejas, which he translates as magische kracht and connects with mana!

86

substance. Under the section heading Die Daseinsmchte, Von Glasenapp

(1940: 9) states:
Der vedische Mensch glaubte sich umgeben von einer Flle von Wesenheiten, die ihm
gleichen. Er unterschied deshalb noch nicht scharf zwischen Geist und Stoff, zwischen
dem, was lebendig und unlebendig ist, zwischen Substanzen und an diesen zutage
tretenden Eigenschaften, Zustnden oder Vorgngen. Vielmehr besitzt fr ihn alles was
ist, ein eigenstndiges, dingliches und persnliches Dasein. Den ganzen Weltproze
erklrt er sich durch das Zusammenwirken von Wesenheiten, die ineinander eingehen
oder sich voneinander lsen.

Like his predecessors, Von Glasenapp accepted that Vedic thought was
preoccupied with abstract notions of power, whereby priests tapped into and
harnessed such power through correct ritual knowledge and practice. Von
Glasenapp proceeded to categorize systematically the substances, qualities, and
powers throughout the various layers of Indian history, which in itself represents
his major contribution to the subject.
As a brief note of caution, we must be wary of the theoretical predilection
to reduce numerous concepts to the machinations of magic and power from the
time of the Atharvaveda onwards. Oldenberg invariably situated Vedic ritual
culture within the broader yet problematic magic-religion dyad proposed by social
theorists. Vedic culture became progressively more focused on magic to the point
where its fully developed ritual traditions are nothing more than the sympathy-

mana-magic nexus enacted in toto.111 If anything should propel contemporary

111 One need only look at the early work of Witzel (1979) on Vedic magic to see how ingrained

this model has become in Vedic studies. Moreover, Falk (1997: 69) expresses the standard way in
which the efficacy of gvedic rituals is understood: In exchange for creating hymns, pressing

87

Vedic ritual scholars to reconsider seriously Brhmaical and rauta traditions, it

is this contrived assertion about magic and the Vedic obsession with the
manipulation of power and other metaphysical realities. It does little more than
negatively characterize Vedic religious history and development, while stripping
ritual behaviour of any social and historical significance. The fact of the matter,
and one that I hope has become apparent from the above analysis, is that magic is
a constructed and value-laden category, and one that has very little interpretative
benefits. Furthermore, if power is to be understood, it must be related to lived
experience. The power terms are complex symbols that convey and thereby
reproduce social, political, and ritual values and meanings through reproducing
the actors who embody such values and affirm them in the real world.

1.4.b. Gonda
Given the overwhelming weight of the arguments outlined so far from the social
sciences, phenomenology of religion, and Indology, we can clearly see the
methodological propensities that informed the work of Jan Gonda (1905-1992),
who specifically focused on interpretations of the power terms. Gondas work
thus represents the culmination of a long and steady amalgamation of ideas on
magic and power from various disciplines. Gondas two major monographs on the
power terms, Ancient-Indian ojas, Latin *augos and the Indo-European nouns in

Soma, and lighting fire, the party somehow expected to receive horses, cows and riches. We will
see that that expectation was brought about by the ritual participants themselves.

88

-es-/-os (1952), and Some Observations on the Relations between Gods and

Powers in the Veda, a propos of the phrase Snu Sahasa (1957), demonstrate
his theoretical and methodological proclivities. These proclivities continued to
inform his subsequent work until his death in 1992.112
Gonda accepted the standard view that humans could possess individual
forms of power, which were inherent in numerous phenomena and were
manipulated and transferred to individuals through ritual knowledge and
practice. Moreover, ancient Indian thought was primarily concerned with abstract
ideas and concepts, with little or no introspection about their validity (Gonda
1952: 47). From a linguistic perspective, Gonda argued that the abstract Sanskrit
nouns ending in the suffix -as- belonged to a limited number of semantic
categories that denoted power-substances (Gonda 1952: 47). 113
Van der Leeuws pre-conceived ideas about magic and power, his
phenomenology of religion, readily influenced Gondas interpretations of the
power terms. I quote here Gondas quintessential phenomenological statement
that, while referring to the term jas, is paraphrased elsewhere in relation to
other power terms (Gonda 1952: 46):
Thus it will be clear that ojas must be considered a Daseinsmacht, a potency, a powersubstance, which empirically, or within some form of experience, is supposed to be
present in persons, things and phenomena, and by virtue of which these are powerful,

112 Even as late as 1989 in his The Indra Hymns of the gveda, Gonda still interprets the power

terms as concrete ontological substances governed by Vedic ritual metaphysics.

113 Nowicki (1976) provides no better understanding of these words in his rather unsophisticated

study of them.

89

influential, effective, endowed with something which is beyond the bounds of

understandable common experience and which may rather vaguely be described as a kind
of vital energyIn ancient India ojas and persons and things which are ugra- belonged to
that vast category of concepts and objects to which mans reaction is awe, amazement,
and in many cases fear. In ancient times ojas rather was the collectivity, the totality of all
phenomena, persons and things, in which and by means of which this Daseinsmacht
manifested itself, the various manifestations or localizations of the power-substanceIt
seems to me that ojas originally implied an experience that is primarily of the perceptual
order, a frame of mind in which this special type or manifestation of power is principally
sensed.

In

separate

article,

Gonda

(1962:

249-251)

argued

that

Vedic

conceptualizations of power represented individual experiences of heterogeneous

situations, and each power word at once referred to its object, substance, person,
cause and effect. Gonda (1962: 267) stated that the power-substances
(Daseinsmchte) were vague or even incomprehensible emotional impressions or
experiences of phenomena and causality in nature, society, and individual life.
For ancient Indians, correctly understanding such processes and ideas meant that
they could control such powers and by extension the natural world. Furthermore,
Gonda situated his interpretations of the power terms within the wider academic
debates as to whether dynamism or animism represented the earliest forms of
belief (Gonda 1952: 55). In the same vein as Van der Leeuw, Gonda made no
discriminations between an impersonal dynamistic period and a personal
animistic stage of human development (Gonda 1952: 55, 56-57; 1957: 6, 23-24).
Moreover, Gonda projected this power-centered worldview back onto the earliest
periods, that is, the gveda (cf. Gonda 1989).

90

Nevertheless, Gonda did not accept that the power terms reflected
nonspecific notions of power in the Vedic context. He was critical of scholars who
stressed the existence of the generic idea of mana in various religious traditions,
and who uncritically translated words like jas as Strke or force.114
Proponents of such sweeping translations failed to answer, in Gondas (1952: 4)
words, the question what sort of energy, power or Strke was really meant by
the ancient Indians when they used the word ojas-. Gondas assessment here is a
great leap forward for the endeavour to understand the specific meanings and
functions of the power terms. Gonda rightly rejected any etymological connection
with the Melanesian word mana and the Sanskrit mnas (itself a Daseinsmacht),
meaning mind, and its Greek cognate , although he did accept that at a
semantic level the Sanskrit and Greek terms indicate types of mana.115
Interestingly, he berated the overuse of a term like mana, which came from a
tainted stock and only obfuscated real distinctions in ancient Indian thought.
Gonda also tried to divorce the power terms and for that matter ancient Indian
society from being lumped into those cultures so readily labeled primitive,
although he repeatedly belittled primitive mentality and its habitual reactions of

114 Gonda (1952: 3-4) is specifically referring to Wagenvoorts (1947) dynamistic interpretation of

the Latin equivalent of ojas, *augus, in Roman religion. Wagenvoort argues that Latin *augus
represents the mana of Roman priests, while the term imperium is the rulers mana. For further
criticism, see Gonda (1952: 73-74).
115 At this point, Gonda (1952: 70 n.18) refers the reader to Codrington (1891) and Van der

Leeuw (1967 [1938]), among others.

91

awe and fear (Gonda 1957: 8-9).116 Moreover, as a methodological assumption,

Gonda repeatedly stated that primitives, ancient Indians included, made no
distinction, or at least a vague and fluid one, between impersonal and personal
manifestations of power.117
Therefore, Gondas main goal was to account for the individual semantic
ranges of all the power terms and to specify their various meanings in the Indian
context. He nevertheless failed to deliver on his promise. Gonda provided endless
nuanced translations of one power term. He over-rationalized a power term in
order to make it intelligible to Western readers in its various contextual
situations. This ended up making the term and its various English renderings
meaningless, disjointed, and incoherent. While he criticized the use of generic
nomenclatures, such as power, Gondas efforts to circumscribe the meaning of
any given power term were unsuccessful. In addition, he left the reader with
endless possibilities that resonated in far too diverse semantic fields to be
useful.118 Gondas numerous and cumbersome translations went to the other

116 Interestingly, it appears that Gonda (1957: 22, esp. n.22) wants to be able to eat his

methodological cake as he supports an interpretation of Fires (agn) relationship with physical

strength or shas by paraphrasing the work of Malinowski (1955) in relation to the production of
fire and the interface between sacred and technical pragmatic behaviour.
117 In a condescending statement, which harkens back to Tylor and Frazer, Gonda (1957: 101)

notes: It is important to realize that this division of the world into animate and inanimate, with
accompanying appropriate behaviours for each, is a sophisticated one that is alien to folk custom
even among ourselves and has to be learned by each generation of our children. He continues by
quoting comparative examples from Native American contexts (Gonda 1957: 102).
118 For justification of this method, see Gonda (1962: 257, 265).

92

interpretative extreme of philological exegesis, whereby his views became a mass

of unusable and disparate English terms which were contrived to fit specific
contexts. The compromise was too great and the sacrifices he made for English
readability conveyed the exact ambiguity he tried to counteract. Gonda clearly
intended to offer more nuanced and systematic interpretations of individual
power

terms,

yet

he

was

still

working

within

the

interchangeable

phenomenological, dynamistic, and magic-power frameworks. In addition, Gonda

went to lengths to fabricate the Vedic mind-set in order to justify his
interpretation of power.

1.5. Epilogue
Notions of irrational wish-fulfillment, statements about goal-directed action to
manipulate power, and assumptions about the belief in the efficacy of rituals as
the sole motivating force for ancient Indian activities still permeate the halls of
Vedic studies. When Vedic scholars adhere to the hypothesis that the power
terms only reflect physical or metaphysical realities, or when they accept ritual
claims of efficacy as literal statements of belief, they place themselves squarely
within the theoretical legacy so outlined, and often unwittingly. The theories of
magic and its fusing with power thus negatively impact the way in which we
understand early Vedic ritual society, its social values and symbols, and the
motivations of its ritual practitioners. As a consequence, we have glossed over
significant ways in which the institution of early Vedic rituals sustains its
importance; the ways its values and symbols are produced, constrained, and given
93

renewed meaning; and the ways in which real human actors are socialized and
willingly commit themselves to the violent ideologies of early Vedic society. The
following analysis of the power terms nm, pasya, indriy, vry, jas, shas,
and vas will thus provide an initial attempt to extract our hermeneutical
proclivities from the physical-cum-phenomenological quagmire. It will also
refrain from making statements about individual psychology or beliefs and ritual
efficacy, in favour of socially oriented interpretations centered on the ritualized,
symbolic production and reproduction of complex social and political values, and
aggressive male identities. Hence, the main question that pervades all the
following chapters is: Why do ancient Indian men perform rituals and what do
they get out of them?

94

Chapter 2: Manhood (nm), Masculinity (pasya), and Male

Identity

2.1. Introduction
One of the most important aspects of ryan ritual life is the sustained promotion
and embodiment of what it means to be an ideal man ( nr). The word that
encompasses the ideals and expectations placed on such men is nm or
manhood. A similar term pasya, masculinity, denotes almost identical
values. Such ideals are communicated through ritual participation, and serve to
socialize men and engender them with their expectations and duties within early
Vedic culture. In order to substantiate these initial claims this chapter will
consider in-depth the terms nm and pasya, and the meaning of nr, from
which the former term derives. Outside of its extensive use in compounds and
adjectival forms, the noun n/nr appears over 450 times in the gveda. It is in
essence the ubiquitous term for man.1 Beekes (1995: 39) states that in IndoEuropean cultures;
A free man was *uiHr- (Skt. vr-, Lith. vras, Lat. vir, OIr. fer, Goth., wair), but also

*h2nr (Skt. nr-, Arm. ayr, Gr. anr, Osc., Umbr. ner-, W. ner). This last was a title of
more honor, but the exact difference in meaning is not known.

I will examine the terms vr and vry at length in chapter 4, and in doing so will
elucidate the clear difference between the terms nr and vr in the gveda. What
1 The Proto-Indo-European form *h

2nr

manifests in Greek as anr and through epenthesis

becomes andrs (see Beekes 1995: 98; Watkins 2000).

95

is important for this chapter is that, as Beekes suggests, the term nr does not
refer to just any type of man. I will demonstrate that in the early Vedic context

nr designates males of rank or mark who hold exclusive rights and privileges yet
are expected to maintain their standing primarily through ritual participation. I
believe that the term nr consistently refers to a full-fledged male member of
early Vedic ritual society, yet this title carries considerable social, religious, and
political responsibilities.2
The fact that the term nr qualifies various deities, especially Agni, Indra,
and the Maruts, should draw our attention to its exclusive nature. We will see that
the term nr is applied to humans and gods because of their roles as ritual
participants and warriors. Gods are considered to be nr because they participate
in rituals and carry out certain manly obligations. Moreover, the identities of gods
and human men frequently parallel each other and even collapse together. As
idealized projections of ryan maleness, gods are what human men should be.
For this reason the gvedic hymns indicate that human men readily embody the
identity of gods, and vice versa. In addition, human men act as functional
representatives of divinity on the ritual ground and perhaps live according to
divinely sanctioned roles outside of ritual performance. Consequently, the

2 Following Grassmann (1976 [1873]: 748-750), Findly (1982: 22, n.41) states: The percentage of

use for the almost 450 citations of n in the gveda is as follows: men in general (~8%), priests
(~36%), warriors, (~11%), gods as heroes (~42%), and gods and men together as heroes
(~3%).

96

personas of deities and humans readily overlap and serve to impart

responsibilities and status on all participants through the medium of rituals.
This chapter will thus consider in-depth the terms nr and nm because
both resonate in the same semantic fields and jointly reflect early Vedic
conceptualizations of male identity. The term pasya will also be discussed as it
is a near synonym of nm. All three terms signify specific cultural ideals
expected of men as an intrinsic component of their gender and social standing. In
turn, the ritual use of these terms shapes the identities of men in early Vedic
society. Hence, a close examination of these terms will yield interesting insights
into the social and political functions of early Vedic rituals and more importantly
the status and realities of those who perform and participate in them.

2.2.a. Nm
The morphology of the abstract neuter noun nm is problematic.3 It definitely
contains the zero grade form n- from nr, man, and it is absolutely certain that
it refers to issues relating to men. What is uncertain is whether its suffix -m
derives from zero grade -mn- from man- to think, with a thematized final -;
or from a zero grade, thematized form of the common nominal suffix -man, and is
thus unrelated to man-.4 Either way we end up with the form n-m-. We also
have the comparable morphological forms dyumn, brilliance, majesty, and
3 For tables and discussion of the distribution of nm and pasya in the gveda, see the

Appendix.
4 See Wackernagel (AIG II, 2: 777), Schmitt (1967: 107-108), & Whitney (1994 [1879]: 470).

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sumn, goodwill, benevolence, grace. In addition, nimn means deep, depth,

cavity, low ground, lowlands, especially in relation to the flow of waters, rivers,
or sma.
Understanding exactly what suffixal form appears with nm is further
complicated by the existence of the possessive compound (bahuvrhi) nmas,
which definitely contains the final component mnas, mind, thought, intention
(cf.

also

sumnas).

Nmas

thus

qualifies

an

individual

whose

mind/focus/sensibility is on men or in short has a manly mind.5 Under his entry

for sumn, Mayrhofer (EWA 20: 736-737) refers the reader to man- for its
derivation. He further suggests that the form su-mn- (perhaps gute Gesinnung
habend) alternates with su-mn-as and n-m- with n-m-as. While he does
state that the suffix -mn is not likely connected to mn- to mention, refer to,
quote, which itself derives from man-, he considers the possibility that the
suffix -mn comes from man-, to think. Wackernagel (AIG II, 2: 74, 777)
acknowledges the presence of a neuter suffix -mn, yet does not commit to either
the suffix -man or a form from man-. He simply refers the reader to others who
aver for either scenario.
To make matters worse sumn, goodwill, relates to sumnas in meaning,
and hence the former may contain a suffix from man-. However, at a semantic
level it is almost impossible to explain how dyumn or nimn could contain
man-. It is thus unlikely that the suffix -mn is uniform in all these cases. In

5 Wackernagel (AIG II, 1: 24) translates nmas as mnnerfreundlich. Cf. Schmitt (1967: 106-

107).

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addition, as we will see, nm and nmas feature in similar semantic contexts.6

Whether or not Vedic Sanskrit attests a nominal suffix -mn from man- to
think, -man, or a third obscure derivation, what is important is that in usage early
Vedic poets accept a semantic connection between nm and nmas. More
importantly both terms reflect certain characteristics of men and hence cannot be
understood without a parallel examination of nr.

2.2.b. Nm as Manhood
An initial consideration of nm indicates that the term reflects the way men
should be envisaged and the proper way men should conduct themselves in early
Vedic society. It is common to interpret nm anywhere from manliness,
courage, bravery, manly power, vigour, virility or manly act/deed.7 Past

6 Nmas appears only 10 times in the gveda and only in the nominative or vocative singular. It

qualifies the goddess Rodas (two world halves) once at V.1.167.5, where the Maruts seek her
as a wife or partner. At first glance Rodas seems to act in a dutiful role as one whose mind is on
her men (nm). However, Rodass role is rather masculine in the hymn. She is compared to
the Maruts spear, has a place in the assembly (sabhvant-), is lordly (asury), and willingly rides
in the chariot of her suitor(s). At V.1.167.7c, she is further said to have her mind on bulls
(vama), that is, the Maruts. These characteristics seem to make her equal to the Maruts in
standing. This hymn may thus allude to a nascent form of gvedic self-choice wedding ceremony
(svayavara) for ryan women (credit for recognizing this belongs to Stephanie Jamison, pers.

comm. March 2004).

7 Grassmann (1976 [1873]: 751) supplies Manneskraft, Mannhaftigkeit, Mannesweisheit;

Mannesthat; Griffith (1973 [1889-]) frequently translates nm as manly might, manly

strength, valour; Monier-Williams (1988 [1899]: 568) supplies manhood (virtus), power,
strength, courage; Geldner (1951 [1923]) translates it as Manneskraft, Mannestat;

99

scholars certainly recognize that nm relates to issues of male identity and

manliness, and the gvedic evidence indicates that nm underscores specific
ideals expected of men (nr-) in early Vedic society. It is important to understand
that nm is conferred on individuals rather than being a natural consequence of
gender. For example:
V.8.9.2: yd antrike yd div yt pca mnu nu | nm td dhattam avin.
What (manhood) is in the atmosphere, or in heaven, or among the five descendents of
Manu, confer that manhood (nm) (on Vatsa/us), O Avins.

Here ritual participants wish to associate themselves or their patron with a

universalized projection of nm, which exists among gods in heaven and the
atmosphere and among humans. The five mnua are the five ryan tribes (pca

jna), yet this designation emphasizes their identity as the human descendents of
the first sacrificer, Manu (cf. Findly 1982: 16-18). The greater identity of the
ryan tribes is intimately connected with ritual participation it is intrinsic to
their history and lineage. All of this suggests that nm is a highly valued cultural
ideal that is underpinned by divine and ritual standards.
The idea that nm signals a highly respected social trait is underscored
by its close connection with the war-god, Indra. A telling verse states:
V.2.12.1: y jt ev pratham mnasvn dev devn krtun parybhat | ysya

md rdas bhyaset nmsya mahn s jansa ndra.

Wackernagel (AIG I: 190; II, 2: 777) supplies virtus & Manneskraft, Mannestat; and most
recently Mayrhofer (EWA 11: 19) offers Mannhaftigkeit, Manneskraft, Mannestat.

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He who when just born was the foremost intelligent one, the god who overcame the
gods through his resolve/purpose, before whose explosiveness the two world halves were
terrified by the greatness of his manhood (nm) he, O peoples, is Indra.

Here we see that Indra is Indra on account of his great manhood (nm), among
other concepts. Nm is thus one of many qualities that facilitate Indras
position of command and superiority over the universe. This verse also
emphasizes the fact that Indras position of cosmic supremacy comes from mental
faculties such as mnasvant (possessing intelligence, focus) and krtu (resolve,
purpose).8 Krtu is typically associated with Indra, who, as the war-god, is
frequently given the epithet one of a hundred resolves/purposes (atkratu).
Elsewhere, Indra is considered to be a man ( nr) of a hundred
resolves/purposes, a flood of capabilities and a man ( nr) whose
resolve/purpose cannot be obstructed.9 In another verse we are informed that
Indra is manly (nrya) due to his resolve and acts of masculinity (pasya-).10

8 Krtu is a problematic and complex term, which has a long history of exegesis (for full

consideration of the term, see Strunk 1975, & Gonda 1989). A more in-depth discussion of krtu
will be left for a future time. On theoretical grounds, I object to Mayrhofers (EWA 6: 407)
translation of krtu as Kraft, magische Kraft, Siegeskraft, Herrscherkraft, Willenskraft,
Geisteskraft, Energie. I prefer to render it in the form of mental resolve, determination, or
even purpose, objective. In later Vedic rituals, krtu can also mean ritual, and in the gveda
it has a close relationship with dka (sacrificial skill/aptitude); see V.1.111.2b, V.3.2.3a,
V.4.37.2d, V.5.10.2b, V.5.43.5b, V.8.42.3b, V.9.4.3a, V.9.16.2a, V.9.36.3c,
V.9.100.5a, V.9.109.2b, V.9.109.10a, V.10.25.1b, V.10.57.4b, & V.10.91.3a.
9 V.3.51.2a: atkratum arav kna nra, & V.8.92.8c: nram avrykratum,

respectively.
10 V.10.29.7ab: abh krtv nrya pasyai ca. For discussion on the meaning of the adjective

nrya, manly, belonging to men, see Wackernagel (AIG II, 2: 805, 808).

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In the next section we will see that pasya readily overlaps with nm. In
addition, the idea of being manly (nrya) implies to my mind that Indra fully
embodies the cultural imperatives of what it means to be a man (nr), and thus he
acts in a way worthy of men, which in effect makes him worthy to be a man. In
fact, the gods are said to confer on Indra manhood (nm), resolve (krtu), and
authority upon authority (jas-) while ritual participants celebrate his sovereignty
(svarjya).11 All these verses highlight the connection between manhood ( nm),
masculinity (pasya), being a man (nr, nrya), and mental resolve (krtu).
Moreover, all these concepts feature in highly charged social and political
contexts.
At this initial stage of inquiry we can see that nm functions as a marker
of social and political status that is placed on men (nr-). This presumably occurs
when they have embodied certain manly ideals represented by such gods as Indra,
the archetypal man (nr). The above heuristic discussion demonstrates that
manliness (nr, nrya, nm) is a culturally determined characteristic in early
Vedic society. Moreover, nm reflects manly values, and, as we will see, denotes
specific ideals of what it means to be a true man (nr). The recognition of such
values during ritual performances must have reproduced and legitimized the
identities of men. Therefore, since nm refers to a social quality of men (nr-) I
will consistently translate it as manhood.

11 V.1.80.15c-e: tsmin nmm ut krtu dev jsi s dadhur rcann nu svarjyam.

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2.2.c. Pasya as Masculinity

Before continuing with the term nm it is important to consider the noun

pasya as both terms overlap in meaning and function. Pasya derives from
pmas, which is the generic word for male, man in the gveda (this trend
continues in later Sanskrit literature). For example:
V.1.124.7a: abhrtva pus eti pratc.
Like a brotherless girl, she goes right up to males.
V.1.164.16a: strya sats t u me pus hu.
Truthful women inform me that these are males.
V.10.32.3cd: jy pti vahati vagnn sumt pus d bhadr vahat prikta.
The wife conveys her husband, along with a call. For the male an auspicious (wedding)
procession was prepared.

In these verses the use of pmas highlights male and female interactions,
especially sexual or marital relations. This is also encountered in a verse to the
ritual Fire, Agni:
V.3.29.13: jjanann amtam mrtyso srena tari vjambham | da svsro

agrva samc pmsa jtm abh s rabhante.

Mortals have given birth to the immortal (Agni), who is never miscarried, who
overcomes with his firm jaw. Ten unmarried sisters, joined together, embrace the just
born male.

In another verse to Agni Vaivnara (common to all men) a ritual participant

recognizes Fires political importance and underscores the gods function as a
communal entity:
103

V.7.6.1ab: pr samrjo surasya prastim pus knm anumdyasya.

I (speak) forth the fore-praise of the sovereign ruler and Asuric lord, of the male
belonging to the communities, who is to be applauded.

All the above examples demonstrate that pmas is an important marker

of gender in personal social contexts.12 Nevertheless, pmas does appear in less
favourable circumstances:
V.7.104.24a: ndra jah pmsa ytudhnam ut stryam myy adnm.
O Indra, smash the male, the Ytudhna, and his woman who is ever distinguished in
her craft.

The term Ytudhna is typically understood as some kind of sorcerer, and yt

definitely designates unwanted ritual activity in the gveda and Atharvaveda. In
fact in modern India jd is the standard word for street magic.13 What is

12 An interesting use of the term appears at V.6.75.14: hir iva bhoga pry eti bh jyy

hetm paribdhamna | hastaghn vv vaynni vidvn pmn pmsam pri ptu vivta.
Like a serpent with its coils, it surrounds the arm, deflecting the impact of the bowstring. The
hand-guard/bracer, knowing all trajectories: as a man (pmas) let it protect the man (pmas)
on all sides. Cf. V.9.99.1b, where the act of drawing a bow is considered an act of masculinity
(dhnus tanvanti pasyam).
13 For discussion of the term jd as street magic in modern India, see Siegel (1991) and Glucklich

(1997). For brief discussion of the etymology and meaning of ytudhna, see Mayrhofer (EWA 16:
409, 411), who connects the term with yvan, Angreifer, that is, an aggressor, attacker,
assailant. Calvert Watkins has suggested that yt is connected to a PIE root *yaH- that refers to
vengeance or zealotry (pers. comm. March 2004). Cf. also Kuiper (1973: 183-184). I am very
skeptical of the standard interpretation of ytudhna as sorcerer and yt as sorcery. As a
very cursory observation the term ytudhna in the gveda and Atharvaveda appears to designate
a skilled ritual opponent who is feuding or seeking revenge. However, I withhold any further
discussion on the terms yt and ytudhna for a future time.

104

important for the current discussion is that once again the use of pmas
highlights a male and female relationship. A similar negative use of the pmas
appears in several verses from the same hymn:
V.5.61.4: pr vrsa etana mryso bhdrajnaya | agnitpo ythsatha.
Go forth, O soldiers (= Maruts), as adolescents with auspicious wives; so that you will
be hot due to your Fire.
V.5.61.5: snat svyam pam ut gvya atvayam | yvvastutya y dr

vryopabrbhat.
She (= auspicious wife) will win livestock in the form of horses, cattle, and a hundred
sheep, this one who has raised her forearm tightly around her soldier, who is praised by
yvva.
V.5.61.6: ut tv str yas pus bhavati vsyas | devatrd ardhsa.
And such a woman is more dependable, wealthier than a man ( pmas), who is
excluded from the gods, who lacks generosity.
V.5.61.7: v y jnti jsuri v tyanta v kmnam | devatr kut mna.
She, who pays attention to one famished, thirsting, or desirous/lecherous, sets her own
mind on the gods.
V.5.61.8: ut gh nmo stuta pm ti bruve pa | s varadeya t sam.
And, indeed, many a miser not deserving praise calls himself a man (pmas). (Yet)
he is only equivalent (to a man) at the payment of blood money.

The basic idea seems to be that a pious woman (devatr) is better than a man
(pmas) who does not participate in Vedic rituals (devatra), is ungenerous
(ardhs) or destitute (jsuri, tyant, kmn). Moreover, a miser (pa) may call
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himself a man (pmas), but this is only because the death of a male demands an
appropriate wergeld (varadeya).
The abstract noun pasya is thus derived from the gender specific word
for male, pmas. It is no surprise then that it conveys similar notions of
maleness, manliness, or masculinity. This gender-cum-biological interpretation
is confirmed by the fact that pasya is correlated with various procreative
aspects. In one verse, certain unidentified females (possibly songs) reinforce
(vdh-) either Indra or Vius great masculinity (mhi pasya), and the god
leads two parents (heaven and earth) to his semen (rtas) for their enjoyment. In
doing this the ritual participants sing about (g-) every act of his masculinity.14 In
a similar vein:
V.4.41.6: tok hit tnaya urvrsu sro dke vaa ca pasye | ndr no tra

vru sytm vobhir dasm pritakmyym.

When offspring are established, when descendants, wide fields, the sight of the sun, and
the masculinity (pasya) of the bull (are established), may Indra and Varua be there
for us, the two wondrous ones with their favours at the decisive moment.15

In this verse Indra and Varua are called upon to guard the masculinity
(pasya) of the bull, along with offspring, descendents, fertile grazing fields, and
the sight of the sun. The metaphor of seeing the sun (svr- d-) invokes the

14 V.1.155.3-4: t vardhanti mhy asya pasya n mtr nayati rtase bhuj | ddhti

putr varam pram pitr nma ttyam dhi rocan div || tttad d asya pasya
gmasnsya trtr avksya mha | y prthivni tribhr d vgmabhir ur
krmiorugyya jvse. Cf. V.10.23.5c.
15 Cf. V.10.92.7b (sro dke vaa ca pasye).

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general idea of being alive and well and also signals temperate spaces to roam
(Oberlies 1998: 455-458). Pasya here relates to a specific male quality of the
bull. In several other instances pasya is qualified as bullish or appears in
apposition to bullishness (vi, vya).16 For example:
V.8.6.31: kvsa indra te mat vve vardhanti pasyam | ut aviha vyam.
The Kavas all reinforce your concern/intention, O Indra, your masculinity (pasya),
and, O most capacious one, your bullishness.

Masculinity (pasya) is thus a quality of men that is closely associated with the
virility and potency of the bull. It is apt then that the archetypical man (nr),
Indra, is frequently called a bull.
The above verse, V.4.41.6, highlights fundamental values of early Vedic
culture and its preoccupation with fertile livestock, progeny, and pastoral lands.
In another verse men (nr-) are said to turn to Indra for help in securing waters,
fertile grazing fields, and masculinity (pasya):
V.10.50.3: k t nra indra y ta i y te sumn sadhanym yakn | k te

vjysuryya hinvire k aps svsrvrsu pasye.

Who are these men (nr-), O Indra, who (follow) your wish, who will strive to obtain
your grace, your companionship? Which (men) impel themselves to your Asuric-prize?
Which (men turn to you) in matters of waters, in matters of their own wide fields, in
masculinity (pasya)?17

16 See V.6.36.3ab (vyni pasyni), V.8.7.23c (vi pasyam), & V.10.55.7a (vy

pasyni).
17 Cf. Hale (1986: 93).

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In this verse waters and grazing grounds are correlated with the masculinity
(pasya) of men (nr-). This may suggest that access to natural resources is an
important measure of a mans worth in early Vedic society. Similarly, in
comparison to V.4.41.6 and the frequent bullish associations of pasya, the
imagery may also allude to driving cattle to alluvial fields. Hence masculinity
(pasya) here may underscore issues of raising fertile cattle as a statement of a
mans worth.
Masculinity (pasya) thus signals laudable procreative responsibilities,
the continuation of a mans lineage, and bull-like fertility. Without implying that a
distinction between nature and culture exists in early Vedic society, pasya does
reflect more general and perhaps biological characteristics.18 This is consonant
with the use of pmas as the generic word for male, man in relation to
females and issues of sexuality and marriage. In contrast, nm does not relate to
procreative aspects.19 As we will see nm is more of a cultural designation in

18 Cf. V.1.139.8a-c: m vo asmd abh tni pasy sn bhvan dyumnni mt jriur

asmt purt jriu. Let these acts of masculinity (pasya-) of yours (= Maruts), the
majestic/heavenly ones, not become antiquated to us, and let them not grow old; and let them not
grow old before us. The idea seems to suggest that the masculine exploits should be continually
repeated so as not to fade into memory. The metaphor definitely plays on biological notions as the
acts of masculinity (pasya-) are asked to not grow old (m- j-), that is, to remain young or
fresh.
19 See, however, V.10.102.8: unm arvy carat kapard varatry drv nhyamna

nmni kvn bahve jnya g paspans tvir adhatta. Whip in hand, with braided hair,
he progressed successfully, lashing the wood piece to the strap. Performing acts of manhood
(nm-) for the many tribes/people, repeatedly watching the cows, he established for himself his
acts of bravery. The hymn in which this verse appears, V.10.102.1-12, describes the race of a

108

line with the use of nr as a marker of mature, ritually qualified men in early
Vedic society.20

2.2.d. Nm and Pasya

The close relationship between nm and pasya is attested in the fact that
both terms appear several times in correlation with each other. For example:
V.6.66.2: y agnyo n ucann idhn dvr yt trr marto vvdhnta | arevo

hirayysa e sk nma pasyebhi ca bhvan.

Those who kept repeatedly blazing like fires being kindled, when the Maruts were
reinforced twice or three times; dustless, what belongs to them is golden. They came into
being simultaneously with their acts of manhood (nn-) and acts of masculinity
(pasya-).
V.7.30.1: no deva vas yhi umin bhv vdh indra ry asy | mah nmya

npate suvajra mhi katrya pasyya ra.

man named Mudgala and his wife Mudgaln, where the vehicle is a cart pulled by a bull, rather
than a horse-drawn chariot. Brereton (2002: 224-234) argues that the hymn in which this verse
features was probably used in an ancient niyoga rite, where the wife of an impotent or dead man
could have male children through a surrogate partner. The impotent man appears to be Mudgala,
and hence the imagery of the above verse equates Mudgala with the bull, and thereby suggests
that he gains the potency of the animal. The reference to many tribes/people may thus refer to
the descendents Mudgala will win through niyoga. What is interesting is the appearance of nm,
where pasya would have made the bullish and sexual undertones all the more explicit. Both
terms do overlap, but, if the poet intends nm to convey procreative allusions, this would be the
only verse in which nm is used in such a context.
20 Note V.7.1.11, where men (nr-) should not be without offspring (aas, prajvant-) or

soldier-less (avrat), or else this will incur scorn.

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O explosive god, travel here to us due to your capacity (vas). O Indra, be present in
order to reinforce this wealth. O lord of men with the excellent mace, (be present) for
great manhood (nm), for great dominion, for masculinity (pasya), O warlord.

These verses underscore the essential relationship between pasya, nm,

Indra and the Maruts. Both verses suggest that the very existence of Indra and the
Maruts is contingent upon their male identity, with which they are born and bear
out. In the last verse, Indra, as the lord of men (npati-), is invoked to claim his
position of great manhood (nm), political dominion (katr), and masculinity
(pasya). Just as Indra is called a warlord (ra),21 men (nr-) are also eligible
to be warlords (ra-) in their constant struggle against obstacles presented by the
godless peoples:
V.7.1.10ab: im nro vtrahtyeu r vv devr abh santu my .
Let these men (nr-), warlords (ra-) in the smashing of Vtra/obstacles, be superior to
all the godless with their crafts.

Thus nm and pasya not only reflect base gender characteristics, they also
play a substantial role in the recognition of political standing. It seems that
Indras male identity is an intrinsic factor in his right to rule.
It is evident then that pasya and nm overlap in the same semantic
realm and a close reading suggests that they are near synonyms. They equally
convey similar notions of male identity and communicate what it means to be a
true man (nr) in early Vedic society. Both terms not only reflect an idealized
mode of behaviour, but the identity of men is contingent on carrying out the

21 For ra, see Chapter 7.5.

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ritual, social, and political responsibilities associated with nm and pasya.

Moreover, ritual participation reproduces such values in reproducing the men
who internalize them. In fact, one poet reminds his audience:
V.8.66.9ab: kd nv syktam ndrasysti pasyam.
What act of masculinity (pasya) is there now that has not been performed by this
one, by Indra?

The poet recognizes that Indras masculine exploits set the standard for the
activity of men in the here and now of ritual performance. This suggests that
Indra is the paradigmatic model of male identity and all manly exploits are
measured against those of the war-god. Hence nm and pasya collectively
underscore the importance of male identity in early Vedic society.
If any significant difference is attested, nm seems to relate to a more
socially important ideal or way of acting, while pasya seems to be less
specialized and more routine.22 This difference may itself reflect the distinction
between a nr as a man of social and ritual standing, and pmas as a simple
marker of gender. A nr certainly lives up to the standards conveyed by nm
and pasya, yet pmas never appears with either term. As we will shortly see a

22 Both terms appear in similar contexts with the roots such as bh-, k-, arc-. They both

feature in verses with terms such as jas, krtu, shas, and kvya. Nm appears with verbal roots
such as dh-, p-, -, sapary-, - d-, irajy-, pat-, & pu-, while pasya appears with
vdh-, bh-, p-, van-, vid-, & di-.

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nr has numerous ritual and martial duties.23 Moreover, a nr appears to be

married. For example:
V.5.50.3ab: to na nn tithn ta ptnr daasyata.
Thus honour here our men, our guests, therefore (honour) their wives.
V.6.68.4ab: gn ca yn nra ca vvdhnta vve devso nar svgrt.
When all the gods, both wives and men, have been reinforced, welcomed by their own,
by men.

This last verse is significant because gods are men ( nr-) and it is human men
(nr-) who greet them in the ritual arena. Human ritual participants and gods
appear to be on equal standing due to the fact that both are men (nr-). In this
verse the common factor that allows for this is their shared presence in the ritual.
This is telling as the gvedic evidence indicates that ritual participation is the key
prerequisite in order to be considered a man (nr). This is supported by the fact
that a nr has a close relationship with Agni, and typically only married men are
allowed to participate in rituals and maintain a sacrificial Fire.24 This can be seen
via the Maruts, who, as Indras loyal band of warrior-gods, are considered to be

23 Only once is a pmas ascribed any significant ritual role, as he carries out the all importance

task of helping create the sacrifice, which is compared to an act of weaving. V.10.130.2ab:

pm ena tanuta t katti pmn v tatne dhi nke asmn. A male stretches it and pulls it
up. A male stretched it out over this firmament here.
24 In the classical ritual period, the sacrificer (yjamna) was not only a householder (ghastha),

but he also had to be married (see Jamison 1996: 30ff.). It is unclear whether or not this was
always true for men in the early Vedic period. For a brief discussion on the customs of marriage in
the gveda, see Brereton (1981: 176-181).

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nr-. They are associated with women or even wives,25 and, as we will shortly see,
as men (nr-), the Maruts attend to the ritual Fire.
Thus, not only is ritual participation intrinsic to the identity of men (nr-),
ritual participation reproduces male identity through reproducing men
committed to performing rituals. The primary way in which this is achieved is
through the public proclamation and recognition of manhood (nm) and
masculinity (pasya) within the ritual arena. We have already seen that Indras
cosmic and political position is recognized among the tribes because his manhood
(nm) is considered to be great.26 Even more telling is the fact that Indras
martial reputation (rvas) is juxtaposed with his male identity. For example:
V.10.50.1cd: ndrasya ysya smakha sho mhi rvo nm ca rdas saparyta.
The two world halves revere Indras very combative great dominance (shas),
reputation (rvas), and manhood (nm).27

Likewise:
V.8.15.8ab: tva dyar indra pasyam pthiv vardhati rva.

25 We have already encountered V.1.167.5, where the Maruts seek the goddess Rodas as a wife

or partner, and V.5.61.4, where the Maruts travel along with their auspicious women/wives
(bhdrajni-). Cf. also V.1.115.2.
26 V.2.12.1d: nmsya mahn s jansa ndra. due to the greatness of his manhood

(nm), he, O peoples, is Indra.

27 The adjective smakha is problematic. The proposed translations of the word makh can range

in meaning from warrior, fighter to generous or even lively, cheerful, active, energetic, wild.
In later Vedic literature, it comes to mean sacrifice, festival (see Mayrhofer EWA 14: 288). My
translation of the compound smakha as very combative is only supposed to approximate the
various suggested meanings of makh.

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O Indra, heaven and earth reinforce your masculinity (pasya) and reputation
(rvas).

Elsewhere, the manly minded (nmas) Indra strives after

reputation (rvas).28 Successfully carrying out martial exploits is one of the
primary ways in which warriors gain reputation or fame (rvas). This is
confirmed by the fact that soldiers (vr-) are strongly motivated to acquire rvas,
the recognition of which is contingent on their acts of warfare.29 The abstract
neuter term rvas derives from ru- to hear. This fact should draw our
attention to the importance of public speech in early Vedic society. Moreover, the
ritual must have functioned as a specialized arena in which public declarations of
ideals and values are aligned with divine precedents and thereby given
legitimation and promoted in the real world. The public declaration of ideals and
successful exploits underscores the significance of male identity, its importance in
early Vedic society, and its didactic function in the ritual arena. For this reason
ritual adepts (vedhs-) sing about the acts of masculinity (pasya-) that Indra
performed.30 Likewise, ritual participants are instructed to chant the Maruts
great manhood (mhi nm), especially since the warrior band has a reputation
that is majestic (dyumnravas-).31 In contrast, Indra is said to surmount harsh
accusations on account of his masculine endeavours:

28 V.1.51.10.
29 For in-depth discussion of the relationship between vr and rvas, see Chapter 4.3.b.
30 V.4.32.11ab: t te ganti vedhso yni cakrtha pasy.
31 V.5.54.1d.

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V.1.100.10c: s grmebhi snit s rthebhir vid vvbhi kbhir nv dy | s

pasyebhir abhibhr astr martvn no bhavatv ndra t.

He is a winner with his bands, he with the chariots; he is known by all the communities
now today. Due to his acts of masculinity (pasya-) he is superior to insults/slanderous
people. Accompanied by the Maruts let Indra be present for us with aid.

The social currency of pasya resonates here. Not only is Indras martial activity
understood as occurring in the present, the here and now of ritual participation,
the war-gods masculine exploits allow him to defeat slanderous enemies or to rise
above criticism. Indras masculinity (pasya) is thus a characteristic that
numerous communities highly prize. Hence, manhood (nm) and masculinity
(pasya) not only signify male aggressiveness and renown; the public
recognition of both concepts highlights the fact that they are important indicators
of the cultural acceptance and standing for men (nr-).
Up to this point, I have demonstrated that nm and pasya are
important social markers of male identity. However, we have as of yet only
cursorily investigated what activities and characteristics actually constitute nm
and pasya. Moreover, any consideration of male identity must investigate
exactly what it takes to be considered a man (nr) in early Vedic society. Let us
turn our attention to these issues.

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2.3.a. Men, Manhood, and Fire

One of the most prevalent roles that define men (nr-) is their relationship with
the god Agni, the ritual Fire. The close connection between Agni and men (nr-)
is articulated in numerous verses. For example:
V.1.70.10a: v tv nra purutr saparyan.
At many times, men variously serve you (Agni).
V.1.73.4ab: t tv nro dma ntyam iddhm gne scanta kitu dhruvsu.
You are him, being kindled perpetually here in the home, O Fire, whom men follow
among the enduring settlements.
V.5.11.2b: agn nras triadhasth sm dhire.
Men altogether kindled Fire in his three abodes.
V.5.11.4b: -gn nro v bharante ghghe.
Men carry Fire out into house after house.
V.6.1.2cd: t tv nra pratham devaynto mah ry cityanto nu gman.
As servants of the god(s), being attentive for great wealth, men went after you (Agni) as
the foremost one.32
V.7.16.3d: sm agnm indhate nra.
Men altogether kindle Fire.

These examples could be expanded at length.33 What all the above verses
demonstrate is that the role of a man (nr) is closely connected with the
32 Cf. also V.7.1.1, 4, 9, V.7.8.1cd, & V.7.15.9.

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maintenance and worship of the ritual Fire. This strengthens my claim that nr is
exclusively used for men who participate in early Vedic ritual traditions. The
intimate nature of Fires relationship with men is evident in a telling verse:
V.2.1.9a: tvm agne pitram ibhir nras tvm bhrtrya my tanrcam | tvm

putr bhavasi ys t vidhat tv skh suva psy dha.

As their father, men (approach) you, O Fire, with their desires. They (approach) you,
blazing in body, for brotherhood with their ritual labour. You become a son to the one
who offered worship to you. As a very favourable friend, you protect (him) from bold
attack.

The close relationship between men (nr-) and Fire is evident here as the poet
places considerable emphasis of the familial importance of Agni as father,
brother, friend, and protector. Moreover, the poet amplifies the functional
relationship between men (nr-) and Agni to one in which the ritual Fire is
treated as both a protecting parent and a child.
This personal bond between nr- and Agni is elaborated in other verses
where Fire protects his loyal worshippers. For example:
V.1.31.6ab: tvm agne vjinvartani nra skman pipari vidthe vicarae .
You, O Fire, escort the man whose course is crooked in companionship at the
distribution ceremony, O unbounded one.
V.1.31.15ab: tvm agne pryatadakia nra vrmeva sytm pri psi vivta.

33 For other verses that feature

nr- and Agni, see, e.g., V.1.83.4, V.1.127.6, V.7.1.1,

V.7.93.3, V.8.71.14, & V.10.80.5.

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You, O Fire, protect all around the man whose sacrificial fee has been held forth, like
armour that is stitched up.
V.1.127.6f-h: dha smsya hrato hvato vve juanta pnth nra ubh n

pnthm.
Then when he (Agni) is excited, bursting with excitement, all take pleasure in this path:
the men (= Maruts) (take pleasure) as if on their path to beauty.

In these verses the role of protection is reversed as the god Fire looks out for his
men (nr-). The act of kindling and taking care of the ritual Fire is metaphorically
transposed onto the god Agni, who educates and protects men. Affectionate and
practical relations with the ritual Fire thereby underscore one facet of the identity
of men (nr-). Since Fire is the central focus of Vedic rituals, participation in such
rituals is indispensable in order to be considered a true man. Not only should men
(nr-) maintain a ritual Fire, but ideally they should treat their Fire as a revered
individual with whom they share personal ties. This ubiquitous relationship
suggests that one of the primary ways in which males become men (nr-) is
through a personal and pragmatic relationship with the ritual Fire. The god Agni
thus functions as a cultural fulcrum in the construction and transmission of male
identity.
I have so far demonstrated that men (nr-) have a close relationship with
the god Agni and this relationship plays a considerable role in constructing male
identity. It is rather apt then that manhood (nm) appears in a similar context.
A telling verse to Agni states:
V.1.67.3-4: hste ddhno nm vvny me devn dhd gh nidan | vidntm tra

nro dhiyadh hd yt tan mntr asan.

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Establishing for himself all manhood (nm-) in his hand, he (Agni) establishes the
gods at his onslaught, when he sits down in secret. Men (nr-), establishing insight, find
him there, when they recited formulas (mntra-) fashioned by the heart.34

In this verse Agni embodies all forms of manhood in his hand, which presumably
refers to his flames. The ambiguous appearance of ma, onslaught, assault,
seems to invoke images of Fires intensifying heat and light, which facilitates the
arrival of other gods to the ritual. Since one of the central roles of men (nr-) is to
kindle the ritual Fire, the idea that men (nr-) search for Agni could indicate that
they are in fact kindling the god. The first two verses of the hymn confirm this. In
fact, the process of kindling the Fire could be what is meant by all manhood
(vva- nm-). This is to say, men (nr-) have undertaken their ritual activities to
kindle the Fire, and it is this activity to which vva nm refers. In several other
instances the plural appearance of nm indicates concrete actions.35 One

34 At V.3.3.8, men (nr-) praise (pr- as-) Agni as a clan lord (vipti), youthful guest

(yahvm tithi), the controller of insights (yantra dhnm), and the devotee of his suppliants
(uja ca vghtm).
35 See V.4.22.9 & V.10.102.8, where the use of k-, to make, do, perform, indicates this.

Abstract nouns in the gveda often refer to the concrete contexts, actions, or products in which
they manifest; this is especially true of their appearance in the plural. This is also true for terms
such as pasya (e.g., V.8.3.20cd, & V.8.7.23c), & vry (e.g., V.1.32.1, V.2.30.10,
V.5.29.13, V.8.63.6, & V.9.113.1). At the 3rd International Vedic Workshop (Leiden, May
30-June 2, 2002), Hisashi Miyakawa presented a paper entitled The Pluralization Rules of
Abstract Nouns in the gveda, in which he argued that the plural almost always refers to pieces
of X, for example, jsi means pieces of power, every power, or all power, and vsi
means all might. While his pieces of X conclusion is difficult to swallow, the idea that plural
abstract nouns refer to a totality is more acceptable. However, in the cases of nm, pasya,

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component of manhood (nm) thus includes correct ritual activity and here

nm expresses certain ideals expected of men (nr-), that is, it underscores their
duty to take care of the ritual Fire.
Furthermore, once kindled, Agni gives concrete expression to manly
activities as he flares up and summons other gods. The fact that manhood
(nm) is transposed onto the deity is pertinent as Agni is considered to be the
best man among men (n ntama).36 In addition, this verse suggests that
the process of kindling the Fire requires the production of insights/intentions
(dhiyadh) and heart-produced mntra-s (literally, instrument of thinking).
The poet is perhaps suggesting a parallelism between Fire emerging from
kindling and mantras emerging from the heart. If this is the case then kindling the
ritual Fire also requires the recitation of mantras. Hence all manhood (vva-

nm-) may include not just the practical lighting of the ritual Fire but also the
production of ritual recitations. Agni thus takes in his hand the ritual processes
men (nr-) employed to summon him so that the deity can summon the other
gods. If this is the case, then nm pertains to specific ritual processes expected
of men and directed towards the ritual Fire.
This reciprocity between the god Agni and men (nr-) is encountered
elsewhere. In several verses a manly minded (nm) individual, who has
good insights (svdh) and an eye for men or attention of men (nck),

and vry, the use of k- underscores the activities associated with the respective abstract
concepts.
36 V.1.77.4a. Cf. V.1.59.4d, V.3.1.12d, & V.4.5.2d.

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kindles the Fire and sings to it.37 In an obscure ritual allusion, ritual participants
protect Agnis manhood (nm) through offerings.
V.5.19.2ab: juhur v cityant nimia nmm pnti.
Watching, they have poured out (offerings). Unblinking, they protect (Agnis) manhood
(nm).

The individuals performing the sacrifice are said to be watching (cityant-) and
unblinking (nimia) in their endeavours, as if extreme care and attention is
needed in protecting manhood (nm), which here corresponds to a wellnourished Fire. This verse confirms that Agni functions as a key symbol of
manhood (nm). Manhood (nm) thus shares a close relationship with the
ritual Fire and sacrificial acts. In turn men (nr-) readily cultivate the ritual Fire
since it functions as a conduit of their identity. In terms of ritual practice this
process makes participation with the ritual Fire and by extension the ritual cult
on the whole an intrinsic component in the identity of men (nr-) in early
Vedic society. Through participation with the Fire men are taught how to be men.
Ritual participation is encoded in the very makeup of what it means to be a man
(nr) and a mans fire is a crucial factor in determining his identity.
In the early Vedic context, men (nr-) also have numerous other ritual
responsibilities. To restate my hypothesis: The single most prevalent and defining

37 See V.10.45.1 & 3. Cf. V.10.92.14cd, where a manly minded one (nmas-) sings to Aditi,

others wives, and the youthful lord of the night (aktr yvnaptim), who is most likely
Agni (see Klein 1985, 2: 129). Cf. V.5.50.4, where the manly minded one (nm), who is
either Indra or the Yajamna, is said to possess a dwelling place full of soldiers (vrpastya)
and wins floods (r, most likely sma), which are likened to his insights (dhr).

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characteristic of a man (nr) is his participation in early Vedic rituals. For

example, men (nr-) recite sacred formulas,38 prepare sma for Indra through a
woolen sieve with stones,39 and bring twisted grass to the sacrifice.40 As servants
of the gods (devaynt-), men set the sacrificial post in its place.41 In addition, one
verse states:
V.3.62.12a: dev nra savitra vpr yaja suvrktbhi | namasynti dhiyit.
Men, inspired poets, impelled by insight, pay homage to God Savit with sacrifices and
well-woven (hymns).

This verse emphasizes the fact that men (nr-) are defined by their ritual
commitments and activities. Men also eat ritually prepared food at the morning
sacrificial offering:
V.1.124.12b (= V.6.64.6b): nra ca y pitubhjo vyau.
And men who partake of food at (Dawns) dawning.

Moreover, the sacrifice is metaphorically associated with yoking a chariot:

V.1.115.2: sryo devm usa rcamnm mryo n ym abhy ti pact | ytr

nro devaynto yugni vitanvat prti bhadrya bhadrm.

The Sun approaches the shining goddess Dawn from behind, like an adolescent (mrya)
his young wife; while the men (nr-), servants of the gods, stretch out the yokes toward an
auspicious (gift) for an auspicious (god).

38 V.2.19.1d: brahmaynta ca nra.

39 V.2.36.1. Cf. V.3.35.8a.
40 V.3.2.6b.
41 V.3.8.6a.

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Once more we see that men (nr-) are defined by their allegiance to early Vedic
gods through ritual activity. In addition, the verse seems to stress the importance
of marriage. At V.5.61.4 the Maruts are also considered to be mrya and have
auspicious wives (bhdrajni). The term mrya means something like
adolescent, youth, or youngster, and invokes images of a headstrong young
man or young blood. Nevertheless, we should not posit a clear distinction
between men (nr-) and adolescent males (mrya-):
V.5.53.3cd: nro mry arepsa imn pyann ti uhi.
The men (Maruts), adolescents, flawless: When you see them, praise them.42

It seems that maturity comes young in ancient India. Male identity is not
contingent on age, but on ritual affiliation and participation. Hence, men (nr-)
are not only defined by their close connection with the ritual Fire, they also
perform numerous other ritual duties.
Therefore, one of the fundamental roles of a man (nr) is his constant and
correct participation in the early Vedic ritual cult centered on Fire. The ritual
Fire represents, mediates, and instigates the relationships men should share with
each other and with the world around them. This should be no surprise given
Agnis standard epithet vaivnara, common to all men or even with power
over all men.43 Findly (1982: 17-18) nicely qualifies this point:
Because Agni belongs exclusively to the Aryans, possession of him, and as here of
Vaivnara, becomes one of the most important characterizing marks of being Aryan and

42 Cf. V.5.59.5c, & V.7.56.1ab.

43 See Findly (1982: 5-22).

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therefore a sign of divine election. Though born from the god and kept by the Aryans,
Vaivnara in turn has certain responsibilities towards his benefactors: as king of those
descended from Manu, the first worshipping Aryan, he must protect his folkand, as a
child of the gods, he must conquer their detractors and provide a peace broad enough for
the proper performance of their ritual. Furthermore, in his role as warrior against the
Dasyu, Vaivnara assumes many of the traits of Indra andhe is actually said to engage
in combat though this image may be more symbolic than real.

We have also seen that one facet of manhood (nm) relates to correct
ritual activity. Therefore, the textual evidence indicates that male identity comes
from participation in the early Vedic ritual cult. This hypothesis is further
substantiated by the fact that men (nr-) are not just the performers of rituals,
they can also be ritual patrons (sr-).44 In fact, in one case, the patrons (sr-) are
not just men (nr-) but also protectors of men (npt-).45 The central point is
that a nr is not a generic word for all human males, but (at least as attested by
the above evidence) specifically refers to men who are marked as carrying out
important ritual roles, especially in relation to the ritual Fire.

2.3.b. Men, Manhood, and Indra

Agni is not the only deity that shares a close relationship with men (nr-). In the
same way that they tend to the ritual Fire, men (nr-) revere Indra in the ritual
arena in exchange for the martial deitys amity. For example:
V.6.29.1a: ndra vo nra sakhya sepur.

44 See V.5.10.3-4.
45 V.7.74.5-6.

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For you (= sacrificial patrons) men offered their services to Indra for friendship.46
V.6.29.4ab: ndra nra stuvnto brahmakr ukth santo devvtatam.
Men who make the sacred formulations are praising Indra and eulogizing their
recitations as the best of those close to the god.47
V.7.19.8ab: priysa t te maghavan abhau nro madema ara skhya.
Beloved indeed to you, O munificent one (= Indra), may we men be elated in your
superiority, in your protection, as friends.

A friendly rapport with Indra is important to men. One reason for this is explicitly
stated in the following verse:
V.1.174.1ab: tv rjendra y ca dev rk nn phy sura tvm asmn.
As king, O Indra, you, with the ones who are gods, must guard men. You must protect
us, O lordly one.

The ritual participants here explicitly state that they are men (nr-) and their
interest lies in Indras ability to keep them safe. Interestingly, this is a reciprocal,
if not equal, relationship as Indra is stated to be a man, worthy to be praised for
friendship.48 Like Agni, Indra is a man (nr) to whom other men (nr-) pay
special attention. Men (nr-) thus praise a god of their own ilk in the ritual arena.
This idea is encountered in numerous other verses. For example:

46 Geldner (1951, 2: 28 n.2) notes that the address is to the sacrificial patrons (Opferherren). Note

the next verse where undisclosed manly Xs are joined in Indras hand (V.6.29.2a: ysmin

hste nry mimikr). We recall that Agni is also said to have all manhood (vva- nm-) in
his hand at V.1.67.3.
47 Cf. V.7.19.9b & V.7.31.2.
48 V.8.24.19b: skhya stmya nram.

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V.1.62.1d: -rcmrk nre vrutya.

We (men) chant a chant to the widely famed man (Indra).49
V.1.100.8b: nro nram vase t dhnya.
The men (inspire) this man (Indra) for help, for wealth.
V.4.25.4cd: y ndrya sunvmty ha nre nryya ntamya nm.
He who says, We will press (sma) for Indra, for the man worthy to be a man, best man
among men.
V.4.16.16: tm d va ndra suhva huvema ys t cakra nry puri | y mvate

jaritr gdhya cin mak vjam bhrati sprhrdh.

We would invoke for you all just him, Indra, easy to invoke, who has done these many
things worthy for a man/appropriate to men, he whose generosity is intensely desired,
who promptly brings to a singer such as me a prize to be captured (in battle).
V.6.44.4: tym u vo prahaa g vasas ptim | ndra vivsha nram

mhiha vivcaraim.
And, for you all, I sing to the lord of capacity (vas), who does not knock us out, to
Indra, dominating all, the man, most munificent who belongs to all boundary peoples.
V.8.97.10: vv ptan abhibhtara nra sajs tatakur ndra jajan ca rjse |

krtv vriha vra mrim utgrm jiha tavsa tarasvnam.

They have jointly fashioned and begotten for ruling the man, Indra, who reigns supreme
in all battles: choicest at the choice due to his resolve, and a hindrance, authoritative,
most authoritative, courageous, enduring.
10.50.2b: carktya ndro mvate nre.

49 See v.3 where nr- perform the chant.

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Indra is to be constantly celebrated for one like me, for a man.50

Men (nr-) not only play a central role in praising their war-god in the ritual
arena, Indra is also considered to be the exemplary man ( nr). Indra is thus the
paramount projection of how human men wish to be perceived. This is not simply
a matter of gender recognition, but a statement of social and ritual acceptance
and standing. Like Agni, Indras male identity is representative of his loyal
followers. Ritual statements about Agni and Indra thus communicate to ritual
participants exactly how they should comport themselves in the ritual arena and
in the real world. Once again, men (nr-) are defined by their role as ritual
participants and through ritual participation the persona of human men (nr-) is
closely aligned with gods, such as Agni and Indra.
One reason that ritual participants praise Indra is to underscore his duty
to act munificently. In the following chapters we will see that generosity is a
fundamental ideal communicated in early Vedic rituals. Considerable emphasis
and pressure is placed on gods and humans in order to ensure that they will
distribute wealth among the wider community through the medium of rituals.
Since male identity plays such a crucial role in constructing and communicating
the expectations placed on men in early Vedic culture, then it is no surprise that
Indras manhood (nm) is correlated with great generosity or benefit (mah

rdhas):
V.8.2.29: stta ca ys tv vrdhanti mah rdhase nmya | ndra kra vdhnta.

50 See v.1, where nm appears.

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And the praises which reinforce you for great generosity, for manhood (nm), O
Indra, are reinforcing the victory-singer.

In this verse praises serve to underscore Indras expectation as a man to distribute

wealth. In a similar context ritual participants praise Indra and covet his many
acts of masculinity (pasya-) because they want profit and victory:
V.8.95.6cd: pury asya pasy ssanto vanmahe.
Striving to win, we will covet his many acts of masculinity (pasya-).

Hence ritual praise serves to communicate the notion that munificence is an

important component of male identity.
In the same way the nm signals the ritual act of kindling Fire, solemn
recitations/hymns (ukth-) are placed in apposition to acts of masculinity
(pasya-) and they serve to encourage Indra in battle:51
V.9.111.3de: gmann ukthni pasyndra jatrya harayan.
The recitations, the acts of masculinity (pasya-) have gone to Indra, arousing him to
victory.

This verse emphasizes the ritual component of male identity, as hymns are
considered to be expressions of masculine behaviour. This is also encountered
elsewhere as the Maruts acts of ritual sagacity (kvya-) are juxtaposed with acts
of masculinity (pasya-).52 Brereton (2004a: 333-337) argues that the term kav,
sage, does not refer to a specific ritual role, but to the anticipated character of a

51 See V.8.51.4, where after receiving a ritual chant, Indras masculinity is produced when the

god makes all living creatures cry out.

52 V.5.59.4b.

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house(hold)-lord (ghpati) or clan-lord (vipti). Hence, not only is a priest

considered to be kav, but the term thereby extends to sacrificers and kings, who
should know hidden, secret, and true things in ritual performances. The term

kvya, sagacity, thus encapsulates this form of ritual knowledge. This indicates
that the Maruts have specialized knowledge of the ritual, which is related to their
masculine expectations. It is important to recall that the Maruts are primarily
warrior gods. This suggests that warriors are very familiar with ritual pragmatics.
Once again the common factor that allows for males, whether human or god, to
be considered men (nr-) is ritual participation. Moreover, manhood (nm)
and masculinity (pasya) signal specific forms of ritual activity or knowledge.
The idea that the correct performance of sacrifices is one of the primary
mediums through which manhood is recognized can be seen in the following
verse:
V.5.38.4: ut no asy ksya cid dkasya tva vtrahan | asmbhya nmm

bharsmbhya nmaasyase.
And (you rule) over this (sacrificial) skill of ours, whatever it be (it is) yours, O Vtrasmasher. For us bring manhood (nm) here, (since) for us you have your mind on
men.

The term dka normally signals the sacrificial aptitude of ritual participants. Its
appearance in this verse suggests that Indra receives the results of a successfully
staged ritual. In this context Indra is instructed to provide (- bh-) manhood
(nm) to the ritual participants. The single appearance of the denominative
verb form nmaasy- suggests that the ritual participants are themselves men
(nr-), and that Indra is immediately concerned with their needs. If this is the case
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then it also underscores the meaning of nmas and nm as pertaining to types

of actions that are the responsibility of men (nr-), or in this case the exemplary
man, Indra. We have already seen that nm signals ritual processes, and for this
reason nm may parallel dka as recognition of the duty of men to offer
sacrifices to Indra. Hence, the idea may be that Indra confers manhood (nm)
on men when they have correctly offered sacrifice to the martial god. This may be
exactly what the ritual participants, the men (nr-), are demanding from the god
in return for ritual services. Indra must recognize the fulfillment of their ritual
duty and thereby confer manhood on them.
The ritual preparation of sma also plays an important role in shaping
male identity. In numerous verses men (nr-) press and purify sma for Indra to
drink. They are also said to hold, restrain, and lead the divine draught in the more
animated depictions of its preparation.53 In a similar context, sma is clothed in
acts of sagacity (kvya-), which are placed in apposition to acts of manhood
(nm-).54 This suggests that an important factor in the creation of sma involves
specialized ritual knowledge (kvya), which is further considered to reflect the
male identity of the ritual participants who concoct it. The preparation of sma in
the ritual arena is thus one of the specialized duties of men ( nr-). It is interesting
that one of the only men (nr-) explicitly stated to drink sma is Indra. This

53 See V.2.36.1, V.3.35.8, V.6.40.2, V.9.11.1, V.9.17.7, V.9.24.3, V.9.27.3, V.9.28.1,

V.9.62.5, 16, V.9.68.4, 7, V.9.72.2, V.9.74.4, V.9.75.3, 5, V.9.78.2, V.9.80.4,

V.9.86.20, 22, 34, V.9.87.1, V.9.91.2, V.9.95.1, V.9.97.5, V.9.101.3, V.9.107.5, 16,
V.9.108.15, & V.9.109.8, 15, 18. Cf. V.9.56.4, where sma protects men.
54 V.9.7.4: pri yt kvy kavr nm vsno rati | svr vj sisati.

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suggests that access to sma is a privileged right of certain elite figures, who are
also men, within the early Vedic ritual cult. In one verse ritually active men (nr-)
appear to drink sma:
V.7.97.1: yaj div ndane pthivy nro ytra devayvo mdanti | ndrya ytra

svanni sunv gman mdya pratham vya ca.

At the sacrifice, at the seat of men from heaven and from earth, where men, seeking the
gods, find exhilaration, where pressings are pressed for Indra, he will come for
exhilaration and (to) foremost health (vyas).55

This verse explicitly states that the ritual arena is the site in which gods and
humans are all considered to be men (ndana). Moreover, in seeking the gods,
human men find exhilaration in the same way that Indra finds exhilaration
through sma pressings. The standard way in which gvedic poets signal the
experience of drinking sma is through the use of mad-, to find exhilaration, be
elated. This verse may suggest then that the men are drinking sma.56
One man (nr), Indra, most certainly drinks sma on a regular basis. In
fact, drinking sma may be a crucial factor in confirming Indras male identity,
and by extension, that of all men in early Vedic ritual society:
V.8.2.23c: jyhena sotar ndrya sma vrya akrya | bhr pban nryya.

55 Note stanza b = V.1.154.5b. For syntax issues, see Klein (1985, 1: 56-57, 71). Note

RV.1.83.4a: d gir pratham dadhire vya, and cf. V.1.178.2d: gman na ndra sakhy

vya ca.
56 Cf. V.9.76.1ab.

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Through the most excellent, O presser, bring sma to Indra, to the capable soldier
(vr). He will drink in order to be a man.57

Elsewhere, Indra drinks sma and thereby displays/demonstrates (di-) his

masculinity (pasya).58 Likewise, a verse to Indra states:
V.2.36.5a: e sy te tanv nmavrdhana.
This (sma) reinforces your bodys manhood (nm).

All of the above examples highlight the mutual relationship between preparing
and drinking sma as signs of male identity. The fact that men (nr-) prepare

sma serves to reaffirm their status as true men and in drinking the divine
draught Indra confirms his own manhood and masculinity. It seems that men
drink sma for the same reason. Hence, one factor in confirming an ryan males
status as a man (nr) is his access to sma drinking the divine draught makes
him a man. This process is once again intimately associated with ritual processes
and activity.
In a problematic verse, sma once again features in a ritual context that
relates to issues of male identity:
V.9.70.3: t asya santu ketv mtyav dbhyso jan ubh nu | ybhir nm ca

devy ca punat d d rjnam mann agbhata.

57 Oberlies (1998: 413) cites this verse in part in his section on sma and political legitimation. For

further discussion of Oberlies, see Chapters 3 & 5.

58 V.8.45.26: pibat kadrva sutm ndra sahsrabhve | trdedia pasyam. Cf.

V.8.93.15b: vtrahdia pasyam.

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Let these immortal beacons/banners of his (Soma/Sun), free from deception, follow
both breeds (of gods and men), through which acts of manhood (nm-) and godly ones
are purified. Then the mindful took possession of their king.

To my mind the beacons/banners (ket-) appear to be the purified streams of

sma on account of the fact that both milk and waters feature in the first two
verses of the hymn. However, Geldner (1951, 3: 61) and Schlerath (1960: 61) both
suggest that they refer to the rays of the sun. Either way, the beacons purify acts
of manhood (nm-) and unidentified divine ones (devy-). This process further
allows properly focused (mann) individuals to take control of their king,
which, I aver, refers to either preparing or even drinking sma.59
Given all the evidence presented so far, it is plausible to think that nmand devy- refer to ritual processes and activities. Moreover, this is the only verse
that presents us with a collocation between divine and manly acts. Since nm
relates at once to human and godly men, then I think it is reasonable to assume
that the author does not intend to convey any outright bifurcation between
notions of mundane and supramundane worlds. Perhaps here the poet is simply
emphasizing the presence of both gods and humans in the ritual arena. The
appearance of jans-, breeds (of god and men), supports this conclusion. The
verse may also indicate that human and divine actors equally participate in
preparing sma. Hence, in the same way that ritual participants purify sma, their
ritual activity is in turn purified. It seems that the mental state of the ritual
participants is dependent on this process of purification. If nm and devy refer

59 Both Geldner (1951, 3: 62 n.1) & Schlerath (1960: 61, 92) agree that the king is indeed the god

Soma.

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to the ritual activities of men and gods, then perhaps the mindful ones (mann)
are both men and gods who accept Soma as their king. With regard to this verse,
Schlerath (1960: 61) suggests that the parallelism between gods and men allows
Soma to become king. The parallelism may further indicate that the identities of
gods and men are unified in the ritual arena. Taking hold of king sma purifies
and therefore unifies the ritual actions of gods and men, despite the different
realms of activity.60 The term nr accommodates both the identities of human
men and gods, and hence its use may indeed facilitate a reality where both the
identities of gods and men are collapsed together in the figure of a real ritual
participant. If preparing sma purifies ritual participants, then this suggests a
symbolically potent form of ritual sanction that affirms past deeds, and endorses
future ritual acts.
This verse, V.9.70.3, may also be alluding to the selection of a human
king, which parallels the ritual participants acceptance of sma as their king. I
will deal with this issue in-depth in Chapter 3. Nevertheless, it is important to
make some general observations with regard to the above verse. Not only have we
seen that both ritual participants and their gods are men (nr-), we have also seen
that men (nr-), whether gods or humans, are active in the ritual arena. In the
next chapter, we will see that human actions closely parallel divine actions, and
the god Indra has a human representative in the ritual arena. When ritual

60 Cf. V.9.48.1, to Soma Pavamna: t tv nmni bbhrata sadhstheu mah div |

cru suktyyemahe. Thus you, who brings acts of manhood (nm-) among the abodes of
great heaven, we implore for that which is dear/precious through this good ritual activity.

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participants confirm Indras status and duty as the divine king and warlord, they
also reproduce such values on a human chieftain at the same time. This process
possibly underlies the above verse as the king may not just be sma, but also
Indra. In verse 4 Soma sets his attention on men (nckas-), while closely
examining both clans of gods and men; in verse 5 Soma nurses Indrahood
(indriyya dhyase-) and is placed between both worlds; and in verse 9 Soma is
instructed to purify himself for the pursuit of gods, and then to enter the heart of
Indra, as it is the receptacle of sma (somadhna). Hence, the above verses may
be acknowledging that through drinking sma Indra, and by extension his human
counterpart, becomes king. The human king symbolically embodies the gods
Indra and Soma at once, while also being a man whom other men accept as their
leader.
The use of nm and pasya thus demonstrates that a major
component of male identity relates to the correct performance of rituals and
certain ritual processes. A significant part of being respected as a man (nr) in
early Vedic society entails being a skilled and sophisticated participant in the
ritual. In turn, hymns serve to remind Agni, Indra, the Maruts, and human
participants, of their responsibilities as men (nr-).61 Within the ritual arena
responsibilities are engendered and duties are parceled out. The ability of men
(nr-) to offer praises and ritual expertise to Agni and Indra is an intrinsic
component of their manhood (nm) and masculinity (pasya). Ritual
participation reflects and defines the identity of the men, who in turn promote or

61 See V.5.57.6c, where acts of manhood are placed on (the Maruts) heads (nm rsv).

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accept manly ideals. The term nr, man, at once refers to gods, real humans,
and the union of the two in the ritual arena. This further indicates that ritual
participants transmit the ideals of male identity and carry out the obligations
entailed by such concepts. The individuals communicating the ideals of male
identity in the ritual arena are also the very individuals expected to carry out such
values in the ritual arena and in the real world.

2.4.a. Men and Martiality

Up to this point we have considered one aspect of male identity as it pertains to
ritual participation. Another significant component incumbent on men (nr-) in
early Vedic culture is their duty to fight. Not only are ritually active men
responsible for the ritual Fire, praising Indra, and preparing sma, but like their
gods, men (nr-) also perform martial endeavours. For example:
V.6.59.7: ndrgni h tanvat nro dhnvni bhv | m no asmn mahdhan pr

varkta gviiu.
O Indra and Fire, because men are here drawing their bows in their arms, do not twist
away from us in this (battle) for great stakes, in our quests for cattle.62

In this verse the poet expresses concern that the dual divinities, Indra and Agni,
not forsake men (nr-) in their cattle raids. The martial imagery indicates that
men (nr-) act as archers and marauders. While the poet may be formulating
ritual practice as a metaphor for battle, to my mind, this verse also refers to

62 Cf. V.6.75.11cd.

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genuine martial realities. As the rest of this chapter will demonstrate the
character of a man (nr) is assessed by his continued martial exploits, which are
proclaimed within the ritual ground and represent a didactic vehicle through
which militant ethics are communicated to the greater community. The idea that
men (nr-) should participate in rituals is coterminous with the idea that they
should wage war: ritual and battle are opposite yet complementary sides of the
same coin in early Vedic culture.
In saying this, the gvedic evidence indicates that men (nr-) carry out
martial exploits. Not only are men (nr-) active ritual participants, they are also
warriors. Males are considered to be nr- when they accept both ritual and
martial responsibilities. In many cases the very individuals who pose the greatest
threat to the tribes prosperity are rival men (nr-). Numerous verses indicate that
Indra is expected to defeat other men (nr-). In fact, such men are likely to be
other ritual participants from warring ryan tribes:
V.4.24.3a: tm n nro v hvayante samk.
Indeed, men separately invoke him (Indra) in their encounters with one another.63
V.4.25.8d: ndra nro vjaynto havante.
Men, competing for the prize, invoke Indra.64
V.6.46.1c: tv vtrv indra stpati nras.

63 Note pda d: men in their winning of offspring and descendents ( nras toksya tnayasya

sta).
64 Cf. V.4.42.5.

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It is you, O Indra, as the lord of the settlement, that men (invoke) amid obstacles.
V.7.27.1a: ndra nro nemdhit havante.
Men invoke Indra when facing each other (before battle).

These verses demonstrate that all the men in question are members of early
Vedic culture and ritual traditions: All the men are ryans. Since little or no
evidence suggests that nr- are from anything but ryan stock that is, the term

nr designates membership in early Vedic ritual society then this should draw
our attention to the underlying subtext of these verses, where men battle other
men from the same culture. These verses depict warfare between rival Vedic
tribes. Moreover, warfare between rival families is a predicament that is
consistently praised and promoted in the ritual arena:
V.8.16.1c: pr samrja caranm ndra stot nvya grbh | nra nham

mhiham.
With songs praise forth Indra anew, the sovereign ruler of boundary peoples, the man
that dominates men, the most munificent.
V.10.38.4: y dabhrbhir hvyo y ca bhribhir y abhke varivovn nhye | t

vikhd ssnim ady rut nram arvcam ndram vase karmahe .

The one who is to be invoked by the few and who (is to be invoked) by the many, who
gains wide space at the encounter, at the dominating of men: Him, winning in the
voracious (battle) today, renowned, man, Indra will we make head towards us for help.

Hence the notion of conquering rival men (nh, nhya) signals the defeat of
members of early Vedic culture. This idea is also encountered in relation to
manhood (nm) and masculinity (pasya):

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V.7.48.3: t cid dh prvr abh snti s vv ary upartti vanvan | ndro vbhv

bhuk vjo ary tror mithaty kavan v nmm.

For they are superior to the many through their command. They vanquished all
strangers/compatriots (ar-) in their quest for ascendancy. Indra, Vibhvan, bhukan,
and Vja will do away with the manhood (nm) of both stranger/compatriot (ar) and
rival by opposing it.
V.10.59.3a: abh v ry pasyair bhavema.
May we be superior to strangers/compatriots (ar-) due to our acts of masculinity
(pasya-).65

The term ar- refers to a stranger to the poets community, yet the outsider is still
considered to be a member of early Vedic culture.66 Hence, the strangers in both
verses are most certainly members of early Vedic ritual society they are
compatriot ryans (ar-). Even more telling is the fact that ritual rhetoric not only
recognizes the defeat of rival men (nr-) from the wider early Vedic cultural
milieu, it encourages it. Conquering rival men is a legitimate and sanctioned
endeavour in early Vedic society, especially for Indra, the man (nr) par

65 Cf. V.10.76.2c, where the presser of the ritual stones finds masculinity that is

supremacy/overwhelming to a stranger (vidd dhy ry abhbhti pasyam). See also the ritual
allusion at V.1.169.6d, where Indra is commanded to approach men (nr-), that is, the Maruts,
whose running antelopes are said to have halted, like the acts of masculinity of a stranger, at a ford
(trth nrya pasyni tasth). Klein (1985, 2: 115) suggests that the vivid depiction of the
antelopes of the Maruts stopping at a ford and the imperatives of the opening distich together
suggest that the poet conceives the moment of reconciliation between Indra and the Maruts as
taking place in the present.
66 See Brereton (1981: 150-162) and Chapter 3 for further discussion of this issue.

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excellence. Men (nr-) are thus active ritual participants and also perpetrators of
violence, often on their own people.

2.4.b. Manhood, Masculinity, and Martiality

Since men (nr-) are so readily expected to fight in open wars and skirmishes, it is
apt then that nm and pasya appear in martial contexts. The martial
implications of nm and pasya are evident in numerous verses. As we saw
above in V.6.59.7 cattle raiding is one component of the martial exploits of men.
This idea is expressed in a verse to Soma:
V.9.62.23: abh gvyni vtye nm punn arasi | sandvja pri srava.
For the pursuit of cattle, being purified, you rush out to acts of manhood (nm-). Flow
about, as you win prizes.

The competitive nature of nm is further underscored in another verse to

Soma:
V.9.7.4: pri yt kvy kavr nm vsno rati | svr vj sisati.
When the sage, being clothed in acts of sagacity, in acts of manhood (nm-), rushes
about, as a prize-winning horse, he strives to win the Sun.67

67 Cf. V.4.16.9, to Indra: ch kav nmao g abhau svrt maghavan ndhamnam

tbhis tm iao dyumnhtau n myvn brahm dsyur arta. Come over here to the sage, O
manly minded one, in your superiority, to the one who needs help in the winning of the sun, O
munificent one. Through favours, you will assist him at the majestic invocation, (thus) the crafty
barbarian who lacks formulations (of truth) falls down.

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Manhood (nm) thus encapsulates competition for cattle and prizes. We

equally see that pasya appears in contexts featuring animals, especially cattle.68
Moreover, Indras masculinity (pasya) is said to be worthy of praise when he
frees the cows:
V.8.63.3: s vidv girobhya ndro g avod pa | stu td asya pasyam.
Knowing, he uncovered the cows for the Agirases. This act of masculinity (pasya) of
his is to be praised.

A similar idea is expressed in the final book of the gveda, where the notion of
depriving enemies of their manhood is introduced:
V.10.48.2: ahm ndro rdho vko tharvaas tritya g ajanayam her dhi | ah

dsyubhya pri nmm dade gotr kan dadhc mtarvane.

I, Indra, am the barrier, the breast (plate) of the Atharvan. For Trita I produced forth
the cows from the Serpent. I take away manhood (nm) from the barbarians, directing
my effort/capability to the cow pens for Dadhyac and Mtarivan.

Here manhood (nm) encompasses important notions of honour and shame.

Capturing cows undermines the manhood of these enemies, and hence manhood
(nm) entails the responsibility to protect cows. However, what is more
interesting about this verse is that it is the only one to ascribe manhood (nm)
to non-Vedic peoples, the Dasyu. I have not found a single verse that qualifies the
indigenous peoples whom the migrating ryans encountered as nr-. For this
reason Indras statement can be read as an ideological projection of specific
68 See V.1.80.10 (serpent Vtra), V.1.169.6 (antelopes), V.4.41.6 (masculinity of the bull),

V.6.36.3 (vya), V.8.3.20 (Vtra), V.8.6.31 (vya), V.8.7.23 (vi), V.8.51.4 (all
creatures), V.10.50.3, V.10.55.7 (vya), & V.10.92.7 (masculinity of the bull).

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values onto culturally foreign groups. Manhood relates to Indras desire for cattle,
and hence encapsulates an imperative close to the hearts and minds of early
Vedic men. It need not imply that ryans consider the Dasyu to be men (nr-).
This would not accord to the evidence so far presented in which nr is a specific
and prestigious term indicating membership within early Vedic ritual society.
Cattle-raiding is most certainly a preoccupation of men who move in early
Vedic culture. The following verse either indicates that men (nr-) speak of
unidentified ritual processes by way of the bovine metaphor or actually undertake
cattle raids:
V.4.1.15cd: drh nro vcas davyena vraj gmantam ujo v vavru .
With divine speech, the men, the devotees, opened up the steadfast pen full of cows.69

In a similar context, the Vivmitra family (V. book 3) solely employs a verse to
Indra; a verse which is used to draw a close to numerous hymns:
V.3.30.22: un huvema maghvnam ndram asmn bhre ntama vjastau |

vntam ugrm tye samtsu ghnnta vtri sajta dhnnm.

For success, we would invoke the munificent Indra in this (cattle) raid, the best man in
the winning of prizes; him who listens, authoritative for help in battles, smashing
obstacles, victor of stakes.70

For the Vivmitra poets Indra is clearly considered to be the best man (ntama)
for the job of capturing cattle and winning wars. Cattle raids are thus an

69 Cf. also V.6.59.7.

70 This verse also appears at V.3.31.22, V.3.32.17, V.3.34-3611, V.3.38.10, V.3.39.9,

V.3.43.8, V.3.48-50.5, V.10.89.18, & V.10.104.11.

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important component of male identity. The measure of a mans manhood

(nm) and masculinity (pasya) closely relates to competition, which often
involves cattle as a prominent form of wealth in early Vedic culture. We will see
in Chapter 4 that cattle-raiding is one of the main duties of soldiers (vr-) as well.
Consequently, the gvedic hymns not only celebrate cattle raids and warfare,
they also serve to instigate them, which in reality reproduces such values by
reproducing the individuals who carry them out.
While nm and pasya reflect the quest for cattle, male identity also
signals the basic need for open warfare. Indra not only upholds the ideals of
manhood (nm), he is further expected to carry out such ideals in battle:
V.4.22.9: asm vrih kuhi jyh nmni satr sahure shsi | asmbhya

vtr suhnni randhi jah vdhar vano mrtyasya.

Among us perform your highest, most excellent acts of manhood (nm-), thoroughly
(perform) your acts of dominance (shas-), O dominating one. Make well-smashed
obstacles subject to us. Smash the deadly weapon of the covetous mortal.

The correspondence between fulfilling the ideals of manhood (nm) and

claiming unrivalled dominance (shas) underscores the martial significance of
male identity. This verse indicates that the performance of manly deeds is not
only martial in nature; martiality is what makes manhood (nm) so highly
valued. The close correlation between manhood (nm) and martiality appears
elsewhere. For example:
V.10.22.3: mah ys pti vaso smy mah nmsya ttuj | bhart vjrasya

dh pit putrm iva priym.

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The one (Indra) who is the lord of great capacity (vas), here (has made his vas)
complete. He is the advancer of great manhood (nm), the bearer of the bold mace,
like a father (bears) his beloved son.71

The simile reveals the intimate nature of male identity and the livelihood of a
warrior. Indra apparently holds onto his weapon of war in the same tender way
that a father cares for his son. Moreover, as we have already seen, Indra is one of
the primary promoters of manhood (nm), which, as this verse indicates, is
represented in militant terms. It would not be overly stretching the simile to think
that fathers were expected to pass on notions of manhood (nm) and train their
sons for battle.
In a similar verse where the martial terms vas and shas feature, Indra
acts in battle with his mind on men:
V.1.51.10: tkad yt ta un shas sho v rdas majmn bdhate va | tv

vtasya nmao manoyja pryamam avahann abh rva.

When Uan fashioned for you dominance (shas) through dominance (shas), (then)
(your) capacity (vas) drives apart the two world halves due to your greatness. Here the
mind-yoked (horses) of the wind bore you, O manly minded one, here to reputation
(rvas), as you become filled (with sma).

In this verse the adjective manly minded (nmas) should draw our attention
to issues of male identity. Given the martial nature of men ( nr-) and manhood
(nm) it is no surprise then that the term nmas appears in a similar context:

71 Note previous verse, V.10.22.2d, ya cakr smy . The adjective smi, not half,

undivided, whole, complete, appears in preponderance to qualify as stem nouns, e.g., yas,

vas, jas, rdhas.

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V.7.19.4ab: tv nbhir nmao devvtau bhri vtr haryva hasi.

With your men, O manly minded one, in pursuit of the gods, you, bay horse owner,
smash many obstacles.72

The use of nmas indicates that proving ones worth in battle and conquering
territory are matters of male identity that should be at the forefront of Indras
mind. In addition, in the last verse Indra commands other men (nr-) in battle
(here most likely the Maruts). Perhaps it is for this reason that the poet depicts
the war-god with his mind on men.
This martial facet of male identity is further underscored in a related verse
where manhood (nm) is juxtaposed with Indras physical and political power
(jas) and the war-god is explicitly instructed to act as a soldier (vr):
V.8.98.10: tv na indr bhara jo nm atakrato vicarae | vrm

ptanham.
O Indra, bring authority (jas) here to us, (bring) manhood (nm), O one of a
hundred resolves, O unbounded one, here (bring) a soldier (vr) who is dominant in
battles.

In this verse jas and nm are closely tied to a soldiers role in battle. The
primary function of a soldier (vr) is to acquire wealth from open warfare and
cattle raids.73 Victory in battle facilitates the acquisition and distribution of wealth
and in early Vedic culture warfare and plunder frequently foreshadow each other.

72 Cf. V.8.96.13, where the manly minded (nm) Indra pushed aside (pa- dh-)

opponents (snhit, blizzards). See also V.1.51.5, where Indra, the manly minded (voc.

nmaa), defeats various opponents.

73 See Chapter 4.

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Acts of manhood (nm-) are elsewhere associated with authority (jas).74 In his
more martial aspect, the god Soma prepares himself for battle by assuming
(dh-) acts of manhood (nm-) due to his authority (jas).75 The connection
between jas and nm also appears in the following verse, where such concepts
are synecdochically expressions of masculinity (pasya):
V.6.46.7: yd indra nhuv jo nm ca ku | yd v pca kitn

dyumnm bhara satr vvni pasy.

O Indra, the authority (jas) and manhood (nm) that exists here among the Nahua
communities, or the majesty that belongs to the five settlements: bring them here,
completely (bring) all masculinity (pasya-).

Indras production of all masculinity (vva- pasya-) encompasses the

nhuic communities jas and nm, and the five settlements majesty
(dyumn). What this verse suggests is that such concepts not only characterize
gods such as Indra, they are also highly significant qualities for real people in
early Vedic society. In addition, Nahua is frequently portrayed as an enemy and
thus Indras monopolization of jas, nm, and dyumn may allude to the
military subjugation of the Nahua communities and five settlements. This would
explain why Indra lays claim to all forms of masculinity as the poet only
recognizes the legitimacy of such prestigious qualities when under Indras control.

74 See V.5.33.6b. For shas, jas, bla, nm, and r, see V.5.57.6.
75 V.9.15.4: e gi ddhuvac chte ythy v | nm ddhna jas. This one, the bull

(who leads) the herd, shaking his horns violently, sharpens them, assuming acts of manhood
(nm) due to his authority (jas). Cf. V.9.69.3d: nm no mahi n obhate. Honing
his manhood after manhood (nm-), like a great buffalo, he beautifies himself.

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This is certainly not unprecedented as Indra is elsewhere said to embody all

masculinity (vva- pasya-).76 Hence, for these Bharadvja poets at least, Indra
jealously monopolizes all expressions of male identity and all statements of
political control, and consequently is expected to crush other communities who
display such ideals.
The ramifications of this suggest that masculinity (pasya) and manhood
(nm) are closely guarded traits and considered to be fairly exclusive to
members of a ritually inclined cult of violence. This is not wholly untenable as
Indras paradigmatic defeat of Vtra is called a great act of masculinity.77 It is
important to remember that the serpent Vtra symbolizes real world hindrances
to ryan commitments. Thus the removal of obstacles is encoded into the very
identity of men. In the same vein, when Indra subjugates the goddess Dawn, he
performs an act of masculinity (pasya), which is equally called his act of
soldiery (vry).78 We note here the male undertones of vry, which is

76 V.1.5.9c: ysmin vvni pasy.

77 V.1.80.10c: maht td asya pasya. See also V.8.3.20cd: nr antrikd adhamo mahm

hi | k td indra pasyam. From the atmosphere you have blown away the great Serpent:
that act of masculinity you have performed, O Indra. Cf. V.8.32.3c. See also V.8.7.23c, where
the Maruts defeat Vtra and thus are performing a bullish act of masculinity (cakr vi

pasyam). At V.1.101.3a heaven and earth most likely reinforce (vdh-) Indras great
masculinity (pasyam mahd). For further instances of vdh- and pasya, see V.1.155.3a, &
V.8.6.31b. See also V.2.13.10a, where all obstructions (vv rodhan) forfeit pasya to
Indra.
78 V.4.30.8. See also V.4.30.23, where Indras act of masculinity (pasya) is further qualified

as appropriate to his Indrahood (indriy), and no one is able to thwart it. And V.5.35.4d, where
Indras pasya smashes in every way/completely (satrh). Cf. V.1.100.3c, & V.8.63.8b.

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etymologically connected to English virile, virility via Latin cognates. Yet, as

Chapter 4 will show, we must keep in mind the fact that a soldier (vr) is defined
by his aggressive martial behaviour. For this reason, a soldier (vr) is said to look
forward to his act of masculinity, that is, to battle.79
Therefore, one component of male identity pertains to martiality. Early
Vedic conceptualizations of manhood (nm) and masculinity (pasya) are
measured in violence, blood, and warfare all of which receive sanction in ritual
performances. Warfare undoubtedly plays a substantial role in defining the
identities of men in early Vedic culture, and warfare seems to have been an
intrinsic reality in constructing the notion of true manliness. The context of many
of the more militant gvedic hymns reproduces the expectations placed on men
(nr-) and thereby constitutes the code of violence men must accept and
internalize. Furthermore, an intimate belief in the legitimacy and naturalness of
violence according to ones engendered social standing all the more ensures that
men will be prepared to die in battle for the greater good of their community.

2.4.c. Divine Men, Divine Example

Up to this point I have demonstrated that the terms nr, nm, and pasya
relate to the identities of men and gods in early Vedic culture. Moreover, we have
discussed in brief the parallel relationship between men and gods, and the fact
79 V.10.113.4b: prpayad vr abh pasya ram. Cf. V.1.56.3, where Indras capacity

(vas) is considered to be dustless at his act of masculinity (are pasye), that is, during his
battles with opponents. Also see V.1.166.7 & V.10.93.13c.

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that Indras divine exploits function as the paradigm for human activity. We will
continue to explore this issue at length in subsequent chapters. Nevertheless, it is
important to consider the specific role Indra plays in substantiating and
reproducing male identity. Indra is the paradigmatic man (nr) and his hymns
exemplify the values and ideals of early Vedic men. This idea is confirmed in the
following verse, where Indra explicitly establishes the standards of manhood
(nm) at a cosmic level:
V.1.55.3: tv tm indra prvata n bhjase mah nmsya dhrmam irajyasi |

pr vrya devtti cekite vvasm ugr krmae purhita.

O Indra, like the mountain, you set him (Soma) in place so as to take enjoyment. You
set the foundations of great manhood (nm) in place. He (Indra) appears forth among
the gods due to his soldiery (vry). For all actions the authoritative one is placed in
front.80

The basic idea presented here is that Indras cosmological activity serves as the
touchstone of male identity. Moreover, this verse places manliness within a
martial context. The mention of the mountain may allude to Indras battle with
Vtra. If Indra sets the example for human men, then the implications of this
verse also signal that a human warriors militarism, that is, his soldiery (vry),
may provide him a place among the gods violence can even result in some form
of apotheosis. We note here once again the relationship between nm and vry
as militant markers of manly endeavours.

80 For pr- cit- plus vry, cf. V.3.12.9. For a similar context where pr- cit- refers to ones

standing among others, see V.6.61.13a.

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The notion that Indras manhood (nm) conveys a corresponding

message to warriors in the real world is confirmed in the following verse:
V.6.25.6: s patyata ubhyor nmm ayr yd vedhsa samith hvante | vtr v

mah nvti kye v vycasvant ydi vitantasate.

He is lord of/governs the manhood (nm) of both these (warlords): when the ritual
adepts invoke (him/them) in the contest, or when these two who control an expanse
repeatedly struggle against each other in (the struggle against) Vtra/an obstacle or in
(the struggle for) a dwelling place greatly brimming with men.

In this verse Indra governs/lords over (pat-) the manhood (nm) of territory
controlling (vycasvant-) warlords (ra),81 especially when they compete in battle
against Vtra, the paradigmatic hindrance to ryan expansionism, or against each
other for a dwelling populated by men. Hence, warlords not only compete for
political control and the loyalty of other men, they also take their lead from their
war-god, Indra, who legitimizes their martial activity.
If Indras battle with Vtra symbolically invokes the same obligations
human warlords must accept in the real world, then the following verses convey a
potent political message about male identity:
V.1.80.3: prhy abhhi dhuh n te vjro n yasate | ndra nm h te vo hno

vtr jy ap rcann nu svarjyam.

Charge, attack, be bold! Your mace will not be restrained, O Indra, for manhood
(nm) and capacity (vas) belong to you. You will smash Vtra and conquer the
waters: they cheer on your sovereignty.

81 See V.6.25.4-5 for warlords (ra-).

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The poet reminds Indra that his possession of manhood ( nm) and capacity
(vas) facilitate the gods right to claim cosmic control through warfare.
Moreover, Indras defeat of Vtra is absolutely crucial for his claim to outright
rulership (svarjya). This same idea appears above with the warring warlords. Just
as Indras ability to slay the cosmic serpent comes from his manhood (nm) and
capacity (vas), in turn, Vtras defeat thus confirms the gods male identity. In a
verse from the same hymn as the one above, ritual participants and gods continue
to affirm Indras manhood as an inherent component of his martiality and
universal rulership:
V.1.80.15: nah n yd adhmsndra k vry par | tsmin nmm ut krtu

dev jsi s dadhur rcann nu svarjyam.

As far as we know, there is no one now who surpasses Indra through soldiery (vry). On
him the gods altogether conferred manhood (nm) and resolve/purpose, (on him the
gods altogether conferred) authority after authority (jas-): they cheer on your
sovereignty.

Once again Indras soldiery (viry-) sets him apart from any competitor, or better
yet, his example raises the bar for others to live up to. In addition, the gods confer
(dh-) manhood (nm), resolve (krtu), and authority (jas-) on Indra, which
substantiates the deitys martial and political identity. Moreover, in both verses,
individuals acknowledge the gods political supremacy (svarjya). Schleraths
(1960) insightful work on kingship in early Vedic society cogently asserts that
what happens to Indra also corresponds to human chieftains and kings. What is
important for the current discussion is that the ritual recognition of manhood

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(nm) is a significant component in legitimizing the position of rulers in ancient

India.
Indra can thus be understood as the Vedic alpha male. He is the
embodiment and model of maleness par excellence. Indras narratives not only
allude to the exploits and status of the martial deity at the cosmological level, they
also contain an ethical subtext, a martial ideology, that communicates ritual,
martial, and political responsibilities to ryan men. This is all the more true for
the individual expected to represent Indra in the real world, the sacrificial patron
(sr, yjamna), warlord (ra), and chieftain/king (rjan). Men (nr-) can
certainly be patrons (sr-) of the sacrifice.82 The close relationship between Indra
and the Yajamna is alluded to in a verse to Soma:
V.9.98.10cd: ndrya soma ptave vtraghn pri icyase | nre ca dkivate devya

sadansde.
O Soma, you are poured around for Indra, for Vtra-smasher, to drink, and for the man
who offers the sacrificial fee, for the god sitting on the seat.

Here we see an explicit correlation between the god Indra and the Yajamna.
The fact that he is called a god sitting on the seat may imply that he acts as a
functional representative of Indra and thus embodies the status and duties of the
war-god.83 Klein (1985, 1: 200, cf. 204-205) agrees that this verse distinguishes
between two individuals, a god and a man. We will return to this issue in the next
chapter.

82 See V.5.10.3-4.
83 More will be said on this issue in Chapter 3: Indrahood (indriy) and the Human Indra.

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If Indra represents the paradigmatic man, then the Maruts may also
represent the idealized troop of male warriors. In one verse the bellicose nature
of the Maruts is appeased:
V.5.57.8a (=V.5.58.8): hay nro mruto mt nas.
Hail men, Maruts: be merciful to us!84

Here the Maruts come from the ranks of men ( nr-). As men (nr-), the Maruts
form a troop (rdha), ride chariots in battle, and wield spears.85 In a telling verse,
the Maruts serve as the paradigm for human warriors:
V.7.56.5: s v suvr mardbhir astu sant shant pyant nmm.
Let this clan possess good soldier(s) along with/through the Maruts: (this clan)
dominating from of old, fostering manhood (nm).

The clan (v) in question is unequivocally concerned with making sure that their
warriors are acting according to the martial ideals of manhood (nm). The
Maruts appear to be either the instrument through which the clan obtains the
good soldiers or that the clan soldiers are closely identified with the Maruts.86
What is telling is that through their warriors and through deities such as the
Maruts the clan promotes the ideals of male identity, and in turn conquest is vital
for the confirmation of manhood in the clan.
The Maruts also play a considerable role in promoting male identity in the
ritual arena and battle:
84 Cf. V.7.57.6, & V.7.59.7.
85 See, e.g., V.5.33.5, V.5.52.5-6, 8, 11, V.5.53.15, V.5.54.3, 8, & V.6.47.31.
86 See Chapter 4.2.d., as suvra may just refer to Indra.

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V.1.166.7cd: rcanty arkm madirsya ptye vidr vrsya prathamni pasy.

They chant the chant for the drink of exhilaration (since) they know the foremost acts of
masculinity (pasya-) of this soldier.

In this verse it is the Maruts who are ritually praising sma for the soldier (vr)
Indra, yet this is only because they know the war-gods foremost acts of
masculinity. This verse suggests that the Maruts are at once aware of Indras
martial exploits and actively participate in extolling them in the ritual arena. In
another verse, the Maruts knowledge of Indras martial activity is due to the fact
that they help the war-god:
V.1.165.7: bhri cakartha yjyebhir asm samnbhir vabha pasyebhi | bhri h

kvm avihndra krtv maruto yd vma.

You did many things with us as your yokemates, with our united acts of masculinity
(pasya-), O bull. Indeed, we will do many things, O most capacious Indra, according to
your resolve, if we, O Maruts, will wish it.

Here the Maruts not only speak in the ritual, they also recognize that as Indras
yokemates (yj-) they all have performed numerous acts of masculinity together.
Moreover, their commitment to Indra further allows the Maruts to carry out their
own martial exploits just as long as both parties agree. If Indra and the Maruts
parallel real human relationships then the idea conveyed by these verses is that
not only is a warlords identity contingent on individual feats, but also on the
success of shared exploits with his loyal troops. Moreover, loyal troops openly
participate in preparing sma and praising their leader in the ritual arena.
Ritual participation is thus the key factor for both humans and gods to be
considered men (nr-) and men are at once active in the ritual and in battle. This
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is further confirmed by the following verse in which the Maruts tend to the ritual
Fire:
V.6.2.3: sajas tv div nro yajsya ketm indhate | yd dha sy mnuo jna

sumnyr juhv adhvar.

Acting in agreement, the men of heaven kindle you (Agni) as beacon of the sacrifice,
when indeed this descendant of Manu, the tribesman here, seeking benevolence, has
invoked (you) in the rite.

The men of heaven here are the Maruts. This is confirmed elsewhere as the
Maruts are born as men of heaven (div nra).87 In turn, Agni is instructed to
pursue the men of heaven for good fortune and good dwelling. 88 The tribesman
(jna) appears to be the ritual patron. This is further stressed by his relationship
to Manu (mnua), the first sacrificer. In fact, we recall that manhood (nm) is
said to exist among the five descendants of Manu, which most likely refer to the
five early Vedic tribes.89 It seems that the Maruts light the ritual Fire for their
leader, Indra, which may correspond to the ritual activity of real men toward their
patron. The ritual ground is the pivotal axis that communicates the
responsibilities of supramundane figures like Indra and the Maruts, and thereby
fuses their identities with more mundane figures such as the ritual participants
and the sacrificer.90 Indra and the Maruts appear to represent the paradigm for

87 V.1.64.4d.
88 V.6.2.11c: vh svast sukit div nn.
89 See V.8.9.2.
90 See V.1.85.8d, where the Maruts are called men possessing an awesome appearance like

kings (rjna iva tvesado nra).

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human warlords and warriors. Furthermore, Indra embodies the ideals of

manhood that rival warlords follow, while they try to outdo each other in political
and social spheres. The ideals of manhood (nm) and masculinity (pasya) at
once relate to ritual participation and battle because both spheres of activity are
equally integrated, and constantly overlap and resound off each other.

2.5. Conclusion
In this chapter, I have argued that a nr is expected to be active in the ritual arena
in varying degrees and roles. A nr is a man who is eligible to participate in early
Vedic rituals, who is expected to tend to Agni, the ritual and domestic Fire,
prepare sma, recite hymns within the ritual setting, especially to Indra, and
ultimately to protect and advance the community through martial endeavours.
Hence, the word nr qualifies men who accept ritual and martial responsibilities.
Men are defined by ritual participation and martial exploits. Men (nr-) engage in
rituals and carry out acts of violence in the name of a potent ideology, which, in
the gveda, is intimately interwoven into the pretext and subtext of such ethically
charged gods as Agni, Indra, and the Maruts. The term nr is not just a marker of
gender, but also signifies prominent cultural status and inclusion within a
ritualized cult of violence.
Ritualized statements about manhood (nm) and masculinity
(pasya) define what it means to be a man in early Vedic ritual culture and also
serve to promote the identities and welfare of men. The importance of male
identity is emphasized by its associations with divine men such as Agni, Indra, and
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the Maruts. These gods are potent symbols of gender roles and political and
social institutions. Through ritual participation men continually produce and
justify such institutions. Ritual participants invest various forms of symbolic and
material capital and time into the all important medium of ritual practice, which
sanctions their status, and structures gender relationships and communal duties.
Hence, the gvedic evidence attests a closed ritual cult interested in male
identity, sustained ritual performance and allegiance, commitment to warfare,
and social standing. Central to this cult is the well-being, commitments, and
ultimate success of its male participants. To be a man requires a high degree of
socialization within specific ritual and martial traditions. This underlies the use of
the terms nr, nm, and pasya.
The ritual appears to be a crucial arena in which male identity is
repeatedly declared, reinforced, and promoted. Early Vedic rituals construct and
define social, ritual, and political relationships. Each new ritual performance
serves to socialize men and communicate their ritual and martial responsibilities.
As men (nr-), human males and gods share the same responsibilities. Moreover,
in the ritual arena divine and human realms are cosmically and politically fused
and given renewed meaning and importance. The term nr implies some degree
of godhood in the ritual. Men appear to be elevated to godly status and gods
behave as men. Human males embody and carry out the responsibilities directed
towards gods. In early Vedic society, divinity entails accountability.
The gvedic evidence suggests that ritually active men (nr-) are the
primary transmitters of male identity. Their investment exists not only in
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succeeding in ritual and martial endeavours, but also in promulgating a sustained

notion of what it means to be a true man. The recognition and legitimation of
male identity plays a significant part in the function of early Vedic rituals, and the
ritual functions as the primary arena in which male ideology is communicated and
mediated. Moreover, continued ritual participation ensures that men act upon
the precepts laid down by early Vedic society. The repeated association of men
(nr-) and their responsibilities of manhood (nm) and masculinity (pasya)
with warrior and priestly functions indicates not only that gvedic rituals are
performed to communicate, legitimize, and justify the identities, duties, and
exploits of warriors, but also that the individuals performing such rituals are the
ones most invested in the process, that is, the warriors and warlords themselves.
Later periods of Vedic culture certainly attest two relatively distinct social classes
(vara): one priestly (brhmaa), the other martial (katriya). In contrast, the
evidence for the early Vedic period suggests that such a distinction does not exist,
as ritual and martial realms are fluid and dynamic. A ritually active man (nr)
may be a warrior, priest, or poet, or all three at once.91

91 Cf. Findly (1982: 22), who states: It is clear from its use in the gveda, that n does not always

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refer to men in general but rather, and more often, to priests, to warriors, to gods as heroes, or to
gods and men together as heroes. It is likely, then, the n of the conquest Vaivnara does not
refer to all persons on earth, as it does for Vaivnara the sun where n is the practical equivalent
of bhvana creature, but rather to men in their role as warrior. Having power over men,
Vaivnara suppresses the enemy soldiers which threaten the Aryan nation, having power for
men, Vaivnara protects the Aryan soldiers against the enemy onslaught.

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Chapter 3: Indrahood (indriy) and the Human Indra

3.1. Introduction
In the previous chapter, we saw that ideals of manhood are represented and
reproduced in both human and divine realms. Moreover, the early Vedic cultural
ideal of male identity is distilled in the figure of Indra. While real historically
attestable ryan men (even less women) are rarely mentioned in the gveda, the
god Indra not only symbolizes the way in which warriors should conduct
themselves, he is also the one entity who subsumes the personalities and actions
of multiple individuals within his cosmic identity. In fact, the gvedic evidence
indicates that a single human male of elite standing in early Vedic ritual society
assumes Indras role in the ritual arena and in battle. The symbolic and pragmatic
relationship between the war-god Indra and his human counterpart is evident in
the use of the term indriy.
The standard interpretation of indriy reduces the term to mean the
power, force, or strength that belongs exclusively to Indra. However, no
underlying sense of physical or metaphysical power is attested in the gvedic use
of the term.1 Indriy appears 41 times in the gveda. While the term is not overly

1 Mayrhofer (EWA 3: 192) suggests that indriy may not be derived from the name of the god,

Indra, but simply conveys the limited sense of kraftvoll, Kraft. While Mayrhofers Wrterbuch is
a profoundly useful source for Vedic scholarship, he like so many others is predisposed to
reduce so many terms down to Kraft, Macht, etc. I see no reason to believe that indriy is not
directly formed from ndra. In addition, the gvedic poets frequently associate the two words in

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prevalent in early Vedic rhetoric, it is deployed in a precise manner and relates

exclusively to the god Indra. Indriy appears almost equally as an adjective and a
noun.2 When indriy appears as an adjective, it means, in general, belonging
to/worthy of Indra or simply Indriyan. Interestingly, the adjectival use of

indriy appears almost entirely outside of the family books, with only two definite
examples being adjectives in books 2-7 of the gveda.3 In addition, in ten of its
adjectival uses indriy qualifies sma in some form,4 and in three cases it modifies
ritual processes intended to attract Indras attention. 5 What is immediately clear
from this is that indriy qualifies specific concepts because they belong exclusively
to Indra. As a secondarily formed neuter noun, indriy appears throughout all
books of the gveda. It is my contention that this substantivized form
encompasses Indras unique status and exploits, and hence means Indrahood.
Consequently, indriy is far more of a political term than has been previously
recognized.

the same synchronic context. Cf. also the forms vr>vry, rudr>rudrya, katr>katrya. In his
discussion of the nominal suffix -iya-, Wackernagel (AIG II, 2: 358-360) takes indriy from Indra
and suggests Indra gehrig, Indras Macht (cf. AIG, I: 199, Vermgen; II, 2: 833, (Indras)
bergewalt; II, 2: 917, Krafttat).
2 Indriy appears 19 times as an adjective, and 22 times as a noun (although some of these

instances could be read either way). See the Appendix, for the distribution of indriy throughout
the gveda.
3 V.4.35.9d (sm mdebhir indriybhi pibadhvam), & V.6.27.3d (nkir dada indriy te).
4 V.4.35.9 (mda-), V.8.3.20 (rsa), V.9.23.5 (rsa), V.9.47.3 (rsa), V.9.70.5 (dhyas),

V.9.86.3 (dhyas), V.9.86.10 (rsa), V.9.107.25 (matsar- hya- (=sma)), V.10.36.8

(sma), & V.10.65.10 (sma).
5 V.8.52.7 (hvana), V.9.30.2 (vagn), & V.9.92.1 (lka).

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3.2. Indriy as Indras Unique Cosmological & Political Station

From the outset the exact meaning and function of the term under question needs
to be established. Indriy frequently qualifies certain markers of ritual,
cosmological, and political status. In one verse, indriy modifies Indras name
or perhaps even title (nman):
V.1.57.3: asma bhmya nmas sm adhvar o n ubhra bhar pnyase | ysya

dhma rvase nmendriy jytir kri harto nyase.

To this one (Indra) who is terrifying I will bring here (sma) with homage at the rite,
like (you) O beautiful Dawn, to him who is very admirable, whose domain is to be
reputed, whose Indriyan (indriy) name/title, has been made a light, to move like bay
horses.6

The poet here draws attention to Indras unique name (nman) through the use
of indriy. This may imply that the term Indra is a conditional title rather than
being simply a personal name. In addition, the indriy nman features in a
context that emphasizes Indras esteemed ritual and political position, as the
ritual participant accords Indra sacrificial offering(s) and recognizes the wargods famous domain. The light metaphor also highlights the ritual and

6 Cf. V.3.38.4, to Indra: thantam pri vve abha chryo vsna carati svroci | maht

td vo surasya nm vivrpo amtni tasthau. All busied themselves around the one
mounting (his chariot). Being clothed in fineries/beauties, he moves with his own light. Great is
that name of the bullish Asuric-lord. Having all forms, he mounted immortals/deathless ones.
Hale (1986: 49-50) questions whether the Asura in this verse is Indra. He also points out that this
verse is used in the Atharvaveda (AV.4.8.3) for the consecration of a king.

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cosmological importance of Indras station. The war-gods indriy nman,

presumably Indra, the name/title that belongs to Indra, certainly commands a
high degree of respect and reverence.
The repeated association of indriy with issues of greatness (mh,

mahimn) further underscores the idea that indriy qualifies Indras cosmological
and political position. For example, a late Vlakhilya verse states:
V.8.59.5: vocma mahat sabhagya saty tvebhym mahimnam indriym |

asmn sv ndrvaru ghtactas trbhi sptbhir avata ubhas pat.

We have proclaimed a true/real thing for great excellent prosperity, (we have
proclaimed) (Indras) Indriyan (indriy) greatness, for the two awe-inspiring ones. O
Indra and Varua, lords of beauty, help us, who are sprinkling ghee with the three and
sevenfold.

The object of praise is Indras specific greatness (mahimnam indriym), which is

also considered to be a real/true state (saty) that brings about great prosperity.
In three other verses, the same phrase (indriy- mahimn-) appears with regard
to Indra.7 Throughout the gveda, greatness (mahimn) consistently invokes
images of Indras cosmological size and political supremacy. Greatness is at once
a physical and political metaphor. The public proclamation of Indras privileged
position in this verse is meant to please Indra and Varua, so that the deities will
aid their worshippers.
We have already seen that men (nr-), whether divine or human, act as
priests and warriors and play a considerable role in ritually praising gods such as

7 See V.8.3.13, V.10.113.1, & V.10.113.3. Cf. also V.1.85.2, V.6.27.3, & V.9.48.5.

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Indra. In the same vein, the Maruts, Indras loyal troop, bolster the war-gods
cosmological and political station:
V.10.113.3: vtra yd hin bbhrad yudh samsthith yudhye sam vde |

vve te tra marta sah tmnvardhann ugra mahimnam indriym.

When, bearing weapons, you have clashed with the Serpent Vtra for battle, in order to
find a eulogy, then all the Maruts on their own accord reinforced your Indriyan (indriy)
greatness, O authoritative one.

This verse suggests that in order to maintain his cosmological station, Indra must
engage in battle with the primordial serpent Vtra. Indras political supremacy is
founded on his success in warfare. The fact that one of the Maruts primary roles
is to recognize their leader and his status through ritual performance suggests
that all parties have a close social and political relationship. The Maruts are not
just warriors; they also act as priests who recognize the martial exploits and
political status of their leader. Moreover, Indras loyal troops ritually sanction his
position of Indriyan greatness (mahimnam indriym). Hence, warriors ritually
legitimize their leader and place their confidence in his ability to maintain such an
important position.8
Several poets speak of Indras great indriy (mh- indriy-), rather than
his Indriyan greatness (mahimnam indriym). In this context indriy

8 Cf. V.1.104.6d: rddhita te mahat indriyya. Trust has been placed in your great

Indrahood (indriy). For a similar translation of this stanza, see Wackernagel (AIG II, 2: 582):
man hat deiner groen Indraart vertraut. Geldner (1951, 1: 135) offers: Man hat deinem
groen indrischen (Namen) vertraut.

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substantively demarcates Indras unique cosmological and political station. For

this reason, the secondary nominal use of indriy best translates as Indrahood:
V.6.25.8: nu te dyi mah indriyya satr te vvam nu vtrahtye | nu katrm nu

sho yajatrndra devbhir nu te nhye.

It is conceded to you for great Indrahood (indriy). Everything is completely conceded
to you in the smashing of Vtra/obstacles. Dominion (katr) is conceded to you,
dominance (shas) is conceded to you, O Indra worthy of sacrifice. It is conceded to you
by the gods at the dominating of men.

In this verse, indriy is not only qualified as great (mh-), it also reflects notions
of complete political deference and the recognition of outright martial
supremacy. In four other appearances of indriy in the dative case, Indras state
of Indrahood is brought about through drinking sma.9 We will shortly see that
drinking sma is a crucial means to legitimize a warlords position. In the above
verse (V.6.25.8), the poets use of indriy demarcates an important state or
characteristic in which all things martial and political are conceded (nu- d-) to
the war-god in his successful conquering of Vtra(s) and men. The fact that the
defeat of men (nhya) is juxtaposed with the destruction of obstacles
(vtrahtya), the epitome of which is the cosmic serpent Vtra, indicates that
cosmological enemies are transposed onto real world enemies, and vice versa.

9 In two verses to sma, indriy appears as a noun in the dative case at V.9.89.6cd (mdhvo

a pavata indriyya) & V.10.116.1a (pb smam mahat indriyya); in two other verses to
sma it also appears as an adjective with dhyas, sucking, nursing, at V.9.70.5a (s marmjn
indriyya dhyase-) & V.9.86.3d (sma punn indriyya dhyase). Indriy also appears as a
noun in the dative case at V.1.104.6d (rddhita te mahat indriyya). I will discuss the close
relationship between sma and indriy shortly.

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The underlying martial message is palpable: Indras political status is measured in

blood and violence in both cosmological and real world contexts. Furthermore,
the substantive use of indriy as Indrahood entails both the recognition of great
status and also the duties that come with such a position.
Other verses demonstrate that indriy denotes the unique cosmological
and political position of the war-god Indra. In one verse, three of the primary
symbols that represent and thereby legitimize Indras divine status are his indriy,
chariot, and mace:
V.2.16.3: n kobhy paribhv ta indriy n samudra prvatair indra te rtha |

n te vjram nv anoti k can yd bhi ptasi yjan pur.

Your Indrahood (indriy) cannot be encompassed/restricted by heaven and earth; O
Indra, nor can your chariot by oceans and mountains. No one has access/is equal to your
mace, when you fly many leagues with swift horses.10

In this verse, indriy refers to a characteristic or state of Indra, which is expressed

through the metaphor of cosmological and territorial supremacy. The
unattainable status of the war-god is further underscored by the association of

indriy with concrete implements of warfare. In the verse that precedes the
above, a telling martial taxonomy appears:
V.2.16.2: ysmd ndrd bhat k canm t vvny asmin smbhtdhi vry |

jahre sma tanv sho mho hste vjram bhrati ri krtum.

10 Cf. V.8.15.7: tva tyd indriym bht tva mam ut krtum

| vjra iti dhi

vreyam. Indeed, Dhia hones your lofty Indrahood (indriy), your explosiveness, your
resolve, and your desirable mace.

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Lofty Indra, without whom there is nothing, in him all (acts/signs of) soldiery (vry-) are
brought together: In his stomach he bears sma, in his body he bears great dominance
(shas), in his hand he bears the mace, and in his head he bears resolve.

This verse indicates that to be a legitimate warlord, Indra must have access to

sma, dominance (shas),11 the mace (vjra), and resolve/purpose (krtu), which
collectively constitute his soldiery (vry). As we will see in the next chapter,

vry denotes a closed type of aggressive behaviour encoded in the body of ryan
males. The use of smbhta- and bh- also underscore the way in which markers
of status and prestige are naturally connected with the physical body. We can also
infer a figurative subtext underlying this verse. Indras monopolization of all
soldiery (vva- vry-) explains why the poet in the next verse (V.2.16.3) can
emphasize the fact that Indras Indrahood (indriy) is not limited by cosmic
restrictions and the war-gods cosmological, martial and political position remains
unchallenged. Consequently, whether expressed as Indriyan greatness or great
Indrahood (which amounts to the same thing), Indras cosmological and political
position is beyond reproach and beyond questioning. The war-god is not confined
by terrestrial matters and restraints. In securing his position it appears that Indra
can and should act without compunction or prejudice against those who would
threaten his total dominion. Indras creation of the universe and the fact he

11 Cf. V.5.31.3: d yt sha shasa jania ddia ndra indriyi vv | prcodayat sudgh

vavr antr v jyti savavtvt tmo va. When he has been born to dominance (shas) from
dominance (shas), Indra repeatedly displays all his acts of Indrahood (indriy-). He has driven
out the good milch-cows from within their enclosure; he has exposed the impenetrable darkness
through light.

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stands outside its boundaries all the more convincingly communicates that the
universe is his, and his alone, to control. Indrahood (indriy) is thus one of the
requisite characteristics that sanction such status and activity.

3.3.a. The Conferral of Indrahood

Up to this point the gvedic evidence has demonstrated that indriy, in both
adjectival and nominal forms, relates to Indras great cosmological and political
position. It is interesting then that Indra and ritual participants invest substantial
effort in affirming the war-gods Indrahood (indriy). In one verse, Indra
performs certain actions to strengthen his own station:
V.8.12.8: ydi pravddha satpate sahsram mahi gha | d t ta indriym mhi pr

vvdhe.
When, O fully reinforced lord of the settlement, you have devoured a thousand
buffaloes, then surely your great Indrahood (indriy) was fully reinforced.

It seems that Indras ability to consume a thousand buffaloes attests and

maintains his great political position, which is further indicated by the epithet
lord of the settlement. The thousand buffaloes (sahsram mahin) here may
metaphorically signal sma since the divine draught is elsewhere called a buffalo
(mahi).12 In addition, at V.10.113.1, after carrying out an act of Indriyan

12 See esp. V.5.29.8ab: tr yc chat mahim gho ms tr srsi maghv somyp.

When you devoured the flesh of three hundred buffalos, as the munificent one, you drank three

sma-lakes. See also V.9.96.6b, V.9.96.18c, & V.9.97.41a.

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greatness (mahimnam indriym), Indra is reinforced (vdh-) upon drinking

sma. I will return to the issue of sma shortly.

Ritual praise is also a highly significant way in which Indras Indrahood
(indriy) is confirmed. Just as the Maruts reinforce (vdh-) Indras Indriyan
greatness (mahimnam indriym) at V.10.113.3, they also produce Indrahood
(indriy) through ritual praise (the Maruts are here called the Rudras13):
V.1.85.2: t ukitso mahimnam ata div rudrso dhi cakrire sda | rcanto ark

janyanta indriym dhi ryo dadhire pnimtara.

Grown strong, they have attained greatness. The Rudras made themselves a seat in
Heaven. Chanting a chant, giving birth to Indrahood (indriy), they whose mother is
Pni (Speckled Cow) put on their fineries/beauties.

The poet here separates the two components mahimn and indriy, and employs
both as nouns. The poet at once emphasizes the close relationship between
greatness and Indrahood and demonstrates that the concepts of greatness
and Indrahood are mutually interchangeable or equally denote cosmological and
political status. Moreover, it seems that the Maruts own cosmological position of
greatness is intimately connected with their ability to produce Indrahood
(indriy) through ritual chants.
The fact that Indra, the Maruts, and ritual participants confirm Indras
elite station through ritual declarations and endeavours indicates that the ritual is
an important site of social and political affirmation and legitimation. Hence,

13 Rudra is called the father of the Maruts, and hence the latter regularly take the name of the

former. See Oldenberg (1988 [1917]: 113), & Oberlies (1998: 206).

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ritualized declarations and ritual performance play an intrinsic role in confirming

ritual and political status. This fact is further underscored in one verse where
Indrahood (indriy) is explicitly conferred on Indra through ritual praise:
V.8.93.27: te dadhmndriym ukth vv atakrato | stotbhya indra maya.
I confer to you Indrahood (indriy), all recitations (are for you), O one of hundred
resolves: Be gracious to your praisers, O Indra.

In addition:
V.1.111.2: no yajya takata bhumd vya krtve dkya suprajvatm am |

yth kyma srvavray vi tn na rdhya dhsath sv ndriym.

Fashion here health (vyas) worthy of the Craftsmen for our sacrifice, for our resolve
and for our sacrificial skill (fashion) refreshment that brings excellent progeny, so that we
will reside with our clan all full of soldiers. All you (Craftsmen) will confer Indrahood
(indriy) for our (Marut) troop.

The connection between multiple warriors (srvavra-, rdha) and indriy need
not imply that each individual is considered to be Indra, but only that the ritual
and martial role of warriors is acknowledged and that they should live up to the
standards of Indra.14 Elsewhere, a ritual invocation (hvana) is intended
specifically for Indra:
V.8.52.7: kad can pr yuchasy ubh n psi jnman | tryditya hvana ta

indriym tasthv amta div.

14 I will return to this issue below.

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You never at any time keep away. You protect both races (of gods and men). O fourth
ditya, the Indriyan (indriy) invocation for you mounted the deathless/immortal in
heaven.15

This late Vlakhilya verse stipulates that Indras presence is experienced in the
ritual and among both gods and men (jnman). In addition, the poet
circumscribes the invocation as explicitly for Indra. The idea appears to be that
the poet asks for Indra to always be present, and hence he sends an Indriyan
invocation skyward for Indra to hear so that the war-god will descend.
Consequently, Indras presence among gods and humans appears to be
established by the war-gods specific invocation (hvana ta indriym).
Moreover, since ritual praise plays such an important role in confirming Indras
station, then the poets invocation may also be designed to confer Indrahood on
the martial deity.

15 The reading of this verse is problematic. In comparison to V.3.38.4, Geldner (1951, 2: 375)

supplies indrischen unsterblichen (Namen). Indriy could also be read as a substantive here.
Brereton (1981: 297) suggests that Indra is simply given the honorific title ditya, and is not
connected with the functions of the primary dityas; Mitra, Varua, and Aryaman. Calling Indra
ditya is an innovation of this late hymn. At V.4.42.4, King Trasadasyu acts as Indra and calls
himself the son of Aditi (putr dite), which here most likely refers to his dual role as Indra
and Varua, the latter god being one of the three primary dityas. At V.1.107.2, the poet seems
to display his artistry, as he puns the names of divinities with their specific qualities: pa no dev

vas gamantv giras smabhi stymn | ndra indriyar marto mardbhir dityar no
diti rma yasat. Let the gods, who are being praised by the songs of the Agirases, approach
us with help. Indra with Indrahood after Indrahood (indriy-), the Maruts with the Maruts, and
Aditi with the dityas will offer us shelter.

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Legitimizing Indras status through ritual performance appears to entail a

certain amount of specialization and knowledge. One poet asks:
V.8.3.13: kn nvyo atasn tur gta mrtya | nah nv sya mahimnam indriy

svr gnta na.

What newer kind of entreaties should the surpassing/enduring mortal sing? None
singing now to the sun have attained his Indriyan (indriy) greatness.16

This verse presents an interesting scenario: The various songs of the throng who
sing skyward to the sun, that is, the heavenly realm of the gods, have failed to
attain or reach Indras great position (mahimnam indriym). In verse 20 of the
same hymn, the poet states that when Indra performed his act of masculinity
(pasya) in destroying the cosmic serpent Vtra, then fires, the sun, and sma,
which is called the sap worthy of Indra (indriy rsa), blazed out.17 The poet of
this hymn is invested in making sure Indra is given the correct ritual incentives.
Moreover, a single figure, the surpassing/enduring mortal (tur- mrtya-),
appears to be the only individual who can correctly reach Indras great Indrahood

16 Geldner (1951, 2: 287) translates stanzas cd: Denn noch nicht haben die, welche seine

indrische Gre gesingen, die Sonne erreicht. Geldners translation those who sing his Indriyan
greatness have not reached the Sun jumps across the syntax of the hemistich, especially the initial
component of the final stanza, svr gnta. He further justifies his interpretation in a note by
stating that the Sun is Indra. He thus implies that the singers have failed to invoke their war-god
Indra in his heavenly realm. For stanzas cd, Oldenberg (1912: 79) offers: Wer die Sonne besingt,
erreicht mit seinem Preis noch nicht Indras Grse, da die grser ist.
17 V.8.3.20: nr agnyo rurucur nr u sryo n sma indriy rsa | nr antrikd adhamo

mahm hi k td indra pasyam. Away shone the fires and away the sun, away sma, the
sap worthy of Indra (indriy). Away from the atmosphere did you blow the great Serpent, O Indra,
you performed that act of masculinity (pasya).

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(indriy) through the recital of appropriate praises (atas-18). In the

preponderance of its uses the adjective tur qualifies Indra.19 Elsewhere, tur
typically refers to other gods or ritual participants. In one verse, a king (rjan)
speaks in the ritual arena and is called tur, and, in another verse, king Varua is
called tur and he ascends to heaven.20 In the early Vedic period, the king (rjan)
is most likely the sacrificial patron (yjamna). Brereton (2004a: 331-335) has
demonstrated that the sacrificial patron, the Yajamna, is closely associated with
the gods Indra and Agni, the latter often being referred to as ghpati,
house(hold)-lord, and vipti, clan-lord, which are terms that also apply to
the Yajamna. In addition, in the gveda, Agni and the Yajamna both receive

sma. This suggests that Indra drinks through Agni and through the Yajamna. In
one verse, the Yajamna is qualified as mortal (mrta).21 It is my contention then
that the surpassing/enduring mortal in V.8.3.13 may be the king/Yajamna,
who through recitation is one of the few individuals who can invoke and obtain his
divine counterparts great Indrahood within the ritual arena.

18 The term atas, entreaty, praise, is a problematic hapax. For brief consideration of the term,

see Oldenberg (1912: 78), & Mayrhofer (EWA 1: 57).

19 See, e.g., V.1.18.2c, V.1.61.1a, V.1.121.3b, V.1.173.9d, V.6.18.4b (with shas),

V.6.32.1b, V.6.44.3b, & RV.10.73.1a (with shas). At V.6.25.5a, a warrior qualified by tur
cannot defeat Indra. For a discussion of the possible etymology of tur, surpassing,
overcoming, or swift, see Mayrhofer (EWA 9: 655-656).
20 V.7.41.2, & V.8.41.8.
21 V.4.10.7: kt cid dh m snemi dv gna ini mrtt | itth yjamnd tva. For

indeed you drive away even a hostile act that has been performed, wheel-rim and all, O Fire, from
the mortal who sacrifices properly, O truthful one.

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It is important then to point out that the Yajamna was an active

participant in early Vedic rituals. Schmidt (1968) has convincingly demonstrated
that the Yajamna performed ritual duties in the early Vedic period, as opposed
to being a passive ritual patron and spectator in the classical Vedic period. In the

gveda, Indra takes on the priestly role of Bhaspati or lord of the brhman,
lord of the formulation, especially as seen in the Vala myth. Schmidt (1968: 237245) thus suggests that Indras priestly role reflects a time when early Vedic
kings/warlords acted as priests. The Yajamna thus embodies both priestly and
kingly functions as seen in the figures of Indra and Bhaspati (Schmidt 1968: 94122).22 Brereton (2004a: 330) summarizes Schmidts thesis here: the image of
king as priest in the Vala narrative reflects an early role of the sacrificer as a
central ritual actor.23 While the Yajamna does not have much of a speaking role
in the classical Vedic period, Brereton (2004a) also argues that as a kav sage
and vedhs (ritual) expert the Yajamna participated and spoke in early Vedic

22 As would be expected of Indras priestly alter ego, Bhaspati often carries out martial functions.

For example, see V.2.23-26 & V.10.67-68, where, among other titles, Bhaspati acts as a king
and is called the band-lord of (warrior) bands (V.2.23.1a: gan tv gapati havmahe).
On this, see Schmidt (1968: 32, 104).
23 Brereton (2004a: 331) further notes: the priests do not perform the sacrifice for the

yjamna, but rather the yjamna performs the sacrifice through the priests. The yjamna really
is the one sacrificing for himself, as his name implies, for it is the yjamna who makes the
offerings, even though the priests actually pressed and poured the soma and prepared and offered
the other oblations. Brereton (2004a: 331-332) points out that a Yajamna could be, in
increasing order of status, a head of a household (ghpati), a leader of the clan(s) (vipti), a lord
of a settlement (stpati), or a king (rjan).

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rituals, and thereby demonstrated his knowledge and command of the rite. We
also see that the Yajamna is equated with the Hot priest. 24 In fact, as Krick
(1982: 56) and Heesterman (1993: 142-144) point out, because Agni is
consistently connected with the ghpati, vpati, and Hot, this may indicate that
the Hot was also originally the Yajamna as well.25 However, the Yajamna need
not always act as the Hot, and their respective ritual roles are most certainly
distinct. Therefore, it is important to always keep in mind that the human
warlord/chieftain is the sacrificial patron (yjamna), who is at once the recipient
of and an active participant in securing status and prestige within the ritual arena.
Warriors definitely participate in and patronize early Vedic rituals for their own
ends.
In order to secure his political position, it is necessary then that a warlord
carries out, on the one hand, martial and political exploits, and on the other, is
recognized and legitimated through ritual performance. Therefore, in
cosmological, political, and ritual arenas, Indra, and his human counterpart, the
Yajamna, must be constantly vigilant and active in maintaining their
coterminous political positions. The possibility that Indra (and by extension his
human representative) publicly proclaims his own station in the ritual arena is
alluded to in the following verse:

24 See V.4.17.15a, & V.6.51.12bc. See also Oberlies (1998: 274f. n. 603), who associates Indra

with the ht and the brahmn.

25 Cf. Brereton (2004a: 332-333).

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V.1.55.4: s d vne namasybhir vacasyate cru jneu prabruv indriym | v

chndur bhavati haryat v kmea dhnm maghv yd nvati.

Indeed, he (Indra) is given voice in the forest by those paying homage, when he is
proclaiming his dear/favourable Indrahood (indriy) among the tribes. The bull becomes
pleasant, the bull (becomes) desirable, when the munificent one drives the vision/cow in
(peaceful) settlement.

The intent of the metaphor (if it is one) given voice in the forest is rather
obscure.26 What is important to remember here is that the god Indra is said to
have an important role in publicly declaring his Indrahood ( indriy), which would
thus suggest that a real human actor, that is, Indras human representative, the
Yajamna, is in fact the actual speaker alluded to here. If so, then the verse
confirms the thesis that Indra and the Yajamna share the same ritual identity
and that, through a human functionary, the war-god has an important speaking
role in early Vedic rituals. I will return to this important issue in the last two
sections of this chapter.

3.3.b. Drinking Sma, Assuming Indrahood (indriy)

In the last section we saw that ritual participation and ritualized praise are ways in
which Indrahood (indriy) is substantiated for Indra and, perhaps, his human
26 Geldner (1951, 1: 71 n.4a) compares this line to V.1.10.4 (where Indra is commanded to cry,

sing, and shout out in order to reinforce the sacrifice), V.1.100.4c (where Indra is called a
versifier with versifiers, gmbhir gm), V.1.173.1-2 (where Indra sings and chants), &
V.6.40.1 (And sing forth here, after taking your seat among the warrior band. ut pr gya

ga nidya-). Cf. also V.10.54.2b: blnndra prabruv jneu. Proclaiming, O Indra, your
acts of strength among the tribes.

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counterpart. Oberlies (1998) has cogently demonstrated that in early Vedic

society drinking sma is the primary means of legitimating the sacrificer and
human warlord. What is pertinent for the current discussion is the fact that the
act of drinking sma confers Indrahood (indriy) on Indra. This is evident in the
following verse:
V.1.84.1: svi sma indra te viha dhav gahi | tv paktv indriy rja

sryo n rambhi.
Sma has been pressed for you, O Indra. O most capacious (viha) daring one, come!
Let Indrahood (indriy) pervade you, as the sun pervades the mid-space with rays of
light.

The conferral of Indrahood (indriy) is closely associated with drinking

soma. Indras status seems to be dependent on certain ritual processes and

activities, rather than being only an innate quality of the martial deity. Sma is
directly associated with indriy on many other occasions.27 In one verse, the three
27 See, e.g., V.10.36.8: apm pru jvdhanyam bharmahe devvy suhvam adhvararyam

| suram smam indriy yammahi td devnm vo ady vmahe. We will bear the
swelling (pru) of the waters, which is rich in life, pursuing the gods, well-invoked, and the
finery/fineness of the rite. May we hold out the well-reined sma worthy of Indra (indriy). We
choose today this help of the gods. The equine metaphor (suram-) is further extended to the
streams of sma. Hence, V.9.107.25 states: pvamn askata pavtram ti dhray |

martvanto matsar indriy hy medhm abh prysi ca. Being purified, they have been
released through the straining cloth in a stream. Accompanied by the Maruts, the exhilarating
horses worthy of Indra (indriy) (have been released) towards wisdom and pleasing libations. Cf.
also V.9.30.2: ndur hiyn sotbhir mjymna knikradat | yarti vagnm indriym. The
droplet, being urged on by the pressers, being groomed as it repeatedly whinnies, raises a call
worthy of Indra (indriy). The term vagn refers to a particular sound/call/roar (esp. of cattle)
used to get the attention of someone, often Indra. As with the above verse, vagn appears with

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divine bhus, or Craftsmen, partake of Indriyan drinks.28 The bhus action is

part of a larger yet obscure mythic cycle, whereby the three priestly gods claim the
third pressing of sma for themselves and Indra.29 As a result of specific ritual
acts, the bhus attained immortality and became gods. The central point that I
wish to make with regard to the bhus is that these three divine figures personify
the fluid relationship between gods and humans on the ritual ground, and the fact

animals, e.g., at V.7.103.2d frogs make a call (vagn) like cows with calves. At V.9.97.13c, the
bulls call (vagn) is heard in the race, like Indras call (ndrasyeva vagnr tr sm eti). Soma
raises a call (vagn) known to him (as with V.9.30.2 above, it is most likely for Indra) when he
rests on the woolen straining cloth, which is associated with cattle (V.9.14.6: ti rit tiract

gavy jigty vy | vagnm iyarti y vid). The call (vagn) of the pressing stones (grvan) gets
Indras attention (V.1.84.3d), a wife conveys her husband along with a call (vagn)
(V.10.32.3c), and the noises of Fire are like calls that reach aloft (V.10.3.4a: asy ymso

bhat n vagnn).
28 V.4.35.9: yt ttya svana ratnadhyam kudhva svapasy suhast | td bhava

priikta va ett sm mdebhir indriybhi pibadhvam. Since you have performed the third
pressing for the establishment of treasure through good activity, O dexterous ones, then, O
Craftsmen, this poured about (sma) is for you. You all must drink together with exhilarating
drinks worthy of Indra (indriy). The past participle priikta qualifies ndhas ((sma) plant)
in its 3 other appearances (V.4.1.19d, V.6.68.11c, & V.10.116.4b). Here the plant clearly
represents the pressed juice. For the bhus and indriy sma, see also V.10.65.10.
29 Brereton (2004b) points out that only eleven hymns (approx. 1% of the total amount of hymns

in the gveda) are directly composed for the bhus. In post-gvedic times the bhus almost
disappear from Vedic myth and ritual. The evidence also suggests that certain Vedic families may
not have included a third evening pressing of sma in their rituals. The bhus divided the sma
cup into four cups (for Indra and themselves), fashioned a chariot, a cow, and Indras horses, and
rejuvenated aging parents. For a succinct summary of these deeds and a detailed discussion of
their metaphorical meanings in relation to ritual symbolism and activity, see Brereton (2004b: 4,
13-31). For a review of past scholarship on the bhus, see Von Simson (1977).

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that mortals can become gods. Brereton (2004b: 31) has succinctly stated this
point:
Thus, the creations of the bhus encode the acts of the soma ritual, and, more especially,
the acts of the third soma pressing. Because their divine acts signify also priestly acts, the
bhus represent not only gods that receive the soma but also humans that prepare it. By
their acts and through the soma, ritual participants attain deathlessness: as the poet of
8.48.3a says, pma smam amt abhma We have drunk soma; we have become
deathless. In the same way, through their acts, signifying ritual acts, the bhus also
attain deathlessness, which for them is entry among the gods and immortality

Brereton (2004b: 33) continues:

But whether they began as mortals or not, they won their place among the gods through
their acts, and insofar as these acts signify not only their craft but also their ritual
performance. They are priestly gods. In this respect they fit into a pattern of gods as
priests that is well-attested in the gveda the Fire, as one example, is the hot-priest of
the gods. Their acts also echo a theme that is found elsewhere in the gveda that the
gods win godly status through performing the sacrifice.

The narrative of the bhus sheds light on the important relationships that
exist among myth, ritual, and status; and the fact that all these cultural factors,
and many more, are conceptually and pragmatically intertwined and fused
through ritual performance. This is certainly not unprecedented in gvedic
theology as we consistently see that the relationship between mortals (mrta,

mrtya) and immortals (amta, martya) is closely mediated in the ritual arena.
Divine and human spheres are given renewed meaning in ritual performance as
both groups are merged in identity and function. Moreover, human actors are
constantly striving to free themselves from death, that is, to be deathless (amta),
which is explicitly seen in the narrative cycle of the bhus. Drinking sma is thus
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the primary way in which human actors can be elevated to godly status even if
only for the duration of the ritual. Hence, drinking sma destined for Indra
(indriy) may reflect the apotheosis of the human warlord and sacrificial patron
to the position of Indra.
This last idea can be confirmed by other verses. Just as the bhus prepare

sma and partake of the divine draught, we see that sma is unequivocally
prepared for Indrahood:
V.9.89.6d: mdhvo a pavata indriyya.
The stalk/plant of honey is purified for Indrahood.30

In addition:
V.8.3.20: nr agnyo rurucur nr u sryo n sma indriy rsa | nr antrikd adhamo

mahm hi k td indra pasyam.

30 For another interesting, yet problematic verse in which the term a, stalk, plant, appears,

see V.9.92.1: pri suvn hrir a pavtre rtho n sarji sanye hiyn | pac chlkam

indriym pymna prti dev ajuata pryobhi. Being pressed, the tawny stalk in the
straining-cloth is released around like a chariot being urged on to win. Being purified, it has
acquired rhythmic sound worthy of Indra (indriy). It was agreeable to the gods through pleasing
libations. While lka often refers to the rhythm, rhythmic sound/pace of poetic recitations, see
V.10.12.5d, where it refers to the rhythmic sound/pace of running horses, and V.10.13.1b,
where it refers to the sma cart. For rtha, chariot, and lka, see also V.1.51.12, &
V.1.118.3, where the Avins stand in a chariot and are commanded to listen to the rhythm of
(pressing) stone (lkam dre) (for further dri verses, see V.1.139.3 (with rtha),
V.1.139.10, V.3.53.10, V.10.76.4, & V.10.94.1). It is this connection with recitations,
chariots, and pressing stones that allows for the rhythmic sound/pace (lka) to be
metaphorically connected with the preparation of sma for Indra (indriy).

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Away shone the fires and away the sun, away sma, the sap worthy of Indra (indriy).
Away from the atmosphere did you blow the great Serpent, O Indra, you performed that
act of masculinity (pasya).
V.9.23.5: smo arati dharasr ddhna indriy rsam | suvro abhiastip.
Sma rushes forward, full of support/steadfast, establishing the sap worthy of Indra
(indriy), as that which brings good soldiers, protecting against hostile recitations.
V.9.47.3: t sma indriy rso vjra sahasras bhuvat | ukth yd asya jyate.
Then sma will become the sap worthy of Indra (indriy), a mace winning thousands (of
cows), when a recitation is produced for him.
V.9.86.10: jytir yajsya pavate mdhu priym pit devn janit vibhvasu |

ddhti rtna svadhyor apcym madntamo matsar indriy rsa.

The light of the sacrifice is purified as beloved honey, as the father of the gods, as the
progenitor who brings extensive treasure. The most exhilarating exhilarator, the sap
worthy of Indra (indriy), establishes secret riches on the two independent ones (Heaven
and Earth).

The consistent association of indriy with sma (indriy- rsa-) not only indicates
that the divine draught belongs to Indra, it also suggests that drinking sma
confirms the political position of the martial deity. In the last verse (V.9.86.10),

sma is further stated to be the father and progenitor of the gods, which suggests
that it is the very substance that produces their cosmological and ritual positions.
The creation metaphor is elsewhere equated with more feminine imagery,
where sma is said to nurse Indras state of Indrahood (indriy). The ritual act of
drinking sma is thus compared with the nursing/suckling of an infant/calf, which
most likely invokes the image of Indra as just born (jt) in the ritual:

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V.9.70.5: s marmjn indriyya dhyasa bh ant rdas harate hit | v

mea bdhate v durmatr ddina aryahva urdha.

He, being repeatedly groomed for nursing worthy of Indra (indriy), becomes excited,
established between both worlds. The bull drives away ill intentions through his
explosiveness (ma), like an archer who constantly targets ritual gifts.
V.9.86.3: tyo n hiyn abh vjam ara svarvt ka div drimtaram | v pavtre

dhi sno avyye sma punn indriyya dhyase.

Like a steed being urged on, rush towards the prize, you who find the sun, towards the
receptacle of heaven whose mother is stone. The bull is on the straining-cloth, the
woollen back: sma is being purified for nursing worthy of Indra (indriy).

The notion of nursing Indra through drinking sma thus alludes to the crucial
role that ritual participation plays in substantiating Indras position of Indrahood.
The idea that sma is intimately connected with Indrahood (indriy) is made even
more explicit in another verse:
V.9.48.5: dh hinvn indriy jyyo mahitvm nae | abhiikd vcarai.
And now, being urged on, he (Soma) attained Indrahood (indriy), superior greatness,
as the unbounded maker of superiority.31

The idea seems to be that through ritual processes sma also obtains a state of
Indrahood (indriy), which is further stated to be a position of superior greatness.
Moreover, Soma actively substantiates this elite position as the god is called the
maker of superiority (abhiikt-). Oberlies (1998: 454-464, 494) points out that
the identities of Soma and Indra frequently overlap. Since sma is often
represented in kingly terms and often stands for Indra, then, the idea seems to be

31 Geldner (1951, 3: 37) reads indriy here as an adjective (die berlegene indrische Macht).

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that if sma can symbolically represent, and even become Indra, then individuals,
such as the Yajamna, become Indra when they drink sma. Interestingly, in
several of the verses where sma and indriy appear together (V.9.47.3,
V.9.86.3, V.9.48.5), the tone is fairly martial. Martial imagery is readily
transposed onto sma throughout the gveda. Hence, the consistent qualification
of sma as worthy of Indra, Indriyan is apt since indriy demarcates
cosmological and political station, which is typically sustained through martial
endeavours. The preparation of sma not only mimics and communicates martial
responsibilities, but sma must also live up to the expected role. Sma is not just a
draught, but when associated with Indra through, for example, Indrahood
(indriy), it is also conceived of as a warrior and king, which all the more reflects
the very role expected of the one who drinks it.32 In fact, the relationship between
warfare and drinking sma is evident in the following two verses from the final
book of the gveda:
V.10.113.1: tm asya dyvpthiv scetas vvebhir devar nu mam vatm | yd

at kvn mahimnam indriym ptv smasya krtum avardhata.

Heaven and earth, of like mind with All-gods, encouraged his explosiveness, when he
(Indra) departed, performing an act of Indriyan (indriy) greatness; after drinking sma
the resolute one was reinforced.
V.10.116.1: pb smam mahat indriyya pb vtrya hntave aviha | pba ry

vase hymna pba mdhvas tpd indr vasva.

32 Cf. Oberlies (1998: 454-464, 493-495).

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Drink sma for great Indrahood (indriy). Drink in order to smash Vtra, O most
capacious one (aviha). Being invoked, drink for wealth, for capacity (vas). Drink of
the honey to satisfaction: O Indra, let (sma) rain into yourself.

Once again, sma not only confers Indras great cosmological and political station
(mahimnam indriym, mahat indriyya), it also plays a significant role in
instigating the activities Indra appears to carry out upon drinking the divine
draught.
A strictly phenomenological reading of such verses would posit that Indra
drinks sma because it increases his size and invigorates him with Indriyan
power/strength the usual translation of indriy.33 Thus, sma has been
understood simply as a strengthening tonic. This supposition may indeed reflect
one way in which early Vedic ritual participants experienced sma. This
interpretative stance is nonetheless unsophisticated in its semiotic analysis and
fails to recognize that we lack access to what people believed they experienced
three millennia ago. Moreover, it backs us into an interpretative corner where
everything Vedic is implicitly physical or phenomenological. When issues of the
body, sma, or mythologized statements about cosmological size appear in
gvedic rhetoric, Vedic scholars have made the problematic interpretative leap
that, for example, the power terms only reflect experiences of physical and/or
metaphysical power, or that sma is experienced as an invigorating drink that
somehow affects the physical state of ancient Indians.

33 For a summary of past interpretations and current issues pertaining to sma, see Thompson

(2001) & Houben (2003). Oberlies (1998: 141-331, esp. 141-167) also provides a detailed survey of
past interpretations of sma, and its place in gvedic religion and culture.

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It is of utmost importance to remember that physical, social, and political

metaphors are frequently mapped onto each other. The body in ancient India is a
natural symbol (Douglas 1973) that makes cultural and political values appear
to be natural, innate components of individual and social identity (see also Lock
& Scheper-Hughes 1987; Connerton 1989; Strathern 1996).34 Hence, whether or
not sma induced a hallucinogenic or ephedrine-based rush (see Thompson 2001,
Houben 2003), we must acknowledge that Indras increase in size, his liquid
invigoration, or for that matter any of his exploits, are mythologized projections
that must have had palpable political ramifications and messages for real human
actors in the ritual arena, especially Indras human representative, the sacrificial
patron and warlord. Clearly the Yajamna did not grow in size upon drinking

sma, and any notion of Dutch courage is, at best, a supposition based on
problematic pharmacological evidence.
Oberlies (1998) has cogently demonstrated that drinking sma is an act of
ritual legitimation and an act of political confirmation for human warlords and
kings in the early Vedic period. What we can definitely say about sma is that
drinking it was an act of cosmological and political confirmation for Indra, and
this must have also been true for his human representative. Moreover, in the case
of indriy, there is little criterion to suppose that it reflects any notions of physical
power or strength. The two verses quoted above can be used to substantiate this.
In the first verse (V.10.113.1), on assuming a state of Indrahood (indriy) from
drinking sma, Indra performs an undisclosed act of Indriyan greatness. In the

34 I will return to this important issue in Chapter 5.5.a.

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second verse (V.10.116.1), we see that this act could in fact be the destruction of
Indras arch-cosmological and political rival, the serpent Vtra, Obstacle.
Indrahood here relates to a coveted state that is maintained through the
destruction of none other than rival political enemies. We have already seen that
Vtras identity is mapped onto real world figures. Thus, in early Vedic ritual
culture, drinking sma is one of the central acts that legitimizes the elite political
position of Indra and human warlords, and thereby instigates his/their martial
exploits to maintain this position. It is for this reason that we read Drink sma
for great Indrahood (indriy). Drink in order to smash Vtra/an obstacle. We
can only suppose that various Yajamnas from diverse tribes or clans performed
rituals in order to drink sma. This would mean that the Yajamnas political
station was contingent, and only guaranteed and thereby sanctioned when he had
access to sma. If Indra monopolizes sma, it is understandable: it reflects and
reproduces the Yajamnas need to perform and patronize rituals his whole

raison dtre depends on it.

In summary, it is evident that conferring Indrahood (indriy) on Indra
involves a complex ritual process that requires meticulous attention to detail, in
which the Maruts, bhus, sma, and even Indra himself are central participants.
Accordingly, specific gods play a primary role in conferring the cosmological and
political state of Indrahood (indriy) on Indra. Indrahood (indriy) is the
condition that symbolically confirms Indras unique standing and thus allows
Indra to be Indra. As an exclusive marker of station, it endorses the war-gods
political position in early Vedic society and legitimizes his mandate to wage war
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and protect the community. Indra becomes fully realized as Indra through, among
other concepts, Indrahood (indriy), which the god obtains through ritual
performances. Indriy is thus the key ritual term that signals the instantiation of
Indrahood (indriy) upon Indra, and, as I will now demonstrate, his human
representative, the Yajamna.

3.4.a. Acts of Indrahood, Acting as Indra

Indras cosmological activity is not just a mythologized abstract projection. Ritual
participants recognize that Indras specific exploits are important for their own
interests in the real world:
V.3.37.9: indriyi atakrato y te jneu pacsu | ndra tni ta ve.
The acts of Indrahood (indriy-), O you of a hundred resolves, which, belonging to you,
(exist) among the five tribes, O Indra, I choose those which are yours.

Here the unidentified ritual participant invests value in the expectations of

indriy, which the five tribes covet as a pan-ryan ideal. This is further attested in
the following verse, where the ritual participants acknowledge Indras ritual
duties and his political position:
V.1.104.6: s tv na indra srye s apsv ngstv bhaja jvaas | mntarm

bhjam rrio na rddhita te mahat indriyya.

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You, O Indra, give us a portion in the sun, in the waters, in faultlessness, and in the
praise of the living. Do not harm our most intimate pleasure. Trust has been placed in
your great Indrahood (indriy).35

Ritual participants are thus fully committed to Indras unique station and
abilities. The reason for this is further underscored in the following verse:
V.4.30.23: ut nn yd indriy kariy indra pasyam | ady nki d minat.
And now the act of Indrahood (indriy), the act of masculinity (pasya), which you
will perform, none will thwart it today.36

The entire hymn goes to lengths to recount Indras deeds, especially the verses
directly preceding the above. It is pertinent to point out that the act of Indrahood
(indriy) will be performed in the immediate future, which suggests that Indras
presence is continually expected, if not enacted, in the here and now of ritual
performance.
The activities associated with indriy are illuminated in other instances. At
V.6.27.1-2, the ritual participants question exactly what Indra should achieve
upon drinking sma. The hymn continues:
V.6.27.3: nah n te mahimna samasya n maghavan maghavattvsya vidm | n

rdhasordhaso ntanasyndra nkir dada indriy te.

At the moment we do not know of any of your greatness, nor of the nature of your
munificence, O munificent one, nor of your current benefits after benefits. O Indra,
nothing pertaining to your Indrahood (indriy) has displayed itself.

35 Cf. Wackernagel (AIG II, 2: 582) & Geldner (1951, 1: 135) on stanza d.
36 Cf. V.8.3.20.

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The poets anticipate Indras success, and for this reason they provide an answer to
their initial query:
V.6.27.4: ett tyt ta indriym aceti ynvadhr varikhasya a | vjrasya yt te

nhatasya mt svanc cid indra param dadra.

It has appeared, this Indrahood (indriy) of yours, through which you slew the posterity
of Varaikha, when from the explosion of your mace which smashed down, from just that
sound, O Indra, the highest (among them) was split apart.

Indra appears to generate bounty from defeating opponents and most likely
acquiring their wealth. In the last verse, Indrahood (indriy) appears to be
equated with the mace (vjra), which, as we have seen, is Indras signature
weapon of war and one of the primary symbols of the war-gods status and
legitimation to carry out martial exploits. In the case of Indrahood (indriy), even
the obligation to distribute wealth is intrinsically associated with martial conquest.
Indras title his job description is thus thoroughly martial in nature and
conception. When a warrior gives, when he fulfils one of his responsibilities as a
warrior, we may thus infer that his wealth has come from success in battle.37
Wealth in early Vedic culture is hard earned and in the end blood-money.
Raiding is not just a legitimate means of generating income, but one that the
ritual encourages and expects of ryan men, especially the human warlord, who,
as the sacrificial patron, is obliged to distribute wealth in the ritual arena. The
above verses may thus contain an implicit martial message for the human warlord
and Yajamna.

37 See Chapter 4.5.a.

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The fact that human warriors and ritual participants readily accept Indra
as their model is evident in the following verses:
V.4.24.3-4: tm n nro v hvayante samk ririkvsas tanv kvata trm | mith yt

tygm ubhyso gman nras toksya tnayasya sta || kratynti kityo yga
ugruso mith rastau | s yd v vavtranta yudhm d n nma indrayante
abhke.
Indeed, men separately invoke him (Indra) in their contests with one another. Having
surrendered their bodies, they made him (the bodys) preserver, when, on opposite sides,
the men in both camps have given themselves to abandon in the winning of offspring and
descendents. The settlements act with resolve/purpose in times of harnessing/warfare, O
authoritative one, exerting themselves, on opposite sides, in the winning of floods. When
the fighting clans have turned toward one another, only then do many a one act as Indra
in the encounter.

We see here that imitating Indra (indraya-) represents a fundamental martial

ideal that warring men embody and act upon. To enter the fray is to act according
to the divine example laid down by the god Indra. The above verses demonstrate
that multiple warriors completely internalize the ethic to such a degree that they
are said to surrender or concede (ric-) and abandon (tygm + gam-)
themselves to Indra and the deitys martial ideals. The hymn continues:
V.4.24.5: d d dha nma indriy yajanta d t pakt puroa riricyt | d t smo

v papcyd suvn d j jujoa vabh yjadhyai.

For only then does many a one win Indrahood (indriy) through sacrifice. Only then
should cooked food supersede the rice cake. Only then should sma keep separate those
who do not press (it). Only then did he find pleasure in the bull to be offered sacrifice.38

38 For the first stanza, Geldner (1951, 1: 451) supplies: Dann opfern die andern dem indrischen

(Namen)

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The evidence presented so far suggests that indriy is conferred on certain

individuals through ritual participation and warfare. This last verse may be
acknowledging that various Yajamnas have successfully acquired Indrahood
through battle and ritual participation. On the other hand, while multiple
individuals ritually invoke the god of war, it is reasonable to assume that only one
Indra was present in the ritual arena. If ritual participation connects indriy with
multiple individuals, this need not imply that all individuals become Indra,39
although we do see that multiple chieftains gather in battle or at an assembly.40 It
may simply emphasize the fact that all ritual participants, who here are men (nr), can be warriors and must thereby internalize the ideals of the war-god Indra.41
Early Vedic rituals thus function as prime arenas in which privilege, status,
and responsibility are meted out to participants, and the act of sacrificing is a
primary medium for martial and political sanction. In fact, the three verses just
quoted suggest that, for those who wish to participate in the cult of sma, open
warfare is a normative component of the successful performance of rituals. We
see that the men (nr-) in verses 3-4 are fighting and then in verse 5 performing

39 Cf. V.1.111.2.
40 V.10.97.6: rjna smitv iva. Cf. V.9.92.6b: rja n saty smitr iyn. Like a real/true

king going to the assemblies. See also Scharfe (1992: 313).

41 Indra is explicitly stated to represent the model for the actions and conduct of soldiers at

V.10.103.6: gotrabhda govda vjrabhu jyantam jma pramntam jas | im sajt

nu vrayadhvam ndra sakhyo nu s rabhadhvam. (He who) split open the cow pens,
finding the cows, mace in hand, winning the course, and pulverizing due to his authority (jas): O
relatives, let all of you act as soldiers in imitation of this one, O friends, let you altogether embrace
Indra.

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rituals in order to substantiate their Indrahood (indriy). This further suggests

that warriors prove themselves worthy in battle before performing rituals. The
process must have been cyclic and hence it constantly promoted an imperative for
sustained violence and ritual participation. The ritual arena is thus a place of
order and affirmation. It functions as a controlled fulcrum in the violent and
deadly world of ryan migratory expansionism and conquest. However, early
Vedic rituals do not alleviate tension or violence, but serve to encourage and
promulgate it. For this reason, ritual participation socializes men within an early
Vedic system of martial ethics and ritual responsibility. Similar ethics will become
encoded in later times in the concept of rjadharma and katriyadharma.
However, in the early Vedic context, ryan warriors do not appear to be
interested in permanently conquering and governing territory. The migratory
patterns of ryan pastoralists most likely meant that they seasonally conquered
territory, and they may have fought over the same territory and natural resources
many times over.42 It is only in later periods that Rjanyas and Katriyas would
become landed warlords who permanently controlled large tracts of land and
established kingdoms.43
In reference to the above verse (V.4.24.5), Oberlies (1998: 440) rightly
argues that ownership of sma signifies political power (Macht) and legitimizes
rule (Herrschaft). He further argues that the terms presser ( svi-) and non-

42 These issues will be dealt with in-depth in Chapters 6 & 7.

43 See Thapar (1984), Scharfe (1992), & Witzel (1995a, 1997a) on the issues of Vedic state

formation and the development of the Katriya class.

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presser (suvi-) indicates that access to sma represents a separation of Vedic

society into two halves; one that participates in the sma-cult and one excluded
from it (Oberlies 1998: 434-435). Thus, according to Oberlies, this moiety of

sma-pressers/sacrificers versus non-pressers/non-sacrificers equates to ryans

versus non-ryans; the latter individuals are still members of Vedic society. In
order to become an ryan, an individual required access to sma, and thus only
one with access to sma is a full-fledged member (ein vollwertiges Mitglied der
Gesellschaft; Oberlies 1998: 435).44
Oberlies assertion raises an immediate problem as to whether the
distinction between pressers (svi) and non-pressers (suvi) equates to a
distinction between ryans and non-ryans. Oberlies (1998: 434-435) puts
forward the view that the division between presser and non-presser is internal
to Vedic society on the whole, that is, between ryans eligible to participate in
the ritual cult of sma, and non-ryans, who are members of the wider Vedic
community, yet are not eligible to participate in Vedic sma rituals.45 This
assertion forces a reformulation of exactly what the terms ar/ary/rya
designate, because, as Oberlies implies, the terms only refer to those who
physically participate in early Vedic sma rituals. If so, then access to sma
(including physically participating in the performance of sma rituals)

44 See also V.4.25.6-7, & Oberlies (1998: 535).

45 The issue begs the question of the exclusivity of all types of early Vedic rituals in the first place

and also elicits the added issue of what extent are sma rituals a closed subset from other rituals in
the early Vedic period.

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characterizes a closed subset of early Vedic elites, who refer to themselves

exclusively as ryan. However, this does not mesh with the view that the terms

ar/ary refer to a stranger/outsider to the community, yet who is also a member

of the wider Vedic culture and society, a compatriot.46 Brereton (1981: 156ff.)
further argues that ary conveys the notion of civilized, civilizing, and
consequently rya refers to a civilized member of the wider ryan community
who upholds early Vedic customs. The terms ar/ary/rya are thus typically
understood as generic markers of individuals who move within the wider Vedic
social context.
The problem with this view is that no clear line is demarcated as to
whether ritual participation is the key component of ryan-ness. This may be
symptomatic of the fact that the text is purely ritual in context, and any
consideration of whether an ryan is not a member of the ritual cult may not have
initially presented itself. Apart from Oberlies (1998),47 I am not aware of anyone
who has argued whether ritual participation and access to sma equates to ryanhood or whether being an ryan is simply inherent to being a member of early
Vedic culture on the whole. Nevertheless, contrary to Oberlies, the term rya is

46 For a succinct and clear presentation of the arguments of Paul Thieme (1938) and Georges

Dumzil (1941), and the subsequent rejoinders between the two scholars, see Brereton (1981:
150-162).
47 Oberlies (1998: 435 n.175) cites Hillebrandt (1927-1929: 267) who expresses a similar, yet

undeveloped view.

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consistently juxtaposed to non-Vedic peoples, that is, the Dasyu and Dsa.48
Hence, ryans are members of Vedic society, while non-ryans are conceived of
as standing outside of it. Any social division internal to early Vedic culture that is
reflected in the use of the term rya is not evident in the gveda.
Let us consider the concept of a presser. The term presser appears to
delineate a closed group of people who have full participation in rituals. We see
that a presser (svi) is a soldier (vr).49 Likewise, Indra helps the presser
Etaa, who acts as a master (na-) and contends for the sun and horses.50
Indra also grants wide space to a presser who recites a sacred formulation.51
This indicates that a presser is a socially and ritually important figure.
Furthermore, while pressers are members of Vedic society, in contrast to
Oberlies, non-pressers appear to be excluded from participation in Vedic ritual
customs:
V.5.34.6: vitvkaa smtau cakramsaj sunvato vua sunvat vdh | ndro

vvasya damit vibhao yathva nayati dsam rya.

48 See, e.g., V.1.51.8, V.1.103.3, V.1.117.21, V.2.11.18-19, V.3.34.9d (Having smashed

the barbarians, he aided the ryan class, hatv dsyn prrya vram vat), V.6.18.3,
V.6.22.10, V.6.25.2d (You lay low the Dsa-clans for the ryan, ryya v va trr ds),
V.6.33.3b, V.6.60.6, V.7.5.6, V.7.83.1, V.8.24.27, V.8.51.9 (includes ary), V.10.38.3a,
V.10.49.3d (I am the one who did not give the ryan name/title to the barbarian, n y rar

rya nma dsyave), V.10.69.6, V.10.83.1c, V.10.102.3, V.10.138.3b.

49 V.6.23.3c. See also V.6.23.2a & V.6.23.9d.
50 V.1.61.15.
51 V.4.25.2d. Cf. V.9.21.2b.

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He is very effective in the clash, securing the (chariot) wheel, indifferent to the nonpresser, reinforcer of the presser. Indra is the oppressor of all, instilling fear. The ryan
leads the barbarian according to his will.52

It is unlikely that stanza b reflects a division between pressers/non-pressers as

internal to Vedic society and stanza d reflects a division between rya and dsa,
the former being members of Vedic culture, the latter being outsiders. It is more
likely that the categories are juxtaposed to each other, as one internal,
presser/ryan, and one external, non-presser/barbarian. The evidence thus
undermines Oberlies original assertion, since a non-presser would stand
outside ryan culture. This appears to be the intention of the following verse:
V.10.86.19: aym emi vickaad vicinvn dsam ryam | pbmi pkastvano bh

dhram ackaa vvasmd ndra ttara.

[Vkapi:] Here I go inspecting, differentiating between barbarian and ryan. I drink
(the offering) of the earnest presser. I kept gazing upon the insightful. Indra above
all!53

As would be expected, Indra only supports those who press sma and the god
outright rejects or even destroys non-pressers.54 Thus being a presser is a sign
of religious piety, while the concept of a non-presser (suvi, sunvant) is
repeatedly stated to be undesirable, and even abhorrent, to early Vedic religious

52 Cf. V.5.34.5.
53 Cf. also V.1.51.8, where Indra is instructed to distinguish (v- j-) between ryans and

Dasyus, and then to only support the Yajamna, who we must assume is from among the
aforementioned ryans. See V.1.130.8a & V.1.156.5cd, where a Yajamna is explicitly called

rya.
54 See V.1.101.4, V.1.110.7, V.1.176.4, V.4.25.7, V.5.34.5-6, V.8.62.12, & V.10.42.4.

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ideals.55 Therefore, a presser is an ryan and a member of early Vedic culture,

while a non-presser does not appear to be an ryan at all and is completely
excluded from participating in early Vedic rituals.56
In saying this, however, the question is still open for debate as to whether
access to sma inherently makes one an ryan. Oberlies (1998: 434-435) asserts
that to be a full ryan one must be eligible to drink soma. In the early Vedic
period, the textual evidence indicates that only specific martial and ritual
individuals, such as Indra and the Yajamna, are eligible to drink sma. It does
not appear to be the case that every member of Vedic society had access to sma.
Because Indra and his immediate martial and priestly cohorts monopolize sma,
and because sma is such a prevalent medium through which status, prestige, and
duty are recognized and legitimated, I see no reason to posit that a wider segment
of the population had access to it. In addition, pressers appear to be a select
subclass of the wider early Vedic community due to their participation in the

sma cult. For this reason it need not matter whether a presser (or for that
matter a drinker) of sma is exclusively an ryan, or whether the terms

ar/ary/rya are general markers of membership in Vedic culture. What is

important to stress here is the fact that access to sma is most certainly a

55 V.4.25.5c, V.4.25.6c, & V.6.44.11d. Cf. also sunvant, which appears 8 times in the

gveda.
56 Witzel (1997a: 35-43) argues that by the time of the classical Vedic period, non-ryan

individuals could participate in ryan culture by patronizing and performing rauta rituals. Such
rituals thus became the primary arena of social and political mobilization under the hegemony of
the Kuru kings.

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restricted privilege and a status symbol for a select few individuals within early
Vedic (read: ryan) culture.57

3.4.b. The Human Indra

According to early Vedic religion, there is no permanent king or chieftain (rjan)
among the gods (various deities are identified as kings). Moreover, the word rjan
does not denote a fixed position. Indras role as the king of the gods is a later
development (Scharfe 1992: 311). In the gveda, Indras primary function is to
act as the chieftain and warlord: the word rjan is typically understood to express
both roles.58 Once Indra carries out his martial responsibilities, his function
appears to be dissolved this would also be true for the gods instantiation in a
human warlord (cf. Schmidt 1978: 374-375). It appears that a human warlord is
selected for specific military purposes from among the warriors who have proved
themselves most effective in combat and conquest.59 Scharfe (1992: 314)
succinctly states:

57 We must also consider the option that the actual ritual act of pressing/drinking is not at the

heart of the issue, but simply that the identity of the wider Vedic community in contingent on the
cult of sma, no matter whether all members are eligible to participate in actuality. Thus, all
members of early Vedic culture are inherently ryan, which in effect is a reference to the ritual
traditions as the prime marker of a distinct culture held in the highest esteem by all members of
society.
58 See Chapter 7.5, where I argue that the word ra actually means warlord.
59 For comparable sentiments, see Schlerath (1960: 111-127), Schmidt (1978: 374-375; 1992: 338,

341), Kulke (1992: 188-198), & Oberlies (1998: 348-350, 391-447).

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At the earliest stage of Indian society, we find, then, the rjan-s as temporary leaders in
times of war, chosen probably from among the various vipti-s, the clan chiefs that ruled
the settlements. In the course of time, many a powerful warlord usurped permanent
power and established a dynasty. Their descendents formed a privileged class.60

Oberlies (1998) further argues that Vedic life oscillated between times of
movement (yga, harnessing) for warfare, cattle raids, and for shifting to
new pasturage and times of settlement (kma). He suggests that separate
individuals were invested with the leadership of the tribe in times of warfare and
peace, even though we do see the two functions ascribed to a single individual,
king Trasadasyu (V.4.42.1-10).61 Oberlies declares that Indra represents the
war-king (Kriegsknig) and his kingship relates to control of the army and
dealings with foreign parties, especially in warfare. In a complementary yet
antagonistic relationship, Varua functions as the peace-king (Friedensknig),
who deals with domestic affairs, such as justice and punishment (Oberlies 1998:
333-362).
Taking his lead from Krick (1975) and Gladigow (1979), Oberlies (1998:
441) highlights the fact that, through sma, a particularly close relationship exists
between the ruler/sacrificer and Indra. Indra stands in closest connection to the
actual chieftain and the war-king of the tribe. Moreover, the fact that the human
warlord drinks sma attests to his eligibility to assume the role of Indra. Drinking

60 Scharfe (1992: 312) does state that The office of rjan may have fallen to men of a proven

family for successive generations, to be permanent at an early time. In a similar vein, Witzel
(1997a) argues that in the post-gvedic period Kuru kings came from stable lineages.
61 Cf. Whitaker 2004a. I will return to the further implications

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of king Trasadasyu shortly.

sma thus makes one the first among the tribe. Oberlies (1998: 391-428) further
argues that the Yajamna is the victor in competitions or battles. Likewise, men
elect their chieftain at their plundering expeditions. The aim of gvedic sma
rituals is thus to secure Indras manifestation. Indras presence is further attested
through victory in battles. The individual chosen as the human (menschlich)
Indra is the victor and sacrificer (Oberlies 1998: 396-398).
This is certainly not an unprecedented process, as all the ritual
participants become functional representatives of various gods in the not too
distant ritual traditions that are attested in the Yajurveda Sahit(s) and the
Yajurvedic and gvedic Brhmaas. Minkowski (1991) argues that in the
classical Vedic period (perhaps c. 800 BCE onwards) a cycle of communication
exists between the mundane and divine realms in certain rituals. The
Maitrvarua priest plays a central role in this process by issuing commands
(praia-), assigning ritual functions, and dividing up divine ritual speech (vc) to
the various priests. The symbolically potent daa acts as the ritual talking stick.
The royal sacrificer gives it to the Maitrvarua, who thus acts as the delegate and
mediator of royal power. The Maitrvarua is more closely aligned with the
Yajamna than the Hot, yet he allows for the Hot to communicate with his
divine counterpart, Agni. The relationship and interactions between the Hot and
Agni is the same as between Agni and the gods. An east-west line (phy,
backbone) divides the ritual ground. The Maitrvaruas sphere of action is on
the southern, mundane side of the ritual ground where the patron is situated,

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while the Hots sphere of action is the northern divine and priestly side.
Minkowski (1991: 64) states at length:
It is through the agency of the Maitrvarua that the Yajamna makes contact, via the
Hot, who communicates via Agni, with the gods and the heavenly world. Ifthe
Maitrvarua is the functional embodiment of Mitra and Varua, and if Mitra and
Varua are the dityas par excellence, the denizens of the highest realm, who are also, in
their complementary duality, the embodiment of the connection between the two spheres
of brahma and katra, then the Maitrvarua makes the cycle of communication between
the Yajamna and the gods complete. He provides the Yajamna with the ability to
install the Hot as mediator between himself and the gods. In short, through the
Maitrvarua, the gods enable the Yajamna to communicate with the gods.

When the Yajamna selects his priests, he names the appropriate deity who
carries out the same ritual function in heaven. The priests are thus the human
counterparts of gods. Minkowski (1991: 69, cf. 166-168) thus declares: priests are
made functional representatives of various Vedic deities. In this conception the
deities are not simply recipients of the actions of the sacrifice. They are also its
performers.
As would be expected, the idea that a functional representative of Indra is
chosen from among warriors in a clan is explicitly attested in the use of indriy:
V.10.124.8: t asya jyham indriy sacante t m keti svadhy mdant | t

vo n rjna vn bbhatsvo pa vtrd atihan.

They (waters) follow the most excellent Indrahood (indriy) of this one (Indra). He
peacefully dwells among the ones who become exhilarated according to his/their
independence/own discretion. They, (on choosing) him like the clans choose for
themselves a king, in horror stood away from Vtra.

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This verse demonstrates that, in early Vedic society, a selection process

determines the position of a human king, who will act as the warlord in times of
war. Indriy functions here to demarcate Indras station and perhaps the wargods instantiation in a human warlord. The unidentified feminine plural pronoun
appears to refer to waters and by extension the streams of sma, which are both
mentioned in the two preceding verses.62 This is also suggested by the present
participle mdant-, which is in the feminine plural. The verb mad-, to be
exhilarated, find exhilaration typically refers to sma. This would make sense
since it is the waters, that is, sma, that select Indra in the same way clans choose
their own king. Hence, the verse acknowledges the selection of a warlord occurs
through a process whereby waters, that is, streams of sma, provide Indra with
Indrahood (indriy), and by extension cause a human king to become the human
Indra. In fact, the entire hymn appears to be recited by the individual seeking
Indrahood, that is, the Yajamna. The selection process also seems to suggest
that the waters are unable to aid Indra any further, as they are too scared of the
war-gods arch-rival, Vtra. The verse thus implies that, upon confirmation of his
Indrahood (indriy), Indra needs to immediately confront Vtra, which is
something we have already encountered in relation to indriy and sma.63 In
considering the implications of this hymn, Schmidt (1992: 339) states:

62 Cf. V.10.124.6-7.
63 V.10.124.6c: hnva vtr nirhi soma. We two will smash Vtra. Come forth, O Soma.

The two individuals appear to be Indra and Varua. Cf. also V.8.100.12cd, where Indra and
Viu make a similar statement and allow the waters to flow to Indra.

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In 10.124.7 he [Varua] lets go the waters which follow in 8 Indras mightiest power
(jyham indriym), choosing him like the clans a king. It stands to reason that Varua
has lost his power in this context in contrast to 8.41.1 where he is very much in possession
of it.64

Oberlies (1998: 352) agrees that this verse and V.10.173.1-5 reflect the selection
of the war-king (Kriegsknig) in times of harnessing and movement (yga).
Hence, (a human) Indra must be invoked and selected anew so he can perform
his primary function, that is, the destruction of Vtra or any such obstacle that
stands in the way of tribal migrations and the control of natural resources.65
The following verse offers one of the most quintessential statements
concerning the division between divine and human realms, and the fact that both
are fused in the ritual arena and in the figure of the human warlord:
V.1.103.1: tt ta indriym paramm parcar dhrayanta kavya purdm |

kamdm anyd divy nyd asya sm pcyate samanva ket .

Sages have previously upheld your highest Indrahood (indriy) far away and here. One
(indriy) exists here on earth, the other of his (=Indra) in heaven: each (indriy) is mixed
together with its equivalent, as if a beacon/sign.

This verse indicates that Indrahood (indriy) exists in heaven and on earth, yet
both are conjoined. In the gveda, the beacon/sign (ket) often refers to the

64 Schmidt is not suggesting the indriy belongs to Varua here, but only that at V.8.41.1

Varuas prbhti is praised, which according to Schmidt (1992: 339) means power and reflects
a situation in which Varua is endowed with power and in charge of the waters.
65 Cf. V.1.165.8, where Indra addresses the Maruts: vdh vtrm maruta indriya sva

bhmena tavi babhvn | ahm et mnave vivcandr sug ap cakara vjrabhu. O

Maruts, I slew Vtra due to my Indrahood (indriy), having become aggressive/brave due to my
own ferocity. Armed with my mace, I made these all-glistening waters easily accessible to Manu.

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smoke or flames of the ritual Fire. It appears that the union of Indrahood is itself
a major symbol and statement about the purpose of early Vedic rituals.66 The
simile may thus be referring to a ritual process that fuses the two types of
Indrahood. Moreover, the two Indrahoods may refer to the god Indra in heaven
and the human Indra, the Yajamna, on earth. Consequently, the divine and
mundane imperative to act as Indra becomes one: a human and a god are united
in function and identity since Indra and the Yajamna accept Indrahood (indriy)
through ritual participation. The term indriy thus encompasses the cosmological
and political fusion of divine and human realms. Consequently, the status and
activities of gods and warriors are conjoined, given renewed meaning, and
deployed anew through the medium of ritual performance in the early Vedic
period. Therefore, the term indriy signals an entrenched political and ritual
ideology whereby the human warlord and the god Indra are conceptually and
perhaps ontologically fused on the ritual ground. As the patron of the sacrifice
(yjamna, sr), the human warlord acts as the functional representative of
Indra. In the real world, he is expected to embody the deitys status and carry out
his duties.

66 Cf. V.9.70.3: t asya santu ketv mtyav dbhyso jan ubh nu | ybhir nm ca devy

ca punat d d rjnam mann agbhata. Let these immortal beacons/banners of his (Soma),
free from deception, follow both races (of men and gods), through which acts of manhood
(nm-) and godly ones are purified. Then the mindful ones took possession of their king.

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3.4.c. Indra and King Trasadasyu: V.4.42.1-10

The representation of King Trasadasyu, one of the few identified individuals in
the gveda, provides us with an indispensable insight into the nature of early
Vedic ritual rhetoric and its underlying social ideology. According to the

Sarvnukrama, the index of composers of gvedic hymns, King Trasadasyu is

the author of V.4.42.1-10. Lommel (1978: 275-281) suggests that in verses 1-6
King Trasadasyu is speaking in praise of himself on the occasion of his royal
consecration, where, indeed, the king is compared to both Varua and Indra. At
V.4.42.2, king Trasadasyu explicitly states that he is king Varua, and at
V.4.42.2 and 5 he calls himself Indra. Even more telling is the fact that King
Trasadasyu is twice called a half-god (V.4.42.8d, 9d: ardhadev).67 According
to Schmidt (1992), Indra is identified with summer and Varua with winter. Thus
Schmidt (1992: 340) states: King Trasadasyu impersonates both Varua and
Indra by performing their functions according to the demands of the seasons.
Schmidt concludes (1992: 345):
The hymn probably refers to a juncture in the ritual when the king passes from his
function of Varua to that of Indra. This corresponds to the time when the king leaves
for his annual raiding expedition. He transfers his Varua-power in the residence to a
priest who acknowledges the kings assumption of the Indra-power.

67 Note at V.4.42.1, King Trasadasyu claims the kingship of the Katriya (one who holds

dominion) throughout all his lifetime (rr katryasya vvyo). Cf. V.7.34.11b, where

vvyu qualifies katr. We should note however that his political position appears to have been
reaffirmed now, as before (dvit), which suggests that the kings position has been ritually
substantiated more than once. On dvit, see Tichy (1983: 225-226).

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What is of utmost importance to realize about king Trasadasyu is the fact

that an early Vedic king freely accepts that in order to legitimize his political
position his persona must be subsumed under the identity of specific gods.
Trasadasyus individualism is not of central importance for his kingship and rank
in society. What is important is that he functions as a human Indra and a human
Varua, and thereby embodies their status and carries out their responsibilities in
the real world. A cogent ideology of violence under the auspices of martial gods
far outweighs the identity and interests of even kings in early Vedic ritual society.
Brereton (1981) draws a similar conclusion in relation to the gods and Vedic
kings. He argues that the respective cosmic functions of Mitra, Varua, and
Aryaman (the dityas) represent ryan social ideals of adherence to alliances, to
commandments and jurisprudence, and to tradition and customs. The gods were
thus intimately involved in ryan social interactions such as the family,
community, trade, contracts, and punishment. They also embodied the ideals of
ryan kings and warriors. Like the human king, the dityas and Indra protected
ryan society and maintained the natural order (t). Brereton thus concludes
that as the human counterpart of the dityas and Indra, the king imitated and
enforced the gods cosmic functions in human society and various royal rituals
consecrated the king with this duty.
Indra is thus the ideological projection of all warriors, especially kings. He
is the exemplary embodiment of the most fundamental martial and political
values in early Vedic society. Warriors, especially the warlord, internalize and act
upon their understanding of Indra. The concern is not myopic or egotistical.
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There is no individualism, no cult of the hero. Indra is not any one individual and
no individual has the right to claim Indrahood as his and his alone, though select
individuals may act as his functional representative in the ritual and in battle.
Moreover, individuals may have competed for the right to act as Indra, and
success in economic, martial, and political endeavours mediates who is eligible to
take the position.68
The ritualized and mythologized rhetoric serves to remove all risk from
the system. The fallibility of real men is avoided. The human potential for failure
or defeat in real martial exploits is relatively ignored as the ritual rhetoric of the

gveda almost never directly addresses human warriors, but constantly speaks to
infallible gods of war, such as Indra, Agni, Soma, and the Maruts.69 The sustained
promotion of martial identity in the arena of ritual performance circumscribes
unpredictability and chance. Any real historical events are absorbed into the
symbolism of cosmic status, duty, and exploits. Failure in real undertakings is the
responsibility of ritual participants, who fail to invoke Indra, who fail to ensure
Indras sustained presence in the community, and who thereby fail to successfully
communicate and carry out the ethics of war. There does not appear to be any

68 See V.8.3.13: kn nvyo atasn tur gta mrtya | nah nv sya mahimnam indriy

svr gnta na. What newer kind of entreaties should the surpassing/enduring mortal sing?
None singing now to the sun have attained his Indriyan (indriy) greatness.
69 One of the few times we see real figures and perhaps real historical events appears at

V.7.18.1-25, the so-called Ten Kings hymn. In this hymn, Indra defeats many named
opponents for king Suds. Witzel (1997b: 261ff.) argues that this hymn represents the rise to
political supremacy of the Bharata/Kuru tribe under the leadership of king Suds, who appears to
have defeated his Pru enemies at a battle of ten kings.

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cultural value or ritual worth in discussing failure. Ritual hymns are for
dependable gods who protect and promote the community, not fallible mortals.
The gods are abstract and universalized ideological projections of specific
realities and situations.
Therefore, ryan males who participate in early Vedic rituals appear to
embody and act upon a cultural ideology that subsumes their identities under
such gods as Indra, Agni, Soma, and the Maruts. The sustained promotion of
Indras identity serves to drive a cult of violence in its ideology and quest for war.
The underlying message seems to be fight, share, uphold the community, be
ritually recognized, and fight again. Indras presence is attested in martial and
political success. Indra can never be allowed to fail, because the reputation and
continuation of the greater community is at stake. Only success matters: success
attests the right to invoke Indra anew, and to promulgate the martial system
bound up in the persona of the war-deity and his divine cohorts. Early Vedic
martiality is filtered through the ideals of gods, through allusion and subtext, and
through the conferral of social, economic, and political status and privilege. This
universalization of martial principles may have protected early Vedic society from
myopic concerns and individual egos. Moreover, through ritual performances
martial behaviour is projected as legitimate and paramount. Hence, early Vedic
martiality, in a sense, supersedes individual interests as it is encoded in ritual
performance. This not only protects the ideology of violence, it also ensures the
continued performance of rituals and the continued allegiance of ritual
participants. Warriors willingly strive to participate in the system and to uphold its
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ideals in lived reality. It is not only a dominant means for social prestige, political
power, and economic wealth, the ritualized martial system also ensures that all
participants are absorbed within the identity of the greater ideal. This ideal is
represented in divine terms, which all the more justifies martial behaviour
through potent ritual symbolism and participation.
The gvedic hymns imply that Indras conquest of the cosmos represents
the paradigm for human kings and warriors. The underlying message may have
conveyed to human warlords the expectation to conquer and control territory,
and the justification for such politically volatile endeavours. The status and
activity of warriors appears to be divine or at least divinely sanctioned when
in conformity with the prototypical warlord, Indra.70 Oberlies (1998: 352-362)
asserts that the acts of gods such as Indra serve as the model for their human
counterparts, and thus the war-king and chieftain (Anfhrer) conquers enemies
and lands for his tribe due to the precedents laid down by Indras domination of
the cosmos. Indras myths thus contain repeated subtexts that address, educate,
reproduce, and validate real human warriors and warlords. The fact that real
human participants are present in the ritual arena and that they act as functional
representatives of gods, such as Indra and the Maruts, provides us with a reliable
method through which to appreciate and contextualize one of the underlying
functions of many of the hymns. Vedic warriors are able to interpret Indras
cosmological actions as meaningful and actualized in the real world. Human acts
are equated with cosmological acts, and vice versa. As such, human acts become

70 Cf. Oberlies (1998: 433-434).

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examples of cosmological acts attested in lived reality. Real acts are, in a sense,
proof of and testimony to cosmological precedents, that is, human activity is
cosmological or at least confirms divine sanction. In turn, cosmological
precedents justify the martial activity of real individuals. The world of the gods
does not just mirror the world of humans; it is the world of humans, and vice
versa. Early Vedic rituals are not governed by irrational wish-fulfillment and
ritual participants are not paralyzed by belief in notions of supposed ritual
efficacy. The rhetoric not only invokes gods to bring about the desires of the ritual
participants, it also instructs real humans to make sure such goals are achieved.
However, human actions are subsumed, and thereby camouflaged, under the
identity of gods, who are ultimately responsible for any success. This ritualized
device not only promotes the identity and ideologies of martial gods, but also
serves to sanction the actions of human warriors and warlords. More than this,
early Vedic martiality protects itself because any recognition of failure is simply
ignored the gods are infallible. This further serves to ensure the legitimate
promotion of ryan martiality and the continual performance of early Vedic
rituals. Lastly, the fact that human acts are projected into mythical and
cosmological terms represents a cogent medium to justify sustained violence.

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Chapter 4: Soldier (vr) and Soldiery (vry)

4.1. Introduction
At the heart of early Vedic martiality lies the all important figure of the vr, the
the quintessential warrior. The status and acts of a vr are further defined by the
neuter abstract noun vry. The terms vr and vry are deployed in a consistent
manner. Not only are vr and vry morphologically related, they also operate on
the same semantic level. This chapter will demonstrate that the two dominant
themes which appear without fail in relation to vr and vry are wealth and
warfare. The chief responsibility of a vr is to acquire wealth from warfare and to
distribute the resultant spoils among his clansmen through the medium of early
Vedic rituals. The consistent motifs of wealth and warfare represent the intrinsic
duties of a vr and his vry, and thus serve to define a vr in relation to other
masculine roles (n/nr, ra). This chapter will reach the conclusion that vr and

vry are best translated as soldier and soldiery respectively. Hence, both
terms are closely related concepts that play a significant part in defining and
reproducing the complex persona of early Vedic men.
The gvedic evidence thus indicates that a vr is a man whose role is
highly valued at economic and martial levels. The martial activity of a vr is
constantly encouraged as an intrinsic factor in the economic survival of the
community. The social position of a vr comes almost solely from his personal
bravery and ability to fight and his obligation to distribute the spoils of war. In

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early Vedic ritual culture, the life of a warrior is one of the few bona fide roles for
men. Vr and vry thus signal a universal martial role expected of all ryan
men. The use of these two terms communicates a martial imperative to act as a
true ryan man by constantly engaging in battles and warfare in order to procure
riches or die trying. Hence, this chapter will systematically consider both vr
and vry in relation to early Vedic militarism and its incessant proselytizing of
ryan male identity and ideology.

4.2.a. Warfare and Martiality

The term vr appears fairly consistently throughout all books of the gveda. As
is typical of other powers terms, vry appears throughout the family books and
predominantly in V.1.51-191, which is attributed to the girasa family (and
like other power terms it features little in V.1.1-50).1 The motif of martial
conflict and militancy is one of the two prevailing themes that define vr and

vry the other, wealth, will be discussed shortly. Let us begin then by
establishing the fact that a vr is quintessentially a term for a type of warrior, or
better yet a specific militant role expected of men in early Vedic culture. I will
mark vr in translation with soldier and vry with soldiery: the validity of
these translations will be discussed in due course. In one verse, Indra is called a

1 See the Appendix for further discussion.

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soldier (vr) who dominates in battles.2 In a verse to the omen (sumagla)

bird, a vr is called an archer:
V.2.42.2ab: m tv yen d vadhn m supar m tv vidad umn vr st.
Let the falcon not tear you up, nor the eagle. Let a soldier (vr) with arrows, an archer
not find you.3

Another telling stanza states:

V.1.81.2a: si h vra sny-.
Indeed, O soldier, you are the one for the army.

Early Vedic culture certainly maintained a martial institution, yet the army
(sn, snya) was not a standing military force of paid or professional members in
a state-run militia. The army most likely refers to a host prepared or arrayed for
battle. The martial role of the vr is further underscored in numerous other
verses. For example:
V.10.103.11: asmkam ndra smteu dhvajv asmka y avas t jayantu |

asmka vr ttare bhavantv asm u dev avat hveu.

Let Indra be among us at the clash of standards. Those arrows of ours, let them be
victorious. Let our soldiers (vr-) be on high/top. And, O gods, aid us at our
invocations.

2 V.6.45.8c, vrsya ptanha. Cf. V.8.98.10c: vrm ptanham. Here (bring) a soldier

(vr) who is dominant in battles.

3 Cf. V.4.27.2ab, to the falcon: n gh s mm pa ja jabhrbhm sa tvkas vrya . He

did not bear me away against my will. I stand over/am superior to him due to my creativity, my
soldiery (vry).

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Elsewhere, Indra is called a vr and is said to ride in a chariot.4 This is one of only
two instances in which a vr is explicitly associated with chariots. This should
immediately key us into one characteristic that delimits the status of a vr. That is
to say, the martial role of a vr is not defined by access to chariots and chariot
warfare. This is striking since the martial role of a ra is frequently connected
with chariots.5 This suggests that the role of a vr is more mundane and generic,
while the role of the ra is more specialized and elite.
In these few verses, we can already see that the role of a vr is overtly
martial. It is no surprise then that vry is also martial in nature:
V.2.21.3: satrsh janabhak janasah cyvano yudhm nu jam ukit |

vtacay shurir vikv rit ndrasya vocam pr ktni vry.

Completely dominating, consuming the tribes, dominating the tribes, the agitating
fighter strengthened according to his pleasure, putting the army in ranks, dominant,
acknowledged/treated as an ryan among the clans: I proclaim Indras deeds, his acts of
soldiery (vry-).

The repeated stress placed on sah-, to dominate, conquer, underscores the

martial ramfications of vry. Not only are acts of violence proclaimed in public,

4 V.5.30.1. At V.2.39.2a, the Avins are said to be like two

chariot-driving soldiers (rathyva

vr-). Cf. V.3.60.4, where the bhus appear to be Indras charioteers: ndrea ytha sartha
sut sc tho vnm bhavath sah riy | n va pratima suktni vghata sadhanvan
bhavo vryi ca. You all travel on the same chariot together with Indra to the pressed (sma),
and then you become present along with the finery of wishes/goods. Your good deeds are not to
be equaled, O Vghat priests, O descendents of Sudhanvan, O craftsmen, and neither are your
acts of soldiery (vry-).
5 See Chapter 7.5.

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Indras vry necessitates the acknowledgment of his position among the clans
(vikv rit).6 Furthermore, the fact that Indra consumes and dominates the tribes
(janabhak-, janasah-) indicates that vry signals Indras violent behaviour,
which is directed towards other foreign ryan tribes. 7 Just as nr- vanquish other
men (nh, nhya), vr- are justified in conquering those of the same culture.
The underlying martial nature of vry is also evident in the following
verses:
V.3.46.1: yudhmsya te vabhsya svarja ugrsya yna sthvirasya ghve | jryato

vajro vryndra rutsya mahat mahni.

Of you, the fighter, the sovereign bull, the authoritative youth, substantial, lively; of the
unaging mace wielder, O Indra, great are the acts of soldiery (vry-) of the great,
renowned one.
V.4.50.7ab: s d rj prtijanyni vv mea tasthv abh vrya.

6 The term rit is problematic. Grassmann (1976 [1873]: 183) suggests that it is a past participle

simply meaning praised. Mayrhofer (EWA 3: 172) suggests that it is a past participle meaning
acknowledged (anerkannt) from an obscure root r-. This is how Geldner (1951) renders rit
at V.1.101.4b, V.2.21.3c, V.8.33.5d, & V.10.111.10b (cf. also V.8.16.6a, V.10.48.3d).
Oldenberg (1912: 97) argues that the verb ry- could be a denominative from rya.
7 For jna, see Rau (1957: 64-66) & Schlerath (1960: 51). Cf. V.4.30.8, which documents Indras

violence against the goddess Dawn, and perhaps reflects real world attitudes towards ryan
women: etd ghd ut vrym ndra cakrtha pasyam | strya yd durhayva vdhr

duhitra div. And thus you surely performed this act of soldiery (vry), this act of
masculinity (pasya), O Indra, when you slew/struck the intensely angry wife, the daughter of
heaven. Cf. V.6.65.4ab, where a mortal (mrtya, see verse 3) soldier (vr) gains riches (rtna)
and honours (vidhant), and ritually serves (dvs) Dawn.

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Just this one, the king, stood against all the (troops of the) arrayed/opposing tribes due
to his explosiveness, due to his soldiery (vry).

These two verses emphasize that vry resonates within a martial context. In the
last verse, it is interesting that the king or chieftain (rjan) is associated with vry,
which indicates that this term qualifies the martial actions and status of more than
just a vr. The parallel placement of ma, from u- to snort, pant, suggests
that vry may also signal some kind of aggressive physical characteristic.8 We
must assume then that vry expresses notions of bravery, courage, and readiness
for battle.
The kings relationship with vry can be further qualified in several verses
from one hymn, where repeated emphasis is placed on the martial aspects of vry
and its close relationship with Indras position of sovereignty (svrajya):
V.1.80.7: ndra tbhyam d adriv nutta vajrin vrym | yd dha tym mynam

mg tm u tvm myyvadhr rcann nu svarjyam.

O Indra, O stone carrier, O mace wielder, to you soldiery (vry) was surely conceded.
Then you (kept smashing) this crafty wild beast, then you slew him through (your own)
craft: they cheer on your sovereignty.
V.1.80.8: v te vjrso asthiran navat nvy nu | maht ta indra vrym bhvs te

bla hitm rcann nu svarjyam.

Your maces have been dispersed over ninety rivers. O Indra, your soldiery (vry) is
great. Strength (bla) is established in your two arms: they cheer on your sovereignty.

8 Cf. V.2.17.3ab, to Indra: dhko pratham vrym mahd yd asygre brhma mam

araya. Thus you performed the foremost great act of soldiery (vry), when in the beginning you
set your explosiveness in motion through a formulation belonging to this one.

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V.1.80.15: nah n yd adhmsndra k vry par | tsmin nmm ut krtu

dev jsi s dadhur rcann nu svarjyam.

As far as we know, there is no one now who surpasses Indra through soldiery (vry). On
him the gods altogether conferred manhood (nm) and resolve/purpose, (on him the
gods altogether conferred) authority after authority (jas-): they cheer on your
sovereignty.

Vry once again signals martial endeavours. Moreover, Indras militancy plays a
substantial role in facilitating the ritual praise of his political sovereignty
(svarjya). While it may be self-evident, it is necessary to state that warfare in
ancient India establishes the political rule of warlords and kings. Moreover, the
hymns of the gveda consistently remind listeners, especially political elites, of
their responsibility to wage war in order to maintain outright sovereignty.
In another verse, vry signals the imperative for war:
V.6.18.3: tv ha n tyd adamyo dsyr ka kr avanor ryya | sti svin n

vry tt ta indra n svid asti td tuth v voca.

But now it is you that suppressed the barbarians, alone you vanquished the
communities/lands for the ryan. Does this soldiery (vry) of yours now exist or not, O
Indra? You will declare that in proper fashion/time.9

This poet appears to anticipate an act of violence. The poet also provides an
immediate answer to his question in the next verse, which begins with st, Yes, it
exists, and also correlates vry with an overtly martial concept, shas,
dominance.10

9 Note at V.6.18.2 Indra is called a fighter, a true man/warrior (yudhm stv).

10 V.6.18.4, to Indra: sd d dh te tuvijtsya mnye sha sahiha turats tursya | ugrm

ugrsya tavsas tvy radhrasya radhratro babhva. For I think that the dominance (shas) of

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Several other verses to Indra nicely capture the meaning of vry and the
whole framework in which a vr and a ra must operate:
V.7.20.1: ugr jaje vryya svadhv ckrir po nryo yt kariyn | jgmir yv

ndanam vobhis trt na ndra naso mah cit.

The authoritative independent one was born for soldiery (vry). Worthy to be a man, he
is active when he will perform his work. As a youth going to the seat of men with aid after
aid, Indra is our rescuer from even great evil.
V.7.20.2: hnt vtrm ndra uvna prvn n vr jaritram t | krt sudse ha

v ulok dt vsu mhur de bht.

Smasher of Vtra, Indra, swelling up, as a soldier (vr) he has now aided the singer with
help. He is, most certainly, the maker of wide space for Suds. Giver of treasure to the
one who ritually serves, he has become present in an instant.
V.7.20.3: yudhm anarv khajakt samdv ra satr janem ha | vy sa

ndra ptan svj dh vva atrynta jaghna.

He is a fighter, without contest, instigating melee, combat-ready: He is a warlord (ra),
completely dominating, unable to be dominated even at his birth. Indra of good authority
threw apart the battle hosts. Then he smashed everyone acting as a rival.

Here we see that soldiery (vry) reverberates at the very core of Indras being
and drives the god in his divine obligation as a vr and a ra to wage war and
defend the communities. Interestingly, Indra must carry out his martial duty from
birth, and his vry is considered to be an intrinsic part of his character:

you who are born in aggression, O most dominant one, as the overcoming one who overcomes, is
surely real/exists. Authoritativeness has come to the authoritative one, greater courage to the
courageous one, to the one that succumbs to none, who overcomes the succumbed ones. For

shas, see Chapter 6.

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V.5.29.14: et vv cakv indra bhry parto jan vrya | y cin n vajrin

kvo dadhvn n te vart tviy asti tsy.

Having done all these many things, you cannot be surrounded due to your inborn
nature, due to your soldiery (vry). O mace wielder, you will perform these acts even
now as one who is daring. There is no obstructor of this aggressive behaviour of yours.

The use of vart, obstructor, seems, in a poetic dig, to allude to the inability of
Vtra to resist Indra. More importantly, the war-gods soldiery (vry) is
correlated with jans, which carries a genetic or even eugenic sense of inborn
nature, breeding. This may also suggest that vry is considered to be completely
natural and normal for all ryan males, whose militant identity and
responsibilities are placed on them at birth. The subtext of Indras birth at least
communicates the message that aggression and bloodshed are intrinsic to Indras
character. As a vr, Indra is preordained to be violent. Hence, the notion of
soldiery is disseminated among early Vedic warriors as something which is
inherent to Indras character and thus something they also should embody. This
idea underlies the following verse:
V.10.113.4, to Indra: jajn ev vy bdhata spdha prpayad vr abh pasya

ram | vcad drim va sasyda sjad stabhnn nka svapasyy pthm.

On just being born, he drove away the opponents. The soldier (vr) looked forward to
his act of masculinity (pasya), to battle. He hewed the stone. He released the flowing
streams downward. He propped the broad firmament with his good activity.11

11 At V.1.166.7cd, the Maruts chant to Indra, the soldier (vr), because they know his foremost

acts of masculinity (rcanty arkm madirsya ptye vidr vrsya prathamni pasy). Cf.
V.3.51.4b, where ritual participants chant to Indra as a soldier (vr). For another statement

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In this verse, the vrs predisposition for warfare is an intrinsic component of this
masculinity (pasya). Violence is encoded in male identity and gender. The
correlation with birth and vry appears elsewhere in an obscure verse to Indra:
V.4.18.5: avadym iva mnyamn ghkar ndram mt vry nyam | thd

astht svaym tka vsna rdas apj jyamna.

Thinking he was somehow unworthy to be spoken of, his mother secreted Indra who was
bursting/overflowing due to his soldiery (vry). But he stood up, clothing himself in his
own robe. He filled the two world halves as he was being born.

Indras mother protects Indra here from his instinctive nature to wage war, yet
the war-god understands his martial and political obligations, and thus rises to the
challenge of vry at birth and takes control of the universe. The symbolism
indicates that vry is considered to be innate: even the unborn Indra is eager to
fight and gain wealth. Indras mother appears to hide the war-god because, on the
one hand, she desires to protect him,12 and, on the other, he is far too predisposed
to violence and warfare (vry nyam13), both of which amount to the same

relating to Indras birth, see V.3.31.10d: jt nihm dadhur gu vrn. On the one (just)
born, they established stability/patience, among cows (they established) soldiers (vr-).
12 The hymn in which this verse appears, V.4.18.1-13, documents several threats to Indra from

various enemies, including Vtra, and Indras father, whom the war-god killed. See Geldner (1951,
1: 440-441), for a discussion of this hymn.
13 At V.3.55.20b, V.4.20.6d, V.10.42.2c, & V.10.108.7b, nya and vsu treasure appear

together.

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thing. Yet in an ironic twist, Indra will be shunned by his peers if he is unable to
carry out his duty to wage war perhaps mother does not know best here.14
Previous chapters have demonstrated that Indra is the symbolic vehicle
through which human warriors are socialized within the tenets of early Vedic
martiality. Indra is the exemplary combatant who embodies all the various
functions, characteristics, and responsibilities that real human warriors and
warlords must live up to.15 Indras paradigmatic role as a vr is stated in the
following verse:
V.10.103.6: gotrabhda govda vjrabhu jyantam jma pramntam jas |

im sajt nu vrayadhvam ndra sakhyo nu s rabhadhvam.

(He who) split open the cow pens, finding the cows, mace in hand, winning the course,
and pulverizing through his authority (jas): O relatives, let all of you act as soldiers in
imitation of this one, O friends, let you altogether embrace Indra.16

Indras martial activity thus represents the ideal which human vr- copy. This
verse also confirms that the role of a vr is intrinsically martial in nature. In a

14 Indras mother states at V.4.18.8d: mmac cid ndra shasd atihat. It was certainly

because of me that Indra stood up/on high due to his dominance (shas).
15 See, e.g., V.1.55.3: tv tm indra prvata n bhjase mah nmsya dhrmam irajyasi |

pr vrya devtti cekite vvasm ugr krmae purhita. O Indra, like the mountain, you
set him (Soma) in place so as to take enjoyment. You set the foundations of great manhood
(nm) in place. He (Indra) appears forth among the gods due to his soldiery (vry). For all
actions the authoritative one (ugr) is placed in front.
16 For the two other uses of the denominative vray-, see V.1.116.5a, to the Avins

(avrayethm), and V.10.128.5b, to the All-gods (vrayadhvam).

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similar vein, we see that Indras performance of soldiery (vry) is relentlessly

anticipated:
V.3.30.3: ndra supro maghv trutro mahvrtas tuvikrmr ghvn | yd ugr

dh bdhit mrtyeu kv ty te vabha vryi.

Indra of good moustache, munificent, surpassing, of great troop(s), aggressively acting,
raging, since as an authoritative one you established (your vry) among mortals though
oppressed, where are those acts of soldiery (vry-) of yours, O bull?

Indras complex martial persona is therefore representative of early Vedic men,

in particular vr-, who are supposed to match their war-god in their own violent
exploits as attested by the use of vry. This is explicitly stated in the following
verse:
V.6.36.2: nu pr yeje jna jo asya satr dadhire nu vryya | symagbhe ddhay

rvate ca krtu vjanty pi vtrahtye.

A tribesman has offered fore and after sacrifices to his authority (jas). They (tribal
members) have completely resigned themselves to (Indras) soldiery (vry). And to the
wild race horse who seizes the reins (= Indra) they turn their resolve at the smashing of
Vtra/obstacles.

In a similar vein, one verse suggests that the human warlord carries out his
martial endeavours in conjuction with the god Indra:
V.8.100.1: ay ta emi tanv purstd vve dev abh m yanti pact | yad mhya

ddharo bhgm indrd n my kavo vryi.

Here I go with my body to the east of/before you. All gods advance towards me from the
west/behind. When you will maintain a portion for me, O Indra, then you will perform
acts of soldiery (vry-) along with me.

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The Yajamna is perhaps the speaker of this verse, and if this is the case, then he
anticipates the arrival of the war-god so that the two can engage in martial
activities, as signalled by vry. In an interesting verse from the ten kings hymn, a

vr is admonished to drink a cooked ritual oblation in conjunction with Indra or

else incur the deitys wrath:
V.7.18.16ab: ardh vrsya tapm anindrm pr rdhanta nunude abh km.
The one who drinks the cooked oblation without Indra is half of a soldier (vr). (Even)
from a distance, he (Indra) has thrust against the ground the one who acts defiantly.

It is interesting that the status of the vr is considered to be less if he does not

engage with Indra correctly in the ritual arena, and this verse may also suggest
that a political alliance is at stake.17 The idea that a warrior shares a close
relationship with Indra also underlies the following verse:
V.2.25.2: vrbhir vr vanavad vanuyat gbh raym paprathad bdhati tmn |

tok ca tsya tnaya ca vardhate yya yja kut brhmaas pti.

With soldiers (vr-), he will vanquish covetous soldiers (vr-). With cows, he will
increase his wealth. He will become aware on his own accord that his offspring and
descendents are reinforced, he whomever the lord of the sacred formulation makes his
yokemate.

Here Indra leads vr- in battle against other vr-, which emphasizes that such
warriors battle each other and are subjected to the control of superiors.18 Since
Indra is also a vr, then it is reasonable to conclude that a leader came from the

17 Note in the preceding verse, V.7.18.15c, we encounter bad allies (durmitr-).

18 Cf. V.8.33.16c, to Indra: y asmn vr nayat. He who as a soldier (vr) led us.

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same martial stock as his troops, or that the term vr designates a baseline
martial role expected of all warriors in early Vedic culture, no matter their rank
or standing. In addition, the vr- battle other vr- for wealth in order to support
family members and kinsmen, which is carried out under the auspices of the wargod Indra. In the gveda, the term yj- is predominately associated with Indra,
and thus a yokemate (yj) often acts as a comrade-in-arms in conjuction with the
war-god. The yokemate in the above verse is most likely Indras representative,
the human warlord and Yajamna (perhaps the one whose role is yoked to the
war-god).19 In fact, Schmidt (1968: 114) states: Der, den Bhaspati zu seinem

19 This seems to be implied throughout V.2.25.1-5d, where the refrain whomever the lord of

the sacred formulation makes a yokemate (yya yja kut brhmaas pti) repeatedly
appears. The deity also makes a yokemate of a munificent person (maghvant) who has all-troops
(vivardhas) at his disposal (V.5.34.8). Indra makes a poet his yokemate (V.5.30.8,
V.10.42.4c, cf. V.7.31.6c). A yokemate is an ally (mitr, V.10.89.8d, cf. V.8.83.2, where the
poets ask for Varua, Mitra, and Aryaman (= dityas) to be their yokemates). As Indras
charioteer, Pan is yokemate (V.6.56.2b, cf. V.10.102.12d, where a steer (vdhri) is Indras
yokemate), and battle-fury (many) is a yokemate who equally dominates barbarians and ryans
(V.10.83.1, V.10.83.3, V.10.84.4). V.10.55.8, to Indra: yuj krmi janyan vivaj

aastih vivmans tur | ptv smasya div vdhn ro nr yudhdhamad dsyn. With
his yokemate, the one with total power (vivajas-) is producing deeds, smashing slander, focused
on all, dominating the aggressive/enduring ones. After drinking of sma, from heaven he is being
reinforced here. The warlord blew the Dasyus away in battle. For vva- + shas & jas, see
V.10.83.1b, to many, & V.5.32.10c. Cf. also V.2.25.3, where jas appears. As a yokemate,
Indra conquers enemies (V.1.8.4, V.1.102.4a, V.8.92.31-32). Elsewhere, Indra is summoned
as the ancient yokemate of wealth (pratn ray yja, V.6.45.19a, cf. V.1.7.5,
V.7.43.5c & V.7.95.4d, where wealth is a yokemate). Indra makes his mace (vjra) his
yokemate (V.1.33.10, cf. V.10.92.7d), and sma supports a yokemate in competitions for the
prize (V.9.65.12. See V.4.28.1a & 2a, where sma and Indra are yokemates, cf. V.6.44.22,

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Verbndeten macht, is das irdische Abbild Indras, der Knig. It is thus

interesting that Indra in his priestly role as Bhaspati ritually selects his
counterpart for war. Therefore, the limited examples so far presented highlight
the fact that vr and vry denote an overtly martial role. Vr is predominantly a
term for a type of warrior in early Vedic culture, and vry signals his status,
duties, and martial acts.

4.2.b. Vtra,Vry, and the absent Vr

One of the telling factors in the way a vr is conceived is underscored by an act

not expected of him. There are, as far as I can tell, no explicit verses where Indra
as a vr defeats Vtra. This act has significant cosmological and political
ramifications as it is Indras defining responsibility and signature exploit. The fact
that Indra never explicitly defeats Vtra as a vr should draw our attention to
something more or in this case perhaps less meaningful about the role of a

vr. It is reasonable to assume that Indra is considered to be a vr at all times

it is one of his many manly roles yet the war-gods function to destroy Vtra is
not a component in the conceptualization of what a vr should be. In
contradistinction, vry does appear, though infrequently, in relation to Vtras
defeat. One of the few examples states:

V.8.17.3a, V.9.11.9c). As a yokemate, Indra dominates in contests for the prize (V.1.129.4,
V.4.32.6c, V.7.32.20b), and allows the poets to overcome Vtra/obstacles (V.7.48.2).

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V.3.33.7: pravcya avadh vry td ndrasya krma yd hi vivct | v vjrea

parido jaghnyann p yanam ichmn.

This soldiery (vry) is to be proclaimed over and over again, the act of Indra, when he
hewed apart the Serpent. He smashed apart the enclosing ones with his mace and the
waters came (forth) seeking their course.20

We note here that Indras vry pertains to several cosmological activities,

including Vtras defeat and the release of the waters. The multivalency of vry
also features in another verse:
V.2.11.5: gh hit ghya ghm apsv pvtam myna kiyntam | ut ap

dy tastabhvsam hann hi ra vrya.

The one established in secret, the secret one secreted among the waters, the crafty one
dwelling under cover and having blocked the waters and heaven: O warlord, that Serpent
you smashed due to your soldiery (vry).21

In this verse, the warlord (ra), who is here Indra, acts according to the
prescriptions of vry, which not only alludes to Vtras destruction, but
encompasses the idea of releasing the waters and freeing heaven. It is also

20 Cf. V.1.103.7ab: td indra prva vry cakartha yt sasnta vjrebodhay him. O

Indra, you performed this act of soldiery (vry), as it were, when you awakened the sleeping
Serpent with your mace. For a brief discussion on this poetic pun, see Jamison (1991: 269-270 n.
232), who argues that Indras awakening of Vtra actually stands for its exact opposite, that is,
he put Vtra to sleep. See also Jamison (1982/83: 10-12).
21 Cf. V.10.113.7: y vryi prathamni krtv mahitvbhir ytamnau samytu

| dhvnt

tm va dadhvase hat ndro mahn prvhtv apatyata. The two (Indra and Vtra?) who went
in unison after the acts of soldiery (vry-), which are foremost to be performed, are arranging
themselves due to their greatness after greatness. Smoky darkness dusted down on the smashed
one. Indra was lord due to his greatness at the first/early invocation.

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appropriate that Indra is called a ra, as one of the main responsibilities of a

ra, in conjunction with his vas, is the destruction of Vtra.22 We have already
seen that a king (rjan) is also associated with vry.23 I can only draw the
conclusion that the term vry signifies a universal martial code in early Vedic
society, which alludes to various militant tasks and responsibilites that different
warriors readily accept, and to which various early Vedic warrior roles (vr, ra,

rjan) are subjected. In the case where Indra destroys Vtra through his vry, the
war-god thus acts according to the wider martial imperative.24 This is explicitly
stated in the great Vtra-hymn, V.1.32.1-15, which is introduced thus:
V.1.32.1: ndrasya n vryi pr voca yni cakra prathamni vajr | hann him nv

aps tatarda pr vak abhinat prvatnm.

I will now proclaim the acts of soldiery (vry-) of Indra, those foremost acts that the
mace wielder has performed. He smashed the Serpent. He bored out the waters. He split
the sides of the mountains.

We see that vry appears in the plural and thus alludes to multiple martial
activities, of which several appear here. We have already seen that vry signals
other martial exploits and obligations, such as conquering the universe,

22 See Chapter 7.5. In the same hymn, see esp. V.2.11.18: dhiv va ra yna vtrm

avbhinad dnum auravbhm | pvor jytir ryya n savyat sdi dsyur indra. O
warlord, establish for yourself capacity (vas), through which you cut down Vtra, the son of
Danu, the Spiders son. You uncovered the light for the ryan, the Dasyu has been set down to
the left, O Indra.
23 V.4.50.7ab.
24 Cf. Jamison (1982/83: 11): the word vry- is usually reserved for the major familiar deeds of

Indra, not for a minor and preliminary act in one of them.

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dominating the tribes, and engaging in open warfare with ryans and foreign
peoples. Thus, vry encompasses Vtras defeat only as a necessary component of
Indras greater martial cycle. What is interesting is that the term vr never
features in this hymn, yet we do encounter the only gvedic appearance of the
compound great soldier (mahvr, V.1.32.6b), as if the poet acknowledges
that Indra is more than a vr when he confronts Vtra. The fact that Indra in his
role as a vr never overtly destroys Vtra suggests that the martial role of a vr
has a certain amount of generality, pragmatism, and perhaps less status than
other warrior roles, especially that of the ra. Moreover, while Indra is certainly
given the epithet vtrahn, smasher of Vtra/obstacles though infrequently
in verses that feature vr and vry,25 it is striking that the role of a vr is not
readily conceived as having to deal with the arch-nemesis and obstacle of ryan
martiality and society, the cosmic serpent Vtra. To my mind, this immediately
calls into question the standard translation of vr as hero. If there is any notion
of heroism in early Vedic culture, where a highly valued, extraordinary act of
bravery and courage is at issue, then I would expect this to be defined by combat
with Vtra. We will revisit this matter shortly.

25 For vry, see V.3.54.15c, V.9.113.1b, & V.6.36.2d (vtrahtya-). For vr, see V.7.20.2

(hnt vtrm), & V.7.32.6, where a vr is swollen (-/v-) by Indra, who is invoked with the
vocative vtrahan.

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4.2.c. Lords, Alliances, and Soldiers

The gvedic evidence indicates that an implicit hierarchy mediates the
relationships of warriors, warlords, and kings. The use of vr and vry
consistently reflects notions of political subjugation and fealty to lords, kings, and
commanders. Hence, another of the delimiting characteristics of a vr is the fact
that he is constantly subordinated to the control of individuals in higher political
positions. This idea is initially underscored by the compound kaydvra, holding
sway over/controlling soldiers.26 The notion that vr- are subject to the rule of
superiors is also encountered in other verses. For example:
V.7.18.14: n gavyv navo druhyva ca a at suupu sahsr | ar vrso

dhi duvoy vvd ndrasya vry ktni.

The sixty hundred, the six thousand cow-seeking Anu clans and Druhyu clans fell down
to sleep. The sixty (hundred), the six (thousand) soldiers (vr-) (exist) in addition/among
(them) in search of ritual friendship. All these are surely the deeds, the acts of soldiery
(vry-) of Indra.

The hymn in which this verse appears is understood to document a war between
ten kings. This verse seems to record the overthrow of the Anu and Druhyu clans
and either the defeat of their many vr- or the fact that vr- have defeated
them.27 Moreover, it is Indras martial activity, as signalled by vry, that brings

26 See V.1.106.4b (to Pan), V.1.114.1-3b & 10b (to Rudra), V.1.125.3d (to Indra),

V.8.19.10b (to Agni/Poet?), & V.10.92.9b (to Rudra). Since Rudra is their father, the verses to
him most likely indicate that the vr- are the Maruts.
27 Cf. also the obscure reference at V.10.27.15: sapt vrso adhard d yann attarttt sm

ajagmiran t | nva pactt sthivimnta yan da prk snu v tiranty na. Seven soldiers
(vr-) came up from below/the south, eight from above/the north: they came/joined together.

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about this victory. Elsewhere, we see that vr- are valuable commodities and
their allegiance is sought after through military pacts or martial subjugation. In
one verse, either Indra or Agni is compared to a king with an alliance and his
position in the ritual is also compared to that of protected vr-:28
V.3.55.21bc: pa keti hitmitro n rj | purasda armasdo n vr-.
He (Indra/Agni) dwells peacefully there like a king with an established alliance. He is
sitting in front, like soldiers (vr-) sitting in shelter/protection.

Brereton (1981: 30 n.34) notes that this verse describes a king who has not
betrayed his ally, and thereby maintains a state of peace in his realm. Taken
together, the two similes support this supposition as they evoke an image of a king
who holds an alliance with many vr- and thus gives them shelter/protection.
Hence, the god can dwell peacefully and the king is at peace because those
individuals who can threaten the status quo, the vr-, are under his control. In the
verse that precedes this Indra is explicitly called a vr. This further confirms the
idea that the terms rjan and vr are not mutually exclusive, or better yet that an
early Vedic king is also expected to act as a vr. We recall that a rjan follows the

Nine with grain sacks (?) came from behind/the west, ten in front/in the east traverse/pass through
the back of the rock.
28 Cf. V.1.108.5, where Indra and Agni maintain a close friendship while acting as soldiers:

ynndrgn cakrthur vryi yni rpy ut vyni | y vm pratnni sakhy ivni tbhi
smasya pibata sutsya. O Indra and Fire, which acts of soldiery (vry-) have you performed,
which kinds/forms and bullish acts, which ancient favourable friendships belong to you two, due to
these acts drink of the pressed sma. It is interesting that the friendship of the two gods, as
attested in their bullish acts of soldiery (vry), allows them to drink sma.

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prescriptions of vry. Hence, certain vr- either attained or inherited the

position of king/chieftain, while also maintaining alliances with other vr-.
The notion that vr- are subject to the rule of political elites also
underlies the intent, at least, of the following verse:
V.10.132.5ab, to Indra and Varua: asmn sv tc chkapta no hit mitr ngatn

hanti vrn.
Upon this one, upon akapta is this evil act: though a (peace) agreement/alliance was
in place, he smashes the soldiers (vr-) who have surrendered.

The evil act of akapta appears to be his lack of honour in upholding an alliance
(mitr).29 The basic idea is simple: soldiers who surrender should not be killed
a battle ethic that will continue to be a part of katriyadharma in subsequent
millennia. Elsewhere, we explicitly see that vr- are subject to the rule of kings,
especially political lords (sura-).30 For example, in one verse, as sons of heaven
and soldiers of an Asuric-lord, Agirases bestow bounties on their patron,
Vivmitra, and thus extend either his lifetime (yus) or their own:
V.3.53.7: im bhoj giraso vrp divs putrso surasya vr | vivmitrya ddato

maghni sahasrasv pr tiranta yu.

The hospitable ones, Agirases of different kinds, sons of heaven, soldiers of an Asuriclord, bestowing bounties on Vivmitra at the pressing accompanied by a thousand
(cows), they extend their/his lifetime (yus).

29 For a detailed account of the term mitr and its meaning, see Brereton (1981).
30 See Hale (1986), for a detailed and cogent study of the historical development and meaning of

sura in Vedic culture.

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While the vr- here are acting in a more ritual role, rather than a martial one,31
what is important for the present discussion is that these vr- are under the
control of a lord (sura). Hale (1986: 44) suggests that the Asura here is the Sky,
because the vr- are called sons of heaven (divs putrsa-). It is interesting
that the Maruts are elsewhere called the men of heaven ( div nra).32 The
refrain sons/men of heaven thus appears to be a title given to loyal
troops/supporters. Furthermore, the notion of sons may indicate a martial
fraternity, rather than merely denoting any biological realities. In another verse,
unidentified vr- are placed under the rule of Asura Varua.33 Geldner (1951, 2:
88 n.2) suggests that the vr- here are the Maruts, and the following hemistich
bolsters his supposition:
V.1.122.1cd: div astoy surasya vrar iudhyva marto rdasyo.
Along with the soldiers (vr-) of the Asuric-lord of heaven, I have praised (him and),
the Maruts, as if with a striving for the two world halves.34

The Maruts here appear to be the heavenly Asuras vr-. Elsewhere, the
primordial man, Yama, speaks to his sister Yam about friendship with one of
the same familial characteristics (slakma-):
V.10.10.2: mahs putrso surasya vr div dhartra urviy pri khyan.

31 See section 4.4.c. below, for discussion of vr and ritual participation.

32 See V.1.64.4d. Cf. also V.6.2.3a, & V.6.2.11c.
33 V.5.85.4-5.
34 The interpretation of this verse is problematic. See Geldner (1951, 1: 167).

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The sons of the great one, the soldiers (vr-) of the Asuric-lord, the upholders of
heaven, look around widely.

Whether or not the vr- are the Maruts, we once again see the close connection
between an Asura and his warriors. In another verse, divine vr- are under the
rule of another unidentified Asura:
V.3.56.8: trr uttam d rocanni tryo rjanty surasya vr | tvna iir

dbhsas trr div vidthe santu dev.

Threefold are the highest realms of light, difficult to reach. Three soldiers of the Asuriclord rule. Let the truthful, refreshed, difficult-to-deceive gods be at the distribution
ceremony three times a day.

This verse indicates that these vr- rule under the auspices of a higher political
elite, the Asura.35 Moreover, all these verses indicate that vr- are considered to
be subject to lordly figures, especially politically elite Asuras.
While benevolent Asuras command vr-, we also encounter vr- under
the control of rival lords:
V.7.99.5, to Indra and Viu: at varcna sahsra ca sk hath apraty surasya

vrn.
You two smash at once a hundred and thousand soldiers (vr-) of the Asuric-lord
Varcin without opposition.

35 Hale (1986: 45) states: Again the asura is not named. According to Geldner, Asura ist der

Himmel als Urgott, seine drei Mannen die obersten dityas. This explanation is quite plausible,
but not compelling. It remains uncertain who the asura is here. But one should note that an asura
can have heroes who rule under him.

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Elsewhere, Bhaspati is commanded to pierce soldiers (vr-) of the Asuric-lord,

with their wolfish gait.36 In a similar vein, Indra destroys the vr- of rival
warlords:
V.2.14.7: dhvaryavo y atm sahsram bhmy upsth vapaj jaghanvn |

ktsasyyr atithigvsya vrn ny vag bhrat sma asmai.

O Adhvaryus, to the one who flung here the hundred, the thousand, on the lap of the
earth, having smashed them, and hurled down the soldiers (vr-) of Kutsa, of yu, and
of Atithigva, bring sma to him.

We once again see that vr- are subject to the rule of political superiors, whether
friend or foe. Moreover, due to their aggressive demeanour, vr- pose a
substantial problem to the prosperity and political superiority of rival warlords,
and must be dealt with accordingly. In order to undermine the political control of
rival warlords, the message seems to be kill enemy soldiers or subjugate them to
your own cause.

36 V.2.30.4: vkadvaraso surasya vrn. Cf. V.2.24.15: brhmaas pate suymasya vivh

ry syma rathy vyasvata | vru vr pa pdhi nas tv yd no brhma vi me

hvam. O Lord of the sacred formulation, may we be charioteers of easy to control wealth that
brings health (vyas) through all our days: Combine our soldiers (vr-) among soldiers (vr-),
when acting as master due to the formulation, you pursue my invocation. On this verse, see
Schmidt (1968: 235-236). Note that wealth here could be horses, as suyma also applies to them.
See also V.6.21.6c, where ritual participants chant to the vr Indra whose conveyance is the
sacred formulation (rcmasi vra brahmavhas). And V.7.29.2a, where Indra is invoked O
formulator, O soldier (voc. brhman vra), though brhman could be in the locative case here.

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4.2.d. Commander (suvra)

Up to this point we have seen that the term vr denotes a martial role. In
addition, vr- are constantly subject to the rule of kings, lords, and even one of
their own kind, the vr Indra. Within the semantic nexus of vr and vry, we
also encounter the terms suvra and suvrya.37 We will see that the term suvrya
relates to the results of soldiery and often signals issues of wealth. On the other
hand, suvra is a distinct and telling term. It is a possessive compound (bahuvrhi),
meaning consisting of/possessing/controlling good soldiers. It thus denotes a
person who is in a position of mastery or command over vr-, a commander of
sorts, which accords with Watkins (1995: 114) translation of suvra as master.
In this case, the prefix su- appears to express only a laudative nuance,38 and does
not mark the good vr- that the individual qualified as a suvra commands as
substantially distinct from other vr-.39 The term vr thus represents the baseline

37 The morphology is suvrya < suvra < vr > vry. Wackernagel (AIG II, 2: 815) translates

suvrya as Heldenreichtum [Hero-riches/wealth] from suvra heldenreich [rich in heroes]; also

(AIG II, 2: 834) suvrya Besitz tapferer Mnner [possession of brave men], Heldenschar [heroband/troop], & suvra tapfere Mnner besitzend [possessing brave men], aus tapferen Mnner
bestehend [consisting/composed of brave men]. Schlerath (1960: 124) simply offers gute
Mannen (Helden, Shne) besitzend and Besitz guter Mannen.
38 Renou (1961: 176) describes su- compounds as marking a nuance laudative, a nuance

morale-religieuse, and facilement. Cf. Renou (1952: 61), who translates suvra-/suvrya- as
trs viril, grande virilit, or (1952: 118) [richesse] faite de hros.
39 For discussion of su-, see Wackernagel (AIG II, 1: 80-82). The term suvra often appears in

conjunction with other possessive compounds with the adverbial prefix su- good, easily, well,
which also highlights its poetic utility. See, e.g., V.1.116.25b (sugva-), V.2.3.4ab (subhra),

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martial role for men aspiring to be warriors in early Vedic culture, while the term

suvra designates mastery over such warriors.

Let us consider the textual evidence. In a fairly unambiguous verse, men
(nr-) simply call Indra a commander (suvra).40 The Maruts beget a king
(rjan) for the tribe (most likely Indra), who is quick-armed, a fist-fighter, and in
possession of true horses and good soldiers. 41 Since Indra is at once a commander
(suvra) and a soldier (vr), these two verses suggest that a man marked as suvra
may have moved through the ranks of soldiers and taken control of them. The
god Soma is also said to control soldiers (suvra), while at the same time he does
not destroy them (vrahan).42 Soma also controls soldiers (suvra), while
protecting his worshippers from hostile speech (abhiastip-).43 In addition, Soma
is called a finder of cattle, treasure, and gold, and then the god is said to be a

V.5.53.15ab (sudev), V.6.17.13c (svyudh, suvjra), V.7.1.5ab (svapaty), & V.8.5.10b

(surtha).
40 V.6.45.6c: nbhi suvra ucyase. Cf. also V.6.17.13c: suvra tv svyudh suvjram. It is

you (Indra), with good soldiers, with good weapons, with good mace(s).
41 V.5.58.4: yy rjnam rya jnya vibhvata janayath yajatr

| yumd eti muih

bhjto yumd sdavo maruta suvra.

42 V.1.91.19cd. Cf. V.4.17.4a, to Heaven. Also see V.6.47.26b, to Vanaspati, and V.3.8.2b,

where the sacrificial post is coveting the unaging formulation that brings good soldiers (brhma

vanvn ajra suvram). For discussion on the meaning of ypa, svru, and vnaspti, see
Proferes (2003: 341-348).
43 V.9.23.5c. Cf. V.9.61.23ab: suvrso vay dhn jyema soma mhva . As commanders,

may we win stakes, O Soma, O benefactor.

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bringer of soldiers (suvra), and the finder of everything.44 In an interesting verse,

a clan desires its own muscle:
V.7.56.5: s v suvr mardbhir astu sant shant pyant nmm.
Let this clan possess good soldier(s) along with/through the Maruts: (this clan)
dominating from of old, fostering manhood (nm).

The poet either states that the clan should have multiple suvra- under its control
or among its members, or that the suvr is singular and perhaps refers to Indra.
Either way, the term suvra indicates that certain gods or clans are in a position of
mastery over vr-. Like the sura- verses presented in the previous section, the
term suvra denotes that vr- should ideally be subject to the control of others.
Consequently, a person who is qualified as a suvra appears to be in a higher ritual
and political position than vr-. This is further confirmed by the fact that the
Maruts, Indras loyal warrior band, are never explicitly called suvra, yet are often
called vr,45 although they are instructed to provide ritual participants with
wealth associated with good soldiers.46 In a related verse, Fire speaks to the
gods:

44 V.9.86.39: govt pavasva vasuvd dhirayavd retodh indo bhvanev rpita | tv suvro asi

soma vivavt t tv vpr pa girm sate. Cf. V.9.97.26b: kya suvra dhanvantu sm.
Let the sma juices run to the dwelling with good soldiers.
45 See V.1.85.1d, V.5.54.5, V.5.85.4cd, & V.10.77.3c. Cf. also V.6.66.10.
46 Cf. V.1.85.12d: ray no dhatta vaa suvram. V.5.57.7ab: gmad vvad rthavat

suvra candrvad rdho maruto dad na. Consisting of cows, horses, chariots, good soldiers,
and gold: such generosity you gave us, O Maruts.

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V.10.52.5: vo yaky amtatv suvra yth vo dev vriva kri | bhvr

vjram ndrasya dheym them vv ptan jayti.

For you I will obtain through sacrifice freedom from death/immortality (amtatv) that
has good soldier(s), so that I will make a wide space for you, O gods. May I place the
mace in Indras arms, so he will win all these battles.47

In this verse the way in which Fire creates a wide space for the gods is by ensuring
that Indra is present to do the job. For this reason, suvra may qualify amtatv
because both terms allude to Indra, who would naturally be the appropriate
warrior needed for territorial conquest and martial victory. On the other hand,

amtatv may simply signal that the ritual participant will be protected by his
numerous competent warriors, and hence will be free from death. Agni is
further called a suvra in other verses. For example, Fire is said to dominate in
battles as a commander.48 Several other verses state:
V.1.31.10cd: s tv rya atna s sahasa suvra yanti vratapm adbhya.
Wealth in the hundreds, in the thousands altogether come to you (Agni), possessing
good soldiers, protector of commandments, O you who cannot be deceived.
V.8.84.9c: gne suvra edhate.
O Fire, the one who has good soldiers flares up/is kindled.49

All these verses thus suggest that Agnis ability to generate wealth, territory, and
victory in battles, relates to his control of good soldiers.

47 Cf. V.1.40.4c.
48 V.3.29.9c: aym agn ptan suvra-.
49 Cf. V.7.1.4.

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Elsewhere, one ritual participant asks Agni to legitimize his position of

command:
V.6.50.9d: tva sym agn vas suvra.
With your help might I possess good soldiers/be a commander, O Fire.

The reprocity of this relationship is brought to light in the following verses:

V.7.15.7-8: n tv nakya vipate dyumnta deva dhmahi | suvram agna huta ||

kpa usr ca ddihi svagnyas tvy vaym | suvras tvm asmay.

May we establish you, O valued clan-lord, as the majestic one, O god, as one who
possesses good soldiers, O Fire who receives the poured oblation. Shine throughout the
nights and dawns. Through you we possess good fire(s). As one who possesses good
soldiers, you seek us.50

These two verses suggest that the ritual Fire plays a substantial symbolic role in
mediating the way in which vr- are subordinated to individuals qualified as

suvra-. In another verse, we see why individuals would want to command vr-:
V.9.66.21: gne pvasva svp asm vrca suvryam | ddhad raym myi pam.
O Fire, be purified as one of good work, establishing prestige (vrcas) and good soldiery
among us, establishing wealth, abundance in me.

The speaker here commands Fire to confirm the social status of his fellow
ritualists, on the one hand, while assigning concrete forms of wealth to himself on
the other. Moreover, it seems that suvrya here signals an important state of
martial commandership, which is expressed in social and economic terms. In fact,

suvra modifies wealth (ray) in several verses to Agni:

50 Note stanza c = V.8.19.7c.

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V.6.5.7b, to Agni: ayma ray rayiva suvram.

May we obtain wealth, O wealthy one, in good soldiers.
V.6.16.29a, to Agni: suvra raym bhara.
Bring wealth here in good soldiers.
V.7.1.5a: d no agne dhiy ray suvra.
Through your insight, O Fire, give to us wealth in good soldiers.51

Elsewhere, ritual participants approach Agni for wealth in the form of cattle and
soldiers.52 It is reasonable to assume then that one statement of wealth is the
control of good vr-, and vr- are important commodities in their own right.
Moreover, the ritual Fire plays an important symbolic role in mediating these
issues.
In an obscure verse to the ancestors (pit-), we also see the political
significance of being in control of vr-:
V.10.18.9, to the ancestors/Pits: dhnur hstd ddno mtsysm katrya vrcase

blya | traiv tvm ih vay suvr vv spdho abhmtr jayema.

51 Cf. V.7.37.6c (dhiy ray suvram).

52 V.5.20.4: itth yth ta tye shasvan divdive | ry tya sukrato gbhi yma

sadhamdo vra syma sadhamda. According to the way in which (we strive) for your help
day after day, O dominating one, for wealth and for truth, O one of good resolve, may we have a
shared meal/exhilaration with cattle, may we have a shared meal/exhilaration with soldiers (vr). Cf. V.4.23.2a, to Indra: k asya vr sadhamdam pa. Which soldier (vr-) has gained his
shared exhilaration/meal?

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Taking the bow from the hand of the dead man for our dominion, prestige (vrcas), and
strength (bla). (I say): You there, we here, as commanders (suvra-), may we conquer
all oppositions and hostile intents.

The dead man here appears to be a fallen comrade or a distinguished man who
died of natural causes. At his death various suvra- lay claim to his political realm
(katr) and his social and martial qualities (vrcas, bla).53 In addition, this

53 Outside of compounds vrcas only appears 13 times in the gveda, and of these only 3

appearances occur in the family books. The term is thus late to Vedic diction. Vrcas is typically
understood as denoting some form of social or ritual prestige (Mayrhofer EWA 17: 516), which in
later literature will be especially associated with Brahmans. Vrcas also conveys the notion of
Fires lustre, glory, or splendour. E.g., at V.3.22.2, Agnis flames are compared to vrcas. It has
been suggested that this reflects a possible etymology from ruc- to shine in metathesis (see
Nowicki 1976: 114). Nevertheless, we must be critical of transposing the light metaphor onto
social realities as it is burdened by the same theoretical problems encountered with the power
metaphor. Cf. V.10.112.3, to Indra: hritvat vrcas sryasya rhai rpas tanv

sparayasva. With the tawny lustre of the sun, with its most refined signs, make your body
touched. This verse may be alluding to concrete ways of demarcating vrcas in the form of
clothing, ornaments, or even body paint or markings. In two cases, vrcas is bestowed on the
conveyor of the sacrifice. V.3.8.3cd, to Vanaspati: smit mymno vrco dh yajvhase.
Being fixed with the correct fixture, establish prestige for the one who conveys the sacrifice.
Note stanza d = V.3.24.1d. For yajvhas, see Insler (1996: 178-182), who argues that vhas
actually means respect and hence this compound means receiving or offering the respect of
sacrifice. Cf. V.1.23.23-24, & V.10.9.9, where Fire bestows vrcas. See also V.10.85.39:

pna ptnm agnr add yu sah vrcas | drghyur asy y ptir jvti arda atm. Agni
has returned the wife along with lifetime and prestige. Her husband, possessing a long lifetime,
will live a hundred autumns. We note here that the status of the Yajamna is contingent on the
ritual Fires acknowledgement of his wifes yus and vrcas (see Jamison 1996: 222-224, for
consideration of this hymn, and the role of the sacrificers wife). Cf. also V.10.159.5, where a
wife outperforms other wives in prestige (vrcas). See also V.9.65.18: na soma sho jvo

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individuals death appears to signal a declaration for further warfare. The suvraalso appear to claim the dead mans personal property, including his wives, who
appear in the verses that directly precede this one.54 Therefore, all these verses
indicate that the gods Indra, Agni, and Soma, and human rulers are marked as

suvra, and hence are in command of competent fighters.55 This is apt considering
that these three gods are the main figures who symbolize the ideals of early Vedic
martiality.

4.2.e. Suvra and the Ritual Patron (sr)

The evidence presented so far indicates that suvra- denotes the control of vr-,
and also signals a higher political position. It is further telling that suvra- are
often considered to be ritual patrons (sr-). In one verse, patrons (sr-) enter
battle with horses and soldiers (vr-):
V.7.90.6d: nso y ddhate svr o gbhir vebhir vsubhir hrayai | ndravy

sryo vvam yur rvadbhir vra ptansu sahyu.

rp n vrcase bhara | suv devvtaye. O Soma, bring here to us dominance (shas),

speed, as if a symbol/sign for prestige, you who are being pressed for the pursuit of the gods.
54 V.10.18.7-8.
55 Cf. V.1.116.25b, where the eulogizer of the Avins states: asy pti sy sugva suvra. I

would be lord of this (wealth), possessing good cattle and good soldiers.

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These are the ones who, being masters, establish the sun for us along with cattle, horses,
and golden treasures: O Indra and Vyu, throughout their whole lifetime, may our
patrons dominate in battles with race horses and soldiers.56

While the term suvra does not appear here, the ritual patrons (sr-) are martial
figures who not only control horses and vr-, but are also driven to capture
wealth in battle. Warfare and economic well-being are thus two defining
characteristics for ritual patronage. Subsequently, another verse states that ritual
patrons (sr-) strive to control horses, men (nr-), and soldiers (vr-), and are
given the epithet of a hundred winters (athim-):
V.1.73.9: rvadbhir agne rvato nbhir nn vrar vrn vanuym tvt | nsa

pitvittsya ry v srya athim no ayu.

O Fire, may we win race horses with race horses, men (nr-) with men, and soldiers
(vr-) with soldiers, aided by you: Being masters of wealth acquired by their fathers, may
our patrons of a hundred winters obtain (this).57

The cultural ideal of living for a hundred winters (athima-) qualifies ritual
patrons in another verse:
V.6.4.8cd, to Agni: t srbhyo gat rsi sumnm mdema athim suvr.
Grant these to patrons and benevolence to the singer. May we find exhilaration as ones
destined for a hundred winters, as ones who possess good soldiers.58

56 Cf. V.6.26.7: ah can tt srbhir nay tva jyya indra sumnm ja

| tvy yt

stvante sadhavra vrs trivrthena nhu aviha. May I also, along with the patrons, receive
this, your superior grace, your authority (jas), O Indra, so that our soldiers (vr-) are praised
with you, O you who are accompanied by soldiers, with Nahu who provides three-fold defense, O
most capacious (viha) one.
57 See also V.2.33.1.

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Assuming the title and ideal age of a hundred winters thus appears to be a
marker of ritual patronage or an outcome of it. Moreover, the patrons (sr-) are
explicitly called suvra-. In another verse, an individual who is qualified as a suvra
is concerned with acquiring wealth in order to extend his progeny and lifetime
(yus):
V.1.125.1cd: tna praj vardhyamna y rys pea sacate suvra.
Increasing his progeny, his lifetime (yus) with it (riches), as one who has good soldiers,
he is accompanied by the thriving of his wealth.

In early Vedic culture, wealth is crucial for ritual patronage. In order for a
patron to conquer enemies and capture plunder it is logical that they would need
competent fighters under their command. The appearance of yus and wealth
may also suggest that the individual here is a ritual patron. 59 A similar idea
appears in another verse:
V.1.53.11: y udcndra devgop skhyas te ivtam sma | tv stoma tvy

suvr drghya yu pratar ddhn.

O Indra, at the conclusion (of the verses) we will have the protection of the gods and be
your most auspicious friends. We will praise you, (becoming) ones who possess good
soldiers through you, and establishing for ourselves longer more extensive lifetime
(yus).60

58 Stanza d is repeated at V.6.10.7b, V.6.12.6d, V.6.13.6d, V.6.17.15b, & V.6.24.10d.

59 For yus, see Geib (1975). I will have more to say on the meaning and function of yus and

vyas at a later date.

60 Note stanza d = V.10.18.2b, 3d, while cd = V.10.115.8cd.

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Several issues in this verse imply that the ritual participants are patrons. These
individuals are called suvra-, and we have just seen that patrons (sr-) want good
soldiers.61 Second, they are concerned with lengthening their lifetime (yus),
which is a primary concern of patrons.62 Thirdly, they openly seek the protection
of gods (devgop-, godly herdsman, god protected). In another verse, patrons
actively desire god-protected wealth:
V.6.68.7ab: ut na sutrtr devgop srbhya indrvaru ray yt.
And may there be, O Indra and Varua, well-escorted, god-protected wealth for our
patrons.63

61 See also V.5.26.5: yjamnya sunvat gne suvryam vaha. To the sacrificer who presses, O

Fire, convey here good soldiery.

62 V.1.93.2-3: gnom y ady vm id vca saparyti

| tsmai dhatta suvrya gva

pa svvyam || gnom y huti y v dd dhavktim | s prajy suvrya vvam

yur vy navat. O Fire and Soma, the one who today services this speech for you two, for him
establish good soldiery, a thriving of cattle and good horses. O Fire and Soma, the one who will
ritually offer the poured oblation, and who will offer the sacrificial preparation, he will thoroughly
obtain through/along with his progeny good soldiery throughout his whole lifetime (yus). Cf.
V.8.6.23c (ut praj suvryam). See also V.3.10.3: s gh ys te ddati samdh jtvedase |

s agne dhatte suvrya s puyati. The one who will offer ritual service to you, Jtavedas, with
kindling, he, O Fire, confers on himself good soldiery, and he prospers. Cf. V.7.16.12cd:

ddhti rtna vidhat suvryam agnr jnya de. He establishes riches to the one offering
worship, and good soldiery, the Fire to the tribesman who offers ritual service. Cf. V.2.1.5a
(tvm agne tv vidhat suvrya). See also V.8.4.6cd. Cf. V.1.129.7bc: vanma ray rayiva

suvryam rav snta suvryam. We would win wealth, O wealthy one, good soldiery, (wealth)
that is pleasurable, and a surplus in good soldiery.
63 Cf. V.7.64.3, V.8.46.32, & V.10.63.16. See also V.8.62.7: vve ta indra vry dev nu

krtu dadu | bhvo vvasya gpati puruuta bhadr rtya. O Indra, all-gods have

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In addition, the notion of being under the protection of the gods appears in
another verse, where the ritual participant is a descendent of Manu (mnua), the
first sacrificer, and thus his identity is most likely that of a patron:
V.10.77.7: y udci yaj adhvareh mardbhyo n mnuo ddat | revt s vyo

dadhate suvra s devnm pi gopth astu.

As the descendent of Manu, who is standing at the rite when the hymn is raised up in the
sacrifice, he will ritually serve the Maruts. He will establish for himself health (vyas)
associated with riches and good soldiers. Let him be in the protection of the gods.

Hence, in the above verses, we can see a pattern where ritual patrons (sr-) are
also considered to be suvra, god-protected, and concerned with lengthening their
lifetime (yus). Consider also the following verse:
V.7.1.24: mah no agne suvitsya vidvn ray srbhya vah bhntam | yna vay

sahasvan mdemvikitsa yu suvr.

Knowing of the great easy passage for us, O Fire, convey here to the patrons wealth that
reaches aloft, whereby, O dominating one, we, being undiminished as ones who possess
good soldiers, may find exhilaration through our lifetime (yus).64

The evidence presented so far thus suggests that the ritual speakers here are both
the patrons (sr-) and commanders (suvra-).
We will shortly see that the distribution ceremony (vidtha) is the primary
arena in which a vrs status is proclaimed. While vr- almost never speak in the

conceded soldiery (vry) and resolve to you. You will become the herdsman/protector of them all,
O much praised one. Auspicious are Indras gifts. Cf. also V.4.24.1cd.
64 Cf. V.8.19.30: pr s agne tvotbhi suvrbhis tirate vjabharmabhi | ysya tv sakhym

vra. O Fire, he extends himself through your favours consisting of good soldiers and that
bring prizes, the one whose friendship you will choose.

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ritual arena, suvr- have a significant speaking role. This is evident in the
frequently repeated refrain:
V.2.1.16d: bhd vadema vidthe suvr.
As commanders, we would speak aloft in the distribution ceremony.65

This stanza only appears at the conclusion of the hymns in which it appears. It is a
signature refrain of the Gtsamda family, and while its frequency may not
necessarily be a reflection of its importance, it certainly designates something of
special significance for this family. On the one hand, this refrain may reflect a
desire on the part of the speakers to control competent warriors. On the other, it
may also suggest that suvra- have unique speaking privileges in closing certain
ritual contexts. In many of the other stanzas surrounding this refrain, statements
of wealth appear. In two cases, the suvra- appear in collocation with ritual
patrons (sr-).66 Moreover, in four verses, the poet seeks a munificent benefactor

65 This stanza is used exclusively by poets of the Gtsamda family at V.2.1.16d, V.2.2.13d,

V.2.11.21d, V.2.13.13d, V.2.14.12d, V.2.15.10d, V.2.16-20.9d, V.2.23.19d, V.2.24.16d,

V.2.27.17d, V.2.28.11d, V.2.29.7d, V.2.33.15d, V.2.35.15d, V.2.39.8d, V.2.40.6d,
V.2.42-43.3d, & V.9.86.48d. This may indicate that only the Gtsamdas allowed their suvrato speak in the distribution ceremony. Cf. also V.1.117.25d (a = vry-), V.2.12.15d, &
V.8.48.14d: suvrso vidtham vadema. As commanders, we would speak here to the
distribution ceremony. Elsewhere, we also see that speakers define themselves as suvra-.
V.10.128.3d: -ri syma tanv suvr. May we be unharmed in body, as commanders.
V.1.122.8b: sc sanema nhua suvr. Together we would win (wealth) from Nahu, as
commanders.
66 V.2.1.16b, & V.2.2.13d.

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(maghvan).67 In these four verses it seems that the poets control vr- and
actively recite hymns in order to gain patrons. The term maghvan certainly
signals ritual patronage and the poets frequently call their patrons munificent
because this is what a patron should be. Hence, while the suvra- may not always
be patrons, the equation between patrons (sr-) and munificent benefactors
(maghvan) is confirmed in other verses:
V.1.73.5: v pko agne maghvno ayur v sryo ddato vvam yu | sanma vja

samithv ary bhg devu rvase ddhn .

O Fire, may the munificent ones obtain nourishments, may the liberal patrons obtain a
whole lifetime (yus). May we win the prize in contests with a stranger, establishing for
ourselves a share among the gods for reputation.
V.2.6.4a, to Agni: s bodhi srr maghv vsupate vsudvan | yuyodhy smd

dvsi.
Become a munificent patron, O lord of treasure, giving treasure. Keep hatreds away
from us.
V.10.81.6d: ihsmkam maghv srr astu.
For us here let there be a munificent patron.

Therefore, the refrain As commanders, we would speak aloft in the

distribution ceremony suggests that the suvra- are either munificent ritual
patrons themselves, or that they direct their speech to their liberal patrons. We
certainly see that suvra- are also identified as munificent (maghvan). For

67 See V.2.27.17d (a = maghvan), V.2.28.11d (a = maghvan), V.2.29.7d (a = maghvan),

& V.2.35.15d (b = maghvan).

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example, the Avins are called munificent commanders that cannot be shaken
away.68 Elsewhere, munificent commanders (maghvna suvr) receive aid
from Bhaspati.69 This suggests that an individual qualified as a suvra maintains a
close relationship with his ritual patron (sr) or that he is in fact a patron himself.
In addition, the fact that the individuals qualified as suvra- actively speak in
rituals suggests that they also held higher ritual and political positions than vr-.70
With proficient warriors under their command, those individuals defined as
commanders (suvra-) can accumulate wealth from battle. In turn, ritual patrons
may also be suvra- and thereby ensured their economic and martial well-being
through the control of vr-.71 We once again see that early Vedic rituals are
intrinsically connected with martial values and acts of violence. The idea that

suvra- actively work for the benefit of ritual patrons (sr-) is furthered suggested
in another verse:
V.2.4.9: tvy yth gtsamadso agne gh vanvnta par abh y | suvrso

abhimtiha smt srbhyo gat td vyo dh.

68 V.8.26.7c: maghvn suvrv napacyut. Cf. V.5.44.6d: bht suvram napacyuta sha.

Lofty dominance (shas) bringing good soldiers and unable to be shaken away.
69 V.5.42.8.
70 Soldiers (vr-) are clearly distinguished from munificent benefactors at V.1.140.12c:

asmka vr ut no maghna-. Our soldiers (vr-) and our munificent ones.

71 Cf. V.1.34.12b, where the Avins convey wealth in good soldiers to the ritual participants (-

arvca ray vahata suvram). V.8.5.10: no gmantam avin suvra surtha raym |
vohm vvatr a. Convey here to us, O Avins, wealth consisting of cows, good soldiers,
good chariots, and refreshments with horses. Cf. also V.3.53.1b, V.4.34.2d, V.4.34.10ab,
V.7.24-25.6c, V.10.91.15c, & V.10.122.3c.

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O Fire, so that through you the Gtsamadas, winning in secret, should prevail over those
nearby as ones who possess good soldiers, dominating hostile intentions, (then) establish
this health (vyas) to the singer along with the patrons.

In order to defeat enemies, the Gtsamadas here certainly need good soldiers
(suvra-). In doing this, Agni confirms the health (vyas) of the patrons (sr-).
The martial endeavours of these Gtsamadas certainly benefit ritual patrons.
Given that the refrain As commanders, we would speak aloft in the distribution
ceremony is only used by the Gtsamada family, then the individuals marked as

suvra- in this verse may also be the patrons in question ( sr-). In either case, a
close relationship exists between suvra- and sr-, whereby the former either
work for the latter, or are perhaps themselves ritual patrons.
The use of the term vyas in the above verse is apt since it frequently
points to the economic well-being of patrons in the ritual arena.72 Men also secure
their economic well-being (vyas) through plunder:
V.6.13.5: t nbhya sauravas suvrgne sno sahasa puyse dh | ki yc

chvas bhri pav vyo vkyrye jsuraye.

In order for men to thrive, O Fire, establish here these things, which bring excellent
reputation associated with good soldiers, O issue of dominance (shas). When you create

72 Once again, such statements are tentative, as my research on vyas will be laid out at a later

date. See, e.g., V.2.27.13b, where an unidentified ritual participant serves the dityas, is
protected by their leadership, dwells near waters with good pasturage (syvas), has his health
reinforced (vddhvay) and is called a suvra.

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an abundance of livestock through your capacity (vas), (you create) health (vyas),
which leads to the wolf, the stranger becoming exhausted.73

This verse suggests that when suvra- capture wealth and territory from an
opponent, Fire will guarantee their financial and physical well-being, while also
depriving the loser of his means of survival.74

4.3.a. Soldier versus Hero: The Meaning of Vr in the gvedic Sma-Cult

The Sanskrit word vr (PIE *iH-r) is situated in an extensive and well-attested
Indo-European heritage, and in its most rudimentary sense designates man.75
While vr most certainly denotes a type of man in the early Vedic culture, the

73 The interpretation of stanza d is problematic. For vka, see Parpola (1997). See Geldner (1951,

2: 105), for brief consideration of stanza d. Cf. also V.7.68.8a, where the wolf is exhausted
(vkya cij jsamnya).
74 Cf. V.9.68.10: ev na soma pariicymno vyo ddhac citrtamam pavasva | adve

dyvpthiv huvema dv dhatt raym asm suvram. Thus, O Soma, being poured around,
establishing for us most variegated health (vyas), purify yourself! May we invoke Heaven and
earth, who lack hatred. O gods, establish wealth in good soldiers among us. Cf. V.10.45.12d.
75 See Watkins (2000), who lays out the Indo-European attestations of *iH-r/*iH-s, appearing

in English words such as virile, virility, virtue, werewolf, world, virtuoso, and possibly court, from

*co-vir-ia, meaning men together. Watkins (1995: 36 n.13) notes that the goddess Iris is the
only attestation in Greek of one of the Indo-European words for man, male, *ihx-r- in Vedic

vrs, Lithuanian vyras, Umbrian ueiro, Latin uir, Old Irish fer, Old English wer. Cf. English
wergeld. I should also note that some earlier theorists proposed that the Homeric Greek term

hrs, hero, was the exact cognate of Sanskrit vr, Latin uir. However, the Greek word hrs is
most likely derived from the root ser-, to protect, and is not related to Sanskrit vr.

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type of man intended by vr pertains predominantly to a subordinate martial

role. We recall Beekes (1995: 39) statement that in Indo-European cultures;
A free man was *uiHr- (Skt. vr-, Lith. vras, Lat. vir, OIr. fer, Goth., wair), but also

*h2nr (Skt. nr-, Arm. ayr, Gr. anr, Osc., Umbr. ner-, W. ner). This last was a title of
more honor, but the exact difference in meaning is not known.

The gvedic evidence indicates that the term nr- signals a role wherein men are
ritually active yet expected to fight, while the term vr- designates a fairly
circumscribed martial role. The primary factor that differentiates between the
way in which the roles of nr- and vr- are conceived is the degree to which they
actively perform early Vedic rituals and engage in martial conflict. Nr- have
numerous ritual, poetic, and martial responsibilities, while vr- are almost
exclusively conceived of as warriors, who are subject to the command of superiors
(suvra, sr, sura, rjan). The last half of this chapter will demonstrate that vrare also expected to capture the spoils of war and distribute them among
kinsmen. However, before continuing with this issue, we need to consider a
hermenuetical problem pertaining to past translations of the term vr.
In Vedic studies it is standard to translate vr and vry by hero and
heroism respectively.76 In fact, this is the typical translation for both terms

76 It is not necessary to provide extensive citations as one need only scan Grassmann (1976

[1873]), Griffith (1973 [1889-]), Monier-Williams (1988 [1899]), and Geldner (1951 [1923]), and
compare these with Mayrhofer (EWA 18: 569-570), who all offer Heroor Held [hero,
champion], along with Mann, Sohn. Renou (EVP) oscillates between homme, un homme
minent, hros, personnage, or fils-dlite [elite/select sons]. The translation son must
be considered secondary and perhaps erroneous, as male children are simply being given a highly
gendered, militant role which they are expected to live up to from birth. The god Tva certainly

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throughout Indian history.77 The translation hero is however problematic and

value-laden in the context of the gvedic sma-cult. In English, the word hero is
too amorphous and can apply to a wide variety of contexts and situtations. English
dictionaries in general offer a fairly standard interpretation of the word hero, as
pertaining to a man of extraordinary strength or bravery, who displays exceptional
valour and martial achievements, and who is perhaps favoured by the gods,

plays a substantial role in the procreation of male children. V.7.34.20: yn na ptnr gmanty

ch tv supr ddhtu vrn. When wives will come toward us, let good-handed Tva
confer soldiers (vr-). Cf. also V.3.4.9 (= V.7.2.9), & V.2.3.9. The god Death is also
instructed at V.10.18.1d: m n praj rrio mt vrn. Do not harm our progeny, nor our
soldiers (vr-). Note that this verse distinguishes between progeny (praj) and vr-, which
suggests that the latter are specific kinds of male offspring. Cf. also V.1.114.8: m nas tok

tnaye m na ya m no gu m no veu rria | vrn m no rudra bhmit vadhr

havimanta sdam t tv havmahe. Not to our offspring and descendents, not to our lively
one/our (own) life, not to our cows, do no harm to our horses. Do not slay our soldiers (vr-),
Rudra, when enraged. With oblations, we will always invoke just you. For other verses to Rudra
that involve issues of healing and vr-, see V.2.33.4. For a similar motif relating to healing and
soldiery (vry), see V.10.39.5. The symbolism of healing is extended to herbs in the final book of
the gveda, V.10.97.19 & 21, where soldiery (vry) is associated with herbs.
77 Hansen (1992: 1) states: The Sanskrit noun for heroism, which continues to be used in many

Indian languages today, is vrya, or in its inflected form, vryam. The hero is know as a vra, vr, or

br, depending on the linguistic region. The concept of heroism cannot be glossed without
reference to masculinity, insofar as vryam is also commonly used with the meaning semen. It
appears that Brahminical culture in India constructed the masculine body as the site of virility and
metaphorized its notion of heroism from the male organs capacity for potency and firmness.
From the outset, then heroism or vryam comes bundled as a gendered category. Cf. V.6.28.8:

pedm upaprcanam s gpa pcyatm | pa abhsya rtasy pendra tva vry. Let this
concoction be infused/mixed, let it be infused/mixed among the cows. Let it be infused in the
semen of the bull, O Indra, let it be infused in your soldiery (vry).

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deified, and worshipped. A hero is typically the main character in an epic story. In
its modern usage, hero normally designates persons who are admired for their
bravery in any course of action, work, or enterprise, and its use often more closely
approximates notions of martyrdom.
Furthermore, the term hero has an overly romantized and clichd history
in Western literature that stems from Greek epics. The translation hero reflects
more about the history of Western scholarship and its classical heritage than it
does about any attempts to circumscribe the synchronic meaning of vr. In the
Greek context, hrs typically reflects the demeanour and acts of extraordinary
individuals as appropriate to specific times and place. A Greek hero is unique
he is one of a kind.78 Ekroth (1999: 145-158) argues that, more than anything else,
a hero in ancient Greece was an idealized human, typically a male warrior, who
either retained his name or was associated with a more important archtypical
hero/demi-god. Most heroes have their own individual life stories (especially
pertaining to the quality of their bravery and death), lineages, and localized cults
(often patronized by private citizens), and their worship tends to be based on
their connections with divinities and the degree of immortality/mortality ascribed
to them.79 In the early Vedic period, which in essence is attested almost

78 See Hgg (1999), who presents a comprehensive volume on the history and development of

hero cults in ancient Greece.

79 Ainian (1999: 9-36) divides hero cults in Early Iron Age Greece (c. 9-8th Cent. BCE) into three

categories: tombs cults, eponymous cults of epic and mythic heroes usually centered on shrines,
and cults of heroized deceased centered in or around cemeteries, which overlap with ancestor
worship and the cult of the dead. Furthermore, Kron (1999: 62) points out that the modern use of

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exclusively by the gveda, none of the above categories present themselves, nor,
as far as I am aware, is there any archeological record of such parallel cults in this
period (see Allchin 1995; Erdosy 1995).
Given its Greek heritage, the notion of heroism should qualify to my
mind individuals who exemplify courage and personal sacrifice beyond the
ordinary. The kind of individualism entailed by Greek hrs does not lie behind
the use of vr in the gveda, as vr is more mundane and generic. It is the
baseline term for an early Vedic warrior, brave, or soldier. In the early
Vedic context, we do not have access to the lives of individuals, nor their personal
stories, apart from a few rulers (for example, Trasadasyu, Suds) and poets.
Nevertheless, the last two chapters demonstrated that these figures willingly
participate in a system that plays down their own uniqueness by aligning their
identities with Indra and subsuming their activities under the auspices of the wargod. The ritual rhetoric often preserves the anonymity of individual warriors and
real world events. In fact, the gvedic evidence suggests that the sma-cult
actively camouflages such realities. For this reason, there is no cult of the hero in
early Vedic culture as attested in the sma-cult. The gveda does not record the
lives, exploits, and personalities of individual human warriors, as seen in later epic
literature within and outside India. There are simply no human heroes in the
early Vedic ritual cult centered on the gods Indra, Agni, and Soma.

the word hero is far more restricted in usage than its Greek counterpart, which is much broader
in application.

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One of the few individuals explicitly ascribed to be a vr is the god

Indra. Conversely, we frequently encounter human (mrta, mrtya) vr- who
work for and in conjunction with Indra. These vr- are nameless and their deeds
are subsumed within Indras mythic cycle. The poetic rhetoric readily prevents its
participants from rising above the crowd. We are faced with an early Vedic
martial/ritual ideology that either actively camouflages individualism or takes for
granted the anonymity of the real individuals who fight seasonal skirmishes in
order to capture the spoils of war for their greater community. While many
proper names of ryan and non-ryan individuals do appear throughout the

gveda, it is telling that success in open warfare, territorial battles, migratory

skirmishes, and cattle raids is almost exclusively attributed to Indra, yet we have
repeated statements that men (nr-) and soldiers (vr-) should imitate their god
of war.80 I can only draw the conclusion that a vr is a highly respected, yet
faceless figure who participates in a ritual cult focused almost exclusively on the
instantiation, attestation, and legitimation of Indra. A vr embodies and
promotes a male ideology, a cult of violence, centered on the war-god. He is living
proof of Indras presence in early Vedic society because he brings Indras
mandate and responsibilities to fruition in the real world. Hence, a vr acts in
harmony with the precedents of divine martiality and his actions are thereby
transposed onto the cosmological and ultimately subsumed within a timeless

80 Oldenberg (1988 [1917]: 140) notes that many of the heroes are regarded as founders of their

clans and are frequently considered to be Indras protgs and companions-in-arms, especially
during the war-gods battles with rival Dasyus.

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mythic framework. In the end, this system cogently justifies Indras worship, while
actively obscuring the lives and stories of those real individuals who are most
invested in this process.
Therefore, in order to approximate the early Vedic use of vr, I have
employed the term soldier, where soldier refers to ryan males who embody
and act on precise martial values that benefit the closed institution of early Vedic
ritual society. If any early Vedic term refers to an elite type of warrior, a hero, it
is ra. Nevertheless, in Chapter 7, I argue that ra is best translated as
champion or better yet warlord. My usage of English soldier should be
understood as mimicking the way in which modern street gangs designate their
rank and file members as (foot-) soldiers. These individuals are typically not
military-trained in any professional sense or part of a state army or militia. The
term soldier is used here to refer to regular rank and file members within a
hierarchical and violent institution. Landre, Miller, and Porter (1997: 15) best
summarize this role when they state that regular gang members are
the soldiers who serve the gang as directed by the leadershipThese members have a
sense of loyalty to the gang and are willing to work because they derive a sense of power,
as well as financial gain, from their gang involvement. They also may perceive no real
alternatives to the gang lifestyle.

These soldiers must prove their worth in violent situations, in the acquisition of
wealth, and in protecting gang interests. In doing this, they can move up the
internal hierarchy. This use of soldier closely approximates the semantic and
semiotic evidence attested in the gveda as it underscores the martial and

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economic aspects and responsibilities of a vr, while also downplaying any

notions of individualism or heroism.81
In the early Vedic context, the role of a vr appears to be given to him at
birth, and as far as I can tell no initiation rites exist other than outright
subjugation or alliances.82 A vr does fight, and presumably die, for the greater
good throughout his lifetime. While he certainly strives for social recognition and
acclaim (see next section), the ritual rhetoric never affords him individual
accolades: his name is not recorded, nor are his exploits made concrete. If the
status, exploits, and even death of individual human warriors were at all
important to early Vedic ryans, then the gvedic sma-cult was not interested
in explicitly recording this. My use of the term soldier is thus meant to
downplay individualism, the defining hallmark of a hero. It also allows us to
appreciate that the status and conceptualization of a vr is part of a much larger
system of early Vedic martiality, whereby individual identities and achievements

81 I do not wish to negatively categorize early Vedic culture or oversimplify the notion of modern

gangs. While Spergel (1995: 70) makes an interesting comparison between gangs and tribal clanbased societies, he (1995: 79) also states: Gang typologies and classifications suggest a
bewildering array, complexity, and variability of structures, purposes, and behavioral
characteristics of gangs, with these dimensions not clearly identified or interrelated.
82 Landre, Miller, & Porter (1997: 21) highlight an interesting parallel with modern gangs:

Potential candidates for membership arrive at the point of initiation through a variety of routes.
Some are born into joining the gang; they have never thought about having choice of whether or
not to join. A second type of potential member wants to join because of the perceived benefits of
gang membership. The third type wants to join the gang for protection, either from the gang he or
she joins, or to be protected from other gangs.

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are glossed over and effaced in favour of a more generic, more universalized
ideology which demands unity and unquestioning allegiance to the whole. My
preference for vr is thus soldier and the concept that encapsulates the
expectations and activities of a vr is soldiery (vry).

4.3.b. To proclaim (pr- vac-), Martial Reputation (rvas)

The fact that vr- actively strive for public recognition and fame does not indicate
that my argument for soldier over hero is contradictory. The vr- certainly
desire social renown and the proclamation of their deeds is an important value.
For example, the social and political magnitude of soldiery (vry) is consistently
underscored in verses featuring the verbal formula, to proclaim (pr- vac-).
Emphasis is repetitively placed on praising acts of soldiery ( vry) and recognizing
the social importance of these acts for all members of early Vedic martial society:
V.1.32.1ab: ndrasya n vryi pr voca yni cakra prathamni vajr.
I will now proclaim the acts of soldiery (vry-) of Indra, those foremost acts that the
mace wielder has performed.
V.1.154.1a: vor n ka vryi pr voca.
Indeed, I will now proclaim Vius acts of soldiery (vry-).83
V.2.13.11ab: supravcan tva vra vry yd kena krtun vindse vsu.

83 Cf. V.1.154.2a: pr td vu stavate vrya. Thus, Viu will be praised forth due to his

soldiery (vry). See also V.1.117.25.

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O soldier, your soldiery (vry) is well proclaimed forth, when you find treasure due to
your single resolve.
V.2.21.3d: ndrasya vocam pr ktni vry.
I proclaim Indras deeds, his acts of soldiery ( vry-).
V.4.32.10: pr te vocma vry y mandasn ruja | pro dsr abhtya.
We will proclaim your acts of soldiery (vry-), when you, being exhilarated, broke
through the barbarian forts, after confronting them.
V.6.59.1: pr n voc sutu v vry yni cakrthu | hatso vm pitro devatrava

ndrgn jvatho yuvm.

At the pressed (sma offerings), I will now proclaim your acts of soldiery (vry-), which
the two of you have performed. Your fathers whose rivals were the gods were destroyed.
O Indra and Fire, the two of you live on.

These verses all indicate that the public proclamation of vry within the ritual
arena is enormously important for substantiating the exploits and identity of gods,
primarily Indra. It is reasonable to assume that ritual proclamations of the martial
successess of various gods either reinforce and reproduce militant ideals or reflect
the real world triumphs of warriors, warlords, and their tribes. Another verse
explicity states:
V.10.39.5ab, to Avins: pur v vry pr brav jn tho hsathur bhij

mayobhv.
I will pronounce your ancient acts of soldiery (vry-) among the tribe, and thus you two
(Avins) were healers who bring happiness.

Likewise, in one hymn to Indra, several verses state:

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V.10.112.1: ndra pba pratikm sutsya prtasvs tva h prvpti | hrasva

hntave ra trn ukthbhi e vry pr bravma.

O Indra, drink of the pressed (sma) at your pleasure, for the early morning pressing,
the first drink belongs to you. Be excited for the smashing of rivals, O warlord, with
recitations we will pronounce your acts of soldiery (vry-).84
RV.10.112.8: pr ta indra prvyi pr nn vry vocam pratham ktni |

satnmanyur arathyo dri suvedanm akor brhmae gm.

O Indra, I will proclaim your previous acts of soldiery (vry-), proclaim now the
foremost ones that have been performed. You, of real battle fury, loosened the stone,
you made the cow easy to find for the formulation.

Hence, acts of soldiery (vry) can be situated in the mythological or historical

past, or recognized as done in the present, the here and now surrounding a ritual
performance. Moreover, the proclamation of such acts is highly important in
order to justify the social and political position of gods and presumably humans,
and also to broadcast and promote early Vedic martiality, especially as seen in the
use of vry. What is important is that acts of soldiery are performed by numerous
gods and their outcome is not only important for the tribes, but the results of
which are anticipated to be real.
In fact, one way in which ritual participants encourage the munificence of
their warlords is by constant recognition and encouragement of their soldiery
(vry) in the public sphere:
V.5.42.6: martvato prattasya jir jryata pr bravm ktni | n te prve

maghavan nparso n vry ntana k canpa.

84 Cf. V.5.42.6, where pr- br- to pronounce features with vry.

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We will pronounce the deeds of the unassailable, victorious, unaging one who is
associated with the Maruts. O munificent one, none prior to you, nor after, no one at this
time has achieved your soldiery (vry).

In this verse militarism overlaps with munificence, yet by placing emphasis on

Indras unique claim to soldiery by raising the ideological bar, so to speak
the ritual participants ensure that human warlords live up to the standards of
their war-god.85 The concept of vry is thus a double-edged sword. Indras
martiality must be praised, but the deitys monopolization of praise binds him to
perform his duties as a soldier. In turn, when Indra fulfills his duty as a soldier he
makes sure that his eulogizers will recognize his ritual and social position. In
addition, Indras status as a munificent benefactor (maghvan) is recognized as an
important component of his soldiery (vry). Reciprocity is the key to ritual and
political status in early Vedic society. Furthermore, if the world of gods mirrors
the world of men, and for that matter reproduces the world of men, then it seems
that declarations of Indras responsibilities and achievements as a soldier are
supposed to communicate to real world warriors that their activities will win them

85 Cf. V.8.62.3: hitena cid rvat jrdnu sisati | pravcyam indra tt tva vryi kariyat

bhadr ndrasya rtya. Even with an unproven race horse, he, who brings lively water drops,
strives to win. O Indra, it is to be proclaimed, when you will perform your acts of soldiery (vry-).
Auspicious are Indras gifts. Also see V.10.43.5, where Indras munificence is compared to
gambling, and the poet appears to admonish his Yajamna to raise his standards of largesse to
that of Indra: kt n vaghn v cinoti dvane savrga yn maghv srya jyat | n tt te

any nu vry akan n pur maghavan nt ntana. As the gambler (dog-killer) piles up
his winnings (kt) in the game (dvana), the munificent one wins the booty (savrga) that is the
sun. No other is able to imitate/follow your soldiery (vry), neither a previous one/one of old, O
munificent one, nor a current one.

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social recognition in the early Vedic period generating Indras fame comes
from team work.
It is no surprise then that, in addition to public praise, vry is consistently
associated with the concept of reputation, fame, or renown (rvas).86
Furthermore, the use of rvas and its demoninative form ravasy-, from ruto hear, keys us into the importance of social recognition. For example:
V.1.131.5: d t te asy vrysya carkiran mdeu vann ujo yd vitha sakhyat yd

vitha | cakrtha krm ebhya ptansu prvantave | t anymany nady saniata

ravasynta saniata.
Since then they repeatedly celebrated this soldiery (vry) of yours at times of
exhilarations, when, O bull, you helped the devotees, when you helped those seeking
friendship. You performed the victory song for them to prevail in battles. They, one after
the other, repeatedly win the river, seeking reputation they repeatedly win.87

Here the combatants actively celebrate Indras vry and strive for their own
renown in combat for access to water. Another verse emphasizes the importance
of social recognition for a vr:
V.6.47.16: v vr ugrmugra damynn anymanyam atinenymna |

edhamnadv ubhyasya rj cokyte va ndro manuyn.

86 See Beekes (1995: 4) for discussion of the parallel Vedic and Greek appearances of the formula

rvas kitam and klos phthiton, undiminished reputation/fame (PIE *luos dgwhitom).
We can also compare Sanskrit mhi rvas and Greek mga klos (PIE *megh2 luos), and

rvas nm and kla andrn (PIE *luesh2 h2nrm). For kiti rvas, see V.1.40.4b,
V.8.103.5b, & V.9.66.7c. See also Schmitt (1967: 61-70).
87 For rvas,vr, & vry, see V.9.110.7.

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He is renowned/famed as a soldier (vr) (for) subduing every authoritative one,

repeatedly leading one after another beyond (difficulties). Hating the fiery, king of both
(races), Indra keeps stoking the clans, (especially) the human ones.88

It is important to note here that Indras fame relates to helping others and his
martial activity benefits the clans. This idea appears in another verse:
V.10.28.12cd, to Indra: nvd vdann pa no mhi vjn div rvo dadhie nma vr.
Speaking like a man, measure out prizes to us. In heaven you established your
reputation, your name/title as soldier.89

Here Indra establishes his reputation in heaven and thus solidifies his status as a
soldier (vr). Moreover, this relates to his ability to distribute wealth to his
worshippers: fame in ancient India is certainly based on the principle of quid pro
quo. Moreover, heaven can be seen as a metaphor for the cultural ideals of the
whole ryan community:
V.10.93.10: au dyvpthiv dhtam mahd asm vru vivcarai rva | pk

vjasya stye pk ryt turve.

On these ones here, O Heaven and Earth, on the soldiers (vr-) among us confer great
reputation spread among/common to all boundary peoples, (confer) fortifying gruel for
winning of the prize, fortifying gruel with/for wealth and for surpassing/overpowering.

Once again Indras reputation as a soldier is placed under heaven and earth.
Heaven and Earth are dominant symbols of ryan cultural identity and these two
realities frequently acquiesce to ryan demands and also provide protection and
prosperity to the tribes. Hence, the fame of these soldiers reflects communal

88 Cf. V.3.55.20c, for a similar formula.

89 Cf. V.8.47.12d: for a soldier seeking reputation (vrya ca ravasyat-).

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values and ideals, which all ryan communities hold as important. This is to say, it
is fame that resonates among the wider community, the tribes and clans to which
the vr- belong, and those to which they do not. Establishing a reputation
(rvas) is thus something in which a vr places substantial value. However, while
this fame derives from his individual exploits, the motivation and results of his
excursions should ideally benefit the whole community.90 Consider the following
verses:
V.4.24.1cd, to Indra: dadr h vr gat vsni s gpatir nidh no jansa.
For the soldier (vr) is the giver of good things to the singer; he is the herdsman of our
successes, O peoples.
V.6.65.6cd, to Dawn: suvra ray gat rirhy urugym dhi dhehi rvo na.
Grant wealth in good soldiers to the singer. Establish upon us wide-ranging
reputation.91

90 To counteract reductionist mana model theories, Padin (1996: 10-12) suggests that

investigations should consider the ways territory (including they ways people defend their
property, nationality, and ideological principles), bonding (family/kin or group loyalty), tradition
(ancestry, genealogies, myths, identities), and honour affect individual and social realities. He
suggests that honour may not revolve around issues of fame, but issues of integrity and a refusal of
individuals to violate allegiances and a willingness to suffer or even die in order to maintain group
commitments and to protect personal or group identity from profanity and insult.
91 Cf. V.6.10.5: n na citrm puruvjbhir t gne raym maghvadbhya ca dhehi | y rdhas

rvas cty anyn suvryebhi cbh snti jnn. Now with your helps that bring many prizes, O
Fire, establish variegated wealth for us and for our munificent ones, who, through generosity and
reputation, surpass the others, and, through good soldiery after good soldiery, overcome the
tribes.

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These verses both state that the martial successes of soldiers will bring benefit and
fame to those for whom they fight. Therefore, a vrs fame is a statement of
communal values. The celebrity of a vr is corporate in nature. It is a communal
statement that resonates in a wider cultural arena and within a closed martial cult
of violence centered on Indra, Agni, and Soma.
As far as the gvedic evidence attests, vr- are recognized and lionized
only within the sma-cult. That is to say, of course the gveda is a collection of
hymns used, as far as we can see, in sma rituals, yet this text never indicates that
other ritual or narrative mediums existed in early Vedic culture to record and
praise the deeds of warriors and kings. Nevertheless, the sma-cult actively
downplays the personal names or exploits of the human warriors who carry out
Indras mandate in the real world. Moreover, the vr- do not appear to be
discontent with this reality. In fact, we have already seen that individuals, such as
Trasadasyu and Suds, actively subsume their personas and identities under the
auspices of their war-god. Moreover, their martial and political status and exploits
are carried out in his name: Without Indra, early Vedic kings and warriors are
nothing. It is reasonable to assume then that the reputation (rvas) of vrwould have bought personal recognition and prestige within a closed ritual group,
and presumably resonated in the wider world. However, this fame actively
situates vr- within that very group and within ryan cultural ideals, especially
those embodied in Indras character. Accumulating rvas thus demonstrates that
individual vr- are team players and committed to the greater agenda of early
Vedic martiality. Their exploits fundamentally promote Indras identity and not
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their own. In doing this the vr- further their community as Indras success
benefits all members.92 It is evident that warriors, especially soldiers (vr-), are
consumed with the need for recognition of their exploits.93 Declarations of
soldiery (vry) thus reproduce the identities of vr- and other warrior roles, and
public acknowledgment serves to justify the way of the soldier. For the members
of early Vedic ritual culture the role of the vr is defined by the cultural maxim
kill, pillage, and be respected.
We can once again compare the social realities of this process with the
situation of modern street gangs. Jankowski (1991) and Spergel (1995) cogently
demonstrate that the need for reputation and status is one reason why individuals
participate in such groups. In early Vedic culture, the recognition of rvas is
closely related to the violent activity of vr-, and thus reflects the highest values
of early Vedic martiality. We can speculate that fame, respect, and status must

92 See also V.1.61.5cd: vr dnakasa vanddhyai pur grtravasa darmam. To

venerate the soldier (vr) accustomed to giving, splitter of strongholds whose reputation is
welcome.
93 On many occasions yas fame appears in conjunction with vrvant, associated

with/characterized by soldiers. See V.4.32.12c, V.5.79.6a, V.7.15.12a, V.8.23.21c,

V.8.103.9a, V.9.61.26c, V.9.106.13c, & V.10.36.10c (see also V.1.1.3c: yasa

vrvattamam). All these verses relate to wealth in some form or another. In fact, in the majority
of its appearances vrvant qualifes various types of wealth as consisting of vr-. See, e.g.,
V.1.12.11c (ray), V.2.11.13d (ray), V.7.15.5b (ray), V.7.75.8a (rtna), V.9.9.9b,
V.9.42.6a, V.9.63.18b, V.9.97.21d, & V.10.36.13c. Cf. also V.1.92.8: as tm ay

yasa suvra dspravarga raym vabudhyam. O Dawn, may I obtain this famous (yas)
wealth associated with good soldiers, tangled up/an offering with barbarians, and
founded/noteworthy from horses. And V.2.3.5d (yasa suvram).

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have fostered group support and contributed to clan cohesion. In turn, the
demand for repetitive acts of violence indicates that individual vr- had to
maintain or enhance their status in the group as a constant reality over time
(Spergel 1995: 98). Furthermore, the competitive and dangerous environment in
which vr- must have constantly placed themselves would have required the
continuous confirmation of their position within the larger social group. This
suggests that early Vedic society was in a constant state of flux. Its violent
ideologies would have produced highly unstable relationships and required that
warrior groups constantly had to define and redefine themselves (Spergel 1995:
100).
Furthermore, the recognition of a soldiers reputation (rvas) indicates
that he was constantly assessed in terms of his ability to fight, his courage, and his
commitment to help others in early Vedic society. The process of publicly
assessing a soldiers ability to fight not only reinforces the tribes reputation as the
toughest, but also strengthens the confidence of its members that their vr- can
contribute to the tribes general ability to protect and defend its collective
interests (Jankowski 1991: 48-49). Moreover, a tribes ability to build and
maintain a reputation for combat may have reduced the number of times it had to
fight. A tribe with a reputation as exceptionally tough would presumably not
encounter as much trouble with enemy tribes attempting to control its resources,
other soldiers, and economic interests. In the words of Jankowski (1991: 50) a
reputation acts as an initial deterrent to rival groups.

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4.4.a. Wealth
This chapter has so far demonstrated that the term vr designates a
predominantly martial role. The other defining characteristic of a vr is his ability
to acquire riches in order to distribute them among ritual participants. A soldiers
status is therefore contingent on the level of his largesse, and in turn soldiers are
themselves highly valued commodities.94 One of the primary duties of a vr is
thus to accumulate wealth for distribution to fellow kinsmen in the ritual arena. It
is rare to find a verse featuring vr and vry that does not mention the amassing
or ownership of wealth in some form. This motif distinguishes the role of a vr
from that of other male roles, such as nr or ra, who are certainly associated
with issues of wealth, but not to the degree that a vr is. The fiscal responsibility
of a soldier is explicitly stated in the following verse:
V.8.2.21ab: vidm hy sya vrsya bhridvar sumatm.
For we know the much-giving good intention of him (Indra), the soldier (vr).

In several verses, vry is juxtaposed to the concept of generosity or benefit

(rdhas):
V.7.22.8: n cin n te mnyamnasya dasmd anuvanti mahimnam ugra | n vrym

indra te n rdha.

94 See V.2.32.4d: ddtu vr atdyam ukthym. Let (Rk) give a soldier with a hundred

shares, worthy of recitations. Cf. V.5.42.18: sm avnor vas ntanena mayobhv suprt

gamema | no ray vahatam t vrn vvny amt sabhagni. May we come together/join
with the Avins current help, which brings happiness and good guidance. Convey wealth to us
here and soldiers (vr-) here, O two immortals, (and) all well-portioned things here. This verse is
repeated at V.5.43.17, & V.5.76-77.5.

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However, O wondrous one, they (nr-) never achieved your greatness, when you are
being thought of, O authoritative one, nor your soldiery (vry), O Indra, nor your
generosity.
V.8.24.21: ysymitni vry n rdha pryetave | jytir n vvam abhy asti dki.
(Indra is the one) whose acts of soldiery (vry-) are without measure, whose generosity
cannot be surpassed, whose sacrificial fee presides over all, as if a light.95

These verses thus demonstrate that vry is conceived in parallel terms to

issues of generosity (rdhas). In a verse about racing, various kinds of property
are testament to vry:
V.1.163.8: nu tv rtho nu mryo arvann nu gv nu bhga kannm | nu

vrtsas tva sakhym yur nu dev mamire vry te.

The chariot follows you, the adolescent follows, O race horse, the cows follow, the
portion/apportioner of the maidens follows, the troops follow after your friendship. The
gods measured/gauged themselves after your soldiery (vry).96

In order to ensure that Indra will carry out his duty as a soldier to
distribute wealth, ritual participants readily support the war-gods soldiery (vry):

95 Cf. V.1.30.5, where Indra is praised O lord of generosities, O soldier (rdhnm pate,

vra). See also V.1.40.3, where Bhaspati and the goddess Snt (Liberality) are instructed to
go towards the soldier, worthy to be man, whose generosity is fivefold (ch vr nryam

paktrdhasa).
96 Cf. V.6.18.7: s majmn jnima mnum martyena nmnti pr sarsre | s dyumnna s

vasot ry s vrya ntama smok. Through his greatness, through his immortal name,
he has repeatedly expanded himself beyond the race of Manus descendents. This one, best among
men, shares a dwelling through majesty, through capacity (vas), through wealth, and through
soldiery (vry).

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V.3.36.5: mah ugr vvdhe vryya samcakre vabh kvyena | ndro bhgo

vjad asya gva pr jyante dki asya prv.

The great authoritative one (Indra) is reinforced for soldiery (vry). The bull is
perfected through sagacity. Indra is the apportioner. His cows are giving prizes. Many
sacrificial fees are born forth for him.
V.6.30.1ab: bhya d vvdhe vryya ko ajury dayate vsni.
Still more greatly he has been reinforced for soldiery (vry). This unaging one alone
gives treasures.

Indras soldiery (vry) is thus reinforced (vdh-) so that the deity will carry out
his duty to dispense wealth.97
Two of the primary forms of wealth that a soldier (vr) is expected to
acquire are the prize of victory (vja) and good things/treasure (vsu). Both
economic categories frequently appear in relation to vr and vry. For example:
V.3.12.9: ndrgn rocan div pri vjeu bhatha | td v ceti pr vrym.

97 Cf. V.9.8.1: et sm abh priym ndrasya kmam akaran | vrdhanto asya vrym. These

sma pressings flowed towards the beloved desire of Indra, reinforcing his soldiery (vry). Also
V.10.30.4, where honey-filled waters (mdhumatr ap-) reinforce (vdh-) Indra for soldiery
(vry). V.6.19.1c: asmadryg vvdhe vryya-. In our direction he has been reinforced for
soldiery (vry). V.8.24.16c: ev h vr stvate sadvdha. For indeed the soldier (Indra) is
praised, being one who always reinforces. And V.1.118.2d, where the Avins are instructed to
reinforce (vdh-) a soldier (vardhyatam avin vrm asm). Cf. also the obscure V.10.73.1cd:

vardhann ndram marta cid tra mt yd vr dadhnad dhnih. Even the Maruts
reinforced Indra here, when the fastest running/most murderous mother set the soldier to
running. Mayrhofer (EWA 10: 773) refers to dadhnad dhnih as a Figura etymologica from
dhan- to run. However it could also be read as (d)hniha from han- to smash (Jamison,

pers. comm., March 2004).

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O Indra and Agni, you encapsulated the lights of heaven in the prizes: This act of
soldiery (vry) of yours has been made apparent.
V.3.25.2: agn sanoti vryi vidvn santi vjam amtya bhan | s no dev h

vah puruko.
Fire wins acts/results of soldiery (vry-) as the one who knows. He wins the prize, being
present for immortality/the deathless one. Convey the gods here to us, O you of many
cattle.

As we saw above, Indras soldiery (vry) is reinforced so he can give treasures

(vsu-).98 Elsewhere, as soon as born, Indra is strengthened with krtu and jas,
and reinforced with acts of soldiery (vry-), and then instructed to be a giver of
benefit and desirable treasure to his praiser.99 In addition, one verse states:
V.2.13.11ab: supravcan tva vra vry yd kena krtun vindse vsu.
O soldier, your soldiery (vry) is well proclaimed forth, when you find treasure due to
your single resolve.

Likewise:
V.3.55.20: mah sm airac camv samc ubh t asya vsun nye | v vr

vindmno vsni mahd devnm asuratvm kam.

He (Tva) raised the two great Cam-cups together in order to be united. Both of
them are bursting/overflowing with his treasure. The one finding treasures (= Indra) is
renowned as a soldier (vr). Great is the lordship of the gods alone.100

98 Cf. V.10.36.11c: yth vsu vrjta nmahai. So that we will obtain the treasure

produced by soldiers.
99 See, esp., V.2.22.3e: dt rdha stuvat kmya vsu.
100 At V.4.18.5, vsu- is replaced by vry nyam. For Tva and the Cam-cups, see

V.4.18.3.

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This verse explicitly states that Indras ability to find treasure is a factor in the
recognition of his role as a vr. In another verse, a soldier is placed in collocation
to vsu:
V.6.53.2, to Pan: abh no nrya vsu vrm pryatadakiam | vm ghpati

naya.
Lead us over to that treasure coming from men, a soldier (vr) whose (sacrificial) fee is
offered forth, (and) a desirable house-lord.101

In this verse, the poets desire wealth, a generous soldier ( vr), and a house-lord
(ghpati).102 In a late Vlakhilya hymn, Indra is worshipped as a powerful ( ugr)

vr and respected for wealth:

V.8.49.6: ugr n vr nmasopa sedima vbhtim kitvasum.
With homage we sat near (you), as if an authoritative soldier (vr), the prominent one
of imperishable goods.103

101 We also have several obscure statements in relation to

vr and vsu. V.5.41.9b: like

treasured soldiers (vsavo n vr). V.8.40.9d: mixings of treasure, of a soldier (vsvo

vrsypca-). For pryatadakia, cf. V.1.31.15a & V.10.107.3c, where nr appears in both.
102 V.6.14.4: agnr apsm tha vr dadti stpatim | ysya trsanti vasa sacki

travo bhiy. Fire gives a soldier who is winning the waters, dominating in the attack, lord of the
settlement, whose rivals tremble from fear at the sight of his capacity (vas).
103 Cf. V.8.50.6ab: pr vrm ugr vvici dhanaspta vbhti rdhaso mah

| udrva

vajrinn avat vasutvan sd ppetha de. Pro(-claim) the authoritative soldier, the
discriminating one who earns the stakes, the prominent one of great generosity. Like a cistern full
of water, O mace-wielder, you always swell riches for the one offering ritual service. See also
V.8.86.4a: a soldier winning stakes (vr dhanasm).

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These verses thus demonstrate that the role of a vr and his vry is intimately
associated with issues of wealth. Moreover, this wealth is frequently expected to
be parcelled out to other ritual participants. The acquisition and ownership of
wealth is therefore an intrinsic factor in the life and duty of a soldier (vr).

4.4.b. Suvrya
The abstract neuter noun suvrya, good soldiery, refers to the state of having
good soldiers under ones control or the economic outcomes of soldiery. As an
adjective, it means consisting of good soldiery/rich in good soldiers.104 The
political importance of suvrya appears in the repeated refrain may we be lords
of good soldiery (suvryasya ptaya syma).105 Suvrya further appears in
conjunction with katr, dominion, which unequivocally refers to political
territory and status.106 As the charioteer of the rites, Fire is ordered to confer on

104 Wackernagel (AIG II, 2: 815) translates suvrya as Heldenreichtum [Hero-riches/wealth]

from suvra heldenreich [rich in heroes]; also (AIG II, 2: 834) suvrya Besitz tapferer Mnner
[possession of brave men], Heldenschar [hero-band/troop], & suvra tapfere Mnner
besitzend [possessing brave men], aus tapferen Mnner bestehend [consisting/composed of
brave men].
105 This is repeated at V.4.51.10d, V.6.47.12d, V.9.89.7d, V.9.95.5d, & V.10.131.6d. Cf.

V.1.52.13b (vvrasya bhat ptir bh).

106 V.6.8.6b: nmi katrm ajra suvryam. Unbending dominion, undecaying good

soldiery.

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the ritual participants good soldiery and reputation that reaches aloft.107 Fire is
considered to be the master of good soldiery, great prosperity, wealth in the form
of good offspring and cattle.108 Ritual participants beg Indra for good soldiery and
wealth.109 The acquisition of suvrya goes hand-in-hand with good horses
(svvya).110 In a similar vein, one verse states:
V.2.2.10ab: vaym agne rvat v suvryam brhma v citayem jn ti.
O Fire, may we distinguish ourselves beyond the tribes in good soldiery through our race
horse or through a sacred formulation.

107 V.1.44.2: suvryam asm dhehi rvo bht. Also V.6.70.5: mhi rvo vjam asm

suvryam. (Establishing) great reputation, the prize, (and) good soldiery among us. V.8.23.27c:
suvryasya prajvato yasvata. Good soldiery bringing progeny and fame.
108 V.3.16.1: aym agn suvryasye mah sabhagasya | ry e svapatysya gmata e

vtrahthnm. Cf. V.7.4.6, where Agni gives wealth in good soldiers ( ry suvryasya) and his
worshippers ask not to be without soldiers (avra-), cattle, and friends. For avra, see also
V.7.61.4c (where an individual who fails to sacrifice lacks vr-), V.10.86.9a, & V.10.95.3c.
109 V.8.3.9: tt tv ymi suvrya. I implore of you that good soldiery. V.8.3.11: ray ymi

suvryam. I implore wealth, good soldiery. Cf. V.10.153.1, where women sit near Indra and
take stock of his good soldiery (bhejnsa suvryam). Also see V.1.184.4d, to Avins. Cf.
V.1.10.6ab: tm t sakhitv mahe t ry t suvrye. For it is this one we implore for
friendship, this one for wealth, this one for good soldiery.
110 See V.1.40.2c, V.1.93.2cd, V.3.26.3c, & V.8.12.33a. Cf. V.5.6.10cd, V.8.22.18,

V.8.31.18, & V.8.46.5a. See also V.3.55.18ab: vrsya n svvya jansa pr n vocma

vidr asya dev. We will now proclaim the good horses of the soldier (vr), O peoples: The
gods know of it. Cf. also V.5.27.6.

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Hence, suvrya overwhelmingly signals issues of wealth and prosperity,

which is often won in competitions or outright warfare.111 The ritual Fire
definitely plays a primary role in substantiating suvrya.112 Hence the god is
succinctly commanded to Grant wealth, good soldiery.113 Suvrya here, and
elsewhere, can also be read as an adjective, and hence the wealth either comes
from or is constituted by competent fighters.

111 See V.3.16.3ab: s tv no ry ihi mhvo agne suvryasya. This one, you, hone us for

wealth, good soldiery, O benefactor, O Fire. In fact, see V.3.16.1-5, where suvrya features in
verses 1, 3-4, and in verse 5 the ritual participants ask Agni to help them not fail in gaining soldiers
(avrat-). (For avrat, cf. also V.7.1.11b, & 19a.) V.4.36.6c: s rys pa s suvrya

dadhe. He established for himself a thriving of wealth, he established good soldiery. The term
suvrya appears infrequently in the plural: see V.1.36.6d (yki devn suvry), V.4.8.6a (t
ry t suvryai), & V.8.64.9b (vtrahan k suvry). Also see V.1.48.12d, V.5.13.5,
V.5.16.4b, V.7.56.15c, V.7.97.4c, & V.9.86.18. Cf. V.8.95.4, to Indra, & V.10.122.1, 4, to
Agni.
112 See V.1.36.17ab: agnr vavne suvryam agn kvya sabhagam . Fire has won good

soldiery, Fire (has won) good prosperity for Kava. V.1.94.2b: anarv keti ddhate suvryam.
Without contest, he (Fire) dwells peacefully. He will establish good soldiery. V.1.127.11d-g, to
Agni: mhi aviha nas kdhi sacke bhuj asya | mhi stotbhyo maghavan suvryam mthr

ugr n vas. Create great (good soldiery) for us to survey, O most capacious one, for our
enjoyment here. Capture great good soldiery for the praisers, O munificent one, like an
authoritative one due to his capacity (vas). Fire possibly inscribes good soldiery in the form
of a tattoo or scarification at V.8.19.22: y pite sntbhi suvryam. (Fire) who
trims/marks good soldiery through liberal offerings. Cf. V.4.11.3c, & V.10.80.4a, (material)
wealth with marking(s) of a soldier (drvia vrpe-).
113 V.8.23.12b: ray rsva suvryam. Cf. V.5.13.5c (= V.8.98.12c): s no rsva suvryam.

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The correlation between wealth and suvrya is also associated with the god
Soma, the drinking of which legitimates the control of assets.114 For example:
V.9.13.4-5: ut no vjastaye pvasva bhatr a | dyumd indo suvryam || t na

sahasra raym pvantm suvryam | suvn devsa ndava.

And, in order to win prizes, be purified towards lofty refreshments for us, O droplet,
towards majestic good soldiery. Let them be purified towards wealth with a thousand
(cattle) for us, towards good soldiery, the gods that are droplets being pressed.

The connection between suvrya and dyumnt, majestic, heavenly, appears in

several other verses. For example, Fire seeks from the gods majestic and lofty

114 Cf. V.9.8.1-2, where sma juices reinforce Indras soldiery ( vry), and are instructed to

establish good soldiery for the ritual participants (t no dhntu suvryam). V.9.11.9ab:

pvamna suvrya ray soma rirhi n. Being purified, O Soma, grant good soldiery, wealth
to us. V.9.43.6: pvasva vjastaye vprasya gat vdh | sma rsva suvryam. Purify
yourself for the winning of the prize, for the reinforcing of the inspired poet who sings (to you). O
Soma, grant good soldiery. V.9.63.1: pavasva sahasra ray soma suvryam | asm

rvsi dhraya. Being purified here (for) wealth in a thousand, good soldiery. Uphold
reputation after reputation among us. V.9.65.5a ( pavasva suvryam). V.9.69.8ab: na

pavasva vsumad dhrayavad vvad gmad yvamat suvryam. Here become purified for us
(for) good soldiery consisting of treasure, gold, horses, cattle, and barley. Cf. also V.9.20.7c,
V.9.62.30c, V.9.66.27c, & V.9.67.19c, which all state: ddhat stotr suvryam. For the
praiser establish good soldiery. Cf. also V.9.40.5b (ray stotr suvryam), & V.9.45.6 (ndo

stotr suvryam). Likewise, V.9.85.8: pvamno abhy r suvryam urv gvytim mhi rma
saprtha | mkir no asy pritir atndo jyema tvy dhnadhanam. Being purified, gush
over good soldiery, over wide pasturage, over great extensive shelter. Let no seige be master of
this one of ours. O Droplet, with you may we conquer stakes after stakes.

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good soldiery for his officiant.115 All these examples demonstrate that the term

suvrya is deployed in a fairly consistent manner. Its use is intrinsically bound up

in the relationship between vr, vry, and the acquistion and distribution of
various forms of wealth, including soldiers themselves.

4.4.c. Soldier, Ritual Participant

When vr and vry appear in relation to actual ritual activity they both
consistently refer to issues of wealth. In chapter two, we saw that a man (nr) is
primarily defined by his ritual responsibilities and activities. Furthermore, the
role of a nr allows us to see that the same individuals who performed early Vedic
rituals are also fighting in skirmishes and open warfare. In comparison to a
ritually active man (nr), a soldier (vr) has fairly minimal ritual responsibilities.
This is not to suggest that two different classes of males exist in early Vedic
culture, as vr and nr appear together and their roles overlap.116 They do not
designate two different types of men, but merely reflect two different social roles
that are not mutually exclusive. When the terms overlap it is generally in the
context of martial activity. In short, nr signals socially responsible men, who are

115 V.1.74.9: ut dyumt suvryam bhd agne vivsasi | devbhyo deva de. Cf. V.1.74.9a

(ut dyumt suvryam), V.3.10.8 (dyumd asm suvryam), V.3.13.7 (dyumd agne suvrya),
& V.6.16.12 (bhd agne suvryam).
116 See, e.g., V.6.35.2ab: krhi svit td indra yn nbhir nn vrar vrn nyse jyjn. O Indra,

when will it be that you will place in your own nest our men (nr-) with your men, our soldiers
(vr-) with your soldiers. Win our battles!

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actively engaged in staging rituals. The term vr almost exclusively designates a

highly circumscribed martial and economic role. Each term reflects a particular
way in which the complex persona of early Vedic males is constructed. A nr can
be a vr, and vice versa.117

Vr- are associated with women on several occasions. In an explicitly

sexual context Urva says to her husband and lover Purravas:
V.10.95.5d: rj me vra tanvs td s.
You were then the king of my body, O soldier.

The Maruts are instructed:

V.5.61.4: pr vrsa etana mryso bhdrajnaya | agnitpo ythsatha.
Go forth, O soldiers, you adolescents with your auspicious wives, so that you will be hot
as/from Fire.118

ac Paulom makes both a sexual and political innuendo when she states:
V.10.159.6: sm ajaiam im ah saptnr abhibhvar | ythhm asy vrsya

virjni jnasya ca.

I have completely conquered them, overcoming the co-wives, so that I will rule over this
soldier (vr-) and his tribe/people.

These verses all suggest that vr- should be married, and, in the last verse, the

vr appears to be a political leader with many wives. Hence, in the same vein as

117 See, e.g., V.7.1.21d, to Agni: m vr asmn nryo v dst. Let the soldier (vr), worthy to

be a man, not be depleted from us.

118 Note in the next verse, V.5.61.5, one of these auspicious wives (bhdrajani-) raises her arm to

her vr.

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nr-, marriage may underscore the eligibility of vr- to participate in early Vedic
rituals.119
In a few cases, vr- are given ritual responsibilities. For example, a verse
from a riddle hymn states that vr- cook a speckled young bullock and a fat
ram.120 It is difficult to tell whether a real ritual activity is alluded to here as the
entire hymn is metaphorically complex and cannot be taken at face value.
Nevertheless, Indras priestly alter-ego Bhaspati is instructed to Perform the
sacrifice for yourself, O soldier.121 Likewise, in an overtly martial tone the
sacrifice is compared to a vr.122 And in the only stanza of its kind, vr- of good
birth (sujt-) are said to surround or attend (pri- car-) to Agni.123 It is
important to note that the verbal form pri- car- is never used to describe the
relationship between Agni and nr-.
In the same way that the ritual Fire symbolically represents the ideals of
men (nr-) and manhood (nm), Agni embodies the central expectation placed
on vr- to distribute wealth.124 For example, as a guest in the home of a rich

119 See Chapter 2.2.d, esp. n.24. See also the compound vrpatn, wife of a soldier at

V.1.104.4c & V.6.49.7b.

120 V.1.164.43c: ukam pnim apacanta vr-. Cf. also V.10.27.17a, which is also part of an

obscure hymn: pvnam mem apacanta vr-.

121 V.2.26.2a: yjasva vra.
122 V.7.34.6: tmn samtsu hinta yaj ddhta kt jnya vrm. On your own accord,

urge on the sacrifice at the battles: Establish it as a beacon/sign, a soldier for the tribe.
123 V.7.1.15c: sujtsa pri caranti vr.
124 In the final book of the gveda, Agni is given an overtly martial aspect with regard to soldiery

(vry). V.10.87.25: prty agne hras hra h vivta prti | ytudhnasya rakso bla

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(revnt-) vr, Agni is said to give a desirable reward (vrya) to the clan.125
Elsewhere, Agni is said to produce an inspired prize-winner and soldiers who
dominate hostile intentions.126 In addition, one verse states:
V.4.15.5: sya gh vr vato gnr ta mrtya | tigmjambhasya mha.
Only a mortal soldier (vr) should be master of this one here, of such a profound Fire,
of this one who has sharp teeth, (though our) benefactor.

This verse suggests that a vr was afforded substantial respect and status as he
maintained a ritual Fire. In early Vedic society, the ritual Fire is the primary
means through which a vr can gain ritual benefits and social recognition. Hence,
another verse explicitly states:
V.8.23.19ab: im gh vr amta dt kvta mrtya.
Indeed, may a mortal soldier (vr) make this immortal (Agni) his messenger.

Another verse provides a similar scenario:

v ruja vrym. O Agni, from every direction completely shatter his (fiery) rage with your (fiery)
rage. Rend asunder the strength, the soldiery (vry) of the Rakas, the Ytudhna. This verse
appears in one of the two primary hymns in the gveda that introduce the figure of the
Ytudhna, one who establishes a feud/vengeful one?, the other being V.7.104.1-25. Thus
V.7.104.15: ady murya ydi ytudhno smi ydi vyus tatpa pruasya | dh s vrar

dabhir v yy y m mgha ytudhnty ha. May I die today if I am a Ytudhna or if I

scorched the lifetime (yus) of a man. Thus, may he, who called me Ytudhna without cause, be
deprived of ten soldiers. We note here that the accuser must have some political sway as he has
ten soldiers under his command.
125 V.7.42.4. At V.8.23.14b, Agni is invoked as a soldier and clan-lord (voc. vra vipate).
126 V.6.7.3ab: tvd vpro jyate vjy gne tvd vrso abhimtiha . Note stanzas cd: vavnara

tvm asmsu dhehi vsni rjan sphayyyi. O one common to all men, establish among us
treasures to be craved, O king.

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V.8.103.4: pr y ry nnasi mrto ys te vaso dat | s vr dhatte agna

ukthaasna tmn sahasrapoam.

The mortal whom you desire to lead forth for wealth, who ritually serves you, O
treasure, he confers on himself (the title) soldier, O Fire, he who articulates recitations,
who prospers a thousand-fold on his own accord.127

Hence, while his relationship with the ritual Fire is not as profound as other early
Vedic male roles such as nr, a vr is nevertheless still bound by ritual allegiance
and participation. Moreover, when a vr is engaged in ritual activity, his function
still revolves around issues of wealth.

4.4.d. Sma and Soldiery

The relationship between vr, vry, and ritual participation is further qualified in
verses to the divine draught sma. What is important to remember is that
drinking sma often signals warfare. Hence, Indra is instructed to drink sma for
endless soldiery (vry),128 and the Adhvaryu priest is commanded to pour out

sma to the moustached soldier (vr).129 Interestingly, the Adhvaryu priest is

explicitly identified as a vr in another verse in the same role of bringing sma to

127 See V.10.28.12d, for a similar use of dh- with nman, name, title.
128 V.2.32.5b: pb sma vate vryya.
129 V.8.32.24ab, to Indra: dhvaryav t h ic sma vrya ipre. See also V.2.14.1:

dhvaryavo bhratndrya smam matrebhi sicat mdyam ndha | km h vr sdam

asya pt juhta ve td d e vai. Adhvaryus, bring sma to Indra. With tankards, pour
here the exhilarating plant, since the soldier (vr) is always desirous of his drink. Offer to the bull.
Indeed it is this that he wishes.

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Indra.130 This once again suggests that the individuals who perform ritual roles
are also expected to fight for the tribe. For this reason, vr- are also called
pressers of sma, and they possibly drink it in conjunction with Indra.131 In fact,
Indra is called the maker of wide space for the soldier (vr), the presser, and
also the maker of the soldier (vr), worthy to be a man, who controls all
soldiers.132 Once again, the gvedic evidence confirms the recurring theme that
warriors perform sacrifices for fellow warriors, or better yet, there are no outright
distinctions between ritual and martial realms as both are coterminous in early
Vedic culture. Early Vedic men fulfil priestly and martial roles at once and to
varying degrees. This is confirmed in the following verse:
V.7.32.6: s vr pratikuta ndrea uve nbhi | ys te gabhr svanni vtrahan

sunty ca dhvati.
This soldier (vr), who cannot be driven back, is swollen by Indra, by men, (the soldier)
who presses and strains deep pressings for you, O Vtra-smasher.

130 V.6.44.13a: O Adhvaryu, O soldier (voc. dhvaryo vra). Cf. also V.2.14.7: dhvaryavo

y atm sahsram bhmy upsth vapaj jaghanvn | ktsasyyr atithigvsya vrn ny vag
bhrat sma asmai. O Adhvaryus, to the one who flung here the hundred, the thousand, on
the lap of the earth, having smashed them, and hurled down the soldiers (vr-) of Kutsa, of yu,
and of Atithigva, bring sma to him. If the Adhvaryus are also vr- in this verse, then they are
offering sma to Indra, the soldier par excellence, for destroying other soldiers.
131 V.4.29.2d: suvbhir mdati s ha vra. At V.4.25.6, Indra, as a soldier, makes the

cooked food of a presser his alone, and he smashes the non-presser.

132 V.6.23.3c: krt vrya svaya ulok, & V.6.23.4c: krt vr nrya srvavra,

respectively.

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In this verse the vr is both a sma presser and a combatant. The ritual activity of
the vr ensures that Indra receives sma and, in turn, that he will receive benefit
from his war-god. In the same vein, ritual participants bring sma to Indra, the
capable soldier (vrya akrya), which he will drink in order to be a man (pban

nryya).133 Sma is further stated to be for the soldier, the warlord (sma
vrya rya).134 It is also commanded to be a munificent benefactor with soldiers
(vr-) and horses.135 In addition:
V.9.113.1: aryavati smam ndra pibatu vtrah | bla ddhna tmni kariyn

vrym mahd ndryendo pri srava.

Let Indra, the smasher of Vtra/obstacles, drink sma on the reedy pond. Establishing
strength (bla) in himself he will perform a great act of soldiery (vry): O droplet, flow
around for Indra.

The martial rhetoric encompassing soldiery (vry) further extends to the

god Soma himself, that is, Soma must fulfill the responsibilities of a vr:
V.9.35.3ab: tvy vra vravo bh yma ptanyat.
With you (Soma) as soldier (vr), O possessor of soldiers, may we overcome those who
engage in battle.

In addition:

133 V.8.2.23. Cf. V.9.97.44b, where Soma is commanded to bring the vr, who is Indra, and a

sacrificial portion (bhga).

134 V.8.2.25c.
135 V.9.96.11d: vrbhir vair maghv bhav n. Cf. V.7.92.3cd, where Vyu is instructed to

associate himself (n- yu-) with wealth that brings good enjoyment (ray subhjasa), and a
soldier and generosity in cattle and horses (n vr gvyam vya ca rdha).

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V.9.101.15ab: s vr dakasdhano v ys tastmbha rdas.

He (Soma) is a soldier (vr), the accomplishment of (sacrificial) skill, who propped
apart the two worlds.

Indra and Soma also protect a mortal vr:

V.1.18.4: s gh vr riyati ym ndro brhmaas pti | smo hinti mrtyam.
This soldier (vr) is not harmed, whom Indra, lord of the formulation, (whom) Soma
urges on, (though) mortal.

Furthermore, ritual participants approach Soma well aware of their role to claim
the prize of victory (vja) and martial recognition (rvas):
V.9.110.7: tv soma pratham vktbarhio mah vjya rvase dhya dadhu | s

tv no vra vryya codaya.

In you, O Soma, the foremost ones who twisted the barhis grass established their insight
for a great prize, for reputation. Spur on our (insight), O soldier, for soldiery (vry).136

A soldiers relationship with sma also plays a crucial role in facilitating

his ritual and political position in early Vedic culture:
V.1.91.20: smo dhen smo rvantam smo vr karmay dadti |

sdany vidathy sabhyam pitrvaa y ddad asmai.

Soma (gives) a milch cow. Soma gives a swift race horse. Soma gives a (ritually) active
soldier (vr), worthy of the seat, worthy of the distribution ceremony, worthy of the
assembly, bringing repute to the fathers, who will perform ritual service to this one.137

136 Cf. V.1.86.4a, in a hymn to the Maruts, where sma is pressed on the barhis grass of the

soldier (vr), Indra.

137 Cf. V.7.36.8b (vidathy n vrm). For karmay, see also V.3.4.9 & V.10.80.1b

(karmanih, standing out in work).

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In this verse the responsibility to give wealth is transposed onto the god Soma.
Moreover, a soldiers acceptance within more exclusive realms of early Vedic
society appears to be contingent on his reciprocal relationship with sma.138 In
fact, we will shortly see that the distribution ceremony ( vidtha) is one of the
main ritual sites in which the worth of a vr is measured and mandated.
Therefore, the last two sections have demonstrated that a vr is actively
engaged in performing early Vedic rituals, albeit in a minimal way as compared to
the role of a nr-. While he does engage with the ritual Fire and even press sma,
such ritual activity is not a dominant theme in the way the role of a vr is
conceived. In comparison, at one end of the spectrum, the role of a nr is
underscored by his ritual activity, while at the opposite end, a ra never performs
any ritual duties other than possibly acting as a patron ( sr).139 The verses
presented in this section also reinforce the notions that martial and ritual roles
readily overlap, and hence warriors are active ritual participants in early Vedic
culture. The complex persona of an early Vedic man is constructed by various
roles, such as nr, vr, and ra. Characteristics of one role readily overlap with
another, which should be no surprise. It is simply a matter of degrees that defines
the conceptualization of each role as it pertains to ritual, martial, economic, or

138 Cf. V.5.30.1: kv sy vr k apayad ndra sukhratham yamna hribhym | y ry

vajr sutsomam ichn td ko gnt puruht t. Where is this soldier (vr)? Who has seen
Indra, whose chariot has a good hub, traveling with his two bay horses, the mace-bearer, who,
seeking with wealth one who has pressed sma, coming to that dwelling, when he is much invoked,
with help.
139 See Chapter 7.

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political responsibility and status. The difficulty often lies in dissecting the
character of Indra, who embodies all these roles at once. Hence, some early Vedic
men may have been nr-, vr-, suvra-, ra-, and rjan-, all at once, yet it is
reasonable to assume that these roles were not always ascribed to a single
individual, that is, not all vr- were ra- or rjan, though I suspect the terms nr
and vr represent two fundamental social roles and perhaps applied to the
majority of early Vedic men.

4.5.a. Wealth and War

Up to this point we have seen that the role of the vr is overwhelmingly martial in
nature, and that he is consistently associated with issues of wealth. Not only is a

vr expected to fight for his tribe, he is also obliged to accumulate wealth and
distribute it among his kinsmen. The next two sections will demonstrate that a

vr generates wealth from his martial excursions a fact that should be obvious
by now. When a vr in accordance with his vry is associated with wealth, it is
fairly certain that such wealth comes from raids, open warfare, and territorial
conquest. Wealth in early Vedic society originates from blood and violence. For
example, the reality of cattle raids underlies the following verses:
V.6.35.2: krhi svit td indra yn nbhir nn vrar vrn nyse jyjn | tridhtu g

dhi jaysi gv ndra dyumn svrvad dhehy asm.

O Indra, when will it be that you will place in your own nest our men (nr-) with your
men, our soldiers (vr-) with your soldiers. Win our battles! In the contests for cattle,
you will win cattle three times over. O Indra, establish for us a sun-like majesty.

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V.6.45.26bc: gar asi vra gavyat | vo avyat bhava.

You are the cow for the one who seeks cattle, O soldier. Become the horse for the one
who seeks horses.
V.10.103.7: abh gotri shas ghamno day vr atmanyur ndra |

ducyavan ptan ayudhy smka sn avatu pr yuts.

The merciless soldier (vr), Indra, whose battle fury is a hundredfold, is plunging
through the cow-pens through his dominance (shas). Unflinching, dominating in battles,
unable to be fought against, let him help our armies in wars.

We have already seen that the ideology of soldiery (vry) applies to

various warriors types, such as vr, ra, and rjan. Hence, the ethical subtext of

vry communicates to all early Vedic warriors the imperative to capture the
spoils of war in order to distribute them among clansmen. The following verse
confirms this reality:
V.2.30.10: asmkebhi stvabhi ra rair vry kdhi yni te krtvni | jyg

abhvann nudhpitso hatv tm bhar no vsni.

O warlord, with our true men/warriors, with our warlords, perform the acts of soldiery
(vry-) which are yours to perform. For a long time they have been smoked up, after
smashing them, bring their treasures here to us.140

We once again see that the ra follows the code of vry here, and captures the
spoils of war for communal distribution. The intrinsic relationship between
wealth and warfare is also underscored in the following verse:

140 The metaphor (if it is one) smoked up (nudhpita-) is unclear in meaning. Geldner (1951,

1: 314) suggests that it may allude to a siege of a fortress (Festungskrieg). Cf. Mayrhofer (EWA
10: 794).

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V.3.54.15: ndro vvair vrya ptyamna ubh paprau rdas mahitv | puradar

vtrah dhea sagbhy na bhar bhri pav.

Indra, acting as lord due to all his acts of soldiery (vry), filled both world halves
through his greatness. As the piercer of forts, the smasher of Vtra/obstacles, whose
army/missile is daring, after rounding them up bring here to us an abundance of
livestock.141

Waging war and capturing spoils is in essence the underlying implication

of vry. Hence, the god Soma is also given the responsibility to acquire wealth in
battle:
V.1.91.23: devna no mnas deva soma ry bhg sahasvann abh yudhya | m tv

tanad ie vrysyobhyebhya pr cikits gviau.

With the mind of a god, O god Soma, fight for a portion of wealth for us, O dominating
one. Do not let it/him stretch over/inhibit you. You are master of soldiery (vry). Be
attentive to both (gods and men) in their quest for cattle.142

Furthermore, successfully carrying out soldiery (vry) is one way to

maintain a dominant political position in early Vedic culture:

141 Cf. V.6.32.1, where Indra is a great soldier, courageous, enduring (mah vrya tavse

turya), and brings soldiers and livestock (virapine). The term virapn appears to be originally
a collocation of *vra-pv-<*vr-pa = bringing soldiers and cattle/livestock. See Mayrhofer
(EWA 17: 559). Cf. Watkins (1995: 42ff.), who discusses the Indo-European merism PROTECT
(*pah2-) MEN (*ihxro-) (and) LIVESTOCK (*peu-). The development of v- rap- to mean
overflowing is secondary.
142 Cf. V.1.93.4: gnom cti td vry v yd mutam avasm pa g

| vtiratam

bsayasya vindata jytir kam bahbhya. O Fire and Soma, this act of soldiery (vry) of
you two has been perceived, since you stole from the miser his milk/food, his cows. The two of
you brought low the posterity of Bsaya. You found the single light for the many.

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V.1.57.5: bhri ta indra vry tva smasy asy stotr maghavan kmam pa | nu te

dyar bhat vrym mama iy ca te pthiv nema jase.

O Indra, your soldiery (vry) is abundant; we are yours. O munificent one, fulfill the
wish of the praiser. The lofty heaven has been measured out according to your soldiery
(vry) and the earth here bowed before your authority (jas).

The adjective bhri, abundant, often qualifies types of wealth, and for this
reason it is evident why it would modify vry.143 The imperative to bestow wealth
is further seen in stanza b, where Indra is invoked as a munificent benefactor
(voc. maghavan) and instructed to appease his praiser. All of this is then
correlated with Indras duty to take control of the cosmos as an act of soldiery
(vry), and his right to subjugate the earth to his political authority (jas). The
correlation between bhri, vry, and the acquisition of wealth is also evident in
the following verse:
V.1.103.5: td asyedm payat bhri pu rd ndrasya dhattana vryya | s g

avindat s avindad vn s adh s ap s vnni.

Look here at this abundant prosperity of his. Place your trust in the soldiery (vry) of
Indra. He found the cows, he found the horses, he the herbs, he the waters, he the trees.

Vry thus reflects the idea that wealth and warfare are coterminous ideals
in early Vedic culture. Consider also the following verse:

143 Thus V.8.55.1 states: bhrd ndrasya vry vy khyam abhy yati | rdhas te dasyave vka.

Indeed I have surveyed Indras abundant soldiery ( vry). Your generosity will come over here, O
Dasyave Vka. Cf. V.1.81.2: si h vra sny si bhri pardad | si dabhrsya cid vdh

yjamnya ikasi sunvat bhri te vsu. Indeed, O soldier, you are the one for the army. You
are the one who gives away much. You are the reinforcer even of the paltry. You strive to make an
effort for the sacrificer. For the presser your treasure is abundant.

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V.8.61.18: prabhag ro maghv tuvmagha smmilo vryya km | ubh te bh

va atakrato n y vjram mimiktu.

The shattering warlord (ra), the munificent one is aggressively munificent,
equipped/prepared for soldiery (vry). Both your arms are bulls, O one of a hundred
resolves, both of which firmly fixed themselves around the mace.

This verse explicitly demonstates that martiality and munificence overlap. All the
above verses also stress that Indra cannot keep the spoils of war for himself, but
must follow the ethical guidelines of vry and distribute his plunder. In a similar
vein, individuals who do not offer sacrifice are castigated:
V.1.131.4: vid e asy vrysya prva pro yd indra radr avtira ssahn

avtira | sas tm indra mrtyam yajyu avasas pate | mahm amu pthivm im
ap mandasn im ap.
The Prus know of this soldiery (vry) of yours, when, O Indra, you brought down the
autumnal forts, dominating, you brought them down. O Indra, you will chastise this
mortal who does not offer sacrifice, O lord of capacity (vas). You stole the great earth
and these waters, being exhilarated (on/you stole) these waters.144

Indras seasonal conquest of enemy settlements and pastoral territory in times of

migratory warfare plays a substantial role in securing various kinds of wealth and
prosperity for early Vedic ryans. In the next section we will see that the
distribution of wealth (vidtha) is a key component in the way a vr is conceived.
Hence, the invective against anyone unwilling to sacrifice in the above verse, may

144 Cf. V.8.54.1: ett ta indra vry grbhr gnti krva | t stbhanta rjam van

ghtactam paurso nakan dhtbhi. This soldiery (vry) of yours, O Indra, the bards sing with
songs. Sounding out, they aided the ghee-dripping invigoration. The Pauras will approach with
their insights.

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indicate that the mortal was unwilling to distribute any income from conquest.
The distribution of the spoils of war is thus a telling statement of the
responsibilities associated with soldiery (vry) and group solidarity in early Vedic
culture.

4.5.b. The Distribution Ceremony (vidtha)

While a vr has a minor role in the actual staging of early Vedic rituals, his duty is
overwhelmingly recognized and mediated in the ritual distribution ceremony
(vidtha). Thieme (1949: 35-49) cogently argues that the term vidtha refers to
different forms of ritualized distribution and allocation, whether in the form of
oblations, prizes, spoils of war, commands or the arrangement of cosmic
processes and phenomena. The vidtha seems to take place as a component of
the larger sma ritual or perhaps even stands for the entire ritual synecdochically.
Since the primary obligation of a vr is to acquire wealth, then it is absolutely
appropriate that both vr and vry are repeatedly discussed in the context of the
distribution ceremony. Furthermore, it is no surprise that the distribution
ceremony is the ritual arena in which various warrior types (vr, suvra) hold
sway and in turn are invested with their status and duty. For example:
V.1.117.25: etni vm avin vryi pr prvyy yvo vocan | brhma kvnto

va yuvbhy suvrso vidtham vadema.

O Avins, yus descendants have proclaimed these previous acts of soldiery (vry-) of
you two. Creating a formulation for you two, O bulls, may we, possessing good soldiers,
declare/address (these acts) here (to) the distribution ceremony.

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Thieme (1949: 44) suggests that this verse alludes to the distribution of the spoils
of war or prizes of a hunt/expedition. While the syntax is unclear in this verse,
perhaps the suvra-, that is, the individuals who control other vr-, are deeply
concerned with proclaiming the Avins acts of soldiery (vry-) in the distribution
ceremony. A similar idea appears in the following verse to a prize-winning race
horse:
V.1.162.1: m no mitr vruo aryamyr ndra bhuk marta pri khyan | yd

vjno devjtasya spte pravakymo vidthe vryi.

Let Mitra, Varua, Aryaman, yu, Indra, bhukan and the Maruts not look past us,
since we will proclaim the acts of soldiery (vry-) of the prize-winning god-born race
horse at the distribution ceremony.

Likewise:
V.5.29.13, to Indra: kath n te pri cari vidvn vry maghavan y cakrtha | y co

n nvy kva aviha prd u t te vidtheu bravma.

And, as one who knows, how will I now encapsulate/attend to your acts of soldiery
(vry-), O munificent one, which you have performed, and which new ones you will
perform now, O most capacious one? We will most surely pronounce these (acts) of
yours in the distribution ceremonies.

These verses indicate that when Indra (or a horse) carries out his acts of soldiery
and wins prizes in combat or competition, he receives substantial public
recognition and praise in the specific ritual arena (vidtha).145 This may also

145 This arena may also be where political allegiances are won and lost. See, e.g., V.7.18.13d:

jma pr vidthe mdhrvcam. May we defeat Pru of scornful/negligent speech in the

distribution ceremony.

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suggest that the same reality applies to human vr-. If this is the case, then the
following verse underscores the responsibility of a vr in the distribution
ceremony:
V.6.24.2, to Indra: tturir vr nryo vcet rt hva gat urvyti | vsu so

nar krdhy vj stut vidthe dti vjam.

The triumphant soldier (vr), worthy to be a man, discerning, is one who hears the
invocation of the singer, is one whose help is wide-ranging: As the treasured eulogy of
men, nursing the bard, praised as the prize-winner, he gives the prize in the distribution
ceremony.146

This verse indicates that the vidtha is the specific arena in which Indra as a vr
distributes his wealth. This ritual reality may thus underscore the responsibility of
all human soldiers. In turn, a soldier (vr) shares a reciprocal relationship with
the poet who praises him. For example:
V.1.61.14: asyd u bhiy girya ca dh dyv ca bhm janas tujete | po vensya

jguvna o sady bhuvad vryya nodh.

Surely out of fear of his birth, the steadfast mountains, and heaven and earth are in
upheaval. Repeatedly calling out to him, the arm of the pursuer, this one, (the poet)
Nodhas will immediately be present for (Indras) soldiery (vry).
V.6.50.6: abh ty vr grvaasam arcndram brhma jaritar nvena | rvad d

dhvam pa ca stvno rsad vj pa mah gn .

146 At V.6.21.8ab, Indra is instructed to listen to the current poet create a sacred formulation

(brhman), and is called O soldier, who nurses the bard(s) (voc. vra krudhyas).

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Chant out to this soldier (vr) who covets songs, to Indra with a new sacred
formulation, O singer. He will surely hear the invocation, and, being praised, he will
bestow prizes: he is greatly sung about.147

Hence, by successfully carrying out his duty as a vr, Indra accrues great social
and ritual recognition, and it seems is duty bound to offer rewards to his
worshippers. This reality may once again underscore one responsibility of human

vr-, who must distribute wealth to other ritual participants. This idea also
underlies the following verse:
V.8.63.6: ndre vvni vry ktni krtvni ca | ym ark adhvar vid.
In Indra are all acts of soldiery (vry-), whether performed or to be performed, he is the
one whom the chanters know throughout the rite.148

Elsewhere, as vr-, the Maruts are praised and said to become exhilarated
at the distribution ceremony:
V.1.85.1d: mdanti vr vidtheu ghvaya.

147 Cf. V.6.21.1b, where Indra is a soldier worthy to be invoked (hvya), and V.6.45.13a, to

Indra: O soldier who covets songs (voc. vra girvaa). Also V.10.111.1cd: ndra satyar

raym ktbhi s h vr girvaasyur vdna. We will set Indra in motion here with real acts,
for he is a soldier (vr) known to long for songs. Cf. V.6.63.10c, where an obscure singular
vocative (vra) appears in a hymn to the Avins. And V.8.46.14ab, to Indra: abh vo vrm

ndhaso mdeu gya | gir mah vcetasam. When in the exhilarations of your plant, sing out to
the soldier (vr), with a great song to the discerning one.
148 See also V.2.16.2: ysmd ndrd bhat k canm t vvny asmin smbhtdhi vry |

jahre sma tanv sho mho haste vjram bhrati ri krtum. Lofty Indra, without whom
there is nothing, in him all (acts/signs of) soldiery (vry-) are brought together: In his stomach he
bears sma, in his body he bears great dominance (shas), in his hand he bears the mace, and in
his head he bears resolve.

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The lively soldiers (vr-) become exhilarated in the distribution ceremonies.149

This process also extends to other gods:

V.3.56.8: trr uttam d rocanni tryo rjanty surasya vr | tvna iir

dbhsas trr div vidthe santu dev.

Threefold are the highest realms of light, difficult to reach. Three soldiers (vr-) of the
Asuric-lord rule. Let the truthful, refreshed, difficult to deceive gods be at the
distribution ceremony three times a day.

Moreover, an Asura is fully expected to act according to his prescribed role:

V.7.56.24ab: asm vr maruta umy stu jnn y suro vidhart.
Among us let there be an explosive soldier (vr), O Maruts, who is the Asuric-lord of
the tribes and a dispenser.

This verse states that this Asura is, at least, a vr. He is expected to acknowledge
his poets loyalty with gifts, and in turn they will substantiate his leadership. Even
a politically powerful vr must act in accordance with the precepts of soldiery.
The distribution ceremony (vidtha) is thus one of the primary ritual arenas in
which vr and vry are recognized and publicly sanctioned. This further confirms
that the overarching role of a vr in accord with his vry is to engage in battles in
order to capture the spoils.

149 Cf. also V.6.66.10, where the Maruts act as ritual participants: tvmanto adhvarsyeva

didyt tucyvaso juhv ngn | arctrayo dhnayo n vr bhrjajjanmno marto dh .

Awesome like the missile of the rite, agitating with thirst like the tongues of fire, the Maruts are
chanting like boisterous soldiers (vr-), with blazing births, not to be dared against.

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4.6. Conclusion
In the last book of the gveda, we are presented with a unique verse, which
advocates that early Vedic warriors should carve out their own place in the realm
of soldiery (vry):
V.10.117.9: sama cid dhstau n sam vivia sammtr cin n sam duhte |

yamyo cin n sam vryi jt cit sntau n samm pta.

Even both hands that are the same, (yet) their labour is not the same. Even two similar
mother (cows) give milk that is not the same. Even the acts of soldiery (vry-) of twins
are not the same. Even two who are blood relations do not fulfill the same.

The poet, Bhiku girasa, seems to be implying that outside the ritual arena
each act of soldiery (vry) stands on its own merits. In a matter-of-fact way, this
poet acknowledges the individuality of martial endeavours in everyday life. He
may thus be challenging the standard mode of gvedic rhetoric that ignores such
realities, and suggesting that individual acts of soldiery ( vry) should be
recognized in the ritual arena. If this is the case, then this verse would be the only
one to criticize the ritual processes whereby human acts of soldiery are subsumed
under the rubric of Indra. While great stock is placed on the performance of new
martial deeds, originality is not acceptible in a cult of violence centered on the
war-god Indra. However, this poet may be undermining this all-encompassing
ritual ideology, or at least pointing out its reality for real people.
Therefore, the terms vr and vry express the basic imperative to wage
war for the accumulation of wealth. Vr and vry appear to be fundamental
cultural ideals in a martial society consumed with systematic and ritualized
rapine. The gvedic evidence suggests that the larger community maintained
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systems of opportunity for its males, whether young or old, and also provided
them with legitimate means for survival, social status, and economic gain.150 The
clans or tribes were able to thrive because they provided a way in which its male
members could structure their lives through a system of prestige and respect. A
mans status as a vr would have been an important means of self-protection
from the many threats of living in the ancient world. More importantly, this
system provided an opportunity for financial gain and perhaps upward social
mobility.151 The use of vr and vry reproduces early Vedic martial ideals
through shaping the identities of real human warriors. What is more, ryan men
diligently propagate a violent ideology centered on the vr, yet they are also
subject to its tenets and must have paid the ultimate price for their allegiance.

Vr and vry signal an important social and martial code for men who are
prepared to fight and die for the greater good of their tribe. To paraphrase
Jankowski (1991: 139), for the ryan man, especially the vr, violence is the
currency of life and becomes the currency of the economy of the tribe.152

150 In relation to modern gangs, Spergel (1995: 72) states: What

is critical is the need for

structure that provides the social support, controls, and opportunities for development that the
youth requires. Conflict and opposition are means to establish boundaries, turf ownership, or
social status. They are thus one important process for achieving meaningful structure or
organization.
151 Cf. Rosenthal (2000: 124).
152 Cf. also Jankowski (1991: 139): The violence associated with

members of gangs emerges from

low-income communities where limited resources are aggressively sought by all, and where the
residents view violence as a natural state of affairsGang members are not absolutely adverse to

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In a vicious cycle, allegiance to the ideals of early Vedic martiality makes

violence an inevitable part of ryan life. Since violence from those of ryan stock
is implicitly under-girded and driven by Indra and even carried out by the god
himself in human form, then a constant ritual and martial struggle to invoke Indra
and to secure his loyalty is of utmost concern, not to mention utterly crucial for
survival: even their own god of war is a constant danger to ryan warriors and
clan-members. Indra is not just the embodiment of martiality, he is also the
paramount threat to those individuals who accepted his presence and morality.
The gveda attests a highly militarized society and is itself a highly militant text.
Moreover, violence, machismo, and male aggressiveness are core values in early
Vedic culture. It is easy to see that much of the social tension and conflict in early
Vedic society comes not only from the realities of surviving in the ancient world,
but also from the very gods in which so much value and gravitas is invested. ryan
violence is both a necessity and a significant cultural construct in which, as the
evidence demonstrates, males are beholden to participate.

being injured; to them, injuries can be used as commendations. Scars are displayed like medals,
and members who do not have them are always a little envious.

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Chapter 5: jas: Power and Authority

5.1. Introduction
The next three chapters will consider the meaning of three power terms that
frequently appear throughout the gveda, that is, jas, shas, and vas.1 These
three terms frequently overlap in martial and political contexts. For example:
V.4.17.3, to Indra: bhind gir vas vjram inn vikvn sahasn ja |

vdhd vtr vjrea mandasn srann po jvas hatv.

Hurling his mace, he split the mountain through his capacity (vas), displaying, as he
acts with dominance (sahasn), his authority (jas). He, being elated, slew Vtra with his
mace. The waters flowed with speed, they whose bull was smashed.2

Part of the problem with interpreting the three terms in question is the fact that
they often appear together in the same verse. Past scholarship readily obscures
the meaning of each term by supplying generic markers such as power,
strength, force, or might. In addition, these imprecise translations are
readily interchanged among all three terms.3 This only conflates the underlying
core meaning of each term and makes it impossible to distinguish one term from
the other. Translations such as power fail to designate exactly what is

1 For the distribution of these three terms throughout the gveda, see the Appendix.
2 For discussion and morphology of the form sahasn, see Insler (1968: 10ff.).
3 For example, at V.4.17.3 (quoted above), Geldner (1951, 1: 438) supplies Kraft for vas and

Strke for jas. At V.1.39.8 in which both terms appear, he supplies Macht for vas and Kraft
for jas. This kind of example could be expanded at length in relation to all power terms and
across many scholarly works.

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semantically and symbolically at stake. More importantly, the universal

acceptance of these terms as markers of physical or metaphysical power fails to
capture significant social and political ramifications. Consequently, past
considerations of these power terms have been inadequate.
The primary goal of the following chapters is to illuminate the welldefined social, ritual, and political realities underlying jas, shas, and vas. This
investigation will demonstrate that each member of this power trinity functions in
its own distinct semantic field, yet all three terms overlap with each other in
various contexts. As an initial heuristic statement, it is true that jas, shas, and

vas are the closest thing we have to an early Vedic recognition of physical
power, strength, might, or some kind of characteristic, capability, or aptitude to
bring about certain effects. This fact is not lost on past scholars although
consistency is lacking in translation. As the above verse demonstrates, jas, shas,
and vas closely resemble each other and all three terms operate in parallel
martial and political contexts. Nevertheless, the next three chapters will
demonstrate that the three terms are not absolute synonyms. In short, jas, more
than any other gvedic term, signals physical power through which Indra defeats
Vtra. Nonetheless, physical power is also a statement of political power in early
Vedic culture. Consequently, jas also demarcates a warlords authority over
people and the universe, which derives from specific ritual and political activities,
especially the act of drinking sma. Shas is a fairly circumscribed term that
reflects a warlords ability to overcome opponents in battle and his resulting state
of martial dominance. Such notions extend to the ritual Fire, who exerts his
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dominance over the ritual arena and martial realities. vas signals the opening
up and control of the cosmos, natural resources, and territory, which the warlord
(ra) must usurp from Vtra. The poetic use of vas consistently invokes images
of volume, space, expanse, and swelling, which are set in opposition to the
metaphor of confinement, constriction, and limitation, which is exemplified by
the serpent Vtra.
Therefore, by methodically reconsidering each power term, I will bring to
light some substantial consequences for our understanding of early Vedic social,
ritual, and political realities. We have already seen that mythologized projections
of Indras physical and political exploits serve to reproduce the identities of real
human warriors and kings. When such individuals are associated with power
terms, they are being implicitly and symbolically instructed to carry out Indras
mandate in the real world. By imitating Indra, warriors encode martial values into
their own identities and thereby state their allegiance and commitment to a
violent ideology. In turn, this ideology reproduces such values through
reproducing the warriors who internalize them and bring them to fruition in the
real world. Therefore, jas, shas, and vas must be systematically examined in
order to understand the core meaning and contextual themes of each term. The
next three chapters will also consider the interlocking relationships of all three
terms. This will clarify instances in which two or three of these terms appear
together in a single verse. This chapter will consider in detail the meaning and
function of jas. Chapters six and seven will examine the terms shas and vas
respectively. Let us now turn our attention to the term jas.
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5.2.a. Power: the meaning(s) of jas

This chapter will demonstrate that the concept of physical strength overlaps with
the concept of cosmological and political authority, as seen in the use of the word

jas. Outside of compounds, jas appears a total of 168 times in the gveda: 51
times in the family books, 76 times (approx. 45% of total) in Kva/girasa
books 1 and 8 (of which 31 appearances occur in V.1.51-191, approx. 20% of
total), 16 times in book 9, and 25 times in book 10. The Indo-European heritage
of jas points to the proto-form *h2g-es-, and its adjectival form is ugr (*h2ug-

r-). jas is also related to the Vedic root vak-/uk- (*h2eg/*h2eg-s) to

increase, grow, be great, be/make strong.4 The meaning and function of jas is
consistent throughout the entire gveda, and little or no semantic development is
evident. This underscores the fact that jas has a deep-seated and resilient
meaning within early Vedic culture.
One of the most telling aspects of jas is its repeated connections with
physcial acts and the body, especially as seen in the use of the instrumental jas
with/through/due to jas.5 For example, Indra smashes (han-) rivals,6 and

4 Cf. Avestan aog/aoah, Latin augur/augustus, English august, augment. For detailed discussion

of jas and ugr, see Gonda (1952; 1957); for an etymological survey, see Mayrhofer (EWA 4: 278;
17: 485-486); for vak-/uk-, see Kiehnle (1979), & Jamison (1983: 165f.).
5 The instrumental case can express the means by which an action is achieved, that is, with, by,

through X, and can also be read as a marker of cause, reason, and motive, that is, through, by
reasons of, due to X. See Speijer (1998 [1886]: 48-52). Cf. Wackernagel (AIG II, 2: 230), who
takes jas as an abverb, krftig [powerfully, forcefully].

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pulverizes (pr- m-) them through jas.7 The war-god destroys (v- na-),
crushes (sm- han-), and splits apart (v- bhid-) forts (pr-) through jas.8
Indra strikes out (nr- han-) Vtra from the waters and slays (vadh-) him
through jas.9 Indra broke (bhaj-) an enemys battle fury (many) through

jas, and battle fury pushes away (v- nud-) rivals while showing the measure of
its jas.10 Indra also roams about (car-) either with jas or on account of his

jas.11 Indra and Varua drill out (nu- td-) holes for the waters through their
jas.12 The Maruts push up (rdhv nud-) a cistern through their jas, and
perhaps split apart a steadfast mountain in the same way.13 Soma rends asunder
(v- ruj-) sturdy objects through his jas, and Soma releases the cows by cutting
open (nr- kt-) a stone through jas.14 Moreover, through Somas jas, Indra
shook apart (v- d-/ard-) the Serpent.15 It is apparent that jas denotes a type of
physical power, strength, or force in these instances. As a general
observation, and one that will be confirmed throughout this chapter, nearly all the
verbs in the verses containing jas denote violent action in some form. It is no

6 V.2.25.4c, & V.4.32.3ab.

7 V.10.103.6.
8 V.8.97.14ab, V.1.55.6; V.1.53.7b; & V.8.33.7cd, respectively.
9 V.1.80.2c, & V.1.80.11c.
10 V.8.4.5b, & V.10.84.2.
11 V.8.33.8d.
12 V.7.82.3a.
13 V.1.85.10.
14 V.9.34.1c, & V.9.108.6b.
15 V.1.187.1.

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surprise then that jas is repeatedly connected with the body (tan) and arms
(bhvjas) of a warrior.16
The main thrust of the following chapter will be to demonstrate that, in
the gveda, the term jas means power, but this is a form of power that relates
specifically to an elite cosmological and political position. jas thus resonates in
fundamentally social and political contexts as well as physical ones. It is power
that has been recognized within the ritual and legitimated within a contingent
political arena. This chapter will thus argue that the English word authority best
captures the social and political ramifications of jas. While one facet of jas
definitely expresses an early Vedic recognition of physical strength, it is not
generic in conceptualization or attribution: only a select few individuals and
phenomena are ever associated with jas. In particular, jas almost exclusively
belongs to Indra.17 Hence, jas is a specific type of power that Indra is expected to
manifest physically, cosmologically, and politically. It is closely connected with

shas, yet quite distinct from vas. In early Vedic rhetoric such terms do not
display a high state of interchangeability, as is the case of English strength,
might, power, force, or energy. When Indra strikes Vtra with jas, the

16 See, e.g., V.1.135.9, V.2.36.5, V.5.57.6, V.8.20.6, V.8.93.2, V.8.96.3, & V.10.111.6.

It is interesting to note that vkas derives from vak-/uk-, and means chest/breast. See
Kiehnle (1979: 110-117, 241), who also translates vkas as breast armour (Brustwehr).
17 Of its 168 appearances (outside of compounds) in the gveda, jas relates to Indra

approximately 65% (including 5 times Bhaspati, 4 times Indra & Varua), Maruts 11%, Soma
9%, Vive Dev/dityas 3% (5 times), Agni 2% (4 times), and miscellaneous 10% to other gods
(Savit, Srya, Heaven & Earth, Wind), a human (Purruvas), ua/barbarians (involving Indras
destruction thereof), and other phenomena (wood, drum, river, body, many).

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poet is invoking a different physical image and social message than if Vtra was
engaged with shas or vas. When a gvedic poet deploys jas, he intentionally
draws attention to specific physical and political ramifications. jas is thus an
indicator of a particular way in which early Vedic poets viewed the body within
society, rather than merely reflecting a natural or universal physical characteristic.
As this chapter will show, strength in ancient India is culturally constructed in
order to socialize elite men within a ritualized system of early Vedic martiality.18
To quote Connerton (1989: 104) at length:
It is asserted that the body is socially constituted; but the ambiguity in the term
constitution tends to go unexamined. That is to say, the body is seen to be socially
constituted in the sense that it is constructed as an object of knowledge or discourse; but
the body is not seen equally clearly to be socially constituted in the sense that it is
culturally shaped in its actual practices and behaviour.

Hence, this chapter will explore in-depth the manner in which social and political
values are symbolically mapped onto the physical body of early Vedic warriors.

5.2.b. Power that is Cosmological and Political Authority

jas is not purely a statement of physical strength, as its meaning also resonates
in a social realm. The wider meaning of jas denotes cosmological and political
power, which is often achieved through physical means. This social and political
interpretation of jas is evident in the following brief assessment. The Maruts,
18 Lock & Scheper-Hughes (1987: 25) aptly state: In addition to controlling bodies in a time of

crisis, societies regularly reproduce and socialize the kind of bodies that they need. Aggressive (or
threatened) societies, for example, often require fierce and foolhearty warriors.

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Indras loyal band of warrior gods, chant to (arc-) his jas.19 The Maruts
establish/confer (dh-) the martial gods jas, and in a similar fashion jas is
conferred on them.20 Indra shows the measure of (m-) his jas,21 and is also
said to be lord of (pat-) powerful (ugr) vas and bold jas.22 The use of the
verb

pat-

unmistakably

denotes

political

realities.

Likewise,

Indras

commandments are upheld (dhtvrata) when the god is ritually connected with

jas.23 And finally, heaven, earth, and the immortal gods obey Indras jas.24 We
can see in these limited verses that jas not only operates in physical contexts, but
is also a marker of social and political status.
Let us expand on this initial evaluation. In one verse, Indra is afforded
political and ritual deference on account of his jas:
V.3.62.5: cim arkar bhasptim adhvaru namasyata | nmy ja cake.
With chants you all must bow in homage to bright Bhaspati (=Indra) at the rites. I
desire here his unbending power (jas).

Indras jas is desired/cherished (- kan-) because, presumably, it does not bow

before his worshippers or opponents. The adjective nmin, unbending,

19 V.3.32.3b. Cf. V.1.132.5de, & V.1.19.4ab.

20 V.3.47.3d, & V.5.57.6b.
21 V.5.31.7b. For other appearances of jas with m-, to measure/show the measure of, see

V.2.17.2, V.4.41.4, V.5.31.7, V.5.55.2, V.7.82.6, & V.10.84.2.

22 V.3.36.4b: -ugr va patyate dhv ja.
23 V.8.97.11. Cf. V.10.44.4c, where Indra is commanded to produce power (jas), seize it

altogether unto yourself (ja kva s gbhya tv py).

24 V.6.18.15ab.

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appears in only one other instance with katr, a noun that explicitly refers to
political rule.25 The verb nam- to bow, bend, and its denominative form
namasy- to bow in homage from nmas homage, draws attention to the
ethics and relationships of political respect. This is further evident in the
following verse:
V.5.32.10: ny smai dev svdhitir jihta ndrya gtr uatva yeme | s yd jo yuvte

vvam bhir nu svadhvne kityo namanta.

The goddess Independence places herself beneath him. The way yielded itself to Indra
like a willing woman. When total power (jas) is affiliated with them, then the
settlements bow to the independent one.26

The hymn in which this verse appears documents Indras destruction of one of his
main political enemies. In killing Dnava, Indra can claim outright martial and
political supremacy, and for this reason, the settlements acknowledge his status,
his total power (vva jas), and acquiesce to the war-god. Elsewhere, the AllGods (vve dev) are said to embody jas and are thus commanded to keep
adversaries at bay.27 In a similar vein, the tribes only accept Indra once the deity
has protected them, and thereby secured his political position:
V.5.31.13: y cknanta cknanta n t mrt amta m t ha ran | vvandh

yjyr ut tu dhehy jo jneu yu te syma.

25 V.6.8.6b: unbending dominion, undecaying good soldiery ( nmi katrm ajra suvryam).

For katr, see Schlerath (1960: 114-131), who rightly supplies Herrschaft.
26 Grassmann (1976 [1873]: 1624) translates svdhiti as Axt, die himmlische Axt. The translation

divine axe simply makes no sense here. I follow Geldner (1951, 2: 31), who agrees with Syaa
that svdhiti is from svadh.
27 V.2.29.2ab.

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Those who take pleasure will now take pleasure. The mortals, O immortal: do not let
them encounter constraint. Respect the worshipful ones and establish power (jas)
among your tribes, among whom may we be.

This tribe wants to be subject to Indras jas. A similar verse underscores the fact
that success in martial endeavours guarantees the allegiance of a discerning
audience:
V.1.55.5: s n mahni samithni majmn kti yudhm jas jnebhya | dh can

rd dadhati tvmata ndrya vjra nighnighnate vadhm.

This one surely creates/performs great contests due to his greatness; he is a fighter for
the tribes due to his power (jas). And then, they place their trust in the awesome Indra
(when) he repeatedly smashed down his deadly weapon, his mace.

It is evident then that Indras physical acts of violence have substantial social
ramifications for his worshippers. Moreover, the verses so far presented suggest
that jas relates to the control of people.
A related act of physical and political subjugation is expressed at
V.2.24.2a, where Indra bends down (nam-) those that had to be bent
(nntva-) through his jas. In a grander fashion, Indras demand for political
fealty relates to the entire cosmos:
V.1.57.5: bhri ta indra vry tva smasy asy stotr maghavan kmam pa | nu te

dyar bhat vrym mama iy ca te pthiv nema jase.

O Indra, your soldiery (vry) is abundant; we are yours. O munificent one, fulfill the
wish of the praiser. The lofty heaven has been measured out according to your soldiery
(vry) and the earth here bowed before your power (jas).

All of the above verses highlight the physical and political connotations
that underlie the use of jas. However, the war-gods physical and political state is
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a double-edged sword as heaven and earth move away from fear of his reach
(jryas), that is, his power (jas):
V.5.32.9: k asya ma tvi varta ko dhn bharate pratta | im cid asya

jryaso n dev ndrasyajaso bhiys jihte.

Who will check his explosiveness, his aggression? Alone, the one unable to be assailed
carries away the stakes. Even now these two goddesses move away from fear of his
reach/expanse, of Indras power (jas).28

In contrast, political and territorial expansionism takes place under the

auspices of heaven and earth:
V.1.160.5: t no gn mahin mhi rva katr dyvpthiv dhsatho bht |

ynbh ks tatnma vivh panyyam jo asm sm invatam.

O great ones, being extolled, the two of you will establish for us great reputation, lofty
dominion, O heaven and earth, through which we will stretch out our communities every
day. Compel power (jas) worthy of admiration/respect to us.29

The poet expresses a concern to stretch out/expand (tan-) the communities or

boundaries (k-) of the ryan tribes. This underlines the elite concern for
political and territorial growth during seasonal migrations, and the ensuing

28

Cf. V.3.32.3b, & V.8.97.14: tvm pra indra cikd en vy jas aviha akra naydhyai |

tvd vvni bhvanni vajrin dyv rejete pthiv ca bh. O Indra, you perceive (how) to
obliterate these forts through your power (jas), O most capacious akra/Able one. O macewielder, all the living worlds tremble before you, both heaven and earth tremble with fear. For a
further statement of Indras fearful state, see V.10.54.1 (where the two worlds fear Indra, as he
extends the gods jas to defeat the Dsa). A similar characteristic is ascribed to Indras loyal
henchmen at V.7.58.2.
29 Cf. V.1.7.8, & V.8.62.2.

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requisite for control over clan-based groups. Moreover, the poets request for
great reputation (mhi rvas) and lofty dominion (bht katr) underscore why

jas commands admiration/respect (panyya). Hence, jas once again features in

a social and political context pertaining to the control of peoples. The fact that

jas reflects the control of peoples is explicitly evident in the following verses:
V.7.82.9ab: asmkam indrvaru bhrebhare puroyodh bhavata kyojas.
For us, O Indra and Varua, in every raid, be our vanguard, O you who have power
(jas) over the communities.
V.8.6.26: yd ag taviysa ndra prarjasi kit | mah apr jas.
Since, to be sure, you act aggressively, O Indra, you rule over the settlements, as the
great and unparalleled one through your power (jas).30
V.10.180.3: ndra katrm abh vmm j jyath vabha caranm | pnudo

jnam amitrayntam ur devbhyo akor ulokm.

O Indra, you were born to (desired) dominion (katr), desired authority (jas), O bull
of the boundary people. You pushed away the tribe that made no alliance, for the gods
you made a wide space.

Therefore, all of the above verses illuminate the fact that the type of
power conveyed by jas indicates a state of political authority over people,
communities, tribes, and ultimately heaven and earth. In fact, these political
ramifications suggest that jas is very close in meaning, if not identical to, the

30

Note in the next verse (V.8.6.27) the clans (v-) call on Indra for help because drinking sma

has made him the wide expanse (urujryas), a metaphorical recognition of Indras right to claim
territorial control.

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English notion of authority, where authority designates command, influence,

and control of physical, social, political, and cosmological realities. While the
introductory chapters have problematized Gondas early work on the power
terms, his final thoughts on jas are interesting. After some forty years of working
with the power terms, and in one of his last publications, Gonda (1989: 30-31, 3638, 59, 122) concludes that jas consistently means authority.31 The English
word authority may itself be cognate, however distant, with jas. The ProtoIndo-European form *h2g/*aug- appears in Latin as augre-, to increase,
from which derive English augment, author, authorize, and authority
(see Watkins 2000). While there is certainly not a direct connection between
English authority and Sanskrit jas, we should nevertheless keep in mind that
the PIE root has maintained notions of increase, control, status, and influence
throughout its various manifestations and developments. Therefore, it is not
surprising that Vedic jas and English authority share a semantic resemblance,
despite the extreme temporal and cultural separation. The shared political
resonances are evident in the fact that Roman rulers took the title Augustus and
Indra is primarily connected with jas and ugr.

31 In typical fashion, Gonda (1989: 5, 147, 162-163, 199) also suggests that jas signals the

prestige or authority emanating from [Indras] creative energy or simply creative authority.
He also notes that ugr means authority, authoritative, energetically powerful (Gonda 1989: 49,
144, 160), and the superlative jiha means most authoritative-and-effective or most
impressive, powerful, prominent (1989: 20, 71). The compound samtyojas also means
unequalled authority (1989: 28).

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Therefore, in many of its appearances, the gvedic evidence indicates that

authority best expresses the meaning and function of jas. In saying this, let me
make a brief remark on translation idiom. The token words I have selected to
mark jas, shas, and vas throughout this dissertation are authority,
dominance, and capacity respectively. The next three chapters will justify
these translations on detailed semantic and semiotic grounds. Nevertheless, these
translations should only be understood as token markers. To my mind, they are
the closest English words to approximate each terms specific meaning and
function. In some cases however their appearance will be unidiomatic in English.
Take jas, for example: We do not normally think of physical acts as being carried
out with authority (jas), although this is not entirely outside of English usage.
We would normally expect that such acts where executed with strength, force, or
might, and jas certainly signals a display of physical power. However, the main
problem is that if jas was constantly marked with power, we fail to define
exactly what kind of power we are talking about. Moreover, it would be difficult to
avoid the magical or phenomenological pitfalls and problems that translations
such as power, strength, force, might can entail. Some appearances of
authority will nevertheless be awkward in English idiom, especially in overt
physical contexts. This awkwardness is useful as it draws attention to the use of

jas and keys us into a more complex semantic arena where physical power and
political power are simultaneously in play. Hence, authority nicely constrains
our understanding of jas. It also prevents translations from refracting in far too
diverse contexts to be intelligible. jas is consistently and coherently deployed in
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gvedic diction. To translate jas as power, or worse strength, might etc.,

would leave this specificity unstated, and would return us to the same problem of
past scholars by implicitly suggesting an open-ended and dangerously magicalcum-metaphysical paradigm. We must be cautious of power becoming strength,
strength becoming force, and force becoming energy.
In the gveda, physical power or strength directly corresponds to political
standing and influence the physical is political, and vice versa. Hence, gvedic
poets deploy jas deliberately to emphasize specific physical and political
realities. Thus, when used in translation, power and authority should be
understood as absolute synynoms. However, in order to minimize any confusion
in this chapter, jas will be marked with power or authority depending on
where this is best suited I have attempted to allievate some of the awkwardness
in specific verses. On the other hand, in many of the verses already cited power
could easily be replaced with authority. In all other chapters, I have consistently
marked jas with authority with the hope that the reader will be at once keyed
into overlapping physical and political realities. Let us continue to explore the
cosmological and political ramifications of jas throughout the subsequent
sections of this chapter.

5.2.c. Indra, Mastery (-), and jas

The use of jas by the Kva/girasa families provides a telling insight into the
way in which these two gvedic families, at least, understood jas, and may allude

314

to their political and ritual machinations.32 Of all gvedic poets, the

Kva/girasas alone utilize the refrain na jas, whereby Indra is acting as
master due to his power/authority. This refrain goes a long way to underscoring
the social and political importance and connotations of jas.33 Thus, two verses to
Indra state:
V.1.175.4ab: muy srya kave cakrm na jas.
O sage, steal the Suns disc, acting as master due to your authority (jas).34
V.1.130.9a-c: sra cakrm pr vhaj jt jas prapitv vcam aru muyatn

muyati.
The one who is born with power (jas) tore out the Suns disc, and at daybreak the
tawny one steals speech, acting as master he steals it away.

The last verse underscores the fact that political power is brought about through
violent physical means. It seems that Indras jas entails an act of stealing, which
perhaps alludes to an illegitimate claim to political supremacy over the sun-god,
Srya. We certainly see that the Suns power corresponds to his cosmic control:
V.10.170.3, to Srya: id rha jyti jytir uttam vivajid dhanajd ucyate

bht | vivabhr bhrj mhi sryo d ur paprathe sha jo cyutam.

32 See the Appendix.

33 The basic elements of the refrain also appear at V.1.165.10. Cf. AV.9.2.3c (AVP.16.76.3c),

ugr na. See AV.15.5.1-7 (AVP.18.31.1-7), where na is personified as an archer (ivs).

34 Note V.9.97.41cd: dadhd ndre pvamna j janayat srye jytir ndu. Being purified,

he (Soma) conferred authority (jas) on Indra. The droplet produced the light in the Sun.

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This is the most glorious, highest light of lights, the lofty one is called all-winning, prizewinning. Blazing over all, the great blazing Sun spread his wide dominance (shas), his
unshakeable authority (jas), in order to be recognized.

The notion that the Suns light signals his position of martial control (shas) and
political power (jas) also appears in relation to the ritual Fire, where jas refers
to the intensity of well-fueled flames:
V.4.7.10: sady jtsya ddnam jo yd asya vto anuvti oc | vkti tigmm

atasu jihv sthir cid nn dayate v jmbhai.

As soon as born, his power (jas) revealed itself when the wind fans his flame. He
(Agni) twists his sharp tongue among the dried thickets. Even solid foods he disperses
with his jaws.35

Fires jas appears to be visible (d-) because of fuel in the form of wind (=
oxygen) and tinder. Elsewhere, Agni is further said to be shining with radiant
power (jas),36 which may also explain why the communities worship Fire for

jas.37 Schlerath (1960: 33-36, 59-60) and Oberlies (1998: 348-350, 358-362) have
demonstrated that, like Indra, Fire is considered to be a cosmic king, who

35 Likewise, cf. V.8.50.8, to Indra: rathirso hrayo y te asrdha jo vtasya pprati | ybhir n

dsyum mnuo nighayo ybhi sv paryase. Your bay chariot-horses, which are not accident
prone, overtake the jas of the wind, through whom you silenced the Dasyu of Manu, through
whom you go around the sun. Cf. V.7.91.4, & V.10.75.1: pr s va po mahimnam uttam

krr vocti sdane vivsvata | pr saptsapta tredh h cakram pr stvarm ti sndhur

jas. O Waters, the bard will proclaim your highest greatness in Vivasvants seat. For they
strode forth threefold, seven by seven; the Sindhu (strode) forth beyond (the reach) of the (other)
flowing (rivers) through its jas.
36 V.1.127.3a: jas virkmat ddyna.
37 V.8.75.10.

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presides over domestic and tribal realms. We will see that the refrain as soon as
born (sadys/skm + jan-) parallels Indras birth. Like Indra, whose
reinforcement comes from drinking sma and assuming jas at birth, Fires
strengthening comes from fuel, which is a standardized ritual act charged with
cosmological and political symbolism. Another verse complicates this issue:
V.8.6.41: ir h prvaj sy ka na jas | ndra cokyse vsu.
You are indeed the ancient born seer, acting solely as master due to your authority
(jas). O Indra, you repeatedly stoke the treasure.

The term vsu, treasure, good one, is often applied to Agni. Moreover, the
intensive verb sku- appears in another verse, as Indra stokes the clans ( v-)
and the descendants of Manu (manuy-).38 This perhaps alludes to the prodding
of Fire as the primary symbol of the clans/Manu in order to make it burn more
intensely for their benefit. Consequently, Indras status as a ritual expert (i) and
his position of mastery through jas may underscore his control of Fire in the
ritual arena. This is certainly not untenable, given the fact that the imagery of
Agni presupposes an analogy between the earthly Fire and the heavenly Sun: the
latter definitely being subject to Indras control.39 On this subject, Findly (1982: 7)
states: it is clear that Agni is not only the earthly representative of the celestial
light, but the fire which actually becomes the Sun in the morning ritual. Hence,
Agnis jas at V.4.7.10 may reflect at once the intensity of flames and Fires

38 V.6.47.16.
39 For direct reference to Agnis status as king, and his connection with the Sun, see V.1.98.1-2.

Also see V.3.1.12-14, V.6.7.1, 5-7, & V.10.88.1-14.

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cosmological and political power. This idea certainly corresponds to Agnis role as
the Sun.40 Findly (1982: 11) make this clear in relation to Agni as Vaivnara:
First, Vaivnaras solar imagery is based upon the concepts of mastery and lordship, and
of all-pervasiveness. Because he can see and be seen by all, Vaivnara the sun is the
master of the whole world and the pervader of all of space41

It seems then that Agnis jas is subject to Indras, despite both gods being kings
(rjan), and Indra exerts his power (jas) over the Sun and Agni to make sure
they provide warmth and light. This explains Indras theft of the Sun and the wargods subsequent position of mastery with jas.
The relationship between mastery, physical power, and political power is
further attested in other verses. For example:
V.8.17.9: ndra prhi purs tv vvasyna jas | vtri vtraha jahi.
O Indra, go forth in front, being master of everything due to your authority (jas); O
smasher of Vtra/obstacles, smash obstacles.42

Here Indra assumes a position of political supremacy and equally destroys

obstacles. It is certain then that, in the case of jas, assuming a state of political

40 The idea that flames and sunlight symbolize martial and political power is a theme we will also

encounter in the next chapter on shas.

41 Findly (1982: 22) further states: The meaning of the name Vaivnara, then, is as flexible and

yet as specific as the contexts in which it appears. When this Agni is the fire-become-sun, he has
power over and for all men as creatures, in that he sees and knows all, can give and take life, and is
the time-piece by which men count their days. When he is the conquering fire he has power over
and for all men as warriors, in that he can ensure an unrivaled peace and pre-eminence for all
Aryans.
42

V.8.17.9b = V.9.101.5d.

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control prefigures and facilitates physical violence. Hence, jas at once signals
physical and political power. This same idea appears in another verse:
V.8.32.14: yantram mhi sthirm ptansu ravojtam | bhrer nam

jas.
Him who is the guider/extender of the great firm (bow), who has won reputation in
battles, who is master of manifold things due to his authority (jas)43

Indras ability to successfully wage wars thus corresponds to his position of

political power and mastery. For this reason, one Kva poet can succinctly state:
V.8.40.5e: ndra na jas.
Indra acts as master due to his power/authority (jas).44

In addition, another poet recognizes Indras position within the ritual arena:
V.1.11.8: ndram nam jasbh stm anata | sahsra ysya rtya ut v snti

bhyas.

43 The neuter mhi is problematic. I follow Geldner (1951, 2: 344) here, who compares the

appearance of sthir with V.4.4.5, V.10.120.4, V.10.134.2, & V.10.116.5, which suggest the
stretching of a firm object, possibly a bow. However, sthir could equally qualify Indra and mhi
could be an abverb.
44 Cf. V.1.7.8: v ythva vsaga kr iyarty jas

| no pratikuta. Like a buffalo his

herds, the bull (Indra) promotes the communities through his power (jas), acting as the master
who cannot be driven back. For a related metaphor of control, see also V.2.25.3: sndhur n

kda mv ghyat veva vdhrr abh vay jas | agnr iva prsitir nha vrtave
yya yja kut brhmaas pti. Vigorous, like a surging river, he asserts his will over the
audacious/ballsy ones through his power (jas), like a bull over the castrated steers. Whomever
the lord of the sacred formulation makes a yokemate, like the onslaught of Fire, he can never be
contained/turned back.

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The praises have bellowed out to Indra, acting as master due to his authority (jas),
whose gifts are a thousand or even greater.45

The use of - throughout these verses thus underscores the fact that jas
signals a display of physical power that is equally an expression of political
authority and mastery: The physical is intimately and intrinsically intertwined with
the political in early Vedic culture. This interpretation of jas is not limited to
only the Kva and girasa families, as the next section will further clarify the
cosmological and political ramifications of jas, as they appear throughout the
entire gveda.

5.2.d. Cosmic Power and Authority: The Mountain and the Primordial Waters

jas features in many verses that depict the way in which various gods take
control of the cosmos. In one verse we see that command of the earth and sky is a
statement of cosmic and political ascendancy:
V.5.81.3: ysya prayam nv any d yayr dev devsya mahimnam jas | y

prthivni vimam s tao rjsi dev savit mahitvan.

Whose progress the others surely traveled after, the gods traveled after the greatness of
the god due to his authority (jas). The one who measured out the regions of the earth
and the mid-spaces, he is the courser, the god Savit due to his greatness.

45 Cf. V.8.76.1: im n myna huva ndram nam jas | martvanta n vjse. Now I

invoke Indra here, the crafty one, acting as master due to his power (jas), accompanied by the
Maruts, as if to twist (him here).

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The parallel placement of jas and mahitvan, as final nouns in stanzas b and d
respectively, underscores the correlation between cosmological power/authority
and the celestial gods state of greatness, to which the others gods submit
themselves.46 As Findly (1982: 14-15) points out, the god Savit is closely
connected with Agni Vaivnara in his role as the Sun, who assumes a position of
control over all people and the world. We have already seen that Agnis jas in
this context designates at once the intensity of his flames and his
ritual/cosmological authority.
The interplay between physical and political power is seen in the
cosmological deeds and expectations placed on Indra:
V.2.17.5, to Indra: s prcnn prvatn dhad jasdharcnam akod apm pa |

dhrayat pthiv vivdhyasam stabhnn myy dym avasrsa.

46 Cf. V.4.53.5a, trr antrika savit mahitvan. At V.1.166.12ab the Maruts greatness is

long giving (drgh dtr). Agni distributes wealth over the earth due to his greatness
(V.6.16.20ab) and after drinking sma Indra is impelled forth due to his generosity (rdhas),
which is equated with his greatness (V.8.24.13, cf. V.8.68.2c). At V.9.100.9d, sma stretched
over heaven and earth and fastened on the mantle (drp) due to his greatness. In occupying a
position in the sky the Maruts greatness is qualified as their soldiery (vry, V.5.54.5ab) and is
to be emulated (bhya, V.5.55.4a). The Maruts further reinforce (vdh-) their state of
greatness by taking their ritual seat to drink sma (V.1.85.7), and due to their greatness they are
commanded to display their true capacity (satyaavas) to strike down a powerful enemy (rkas,
V.1.86.9). Bhaspatis greatness is called great (mhi) because he protects those who perform
rituals and destroys enemies (V.2.23.4). The bhus greatness is proclaimed among the gods
because they fashioned their parents (V.4.36.3).

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He firmly fixed the mountains to the east through his power (jas), and he made the
activity of the waters towards the west. He upheld the all-nurturing earth, and through his
craft (my) he propped up heaven so as not to fall down.

This verse expresses a snapshot of a much larger early Vedic cosmogony, in which
Indra pulls apart heaven and earth, orders natural phenomena, and thereby
stamps his control over the universe.47 In the first stanza, Indra set the mountains
in place through his jas, an obvious display of physical strength. The text also
invites us to read jas in every stanza (pda). Moreover, jas is juxtaposed with

my in stanza d, which perhaps suggests that Indras power (jas) corresponds to

his specific craft or expertise (my) that allows the god to alter reality. The
point here is that Indras jas not only signals physical power but also underscores
the war-gods ability to control of the universe.
The same idea of controlling nature appears in other verses. For example:
V.4.19.4: kodayac chvas kma budhn vr vtas tvibhir ndra | dhny

aubhnd umna j vbhinat kakbha prvatnm.

Indra made the earth shake to its depths through his capacity (vas), as wind agitates
water through blast after blast. Being eager to display his power (jas), he sieged
steadfast things (= rocks/strongholds) and sliced away the peaks of mountains.48

One of the most consistent deeds that Indra, and his priestly alter ego
Bhaspati/Brahmaaspati (lord of the sacred formulation),49 must perform

47 For discussion of this cosmogony, see Horsch (2004)/Whitaker (2004d).

48 This is the only time the present participle umna- appears in the gveda. It derives from

va-, to desire. Geldner (1951, 1: 444) supplies aufbietend (summoning, mustering,

exerting). It is unlikely that Indra is lacking in jas, and thus umna cannot mean being eager
for jas. It is more likely that the war-god is eager to put his jas into play.

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when associated with jas is the splitting open of the cosmic mountain in order to
release the primordial waters and to set free the imprisoned cattle. Along with the
slaying of Vtra, this represents the paradigmatic act in which the universe is
created and stabilized. Subsequently, the war-god is able to assume his unrivalled
position in the cosmos. For example, one verse states:
V.2.24.2: y nntvny naman ny jasotdardar manyn mbari v | prcyvayad

cyut brhmaas ptir cviad vsumanta v prvatam.

(You are the one) who bent low those that had to be bent through your power (jas).
You repeatedly split apart the fortifications (mbara-) through your battle fury. The
lord of the sacred formulation shook forth the unshakable and entered into the mountain
full of treasure.50

The correlation of jas with many, battle fury, indicates that both terms
operate in similar martial contexts.51 Moreover, the metaphor of bending the
unbending not only evokes a physical image, but also parallels the political

49 For a detailed and insightful study on Bhaspati and Indra, see Schmidt (1968). Taking his cue

from Schmidt (1968), Oberlies (1998: 432) points out that, as the god Bhaspati, Indra takes on
certain priestly functions and may even be a kind of priest-king in this role. Interestingly, at
V.8.96.15cd, both gods appear independent of each other, as Bhaspati acts as Indras yokemate
in battle with the godless clans (vo devr).
50 For plural mbara as fortifications, see Parpola (1997: 196). Cf. V.1.130.7.
51 For many and jas, see V.8.4.5, V.10.83.1, 4, & V.10.84.2. Cf. also the cryptic

V.10.73.10: vd iyyti yd vdanty jaso jtm ut manya enam | manyr iyya harmyu

tasthau yta prajaj ndro asya veda. When they say, he came from a horse, I think that he
was born from power (jas). He came from battle fury, he stood in the secure lodgings, from
where he was produced forth, (only) Indra knows of that. For further discussion of the meaning
of many and its close relationship with jas and shas, see Chapter 6.3.b.

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scenario where other figures willingly bow down to Indra on account of his jas.52
Indras physical act of bending thus corresponds to a political act of subjugation
and deference, both of which are signaled by the use of jas. Nevertheless, the
same Gtsamda poet goes on to emphasize the physical implications of this
cosmological act:
V.2.24.4: msyam avatm brhmaas ptir mdhudhram abh ym jastat | tm

ev vve papire svardo bah sk sisicur tsam udram.

All those that behold the Sun drank from this very stone-mouthed honey-streamed
cistern, which the lord of the sacred formulation pierced through with power (jas). They
abundantly and suddenly poured out the water-filled water source.53

We note in the last two verses that jas signals a physical act that opens up the
mountain cave and allows the waters to flow. The same poet continues in the next
hymn to underscore the physicality of jas:
V.2.25.4: tsm aranti divy asacta s stvabhi pratham gu gachati |

nibhataviir hanty jas yya yja kut brhmaas pti.

52 See V.1.57.5, V.3.62.5, & V.5.32.10.

53

Cf. V.7.82.3ab, where Indra and Varua perform this cosmic act: nv ap khny atntam

jas sryam airayata div prabhm. You two drilled out outlets for the waters through your
power (jas). You set the sun in motion in heaven as the primary one. Also cf. V.1.85.10:

rdhv nunudre vat t jas ddh cid bibhidur v prvatam | dhmanto vm

marta sudnavo mde smasya ryni cakrire. They pushed the cistern upwards through jas,
and they split apart the mountain even though it had become steadfast. The Maruts, endowed with
excellent drops/gifts and blowing their music, performed their joyous deeds in the exhilaration of

sma.

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The heavenly (Waters), never drying up, rush towards him. As the foremost, he goes
among the cattle with his true men/warriors. With courage that is not dulled he smashes
with power (jas), he whomever the lord of the sacred formulation makes a yokemate.

This verse attests the ritual and political alignment between Indra and his human
representative because the individual who smashes (han-) with jas is someone
who is afforded the status of being Indras yokemate (yj), that is, the human
warlord. Interestingly, it is Indra as Bhaspati who actually selects his comrade-inarms. Indras human representative thus ideally possesses the same physical and
political power (jas) as his divine couterpart, and is thereby judged by the same
standards as the god of war. Moreover, freeing the primordial waters is a prime
responsibility of the one associated with cosmic and political power (jas). This
act most likely alludes to the kings ritual role in bringing about the seasonal
monsoon rains, and perhaps also symbolically invokes images of controlling
access to water, especially for cattle.54
Apart from his control of the mountain and waters, Indras position of
outright cosmic supremacy is further attested in other verses:
V.8.6.5: jas td asya titvia ubh yd samvartayat | ndra crmeva rdas.

54 Schlerath (1960: 148-152) argues that many kingly gods control the waters because the waters

reinforce their strength and power, and thus substantiate their kingship. Moreover, for communal
prosperity, kings had to peform rituals to ensure the rains would come on time. gvedic kingship
is thus closely connected with water and rain, a notion that fully develops in later texts. For further
discussion of the relationship between gvedic kingship and waters, see Brereton (1981: 102-126).

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This power (jas) of his flared awesomely when Indra folded both worlds together, like
a hide.55

We have already seen that jas describes the intensity of Fire and cosmological
control at the same time. This appears to be how jas features in this verse.
Indras creation of the universe is thus a statement of his physical prowess and his
cosmological supremacy. For this reason, several verses state:
V.8.6.15: n dyva ndram jas nntriki vajram | n vivyacanta bhmaya.
Neither the heavens, nor the atmospheres encompass the mace-wielding Indra due to
his power (jas), nor have the earths.
V.8.88.5: pr h ririk jas div ntebhyas pri | n tv vivyca rja indra prthivam

nu svadh vavakitha.
For you project beyond the ends of heaven due to your power (jas). The earthly realm
did not encompass you, O Indra, you have been strengthened in accordance with your
independence.56

Given the violent physical overtones of jas, these verses stress that Indras
sphere of governance is the entire cosmos by right of conquest. The use of vak-,
to strengthen, be great, in the last verse underscores Indras state of power and
political independence (svadh). It is important to note that jas is related to
this root. While vak- may point to Indras increase in physical size and strength

55 Cf. V.8.12.24: n y vivikt rdas nntriki vajram | md d asya titvie sm jasa.

Neither the two worlds, nor the atmospheres encompass the one who wields the mace. Because
of his onslaught surely all that flared awesomely in unison, because of his power (jas).
56 Cf. V.10.65.4 & 7, where the All-Gods prop up (skambh-) the various realms of the universe

through their jas. Cf. also V.8.51.8.

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in the mythological realm, its use also underscores a social sentiment whereby
cosmological and political hegemony is substantiated. This idea underlies the
following verse:
V.1.102.8: triviidhtu pratimnam jasas tisr bhmr npate tri rocan | td

vvam bhvana vavakithatrr indra jan sand asi.

The counterpart of your power (jas) has threefold divisions; the three earths, O lord of
men, the three luminosities. You have been strengthened beyond this entire living world,
O Indra; you lack an enemy, due to your birth from of old.

Kiehnle (1979: 37-38) specifically refers to V.8.88.5 (cited above) and

V.2.22.3ab, which both feature vak- and jas, when she acknowledges that
vak- signals martial and political overtones in relation to Indra, especially the
war-gods cosmic independence or sovereignty (Selbstndigkeit). 57 Hence, in the
real world, vak- may thus indicate that the human warlords political position is
ritually strengthened and thereby sanctioned or authorized. Furthermore, jas
definitely signals physical and political realities as seen in Indras creation and
control of the cosmos.

57

See Kiehnle (1979: 26-29, 34-40), whose insightful study of the verb uk-/vak- to grow (and

uk- to sprinkle (spritzen)) does little to forward an interpretation beyond phenomenological

growth or increase of entities (her standard translation, wachsen, is the etymological equivalent
of vak- in German). For Kiehnle (1979: 34), the use of vak- in relation to Indra is typically a
poetic extension of Fires increase with offerings. Cf. V.8.12.27: yad te vur jas tri pad

vicakram | d t te haryat hr vavakatu. When Viu strode out his three steps through your
power (jas), then surely your two desirable bay horses were strengthened.

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The poet Savya girasa58 skillfully underscores Indras violent control of

the cosmic realities in one verse:
V.1.55.6: s h ravasy sdanni ktrm kmay vdhn jas vinyan | jyti

kvnn avki yjyav va sukrtu srtav ap sjat.

For, in seeking fame, he, being reinforced on the earth with power (jas) is destroying
artfully made locations. Making the lights free of wolves for the worshipful one, with
good resolve/right purpose he released the waters to flow.59

The same poet continues in the next hymn:

V.1.56.6: tv div dhara dhia jas pthivy indra sdaneu mhina | tv

sutsya mde ari ap v vtrsya samy pyruja.

You have established the foundation of heaven through your power (jas), O Indra,
among the locations on earth, since you are great. In the exhilaration of the pressed
(sma), you set the waters free, (when) you altogether broke apart Vtras stones/jaws.60

58 Savya girasa is the reputed author of V.1.51-57, which all contain an unprecedented high

occurrence of power terms, especially jas, shas, and vas. Interestingly, (Geldner 1951, 1: 61)
states that according to legend this poet was an Inkarnation des Indraand, elsewhere, Indra in
menschlicher Gestalt.
59 For the significance of the wolf (vka), see Parpola (1997: 195-196), whose suggests that the

term may refer to the name of an enemy of early ryans.

60 Cf. V.1.57.5, where Indra measures out heaven, and earth bows before his jas. Also cf.

V.10.65.2, which is a politically charged verse to Indra, Agni, and Soma: indrgn vtrahtyeu

stpat mith hinvn tanv smokas | antrikam mhy paprur jas smo ghtarr
mahimnam ryan. O Indra and Agni, at the smashing of Vtra/obstacles you are lords of the
settlement, mutually (miths) urging yourselves on, dwelling together. They (Indra, Agni, Soma)
filled the great atmosphere through their power (jas). Soma, possessing the fineness/beauty that
comes from ghee, set his greatness in motion.

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Indras jas thus signifies the war-gods physical and political control of
cosmic phenomena, especially heaven, earth, the mountains, waters, and also his
destruction of enemies. jas is not a generic word for strength. Its use is
circumscribed within a distinct physio-political realm and only a limited number
of elite or kingly figures are able to exercise jas, especially Indra, the Maruts,
and human warriors. Therefore, jas is a marker of a specific form of power or
authority that gods, especially Indra, and human rulers possess, control, and exert
over human and cosmological realities.
On this note, the idea that earth is a counterpart (pratimna) of Indras

jas appears to be a statement of control over terrestrial and cosmic realities. For
example, another verse composed by Savya girasa states:
V.1.52.12, to Indra: tvm asy pr rjaso vymana svbhtyoj vase dhanmana |

cak bhmim pratimnam jaso p sv paribhr ey dvam.

At the outer limits of darkness/mid-space of the vault of heaven, you, who possess
natural power (jas), in order to help (us), O you of daring mind, made the earth as the
counterpart of your power (jas). Encompassing the waters and the Sun you go towards
Heaven.61

Here Indras natural/inherent/self-existent jas (svbhtyojas-) is the equal or

counterpart (pratimna) of earth. Moreover, Indras realm of activity is not only
the earth, but also the waters, sun, and all cosmological phenomena. The

61 Note the next verse, V.1.52.13a: You will become the counterpart of the earth. tvm bhuva

pratimnam pthivy. Cf. V.8.96.17, where uas jas lacks a counterpart (apratimn),
even though Indra is able to smash (han-) it. Through hyperbole, the poet thus suggests that
Indra is all the more powerful than even uas unequalled state. See also V.1.102.6.

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compound svbhtyojas- is a hapax in the gveda, and thus its meaning is

unclear. We can compare it to the compound abhbhtyojas-, which indicates that
Indras jas corresponds to a state of supremacy (abhbhti-).62 In the case of

svbhti-, it appears to emphasize that jas is an intrinsic component of Indras

character, which in this verse involves exercising his jas in order to control
cosmic realities. At V.1.102.8 (cited above), we saw that the counterpart of
Indras jas is the entire cosmos with its threefold division (triviidhtu), and for
this reason, Indras arena of governance is absolute. The term pratimna thus
appears to designate the appropriate context in which Indra should be active and
display his power. In addition, the fact that cosmic phenomena and jas are
repeatedly correlated emphasizes that Indras state of power should be
legitimately applied to the universe. Indras position of power comes directly from
his creation, control, and preservation of the universe, which is invoked as Indras
counterpart, that is, his legitimate realm of activity and the arena in which he can
exercise his jas. When the term pratimna appears, it prefigures Indras physical
acts of cosmological creation and subjugation, and the war-gods authority over
cosmic realities. In fact, in one verse the metaphor of controlling the universe
extends to the control of opponents in battle:
V.1.102.6: gojt bh mitakratu sim krmankarma chatmti khajakar |

akalp ndra pratimnam jasth jn v hvayante sisva.

62 For abhbhtyojas-, see V.1.52.7d, V.3.34.6d, V.3.48.4a, V.4.42.5d, V.6.18.1a, &

V.10.83.4a.

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His arms win cattle, his resolve is endless, affording a hundred services in every action,
instigating melee. In the disorder (of battle), Indra is (everyones) counterpart due to his
power (jas). Thus the tribes, desiring to win, compete to invoke him.63

Here the tribes vie for Indras support because he is the counterpart of,
presumably, everyone in battle. The idea that Indras jas is the counterpart of
the earth, the cosmos, and opponents thus underscores the fact that these realities
are a direct match for Indra and thus the appropriate arena in which Indra should
stamp his authority and control.
Up to this point, jas has consistently been deployed in verses where Indra
takes control of cosmic realities, such as mountains, waters, heaven, earth, the
Sun, and all that lies betwixt and between. As Indras loyal band of warriors, the
Maruts are also implicated in controlling cosmological and natural phenomena:
V.5.59.7: vyo n y r paptr jasntn div bhat snunas pri | vsa em

ubhye yth vid pr prvatasya nabhanr acucyavu.

Like birds in formation, they soared about with power (jas), to the ends of heaven from
(heavens) lofty back. Their horses, according to (what) both know, shook forth the
breach of the mountain.

The poet here may be describing the flight of the Maruts in a forceful or powerful
manner. However, we note that this verse relates to the Maruts journey across
the sky and their destruction of the mountain. Both themes are intimately
associated with jas. Elsewhere, the Maruts are in a position of cosmological

63 While the padapha has akalp, I follow Jamison, who justifiably reads it as a singular locative

(pers. comm., March 2003). Cf. V.2.12.9, where Indra is the counterpart (pratimna) of
everyone (vva-) in battle.

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control when they exercise their jas over the heavens and atmosphere. For
example, the Maruts release the rein (of light) due to their power (jas) for the
Sun to travel its path.64 Likewise:
V.1.19.8: y tanvnti rambhis tir samudrm jas | mardbhir agna gahi.
These are the ones who with their reins (of light) stretch out across the ocean through
their power (jas): O Fire, come with the Maruts!

It is reasonable to suppose that Fire here may refer to the dawning Sun. This
would suggest that, like Indra, the Maruts also control the celestial body and
stretch out its light in the morning. Hence, when the Maruts soar with jas like
birds in the above verse (V.5.59.7), this most likely signals that the Maruts exert
their authority over the heavens and over the mountain during their flight the
English idiom command of the skies comes to mind. This is certainly the idea
that underlies one verse wherein Indra actually speaks for himself:
V.10.49.7: ah sryasya pri ymy bhi pratabhir vhamna jas | yn m sv

mnua ha nirja dhak ke dsa ktvya hthai.

I travel around with the swift coursers of the Sun, conveying myself forth through my
power (jas). When the libation of Manu speaks out to me at the (donning of) the
cloak/mantle, I did away with the effective barbarian with deadly blows.

Indras celestial travels, his ritually recognized position, and his destruction of
opponents are all intimately bound up in the use of jas in this verse. This is a
similar theme encountered above in the context of the Maruts. To travel across
the sky, or presumably, to travel over the earth in a chariot is a statement of

64 V.8.7.8ab: sjnti ramm jas pnth sryya ytave.

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cosmological and political power. Moreover, this verse also seems to allude to a
symbolic journey in the ritual and the wearing of an ornament or cloak (nirj) as
a symbol of status. Either way, physical violence is anticipated, which all the more
underscores the ramifications of jas as a marker of physio-political realities.
The evidence presented so far in relation to Indra, the Maruts, and jas
can further illuminate one verse that refers to Indras chariot axle. At V.3.53.1720, parts of Indras chariot are praised. In verse 19 Indra is instructed so:
V.3.53.19: abh vyayasva khadirsya sram jo dhehi spandan ipym | ka vo

vita vyasva m ymd asmd va jhipo na.

Envelope yourself in the core of the Acacia-tree. Establish jas in the spandan wood
and ip wood. O firm axle, made firm, make yourself firm. Do not make us deviate
from this journey.65

Here jas appears to reflect the strength of the woods used to make a chariot
axle. It is important to stress that it is Indra who places jas in the various types of
wood, which should key us into something more meaningful. At one level, the
poet is asking the war-god to manifest his specific power in order to prevent the
wood of the chariot and its axle from breaking. A similar verse states that through

65

In the verse that precedes this, we read; V.3.53.18: bla dhehi tanu no blam indrnatsu

na | bla tokya tnayya jvse tv h balad si. Establish strength (bla) in our bodies, O
Indra, establish strength in our oxen. Establish strength for (our) offspring and descendents in
order to live: For indeed you are the giver of strength. Bla seems to convey a general notion of
strength, resilience, which, unlike jas, is not restricted in scope to cosmological and political
realities. However, bla does frequently appear in conjuction with jas, and hence both terms
resonate in similar semantic realms. For further discussion of bla, see Chapter 6.2.n.5.

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jas the Maruts split a stone (dri) with the wheel-rim of their chariots.66 Both
these verses indicate that jas denotes a type of strength, power, or force
pertaining to chariot wheels. Nevertheless, when one considers the symbolism of
chariots the picture becomes more complicated.67 Chariots are dominant symbols
of warriors and kings.68 The elite position of the Maruts and the significance of
their chariots appear in the following verse:

66 V.5.52.9cd: ut pavy rthnm drim bhindanty jas.

67 For the ritual importance of chariots and the chariot race in the classical Vedic period, see

Heesterman (1960: 127-139), & Sparreboom (1985: 28-74), who provides an insightful study on
chariots in ancient India.
68 Cf. V.6.47.27, where praises are offered to a chariot: divs pthivy pry ja dbhta

vnasptibhya pry bhta sha | apm ojmnam pri gbhir vtam ndrasya vjra hav
rtha yaja. Authority (jas) has been brought up from heaven, from earth, dominance (shas)
has been brought here from the Vanaspati-trees. To the authoritativeness (ojmna) of the waters,
enclosed by cattle, to the chariot and mace of Indra, offer sacrifice with an oblation. Ojmn is a
hapax legomenon in the gveda. It appears three times in Atharvaveda in similar contexts.
AV.6.125.2 (AVP.15.11.6) is the identical gvedic verse. AV.4.19.8 (AVP.5.25.8): atna m pri

phi sahsrebh raka m | ndras te vrudh pata ugr ojmnam dadhat. With a hundred,
protect me on all sides; with a thousand guard me. O lord of plants, authoritative Indra will confer
here authoritativeness to you. Cf. AV.19.34.9 (AVP.11.3.9). The term vnaspti, lord of the
trees, may also refer to the sacrificial post (ypa) (Proferes 2003: 341-348). Proferes (2003: 342)
states: Both svru and ypa denote the post as a concrete object, in contrast to vnaspti, which is
employed almost exclusively under conditions in which the post is poetically conceived of as a selfwilled agent, as for instance when it is the object of direct address. He further notes that the ypa
will become symbolically identified with the sacrificer in the later Brhmaa literature. At
V.5.84.3 the Earth is addressed: dh cid y vnasptn kmay drdhary jas | yt te abhrsya

vidyto div vranti vya. Even you, who are steadfast, constantly uphold the Vanaspatitrees on earth through jas, when the lightning bolts from the dark cloud and the rains pour down
from heaven on you.

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V.5.55.2: svay dadhidhve tvi yth vid bhn mahnta urviy v rjatha |

utntrikam mamire vy jas bha ytm nu rth avtsata.

You all establish aggression for yourselves, as you know (how). O great ones, lofty and
expansive you rule/shine afar. And they have measured out the atmosphere for
themselves through their jas: The chariots of those traveling in beauty have rolled
along.

Here we once again see that the Maruts jas prefigures the control of the
atmosphere. The appearance of v- rj-, to rule/shine afar, and m-, to
measure/show the measure of, further emphasizes the political and cosmological
undertones of jas. Moreover, stanza d is a standard refrain employed throughout
nearly all verses of this hymn. It evokes the image of the Maruts riding through
the sky on their chariots, as if their aerial journey attests their cosmological
supremacy.69 In fact, the entire hymn (V.5.55.1-10) documents the Maruts
control of cosmological realities. The same poet, one yvva treya, continues
in the next hymn with a pertinent verse to the Maruts:
V.5.56.4: n y rinty jas vth gvo n durdhra | mna cit svarym prvata

girm pr cyvayanti ymabhi.

Those who make (solid things) disintegrate at will through their power (jas), like cattle
too difficult to yoke, they cause even the sun-like/resounding rock, that rugged mountain,
to shake with each traverse after traverse.70

69 Cf. V.7.58.2: jan cid vo marutas tveya bhmsas tvimanyav ysa | pr y mhobhir

jasot snti vvo vo yman bhayate svardk. O Maruts, even your birth was with violence: you
terrifying and unruly ones of aggressive battle fury, who are preeminent through acts of greatness,
and through power (jas). Everyone who looks at the sun fears your journey.
70

The lack of an object with n- r- is problematic. V.1.127.4fg states in relation to Agni: sthir

cid nn n rity jas n sthiri cid jas. Even this one disintegrates solid foodstuffs through

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It is important to note that yma, traverse, journey, comes from the root yto travel in/drive (chariots).71 This verse can thus be connected with
V.5.52.9cd in which the Maruts wheel rim shatters a stone (dri) (and also
qualifies Indras journey at V.10.49.7 as taking place on a chariot). The allusion
in all these verses seems to relate to the cosmological act of opening the
primordial mountain in order to release the waters and cows.72 This cosmological
act is one of the main duties expected of Indra and the Maruts. The gvedic
verses consistently indicate that this act can only be achieved by those who possess
a specific type of physical and political power, that is, jas. Moreover, chariots are
the primary means through which the Maruts achieve this all-important

his power (jas), even he disintegrates solid things through his power (jas). Cf. V.4.7.10d. At
V.1.61.13d, V.10.116.3d, and V.10.120.1c, the root n- r- takes the object rivals (trn),
while in many other verses it relates to the setting free of the primordial waters. As V.5.56.4
(cited in main text) also relates to the act of freeing the waters by opening the mountain aperture,
the use of n- r- is apt here.
71 See Insler (1968: 2 n.3), who states: The root y is distinguished from the root i in that the

former usually means to go in a vehicle, the latter to go on foot. Cf. V.7.56.6-7: yma

yh ubh bhih riy smmil jobhir ugr || ugr va jo sthir vsy dh

mardbhir gas tvimn. The best travelers who traverse, the most beautiful in beauty,
endowed with finery, authoritative through acts of authority (jas-). Your authority (jas) is
authoritative, and steadfast are acts of capacity (vas): thus through the Maruts your horde is
aggressive. Cf. V.7.58.2.
72 Cf. V.1.85.4: v y bhrjante smakhsa bhi pracyvyanto cyut cid jas | manojvo

yn maruto rthev vavrtsa patr yugdhvam. The very intense ones, who shine out with
their lances, shake up even the unshakable through their power (jas), when, O Maruts, in a
bullish-troop, you harnessed the speckled mares, swift as thought, to your chariots.

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cosmological act, and for this reason, we can see why Indras physical and political
power (jas) would be symbolically placed in the chariot axle at V.3.53.19.73

5.3.a. Drinking Status: Sma and jas

Throughout all the previous chapters, we have repeatedly seen the importance of

sma in early Vedic society. Access to the divine draught is one of the primary
ways in which warriors and warlords are sanctioned with their status and duties.
More than any other power term, jas shares a close relationship with sma. For
example:
V.1.9.1: ndrhi mtsy ndhaso vvebhi somaprvabhi | mah abhir jas.
O Indra, come! Take exhilaration from the plant with all its knots of sma: Your
superiority is great due to your authority (jas).
V.1.55.2: s arav n nady samudrya prti gbhti vrit vrmabhi | ndra

smasya ptye vyate sant s yudhm jas panasyate.

Like the oceans waves (engulf) the rivers, he engulfs the distributed (sma juices) in
their widths. Indra acts as a bull at the drinking of sma. From of old, this fighter is
admired due to his power (jas).74

73 For an interesting verse, see V.6.47.30, to a war-drum (though in a hymn to Soma & Indra):

krandaya blam jo na dh n anihi durit bdhamna | pa protha dundubhe duchn it

ndrasya mur asi vyasva. Make them cry out! Establish strength (bla), power (jas) for us
here. Thunder out, repelling hazards: O kettledrum, blow misfortunes away from here. You are
Indras clenched fist: be firm.
74 Note that yudhm could also be read as locative in battle.

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V.8.33.7cd-8: ay y pro vibhintty jas mandn ipry ndhasa || dn mg

n vra purutr cartha dadhe | nki v n yamad sut gamo mah carasy
jas.
This is the one who splits apart the forts through power (jas), the mustached/belipped
one becoming exhilarated from the (sma) plant. Through this gift, he established his
activity in many places, like a wild elephant. None will hold you down. You will come
here to the pressed (sma offering). Being great, you roam about due to your power
(jas).
V.8.76.10: utthann jas sah ptv pre avepaya | smam indra cam sutm.
Standing up in conjunction with power (jas), you made your two lips tremble after
drinking the pressed sma in the Cam-cup, O Indra.
V.8.92.6: asy ptv mdn dev devsyajas | vvbh bhvan bhuvat.
After drinking of it, of exhilarating drink after exhilarating drink, the god (Indra) due to
the authority (jas) of the god (Soma) will take supremacy throughout all the living
worlds.
V.8.97.11: sm rebhso asvarann ndra smasya ptye | svrpati yd vdh

dhtvrato hy jas sm tbhi.

The Rebhas sounded out in unison to him, to Indra to drink of sma, since (they
sounded out) to reinforce him, the lord of the Sun. For the one whose commandments
are upheld is associated with authority (jas), with favours.
V.9.97.41: maht tt smo mahi cakrp yd grbh vta devn | dadhd

ndre pvamna j janayat srye jytir ndu.

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The great buffalo, Soma, did a great thing when as embryo of the waters he chose the
gods. Being purified, he conferred authority (jas) on Indra. The droplet produced the
light in the Sun.75

The consistent and fundamental relationship between the privileged act of

drinking sma and assuming a position of political power/authority (jas) appears
throughout numerous verses. In fact, sma is explicitly called the best giver of
power/authority (ojodtama-).76 Therefore, sma plays an intrinsic role in
substantiating Indras jas. This should immediately call into question any notion
that jas denotes purely physical strength, or, at least, our modern understanding
of how physicality is developed. That is to say, gvedic poets never state that jas
is cultivated through physical exercise; it is repeatedly acquired from drinking

sma (among other ritual processes), which is an act of ritual and political
legitimation. Given all the above examples, I think it is resemble to assume that
the following verse does not indicate that sma is pressed out forcefully it
would be the only verse I am aware of to attest such a process:
V.3.51.10: id hy nv jas sut rdhnm pate | pb tv sy girvaa.
Indeed here (sma) is pressed out in (ritual) sequence along with/due to (Indras)
authority (jas), O lord of benefits: Drink of it! O coveter of songs.77

75 Cf. also V.8.3.24b, where the anointing of a meal/food ( pit = sma) is the called the giver of

power (ojod-).
76 V.8.92.17c.
77 Oldenberg (1912: 252) translates the first stanza: Dieses (Dasein) folgt ja dem gepreten

(Soma) vermge seiner Kraft. Geldner (1951, 1: 391) offers: Diese (Trankspende), die mit Kraft
ausgepret ist, (steht) ja bereit, du Herr der Gaben. Trink doch davon, du Lobbegehrender!

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While jas certainly signals displays of physical power, it would be inconsistent to

think that ritual participants press sma by means of jas, simply because jas
typically denotes Indras violent exploits against opponents or cosmic realities.78
In one other instance, the dityas scatter Barhis-grass over the ritual ground with

jas, but this act parallels their political standing.79

Therefore, all these verses demonstrate that the process of assuming a
state of political authority is intrinsically connected with drinking sma. We do
not have to rely on theorizing the pharmacological effects of sma to explain
Indras violent propensities and his increase in size and strength. Moreover, real
human warriors did not grow stronger from drinking sma, nor did they increase
in size. What is at stake here is the fact that sma symbolically endorses the
political positon of warlords and also encourages their violent exploits. Since jas
prefigures violent physical activity, which brings about cosmological and political

78 The only other verse that may present a scenario where sma is pressed with elbow-grease is

V.9.2.7: gras ta inda jas marmjynte apasyva | ybhir mdya mbhase. O droplet,
industrious songs are repeatedly groomed for you through/due to (your) power (jas), whereby
you are made beautiful for exhilaration. It is important to note that songs are being groomed, not

sma in this verse. Moreover, it is the groomed songs that beautify sma. Thus, it would be strange
to think that the songs could beautify anything through force. The songs are most likely directed
towards Soma because the god commands respect. Hence, jas here most likely indicates that the
songs are groomed on account of the gods political power. Cf. Geldner (1951, 3: 11): Durch
deine Kraft putzen sie die emsigen Loblieder heraus, o Saft, mit denen du dich zum Rausche
schn machst. Geldner also has a brief discussion on this verse and compares it to V.9.38.3. Cf.
also V.9.70.5a: s marmjn indriyya dhyasa. He, being repeatedly groomed for nursing
worthy of Indra (indriy).
79 V.1.188.4.

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supremacy, then the ingestion of jas anticipates these realities and encodes such
values within the body. Political values and processes are thus mapped onto the
body through drinking sma. This symbolic process places such values within a
more natural framework since the body is ultimately the very medium that will
bring such values to fruition. The physical and political ramifications of jas
symbolically correspond to the ingestion of sma, and vice versa. When Indra
drinks sma, when he thus strengthens his physical and political power, we do not
need to extrapolate this out as a literal statement of belief, that is, that early
Vedic ryans believed they too were strengthened from drinking sma. The
process is symbolic as the rhetoric cogently aligns and fuses physical,
cosmological, and political realities and gives them renewed meaning in early
Vedic culture.
The social ramifications of this process are evident in another verse, where
Indra becomes great (mahimna) upon drinking sma, and is thus able to display
the extent (m-) of his newly acquired, sma-appointed power (jas):
V.2.17.2: s bhtu y ha prathamya dhyasa jo mmno mahimnam tirat | ro y

yuts tanvm parivyta ri dym mahin prty amucata.

Let him indeed be one who is present for the foremost taking of nurture. Showing the
measure of his authority (jas), he crossed over to greatness. The warlord, who has
armoured his body in battles, fastened heaven on his head due to his greatness.

The notion of taking nurture (dhyas) relates to drinking sma. The martial,
cosmological, and political ramifications of this process are thus underscored in
this verse as Indra armours his body and places heaven/sky on his head as a
celestial crown. Through Indras mythological narratives, we can surmise then
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that the legitimation of real human warlords and kings occurs through the ritual
act of drinking sma and acquiring jas.80
The Pavamna hymns of book 9 of the gveda also make explicit the
relationship between sma, jas, and elite political status and power. Smas
association with jas entails that special ritual attention is given to it:
V.9.65.14: kal anatndo dhrbhir jas | ndrasya ptye via.
The vessels have bellowed out. O droplet, with your streams, with your power (jas),
enter (them) here for the sake of Indras drinking.
V.9.106.7: pvasva devvtaya ndo dhrbhir jas | kalam mdhumn soma na

sada.
O droplet, be purified for the pursuit of the gods with your streams, with your power
(jas). O Soma, honeyed, you will sit in the vessel for us.

Moreover, because the purified sma has jas, it is said to rule/shine afar
(v- rj-) as majestic wealth:
V.9.5.3: nya pvamno rayr v rjati dyumn | mdhor dhrbhir jas.
The one to be exalted, being purified, the majestic wealth rules/shines afar with streams
of honey, with his power (jas).

Interestingly, the last three verses all juxtapose streams (dhr-) with jas,
as if the streams are a telltale way in which jas is symbolized and substantiated.
In fact, one verse states just this:

80 Oberlies (1998) convincingly demonstrates that in the gveda the preparation and drinking of

sma revolves around notions of fertility, warrior ideologies, the succession of sovereignty and
wider issues relating to the privileged upper classes and the cult of the king.

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V.9.29.1: prsya dhr akaran va sutsyajas | dev nu prabhata.

The streams of this pressed bull flowed forth with the power (jas) of the one promoting
the gods in due sequence.

Here the flow of the bullish sma plays a role in furthering the gods. Another
verse contains a related message:
V.9.34.1: pr suvn dhray tnndur hinvn arati | rujd dh vy jas.
The droplet, being pressed and urged on, rushes forth in a continuous stream, rending
asunder sturdy (things/forts) through its power (jas).

The ritual creation and purification of sma thus anticipates a display of physical
power and political supremacy, and its streams are a prominent sign of this
process.81 What is absolutely fundamental is that once Indra partakes of sma and
assumes his newly acquired state of physical and political power, he is obligated to
exercise his jas in the fulfillment of cosmological and terrestrial duties: privilege
most certainly entails obligation.82 In one verse, Indra satiates himself on sma,

81 Cf. V.9.35.2: ndo samudramkhaya pvasva vivamejaya

| ry dhart na jas. O droplet

who makes the ocean choppy and arouses all, be purified, as the upholder of wealth for us through
your power (jas). V.9.39.3: sut eti pavtra tvi ddhna jas | vicko virocyan. The
pressed (sma) goes into the straining-cloth, assuming awesomeness through its power (jas),
widely visible, illuminating widely. V.9.65.10: v pavasva dhray martvate ca matsar |

vv ddhna jas. You, bull, be purified by means of the stream, and be exhilarating to the one
who is accompanied by Maruts (Indra), establishing for yourself all things through your power
(jas). And in a problematic verse, V.9.53.2, sma is present at an assembly or clash of chariots
where the prize is established (ay nijaghnr jas rathasag dhne hit | stv bibhyu hd).
82 Cf. V.9.15.4, where the function of sma is practically identified with Indra: e gi

ddhuvac chte ythy v | nm ddhna jas. This one, the bull (who leads) the herd,
shaking his horns violently, sharpens them, assuming acts of manhood (nm) due to his power

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which exhilarates him so that he can perform a great deed or duty (mhi krma

krtave, V.2.22.1). The next verse continues:

V.2.22.2a-d: dha tvm abhy jas krvi yudhbhavad rdas apad asya

majmn pr vvdhe.
Then being awesome he became superior to the Krivi-snake (= Vtra) in battle through
his power (jas). He filled both worlds with his greatness and reinforced himself.83

Furthermore, Indra is reminded that in fulfilling the cosmological

expectations placed on him, he will be able to continue drinking sma, that is,
maintain his privileged ritual and political status:
V.2.22.4: tva tyn nrya nt pa indra prathamm prvy div pravcya ktm |

yd devsya vas prri su rinn ap | bhvad vvam abhy devam jas vidd
rja atkratur vidd am.

(jas). Cf. V.9.108.6, to Soma: y usry py antr mano nr g kntad jas | abh vraj

tatnie gvyam vya varmva dhav ruja. As the one who cut free the ruddy watery cows
from the interior of the stone (cave) through your power (jas), you stretched yourself over the
cattle and horse pen. O daring one, break it open, as if it were the armoured one. Note here that
the cosmological paradigm alludes to real acts of cattle raiding.
83 Cf. V.2.22.4f, & also V.1.187.1: pit n stoam mah dharma tvim | ysya trit vy

jas vtr vparvam ardyat. Now I praise the meal (= sma), the upholder, the
aggression/bravery (tvi), of the great one (= Indra), through whose power (jas) Trita (=
Indra) shook apart the Serpent joint from joint. The ambiguity of whether the relative pronoun

ysya refers to pit, that is, sma, or Indra seems deliberate and in no need of resolution (cf.
V.8.92.6, where Indras jas derives explicitly from sma). Likewise, cf. V.8.51.8: pr y

nanak abhy jas krvi vadha a nighoyan | yadd stambht prathyann am

dvam d j jania prthiva. The one who came into contact with Krivi-snake due to his power
(jas), (while) silencing ua with his deadly weapons, when surely he propped up yonder heaven
as he spread it out, therein the realm of earth was born.

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O dancer, this is your manly deed, O Indra, foremost, first in the day/heaven, the act to
be proclaimed, which through a gods capacity (vas) you let life flow forth, in letting the
waters flow free. He will become superior to all who are devoid of their god through his
power (jas). The one of a hundred resolves will find invigoration. He will find
refreshment.

The social ramifications of maintaining this position are evident here as this
manly (nrya) act (the thing done, kt) is publicly proclaimed (pravcya). The
ritual, economic, and political status of one who drinks sma is made explicit in
the following verse to Indra:
V.3.36.4: mah matro vjne virapy gr va patyate dhv ja | nha vivyca

pthiv canana yt smso hryavam mandan.

Great, impetuous, overflowing (with soldiers and cattle/sma) in the (sacrificial)
enclosure, he is lord of authoritative (ugr) capacity (vas), bold authority (jas). The
earth never enveloped him, when the sma drinks exhilarated the one who owns bay
horses.84

In this verse, vas and jas operate in similar contexts pertaining to warfare and
cosmological supremacy. In a similar vein, the Maruts praise Indras jas when
the war-god drinks sma at the midday pressing.
V.3.32.3: y te ma y tvim vardhann rcanta indra martas ta ja |

mdhyadine svane vajrahasta pb rudrbhi sgaa suipra.

84 For similar use of pat-, cf. V.1.84.9, & V.10.23.2. For virapn, cf. V.8.76.5b: the one

overflowed (from sma) is characterized by authority (jasvanta virapnam). Cf. V.10.113.6.

For *vra-pv-<*vr-pa = bringing soldiers and cattle, see Mayrhofer (EWA 17: 559), &
Watkins (1995: 42ff.). The notion of overflowing is secondary and seems to account for the fact
that drinking sma makes a statement about the attainment of warriors and livestock.

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These are the ones who reinforced your explosiveness (ma) and aggression, O Indra:
The Maruts are chanting to your authority (jas). O mace-wielder, drink at the midday
pressing in the warrior band with the Rudras, O well-mustached/belipped one.85

Therefore, complex ritual processes such as chanting and sma play a

crucial role in substantiating Indras jas and encouraging his violent activity.
Many of the consistent themes encountered so far appear explicitly in the
following verses contained in the same hymn:
V.1.80.1: itth h sma n mde brahm cakra vrdhanam | viha vajrinn jas

pthivy n a him rcann nu svarjyam.

For in this way, in the exhilaration on sma, the formulator-priest has surely performed
the reinforcement. O most capacious (viha) mace-wielder, you ordered away the
Serpent from the earth due to your authority (jas): they cheer on your sovereignty.
V.1.80.2: s tvmadad v mda sma yenbhta sut | yn vtr nr adbhy

jaghntha vajrinn jasrcann nu svarjyam.

This bull-like exhilarating pressed sma, brought by the falcon, exhilarated you, through
which, O mace-wielder, you struck Vtra out of the waters with power (jas): they cheer
on your sovereignty.
V.1.80.11: im cit tva manyve vpete bhiys mah | yd indra vajrinn jas vtrm

martv vadhr rcann nu svarjyam.

85 Cf. V.1.132.5de: tsm yu prajvad d bdhe arcanty jas. They surely chant to him

(Indra) in order to impel a lifetime full of progeny due to (his) authority (jas). In a similar vein,
cf. V.1.19.4: y ugr arkm ncr ndhsa jas | mardbhir agna gahi. These
authoritative ones, who chanted the chant, none dare to approach due to their authority (jas): O
Fire, come with the Maruts!

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Even these two great (world halves) trembled with fear at your battle fury, when, O
Indra, O mace-wielder, you slew Vtra through your power (jas), with the Maruts
alongside: they cheer on your sovereignty.
V.1.80.15: nah n yd adhmsndra k vry par | tsmin nmm ut krtu

dev jsi s dadhur rcann nu svarjyam.

As far as we know, there is no one now who surpasses Indra through soldiery (vry). On
him the gods altogether conferred manhood (nm) and resolve/purpose, (on him the
gods altogether conferred) authority after authority (jas-): they cheer on your
sovereignty.

The sequence of these verses is telling: Indras ability to slay Vtra and the
implied chain reaction that allows the universe to be created from the release of
the waters is contingent on his monopolization of sma, the resulting ingestion
of physical and political power (jas), and ultimately Indras fulfillment of the
ensuing responsibilities required of a ruler who desires sovereignty. Therefore,

jas is conferred on Indra, repeatedly and by necessity. Indras function to destroy

Vtra is typically his and his alone, because of the fact that he has been endorsed
with jas in the ritual. While Indra defeats opponents with his jas as a physical
quality, he is only able to do this because jas is conferred on him, typically
through drinking sma. This process thus highlights a complex political process of
ritual legitimation and the construction of an elite martial identity.86
86 Oberlies (1998: 431-441) cogently argues that Indras possession of sma legitimates his rule

(Herrschaft) for a length of time. Like scholars before him, Oberlies nonetheless employs words
such as Gewalt, Macht, and Kraft indiscriminately, though to his credit he does distinguish
between physical force (Gewalt) and (political) power (Macht) (he nevertheless provides
little or no emic words for these over-used categories). Oberlies (1998: 432-435) informs us that
Indra almost always employs physical force (Gewalt) when his power (Macht) is threatened. Thus,

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5.3.b. Indra and Varua

Smas relationship with jas is further highlighted in several verses to Indra and
Varua. As the two kingly gods of Vedic religion, Indra and Varua are
instructed to drink sma and fulfill their obligation to slay Vtra:
V.4.41.3-4: ndr ha rtna vru dhhetth nbhya aamnbhyas t | yd

skhy sakhyya smai sutbhi suprays mdyaite || ndr yuv varu didym
asminn jiham ugr n vadhia vjram | y no durvo vktir dabhtis tsmin
mimthm abhbhty ja.
Indeed, Indra and Varua are those that best establish riches for men who exert
themselves rightly, as if friends for friendship, become exhilarated through the pressed

sma juices, through the well-loved. O authoritative/powerful (ugr) Indra and Varua,
you struck down your missile, your most powerful/authoritative (jiha) mace upon him,
the wolfish and deceptive one, who is ill-disposed to us. Against him, show the measure
of your authority (jas) that entails supremacy (abhbhti).87

The final verse illuminates the close relationship between ugr, jiha, and jas.
In addition, the word abhbhti, supremacy, superiority, and its verbal form

over time, the kings claim to power (Machtanspruch) vindicates his employment of force
(Gewalt). The ownership of sma signifies power (Macht) and legitimizes rule (Herrschaft), which
is grounded on this power (Oberlies 1998: 440). In an undeveloped yet crucial footnote (1998: 435
n.177), Oberlies states that one way in which an individual can gain access to sma is through
success in battles.
87 Cf. V.4.42.5, where King Trasadasyu states that he is Indra and that his authority entails

supremacy (abhbhtyoj), and also V.10.83.4, where the power of battle fury (many) entails
supremacy (abhbhtyoj). For abhbhtyojas- and Indra, see also V.1.52.7d, V.3.34.6d,
V.3.48.4a, & V.6.18.1a.

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abh- bh-, to overwhelm, overpower, denote the necessity to overcome

opponents and to claim martial and political supremacy.88 Elsewhere, the political
position of the two gods is further confirmed as they both are said to have
authority over the communities (vocative dual kyojas, V.7.82.9b).89 Indra
and Varuas status as the two kingly gods is also acknowledged in the following
verses:
V.7.82.2: samr any svar any ucyate vm mahntv ndrvru mahvas | vve

devsa param vymani s vm jo van sm bla dadhu.

One of you is called sovereign ruler, the other, ruler of his own (domain): Indra and
Varua are both great, both bearers of great treasures. All the gods in the supreme vault
of heaven altogether conferred power (jas), strength (bla) on you two, O bulls.90

88 For abh- bh-, see also V.2.22.2ab, V.2.22.4f, V.6.19.6b, & V.8.92.6c, which all feature

jas.
89 Cf. V.8.62.2: ayuj samo nbhir ka kr aysya | prvr ti pr vvdhe vv jtny jas

bhadr ndrasya rtya. Companionless, unequalled, acting alone with his men, unbounded, he
waxed strong over the many communities: All (of which) were produced due to his authority
(jas): Auspicious are Indras gifts. V.8.62.2d = V.10.153.5b. Interestingly, at V.8.75.10,
Agni is the subject of attention: nmas te agna jase gnti deva kya | mair amtram

ardaya. O Fire, the communities sing salutations to you for power (jas), O god, turn the one
who does not hold an alliance to dust with onslaught after onslaught. See Brereton (1981: 16-45),
who convincingly interprets the neuter noun mitr as alliance. The noun is used in the gveda
to denote treaties, wedding contracts, and agreements between men and gods. The masculine
form of the noun refers to an ally, who either is in alliance with another person or is a mediator
of such contracts. Mitra is thus the god of alliances and as such protects and enforces contractual
relationships and agreements between men or men and gods.
90 For samrj and svarj, see Schlerath (1960: 132-135), & also Kulke (1992: 190), who suggests

that in the late Vedic period the svarj is a local Katriya or Rjanya, an autocrat. Kulke

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V.7.82.3: nv ap khny atntam jas sryam airayata div prabhm | ndrvaru

mde asya myn pinvatam apta pnvata dhya.

You two drilled out the outlets for the waters due to your power (jas). You set the Sun
in motion in heaven as the primary one. O Indra and Varua, when you were in the
exhilaration of this crafty (sma), you made the unswollen (waters) swell. Make (our)
insights swell.
V.7.82.6: mah ulkya vruasya n tvi jo mimte dhruvm asya yt svm | jmim

any nathyantam tirad dabhrbhir any pr voti bhyasa.

Now for the great fee, for the awesomeness of Varua, the two of you showed the
measure of your enduring power (jas), which belongs to one, that which is his own. One
of you overcame the murderous foreigner, and the other wards off superior numbers with
little support.

In these three verses many of the consistent themes pertaining to jas appear.
The two royal gods political status and their duty to give wealth are explicitly
recognized (v.2ab). The gods confer jas (sm- dh-) on Indra and Varua
(v.2cd) through the act of drinking sma (v.3c), which requires that they perform
cosmic acts (v.3ab). The two are thus able to display their concomitant power
(v.6b), which is underscored by their success in martial endeavours (v.6cd). As
part of a consistent ritual motif, these themes succinctly summarize the
components of early Vedic martiality. The underlying message communicates
that as long as kings and warlords protect the communities, wage war, and
distribute the resultant spoils, then their efforts will be recognized and
substantiated through ritual performance, which naturally continues to convey

continues: as the uncontested chief of a village (grmpati, grmin) and its vi population, he
subdued several villages and their hinterland with its jana population.

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and reinforce these martial ethics. Drinking sma thus confers political authority
(jas) and reproduces a warlords or kings role.91 Indra is one of the few gods
born with the entitlement to drink sma. The ritual association of human
warlords with Indra thus highlights that being able to drink sma is a highly
prestigious act of political power and status.

5.4.a. Indra, jas, and Ritual Participation

The gvedic evidence indicates that the ritual ground is the pivotal environment
in which the human warriors and warlords align themselves with gods such as
Indra, and are legitimated with political status and their duty to carry out martial
endeavours:
V.6.36.1-2, to Indra: satr mdsas tva vivjany satr ry dha y prthivsa |

satr vjnm abhavo vibhakt yd devu dhryath asurym || nu pr yeje jna jo

asya satr dadhire nu vryya | symagbhe ddhay rvate ca krtu vjanty pi
vtrahtye.
The exhilarations that belong to all peoples belong completely to you, and completely
the riches, which are of the earth. You have completely become the dispenser of prizes,
since you uphold your lordship among the gods. A tribesman has offered fore and after
sacrifices to his authority (jas). They (tribal members) have completely resigned

91 Cf. V.7.20.3, where, as a ra, Indra possesses good-power (svjas-), and scatters battle

hosts and smashes rivals. For svjas, in an almost identical context, see V.10.29.8a. Cf. also
V.6.22.6c.

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themselves to (his) soldiery (vry). And to the wild race horse who seizes the reins
(=Indra) they turn their resolve at the smashing of Vtra/obstacles.92

In this verse, the tribes offer sacrificial oblations to Indras jas at the same time
that the war-god upholds his lordship (asury) among the gods. In doing this, the
ritual participants resign themselves to follow Indras soldiery (vry), which,
predictably, prefigures warfare and the distribution of wealth. Moreover, jas
serves as the object of their admiration and in turn signals martial and political
realities. This verse thus suggests that Indras political position is maintained
through ritual participation, and in ritual performances tribesmen recognize their
own martial responsibilities.93 Another verse further clarifies this relationship:

92 We see a similar expectation at V.6.46.7: yd indra nhuv jo nm ca ku | yd

v pca kitn dyumnm bhara satr vvni pasy. O Indra, the authority (jas) and
manhood (nm) that exists here among the Nahua communities, or the majesty that belongs to
the five settlements: bring them here, (bring) all (acts of) masculinity (pasya-) completely. Cf.
V.6.19.6, & V.8.98.10. See also V.10.113.2: tm asya vur mahimnam jas

dadhanvn mdhuno v rapate | devbhir ndro maghv sayvabhir vtr jaghanv abhavad
vreya. Viu (establishes) his (Indras) greatness through authority (jas). Having run to the
stalk, he (Indra) overflows from honey. With the gods as fellow travelers, munificent Indra, having
smashed Vtra, became worthy to be chosen.
93 Cf. V.1.132.5, to Indra: s yj jnn krtubhi ra kyad dhne hit taruanta ravasyva

pr yakanta ravasyva | tsm yu prajvad d bdhe arcanty jas | ndra oky didhianta
dhtyo dev ch n dhtya. When the warlord (ra) makes the tribes take notice through
acts of resolve, the fame-seekers will surpass when the prize is established, the fame-seekers will
display themselves. They surely chant to him in order to impel a lifetime (yus) full of progeny
through power (jas). The insights wish to establish for themselves an abode in Indra, just as the
insights go to the gods.

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V.10.103.6: gotrabhda govda vjrabhu jyantam jma pramntam jas |

im sajt nu vrayadhvam ndra sakhyo nu s rabhadhvam.

(He who) split open the cow pens, finding the cows, mace in hand, winning the course,
and pulverizing with power (jas): O relatives, let all of you act as soldiers in imitation of
this one, O friends, let you altogether embrace Indra.94

The poet here certainly encourages his assembled kinsmen, who are also soldiers
(vr-), to conduct themselves in accordance with their war-god in martial
exploits. Consequently, Indras violent activity and his execution of jas certainly
exemplify similar human endeavours.
Another poet stresses that Indra and soldiers (vr-) share a close
relationship. In addition, the poet makes sure Indra recognizes him and his
patrons:
V.6.26.7: ah can tt srbhir nay tva jyya indra sumnm ja | tvy yt

stvante sadhavra vrs trivrthena nhu aviha.

May I also, along with the patrons, receive this, your superior grace, your authority
(jas), O Indra, so that our soldiers are praised with you, O you who are accompanied by
soldiers, with Nahu who provides three-fold defense, O most capacious one.

It seems that the speaker and his patrons are concerned that Indra will provide
his goodwill (sumn) and power (jas) so that presumably their soldiers will
succeed in martial endeavours and receive public recognition. Moreover, in early
Vedic culture, the ritual patron (yjamna, sr) is almost always a clanlord

94

Cf. V.8.98.10: tv na indr bhara jo nm atakrato vicarae | vrm ptanham.

O Indra, bring authority (jas) here to us, (bring) manhood (nm), O one of a hundred
resolves, O unbounded one, here (bring) a soldier (vr) who is dominant in battles.

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(vipti) or settlement/house lord (stpati). Hence, in order to secure victory in

battles, the ritual patron seeks to associate himself and his troops with Indra
through ritual performances. This is most likely because human warriors place
themselves under the authority (jas) of their war-god. This act serves to
authenticate the mandate of the human warlord and his warriors, and also
symbolically associates them with Indras physical prowess in battles.
As the paradigmatic kingly gods of social and political order, justice, and
punishment, the dityas (primarily Mitra, Varua, and Aryaman) also take their
royal positions on the ritual ground:
V.1.188.4: prcnam barhr jas sahsravram astan | ytrdity virjatha.
With power (jas), they strewed eastwards the sacred grass, which brings a thousand
soldiers, from where, O dityas, you all rule/shine afar.95

We see here that jas accentuates the physical act of scattering the ritual
grass on the ground, yet also prefigures the appearance of soldiers and issues of
rulership (v- rj-). It is important to emphasize that jas appears in several
instances with the verbal formula v- rj-, to rule afar, shine out (see Got
(1987: 267ff.), which all the more underscores the meaning of jas as pertaining
to political realities.96 Furthermore, in the case of the dityas, the ritual arena is

95 Cf. V.9.5.4: barh prcnam jas pvamna stn hri | devu dev yate. The ruddy

one who is being purified (= sma) is strewing the sacred grass towards the east with power (jas):
the god moves among the gods. For the dityas kingly function as enforcers of law and order in
Vedic society, see Brereton (1981).
96 See V.1.188.4, V.5.55.2, & V.9.5.3. Cf. also V.8.6.26 (prarjasi), and also

V.3.45.5(svarj-), V.7.82.2 (samrj-, svarj-), & V.8.61.2 (svarj-).

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the site from where their political rule radiates. Hence, the textual evidence
presented in this section indicates that jas reflects a state of ritually sanctioned,
political authority to which patrons and soldiers subject themselves. In fact, we
can go as far to say that martial endeavours are only considered legitimate for
those who participate in the sma-cult if they have been channeled through and
hence approved in the ritual and subjected to Indras jas. Indra definitely
represents the exemplary model for human warriors and jas signals a certain
willingness on the part of ritual participants and warriors to place themselves
under the control of their war-god.
The gvedic evidence also indicates that poets endorse and legitimize
Indras physical and political power (jas) through ritual praises and
performances. For example:
V.8.6.1: mah ndro y jas parjnyo vim iva | stmair vatssya vvdhe.
Indra, who is great due to his authority (jas), like rain-bringing Parjanya, has been
reinforced with Vatsas praises.

This verse explicitly states that ritual praises bolster Indras great station, which is
associated with the function of the rain-bringing god, Parjanya. We have already
seen that one of Indras primary functions when associated with jas is the control
of waters and by extension the annual rains. The poets use of jas may thus
allude to Indras cosmological supremacy and control of waters. Another verse
underscores the importance of ritual praises:
V.8.12.4: im stmam abhaye ght n ptm adriva | yn n sady jas

vavkitha.

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This praise is for your superiority, purified like ghee, O stone-wielder, through which
now you have been strengthened with power (jas) on this day.97

It is reasonable to deduce that without ritual recognition Indras political power

and position will come to naught. The same poet continues to state that ritual
participants invoke Indra so that the god will manifest his power in battles:
V.8.12.22-23: ndra vtrya hntave devso dadhire pur | ndra vr anat sm

jase. mahntam mahin vay stmebhir havanartam | arkar abh pr onuma sm

jase.
In order to smash Vtra, the gods established Indra in front. Voices have cried out in
unison to Indra for his power (jas). We have repeatedly cried out in unison to the great
one due to his greatness, to him who has heard our invocation through praises and
through chants, for his power (jas).

Ritual praises are thus one way in which the war-gods jas is sanctioned.
Furthermore, the ritual setting functions as a fundamental arena in which
political and martial concerns are communicated and justified. Ritual participants
highlight their own relationship with Indra and his jas and endorse Indras
physical and political responsibilities, and in turn align their own physical and
political aspirations to that of their war-god. Ritual praises are not however the
only ritual process that substantiates Indras state of power. This position also

97 Throughout V.8.12.1-33, the verbs vak- and vdh- repeatedly appear. While both verbs

signify Indras physical increase in size and strength, their ramifications in the real world must
have corresponded to notions of ritual and political sanction and endorsement. I would argue that
the use of vak- with jas suggests that when a ritual participant strengthens Indra with
power he must be, by necessity, authorizing the political power/authority of the war-god and
by extension that of his human representative.

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depends on one of the most important and prestigious acts of ritual legitimization
within early Vedic culture, that is, drinking sma. The gvedic evidence thus
demonstrates that drinking sma and receiving ritual recognition fundamentally
underscore the meaning and function of jas as Indras physically realized
strength and his political authority over cosmic and human realities, to which
human warriors wish to subject themselves in the hope of operating under its
auspices.

5.4.b. The Human Indras Ritual Birth

If the world of the gods mirrors the world of men, then we can extrapolate from
all the verses so far presented that the position of a human king or warlord
requires the conferral and recognition of jas. In the same vein, the subtext of
Indras birth myth appears to parallel the ritual confirmation of a human king or
warlord. One verse states:
V.8.61.2: t h svarja vabh tm jase dhie niataktu | utpamnm

pratham n dasi smakma h te mna.

For the two Dhias (Heaven and Earth) fashioned him (Indra) out for authority
(jas) as ruler of his own (domain), as the bull; and you, foremost of the highest ones, sit
down since your mind longs for sma.98

Indra is here created to claim jas through drinking sma. The change in syntax
to the second person may suggest that the human Indra is being addressed. The

98 For a related verse featuring

dhi & jas, see V.10.96.10.

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context may further indicate the moment when the Yajamna sits on the ritual
ground and thereby assumes Indras role. More importantly, to complete this
process, as soon as Indra or his human counterpart is invested with his status he
must drink sma, and vice versa. This ritual procedure confers jas on him, by
necessity and as a matter of fact, and appears to constitute a form of ritual
confirmation.
The idea that Indra is born with jas appears in several other verses, which
may thus point to the ritual confirmation of the human Indra.99 For example:
V.1.130.9a, to Indra: sra cakrm pr vhaj jt jas.
The one who is born with power (jas) tore out the Suns disc.

99 Indras birth is normally signaled by the use of the past participle jt-, born and often

appears with the refrain sadys/skm + jan-. The notion of a royal consecration develops to
the point where it becomes a full-blown and systematic ritual known as the rjasya. See
Heesterman (1957), who regrettably does not consider the gvedic processes and allusions that
may inform Brhmaa and rauta traditions. My analysis is not meant to suggest anything beyond
the process of drinking sma and gaining jas, and its relationship with Indras birth narrative. My
choice of confirmation should thus be taken as a general statement and not meant to reflect or
approximate later ritual developments (esp. re. abhieka, abhiecanya). In saying this, however,
Heesterman (1957) argues that the rjasya is an annual rite of cosmic regeneration in which the
royal sacrificer is reborn out of the sacrifice, in which various rites, myths, and symbolic allusions
associate the king with the (re-) creation of the universe and sma drinking. Moreover, Rau (1957:
88) argues the rjasya/abhieka could be repeated according to exigency and necessity. In
addition, Schmidt (1992: 339) states: Clearly the repetition is not an inauguration, but a
confirmation. There is more evidence for repeated consecrations than Scharfe (1989: 83) admits.
For an insightful study on the relationship between the rjasya ritual and early state formation
and kingship in the late Vedic period, see Kulke (1992: 188-198). For a historical analysis of the
development and composite nature of the rjasya, see Schmidt (1992).

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V.6.29.6cd, to Indra: ev h jt samtyoj pur ca vtr hanati n dsyn.

For thus he is born with extreme power that is unequalled ( samtyjas-). He will smash
down many obstacles and barbarians.

Indras birth thus prefigures battle. We have repeatedly seen that warfare in one
of the primary ways in which wealth in generated in early Vedic culture. The
appearance of jas as a marker of violent activity in the following verse seems to
indicate such a reality:
V.8.99.3: ryanta iva srya vvd ndrasya bhakata | vsni jt jnamna jas

prti bhg n ddhima.

Like those who cook (share) the Sun, they share all (the treasures) of Indra. When the
one who has been born before is being born (anew) with power ( jas), we anticipate his
treasures, as if (our) portion.

The final statement suggests that each ritual performance produces a new Indra,
and that with each birth a new Indra takes his place in the ritual and in Vedic
society.100 It is reasonable to suppose then that Indras birth narrative alludes to

100 Connerton (1989) argues that socially important acts refer back to the first time they occur or

are performed in order to firmly root their value in a timeless, persistent, and meaningful
framework. This also grounds the transmission of the act and its value in social memory in a
pervasive and highly significant cosmological or historical past. Connerton (1989: 61) writes:
Commemorative ceremonies share two features of all other rituals, formalism and
performativity; and in so far as they function effectively as mnemonic devices they are able to
execute that function in large part because they possess such features. But commemorative
ceremonies are distinguishable from all other rituals by the fact that they explicitly refer to
prototypical persons and events, whether these are understood to have a historical or a
mythological existence; and by virtue of that fact rites of this sort possess a further characteristic

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a ritual process of re-installing or sanctioning a new human warlord: a process

explicitly connected with the conferral of jas.101 Human warlords are thus
expected to imitate Indra and carry out his violent mandate in the real world.
However, we must assume that, unlike Indra, human warlords do not naturally
embody jas from birth, but must have it ritually conferred on them. This process
would thus represent their ritual birth. Since the use of jas is consistent
throughout all books of the gveda, it is to be expected that the physical and
political ideals and values bound up in the use of jas were pan-ryan. Thus, each
family or clan may have performed sma rituals for their own warlord in order to
confirm his physical and political power. Multiple individuals must have been
ascribed to be the human Indra. The proof of their instantiation would most likely
be attested in their martial and political success or failure. This calls to mind the
standard refrain at V.2.22.1h, 2g, and 3g, where the real (saty) sma is given
to the real Indra (satym ndra saty ndu), as if this Gtsamada poet is
absolutely sure his Indra is tried and true. In fact, one verse in this hymn states:
V.2.22.3: sk jt krtun skm jas vavakitha sk vddh vrya ssahr

mdho vcarai | dt rdha stuvat kmya vsu sana sacad dev dev satym
ndra saty ndu.

and one that is distinctively their own. We may describe this feature as that of ritual re-enactment,
and it is a quality of cardinal importance in the shaping of communal memory.
101 The ritual process involved in this act of confirmation is further suggested at V.8.93.23: i

htr askatndra vdhso adhvar | chvabhthm jas. Sacrificially offered/desirable

oblations, which reinforce Indra in the rite, have surged towards the purificatory bath through his
power (jas).

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As soon as born you were strengthened at once with resolve/purpose, at once with
power (jas); at once reinforced with acts of soldiery (vry-): Keeping the boundary
people apart, you repeatedly dominated the negligent ones. (You are) the giver of
benefit and desirable treasure to the praiser: one accompanies the other god upon
god, the real droplet (of sma) upon the real Indra.

The narrative thus informs the listener that, as soon as born, Indra is
strengthened (vak-) with resolve/purpose (krtu) and power (jas), and
reinforced with his soldiery (vry) to wage war. Moreover, we once again see that
warfare foreshadows the distribution of wealth. A related verse makes the
sequence of this birth narrative more explicit:
V.3.32.9: drogha saty tva tn mahitv sady yj jt pibo ha smam | n dyva

indra tavsas ta jo nh n ms ardo varanta.

O you who lacks any falsehood, real is your greatness, in that as soon as born you drank

sma. O Indra, neither the daytimes, nor the days, months, or autumnal years will
obstruct the power (jas) of you who are courageous/aggressive.

Indra is thus one of the only gods born with the legitimation to drink sma, and
through this act the war-god takes on his jas. In addition, we also see the
political connotations of jas as it represents here Indras power over temporal
realities, as if the war-god controls time. Furthermore, early Vedic sma rituals
are intimately connected with declarations of war. It is thus reasonable to propose
that the human warlords political promotion from drinking sma and taking on

jas is a symbolic birth.102 This ritual birth is set within cosmological

102 An interesting scenario presents itself at V.10.95.11ab:

jaji itth gopthyya h dadhtha

tt purravo ma ja. For you were born thus, for the sake of protection. O Purravas, (but) you
conferred this power (jas) on me. Here the use of jas reflects the responsibitity to offer

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precedents and prefigures a display of physical strength in battle and a state of

political authority, which are both expressed by jas. Nevertheless, it is reasonable
to assume that for human participants this physio-political state is contingent on
access to sma, among other ritual processes, yet no contingency need be implied
for the god Indra, because he will always receive sma no matter who his human
representative is, and because he is, naturally, always born with jas.

5.4.c. Martial Duty and Political Responsibility

As we have already seen, assuming a state of sma-appointed authority entails
certain martial expectations. In a telling ritual and martial sequence, we see that
Indra drinks sma, takes on his jas, and sharpens his mace for battle.103 As the
human Indra is ritually confirmed through drinking sma, he is reminded of his
responsibility to distribute wealth, gain political and ritual recognition, and
remove obstacles that could likely hinder this. For example:
V.8.36.3: rj dev vasy jas tvm pb smam mdya k atakrato | y te

bhgm dhrayan vv sehn ptan ur jrya sm apsujn martv indra

satpate.

protection, which the mortal man and king, Purravas, does not seem to accept, and thus hands it
off to his celestial lover, Urva. The entire hymn criticizes Purravas and the irony lies in the fact
that a kings consort takes on board jas, which is a clear aberration of gender roles and political
status. Moreover, we note that Purravas is born, which may indicate that he is supposed to act
as Indra, yet perhaps fails to assume his role.
103 V.8.76.9.

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You help the gods through invigoration, you help yourself through power (jas). Drink

sma, which they upheld as your portion, for the sake of exhilaration, O one of a hundred
revolves/purposes. You, dominating all battles across the wide expanse, victorious in the
waters, accompanied by the Maruts, O Indra, O lord of the settlement.104

In a similar vein, one verse states:

V.1.103.3: s jtbharm radddhna ja pro vibhindnn acarad v ds | vidvn

vajrin dsyave hetm asyrya sho vardhay dyumnm indra.

Bearing the burden at birth, confident in his power (jas), he proceeded towards the
barbarian forts and rent them asunder. O mace-wielder, as one who understands, hurl
your missile at the Dasyu. O Indra, reinforce our ryan dominance (shas) and
majesty.105

We see here that Indras must carry out the all-important task of destroying
enemies in order to lay claim to outright martial supremacy (shas) and
majesty/heavenliness (dyumn). In another verse, Indra explicitly recognizes the
political ramifications of fulfilling his responsibilities when he addresses his
warrior band:
V.1.165.10: kasya cin me vibhv stv jo y n dadhvn kvai man | ah hy

gr maruto vdno yni cyvam ndra d a em.

Even if I am alone, let my authority (jas) be prominent/far reaching (in order to do)
the things which I, having become bold, will perform now according to conviction. For I

104 See also V.6.36.1-2.

105

Cf. V.8.4.5: pr cakre shas sho babhja manym jas | vve ta indra ptanyvo yaho

n vk iva yemire. He carried out an act of dominance (shas) through his dominance (shas),
he broke battle fury through his authority (jas). O youthful Indra, all those who desire battle have
held still before you, like trees.

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am known as authoritative, O Maruts: What I shall set in motion, I, Indra, am master of

these.

It is telling that Indra states that his actions will be carried out in the here and
now of this ritual performance. We can only surmise that a real person will make
sure of this. In the verse that precedes this, the Maruts overtly state the
imperative that Indra should perform his duties:
V.1.165.9cd: n jyamno nate n jt yni kariy kuh pravddha.
Neither one who will be born, nor one who has been born, will achieve those things that
must be done (by you). Do them! O you who have been reinforced.

The use of jan- here suggests that prior and future representatives of Indra are
being alluded to, and thus the current representative is being addressed.
Moreover, the Maruts once again participate in the ritual and explicitly
encourage their leader for the impending battle.
The following verse paints a vivid picture of the political nature of jas
and how success in martial endeavours occasions social recognition:
V.3.45.5: svayr indra svar asi smddhii svyaastara | s vvdhn jas

puruuta bhv na survastama.

O Indra, focused on your own, you are ruler of your own (domain), taking (your own
ritual) allotment as one who is exceptionally famous among your own. Having been
reinforced with power (jas), O widely praised one, be one of most excellent reputation
for us.

The obligation to perform martial acts is also evident in the following verse:
V.6.18.15: nu dyvpthiv tt ta j marty jihata indra dev | kv ktno kta

yt te sty ukth nvyo janayasva yaja.

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O Indra, following that authority (jas) of yours, heaven, earth, and the immortal gods
set off. O deed-doer, do that which is yet done but is yours (to do): Produce a newer
recitation with the sacrifices.

In another verse, one poet informs Indra that as soon as he takes on his
political position after drinking sma, he must slay the paradigmatic obstacle, the
cosmic serpent Vtra:
V.1.53.6-7ab: t tv md amadan tni vy t smso vtrahtyeu satpate | yt

krve da vtry aprat barhmate n sahsri barhya || yudh ydham pa ghd

ei dhuy pur pra sm id hasy jas.
These exhilarating drinks exhilarated you, these bullish (drinks), these sma juices, at
the smashing of obstacles, O lord of the settlement, when you cast down without
resistance ten obstacles for the bard, and a thousand for the one who strews the sacred
grass. You rush boldly towards fight after fight, you crush fort after fort through power
(jas).106

It seems that assuming a state of sma-appointed jas prefigures warfare and thus
entails certain martial responsibilities. For this reason, another verse states:
V.5.31.6ab-7: pr te prvi krani vocam | pr ntan maghavan y cakrthatd

n n te kraa dasma viprhi yd ghnnn jo trmimth | asya cit pri my

agbh prapitv ynn pa dsyr asedha.
I will proclaim your ancient acts, proclaim the current ones, O munificent one, which
you have performedO wondrous inspired poet, this is surely now your act (kraa),

106 Cf. also V.10.113.6c: vtr yd ugr vy vcad jas. When the powerful one sliced apart

Vtra through his power (jas).

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that smashing the Serpent, you showed the measure of your power (jas) thus. You
seized even uas crafts, going at daybreak you repelled the Dasyus away.107

Since Indras acts are current or immediate (ntana- kraa-), it is reasonable to

assume that the poet here anticipates that his warlord has fulfilled his obligations
in the here and now in which the hymn was recited.108

107 At V.1.121.10, uas jas is set around Indra, who proceeds to split it apart. Cf. V.8.40.6:

pi vca puravd vratter iva gupitm jo dssya dambhaya | vay td asya smbhta vsv
ndrea v bhajemahi nbhantm anyak same. As in ancient times, cut (him) down like tangles
of a creeper: weaken the power (jas) of the barbarian. May we divide up his treasure that was
collected by Indra. Let all others burst apart. Also V.8.40.10: t it suvktbhis tve

stvnam gmyam | ut n cid y jas asyni bhdati jat svrvatr ap nbhantm

anyak same. Sharpen him (Indra) with well-woven (hymns), the awe-inspiring hymn worthy true
man/warrior. And even now the one who will split uas eggs through his power (jas) will
conquer the waters along with the sun. Let all others burst apart. And V.8.96.17: tv ha tyd

apratimnm jo vjrea vajrin dhit jaghantha | tv asyvtiro vdhatrais tv g indra

cyd avinda. For thus, emboldened, you smashed the power (jas) that lacks a counterpart
with your mace, O mace-wielder. You brought low (the jas) of ua with deadly weapons, you
surely found the cattle through your capability, O Indra. Finally, V.10.8.9: bhrd ndra

udnakantam j vbhinat stpatir mnyamnam | tvrsya cid vivrpasya gnm cakrs

tri r pr vark. Indra, lord of the settlement, split into many pieces the one striving after
power (jas), fancying himself (worthy). Preparing/readying even (a portion) of the cattle of the
all-formed descendant of Tva, he twisted off his three heads. For a related verse where Indra is
reinforced (vdh-) with jas and slays a three-headed, six-eyed barbarian, see V.10.99.6. See also
V.10.54.1, where, after being praised, Indra helps the gods by surpassing barbaric power
(dsam ja). For speculative consideration of the social position of Dsas, Dasyus, and Pais and
their relationship with ryan culture, see Parpola (1997: 196-201). Cf. also Hale (1986: 146ff.,
168). As a Dasyu, ua is clearly an enemy of the poets and their patrons. All the verses
connecting jas with the Dsa/Dasyu come from post-family books of the gveda. Hence, the
association of jas with Dsa/Dasyu (rather than Indra exercising his jas to defeat them)
represents one of the few developments seen in its use across gvedic layers.

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The process of ritual legitimation through drinking sma and the

consequent martial duty also appears in relation to Indra and the Maruts:
V.3.47.3: ut tbhir tup phi smam ndra devbhi skhibhi sut na | y

bhajo marto y tvnv han vtrm dadhus tbhyam ja.

And, O seasonable drinker, according to (ritual) seasons/sequences drink sma, which
was pressed by us, O Indra, with the gods as friends. The Maruts to whom you gave a
share (of sma), who followed you (when) you smashed Vtra, to you they conferred
power (jas).

This verse suggests that a warlord is expected to share sma among his loyal
troops, who reciprocally confer jas on their leader. Presumably, the Maruts
would also gain jas through this process, and for this reason we need only
compare statements such as the power of the Maruts (martm ja,

108 For kraa, see also V.2.15.1: pr gh nv sya mahat mahni saty satysya krani vocam

| trkadrukev apibat sutsysy made him ndro jaghna. Now I will proclaim the great acts of
this great one, the true acts of him the true. He drank of the pressed (sma) among the
Trikadrukas. In its exhilaration, Indra smashed the Serpent. V.4.19.10: pr te prvi krani

viprvidv ha vide krsi | ythyath vyni svgrtpsi rjan nryvive.

Understanding (them), I have spoken forth here your ancient acts, O inspired one, to him that
understands the deeds, in whatever manner you set about to do those bullish and manly activities
that sing their own praise, O king. V.6.18.13a: pr tt te ady kraa ktm bht. This act
performed by you today is prominent. V.8.15.11: satr tvm puruuta ko vtri toase |

nny ndrt kraam bhya invati. In every way, you, O much-praised one, alone demolish
obstacles. None other than Indra compels a greater act. Cf. V.2.22.1, & V.1.85.10 where
Maruts performed their joyous deeds in the exhilaration of sma (mde smasya ryni

cakrire).

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V.3.26.6b).109 The sequence is telling in that Indra drinks sma and fulfils his
cosmic obligation to slay Vtra. In turn, the Maruts bear witness to this fact by
conferring (dh-) jas on Indra a process underpinned by the monopolization
of sma.110
It is interesting to note that Indra destroys Vtra because the serpent may
have either held a position of authority or attempted to usurp Indras. Two verses
succinctly state:
V.2.12.11c: ojymna y hi jaghna.
The one who smashed the Serpent as he was displaying/acting for power.111
V.3.32.11ab: hann him pariynam ra ojymna tuvijta tvyn.
You smashed the Serpent lying around the flood, displaying his power, O you
aggressively born, as more effective (than him).

The use of the denominative participle ojymna suggests that Vtra poses a
credible threat to Indras outright control of the cosmos. The serpents
destruction thus ensures that Indra remains unrivalled in physical and political

109 Cf. V.5.52.14: cha e mruta ga dn mitr n yo

| div v dhava jas stut

dhbhr iayata. O seer, turn hither the Marut-band with a gift, like a maiden (turns hither) an
ally. Or from heaven do you, O daring ones, who with power (jas) are praised with insights, impel
yourselves.
110 The Maruts are often stated to be Indras companions at the slaying of Vtra. Cf. V.4.32.3:

dabhrbhi cic chysa hsi vrdhantam jas | skhibhir y tv sc. Even with a few you
smash the one who is more abundant, who is proud, through your power (jas): you with your
friends who are together with you.
111 For ojymna, see also V.1.140.6c.

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realms. Therefore, warlords with any political machinations must accomplish the
duties conveyed by jas and expected of Indra. They must exercise brute force to
prove their worth in battles and only then will they be worthy of political
recognition and standing within early Vedic society. One of the primary means to
achieve this is by securing their right to drink sma.

5.4.d. The Obligation to Distribute Spoils

We have already seen that the ethics of sharing the spoils of war feature in many
different contexts throughout the gveda. It is no surprise then that several verses
featuring jas contain the imperative to distribute wealth in the ritual arena after
successful conquest. For example:
V.1.130.7: bhint pro navatm indra prve dvodsya mhi de nto vjrea

de nto | atithigvya mbara girr ugr vbharat | mah dhnni dyamna

jas vv dhnny jas.
O Indra, you split open the ninety forts with your mace for Pru Divodsa, for the one
who ritually serves you there is greatness, O dancer, for the one who ritually serves you,
O dancer. For Atithigva, the powerful one brought down ambara from the mountain,
the great one distributing stakes due to his power (jas), all stakes due to his power
(jas).

The physio-political ramifications of jas are evident here as it at once refers to a

show of force and Indras ability to distribute wealth.112 This responsibility to
distribute wealth is stated elsewhere:

112 Cf. V.10.84.2, to Manyu: agnr iva manyo tviit sahasva sennr na sahure ht edhi |

hatvya trn v bhajasva vda jo mmno v mdho nudasva . Awesome like Fire, O battle fury,

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V.5.33.6: papkyam indra tv hy jo nmni ca ntmno marta | s na n

vasavno ray d prry stue tuvimaghsya dnam .

O Indra, the power (jas) (conferred) on you is indeed to be encouraged, and your acts
of manhood (nm-). As the dancing immortal, give us colourful wealth, you winner of
treasures. I praise forth the gift of the very munificent stranger/compatriot (ar-).113

In the same vein, the All-Gods are instructed thus:

V.2.29.2: yy dev prmatir yym jo yy dvsi sanutr yuyota |

abhikattro abh ca kmadhvam ady ca no myatpar ca.

You, O gods, are (our) ambition/aspiration (prmati); you are (our) power (jas): Keep
hatreds far away. As distributors, be lenient and be merciful to us today and in the
future.114

be dominant! O dominating one, be invoked as our army-leader! After smashing the rivals, share
out their property. Showing the measure of your power (jas), push away the negligent ones. Cf.
also V.8.99.3.
113 Papkya is a problematic hapax in the gveda (see Mayrhofer EWA 12: 159).
114 It is apposite that the term prmati, ambition/aspiration, is juxtaposed with jas. Prmati

appears to be a formal aspiration/ambition placed on the heads of families to acquire and share
wealth, and the duty expected of fathers to protect their extended families (jm). Indra and Agni
function as the exemplar to achieve this (see V.1.109.1). For confirmation of the familial
element of prmati, see V.1.31.10ab, V.1.31.14c, V.1.31.16c, V.1.71.7, V.7.29.4d,
V.10.23.7c, V.10.100.5. Indras prmati is auspicious (bhadr) for sma pressers
(V.10.100.11b), and Agnis prmati is auspicious (bhadr) in that it protects the worshippers
from harm (V.1.94.1cd, cf. V.1.31.9c). The idea the prmati relates to acquiring wealth is
stated at V.8.19.29: tva krtv saneya tva rtbhir gne tva prastibhi | tvm d hu

prmati vaso mmgne hrasva dtave. May I win through your resolve, through your gifts, O
Fire, through your fore-praises. Surely, they tell you the ambition of mine, O Treasure: O Fire, be
animated to give it. And V.7.93.4: grbhr vpra prmatim ichmna e ray yasam

prvabhjam | ndrgn vtraha suvajr pr no nvyebhis tirata dea. The inspired poet,
seeking his ambition due to our songs, summons famous (yas) wealth, the foremost share. O

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The sequence of this verse emphasizes the relationship between jas and the
obligation to provide protection, on one hand, and the responsibility to distribute
wealth and offer evenhanded judgment, on the other. A similar expectation is
placed on the Maruts, Indras elite troops who function as the idealized warriors
under the leadership of a warlord:
V.3.26.6: vrtavrta gagaa suastbhir agnr bhmam martm ja mahe |

padavso anavabhrrdhaso gntro yaj vidtheu dhr .

With good eulogies we solicit from among every cohort and warrior band the
radiance/ferocity of Fire, the power (jas) of the Maruts, who possess variegated horses
and give undiminished gifts, they who go to the sacrifice, insightful at the distribution
ceremonies.

As we have already seen, underlying the obligation to share the spoils of

warfare is a potent message that if a warlord is unable to win battles and offer
largesse he will not be able to continue drinking sma and will lose his privileged
position.115 One verse states this imperative:

Indra and Fire, O smashers of Vtra with excellent maces, further us with new donations. In
another verse, Indra is placated for wealth ( ray), refreshment (), and the spoils of war (vja-).
The verse continues, V.1.53.5cd: s devy prmaty vrumay gagrayvvaty rabhemahi.
May we altogether obtain the godly ambition, associated with the explosiveness of soldiers, at the
forefront of cows, and bringing horses. For further statements connecting prmati with the
acquisition of wealth, see V.1.33.1b, V.3.57.6, V.4.16.18, V.6.45.4, & V.7.93.3b.
115 For other verses that underscore the connection between

jas and wealth, cf. V.2.22.3,

V.6.19.6, V.6.36.1-2. Also cf. V.9.64.18, where sma protects wealth and the community: pri

o yhy asmayr viv vsny jas | ph na rma vrvat. With affection for us, drive around
all our treasures through power (jas): Protect our shelter that is full of soldiers.

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V.6.19.6, to Indra: viha na bhara ra va jiham jo abhibhta ugrm | vv

dyumn vy mnum asmbhya d harivo mdaydhyai.

O warlord, bring here to us the most capacious capacity (viha vas), the most
authoritative authority (jiha jas) that is authoritative (ugr), O you who have
supremacy. Give to us all majesties (dyumn-), all bullish things (vya-) that belong to
the descendents of Manu, in order to bring elation (to yourself), O bay horse owner.

A warlord (ra) is thus not only expected to retain his political standing, but is
also obligated to distribute his acquisitions among his people. Kulke (1992: 189)
points out that in the post-gvedic period one of the primary means for Rjanyas
and Katriyas to secure high social status was the distribution of the spoils of war.
However, the stabilization of the political landscape and the reduction in
migratory warfare and raids may have impinged on their ability to secure such
valuable sources of income. Thus, arising from among the clansmen and villagers
(vi-), these military elites became settled land owning lords of the village
(grmapati-, grmin-) by laying claim to the agrarian surplus of the burgeoning
village systems.116 In the early Vedic period, the obligation to acquire and
distribute the spoils of warfare is most certainly one of the prominent
responsibilities entailed by the assumption of sma-affirmed jas, and is also a
central component of early Vedic martiality.

116 For similar sentiments (though differing on the role and development of the vi-), see Thapar

(1984), who argues that Vedic society became more focused on agricultural endeavours, but cattle
rearing and raiding remained significant and over time the cattle raiding warlords transformed
into the territory controlling Katriyas, which represents a shift in the focus of power (cf. Whitaker
2004a, 2004b).

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5.5.a. Embodying Power, Wearing Authority

I have briefly addressed the way in which concepts like jas correspond to an early
Vedic conceptualization of the body. The follow section will consider this issue indepth. Let us begin by considering one verse where emphasis is placed on a
concrete symbol of power and prestige:
V.8.96.3: ndrasya vjra yas nmila ndrasya bhvr bhyiham ja | rnn

ndrasya krtavo nirek snn anta rty upk.

Indras metal mace is suspended on the two arms of Indra as his most important (sign
of) power/authority (jas). On his head exclusively are the resolves/purposes of Indra, to
his mouth they come very close for (advice) worthy to be heard.117

In fact, the vjra is associated with jas on other occasions:

V.1.130.4: ddh vjram ndro gbhastyo kdmeva tigmm sanya s yad

ahihtyya s yat | savivyn jas vobhir indra majmn | teva vk vanno

n vcasi paravva n vcasi.
Firmly holding his mace in both hands, Indra honed it sharp like a knife, for throwing,
he honed it in order to smash the Serpent. O Indra, investing yourself with power (jas),
with capacity after capacity (vas), with greatness, you cut down the trees, like a
carpenter (cuts) wood, you cut (Vtra) down as if with an axe.
V.8.76.9: pbd indra martsakh sut sma dviiu | vjra na jas.
O Indra, drink the pressed sma with your Marut-friends at the sacrifices of the day,
sharpening your mace with power (jas).118

117 Note that yas, copper, iron, appears in the family books & books 1 & 8, while the derivative

yas appears mainly in 1, 8, & 10. For nmila, I follow the suggestions of Brereton and Jamison
(pers. comm., March 2003).

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These verses highlight the close relationship between physical strength and
political authority. The vjras connection with Indras arms (bh-) at V.8.96.3
certainly alludes to the war-gods physical power. Moreover, the fact that Indra
shapens his mace is a potent statement of battle preparation and weaponsmithing in early Vedic culture. It is reasonable to assume that preparing and
wielding such a weapon would require raw physical strength. Nevertheless, the
mace (vjra) is Indras signature weapon; it is his and his alone. The vjra is thus
one of the primary symbols of Indras position and function as the god of war in
early Vedic society this will continue to be true for millennia. Hence, jas is
aptly associated with the vjra because both symbols equally denote Indras
physical prowess and political standing.
The symbolic relationship between sma, jas, and the body has already
been discussed. Nevertheless, in one verse sma is correlated with shas and jas
and also located in Indras arms (bh-):
V.2.36.5: e sy te tanv nmavrdhana sha ja pradvi bhvr hit | tbhya

sut maghavan tbhyam bhtas tvm asya brhmad tpt piba.

This (sma) reinforces your (Indra) bodys manhood (nm). As dominance (shas), as
authority (jas), it was established in your arms (bh-) in distant days. For you it was
pressed, O munificent one (=Indra), and for you it was brought here: Drink of it from
the Brahmans cup until satiated.

118 Note V.8.76.9c = V.10.153.4c. Cf. V.9.15.4, to Soma: e gi ddhuvac chte ythy

v | nm ddhna jas. This one, the bull (who leads) the herd, shaking his horns violently,
sharpens them, assuming acts of manhood (nm) due to his power (jas).

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Once again we see that the physical ingestion of sma becomes the metaphor for
establishing physically realized, socio-political power and station. Moreover, the
physical body (tan) and the arms (bh-) function as the medium through which
social values are symbolically internalized and transmitted. When a human
warrior drinks sma, he embodies inseparable physical and political values, and
also intrinscially interlocks his own identity with that of his war-god Indra. The

vjra and sma are thus two concrete symbols of status and martiality. Their
intimate connection with jas encodes physical and political values on Indras
body, especially the arms (bh), and it is reasonable to assume that this reality is
true for human warriors and warlords as well.
As the above verses demonstrate, the arms (bh-) serve as a primary
medium through which jas, sma, and the vjra are intimately associated with
Indra. The relationship between jas and bh is even closer than this as one poet
states that shas, jas, and bla are placed directly in Indras arms:
V.5.57.6: yo vo maruto sayor dhi sha jo bhvr vo bla hitm | nm

rsv yudh rtheu vo vv va rr dhi tanu pipie.

O Maruts, lances are placed on your two shoulders; dominance (shas), authority (jas)
and strength (bla) are placed on your arms (bh-); acts of manhood (nm-) are
placed on your heads; weapons are placed on your chariots: all (this) finery (r) has been
trimmed/marked (pi-) on your bodies.119

119 r reflects notions of the radiance of fire, the beauty of gods and women, while also denoting

ceremonial pageantry, pomp, and grandeur. It refers to how good or appropriate certain
individuals look, whether that beauty is natural, effulgent, or conventional with regard to weapons
and clothes. r thus designates a form of highly communicable social rank that often is worn or

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This is a significant verse which provides considerable insight into the way in
which early Vedic warriors were treated and represented. In this verse, concrete
items of war and potent abstract values are juxtaposed with each other, yet
recognized as a unified marker of elite character (vv r). The root pi-

displayed. Hence, I have chosen the words beauty, fineness and finery to express the semantic
range of r. See, e.g., V.9.94.4, to Soma: riy jt riy nr iyya rya vyo jaritbhyo

dadhti | rya vsn amtatvm yan bhvanti saty samith mitdrau . Born for beauty, he
came out here for beauty; he establishes beauty, (as) health (vyas) for the singers. Clothing
themselves in beauty/finery, they went to immortality. The confluences become real in the one of
measured pace. Cf. V.1.43.7, to Soma. See also V.1.72.10a, to Agni: dhi rya n dadhu

crum asmin. They installed on him dear/favourable fineness/finery. Cf. V.2.10.1c, where Agni
is clothed in fineness/finery (rya vsno). For Agni & r, see also V.2.1.12b, V.2.8.3,
V.2.8.5c, V.4.5.15a, V.4.10.5e, V.5.3.4a (tva riy sudo deva dev), V.5.28.4,
V.5.44.2a, V.7.15.5a, V.8.72.13a, V.10.1.5d, V.10.45.5a, V.10.45.8b, & V.10.91.5a. For
physical beauty, see V.1.179.1c: minti rya jarim tannm. Old age diminishes the beauty
of bodies. At V.4.44.2ab, the Avins covet r, & V.7.69.4a, where a young woman chooses r
(cf. V.1.116.17d, V.1.117.13d, V.5.74.6b, V.6.63.5-6, V.7.72.1d). Srya unfurls his
fineness/finery like an emblem (V.5.45.2a: v sryo amti n rya sd). Night and Dawn
put on brilliantly trimmed/marked fineness/finery (V.10.110.6d: dhi rya ukrapa

ddhne; cf. V.1.92.6c, V.1.122.2d, V.1.188.6b, where the two rule/shine afar through their
beauty (-dhi riy virjata), V.7.67.2d, V.10.127.1c). (See also abhir, superior-beauty,
V.1.98.1b, where Agni is king (rjan), V.7.91.3b, V.10.130.5a, where wide rule (virj) is the

abhir of Mitra and Varua.) The Maruts accompany Indras r (V.8.13.28b) and they are
frequently associated with the term (V.1.85.2d, V.1.64.12d, V.5.55.3b, V.5.60.4c,
V.5.61.12a, V.6.66.4d, V.8.7.25c, V.8.20.7a, V.10.77.2a; cf. V.2.33.3a, to Rudra). Note
V.1.81.4, where r relates to Indras martial appearance. Cf. V.4.22.2, & V.6.29.3. Also cf.
V.1.88.3a, where axes are on the Maruts bodies for finery/beauty. See also V.1.166.10, where
the Maruts have auspicious objects on their arms, bright ornaments on their breats, antelope skins
on their shoulders, and razors on their chariots. Thus their fineries (rya) are said to spread out
like the wings of birds (cf. V.8.28.5).

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seems to express an indeterminate act of physically displaying such values on the

warriors, possibly in the form of tattoos or body paint.120 Moreover, the consistent
reference to the arms (bh-) in the verses just presented (V.2.36.5, V.5.57.6,

120 For pi-, see Mayrhofer (EWA 13: 168-169). Cf. adj. piga reddish, reddish-brown, (also

V.10.1.6a: variegated clothes, panni vrni). The noun pas refers to a type of
adornment or decortion, though also connotes colour or paint. According to Watkins (2000) the
Indo-European root, *pe-, variously denotes to etch, scratch, cut, mark (by incision); to
embroider; to colour, paint, write. A nasalized zero-grade form *pi-n-g- becomes paint,
beside picture and pigment, which derive from Latin pingere, to embroider, tattoo, paint,
picture. In the gveda, the consistent meaning of pi- is to cut, trim, mark, engrave, decorate,
adorn. The idea behind the gvedic appearance of the verb seems to be similar to English to
mark, though indefinite, or to trim, as in trimming meat, trimming ship/sails, trimming a
Christmas tree (i.e., decorating it), and lastly trimming hair/a person (i.e., in the sense of
preparing or adorning). For example, a craftsman (bh) trims (piati) flesh or meat (ms,
V.1.161.10b, cf. V.4.33.4b, V.1.110.8a) (cf. piit correctly cut flesh, Brhmaas f. pe
piece of meat). With capable actions (c-), craftsmen trim the ritual cups (camas-)
(V.3.60.2a). Cf. V.1.161.9d. Rudra trimmed/adorned himself (pipie) with bright golden
objects/flecks (V.2.33.9b: babhr ukrbhi pipie hrayai; cf. V.5.60.4b, to Maruts).
Likewise, the Maruts are adorned/trimmed with shining ornaments/unguents (V.5.56.1b: pi

rukmbhir ajbhi; cf. V.7.57.3, V.1.64.8b). As the master of the house, Fire trimmed
heavens vault with stars (V.1.68.10b: pipa nkam stbhir dmn; cf. V.6.49.3b,
V.10.68.11b, V.10.127.7a). Fire also trims good-soldiery (suvrya, V.8.19.22c) through liberal
offerings. Indra is instructed to adorn songs with cows and horses (V.7.18.2c; cf. V.7.103.6d, to
the Frogs, who trim/mark their voices while speaking). The sma stalk (a) is trimmed with
grain (yva, V.9.68.4c). The gods are instructed to tie the axle-ties of a chariot, prepare its reins,
and trim them (V.10.53.7). Interestingly, Tva trims/marks all living creatures with their forms
(V.10.110.9b, V.10.184.1b). More research is needed into pi- and material and bodily
culture in Vedic texts. However, if a link exists between cutting flesh and adorning the body in
some way, it may tentatively suggest an early Vedic practice of tattooing, body painting/piercing,
or scarification.

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V.8.96.3) is rather apt, if not obvious, given that we are talking about warriors.
In fact, the relationship between jas and bh is succinctly stated in the
compound bhvjas, power/authority in/on/of the arms, which only appears in
non-family books. At V.1.135.9, the winds young bulls (ukn-), most likely the
Maruts,121 are said to possess bhvjas. In addition:
V.8.20.6: mya vo maruto ytave dyar jhta ttar bht | ytr nro ddiate tanv

tvksi bhvjasa.
For your onslaught to travel by, O Maruts, heaven moves itself higher, loftily, where
men, whose power is in their arms (bhvjas-), repeatedly display creativities/creative
markings on their own bodies.

This verse provides a glimpse into early Vedic body art and decoration, where
perhaps bhvjas is represented in a symbolic form on the Maruts body. It is no
surprise that Indra is also said to possess powerful arms:
V.8.93.2, to Indra: nva y navatm pro bibhda bhvjas | hi ca vtrahvadht.
The one who split the nine and ninety forts through the power of his arms (bhvjas-),
and as Vtra-smasher slew the Serpent.
V.10.111.6, to Indra: vjrea h vtrah vtrm star devasya uvnasya my | v

dho tra dhat jaghanththbhavo maghavan bhvj .

For with his mace the Vtra-smasher scattered Vtra, (scattered) the crafts of the
godless one who had been swollen. You, bold one, boldly smashed (him) apart there.
And thus you became one whose power is in his arms ( bhvjas-), O munificent one.

121 See V.1.64.2a, where the Maruts are explicitly called ukn. It is interesting to note that the

term ukn derives from vak-/uk-, and according to Kiehnle (1979: 118) designates a young
steer of 3-5 years.

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The consistent reference to arms (bhvjas-) suggests that something

more meaningful is at stake than purely physical strength or prowess. The social
and political ramifications of the arms in early Vedic culture are nowhere more
apparent than in the famous sacrifice of the cosmic man at V.10.90, which
constitutes the first systematic statement of Indias class system:
V.10.90.12: brhma sya mkham sd bh rjany kt | r td asya yd vaya

padbhy dr ajyata.
The formulator-priest was his mouth. The nobleman was made his two arms (bh-). As
to his thighs, that is what the merchant was. From his two feet the servant was born.

The term nobleman (rjany) here refers to the Katriya, the burgeoning class
of Vedic rulers and warriors. The cosmological allusion constitutes a powerful
and pervasive means of naturalizing, communicating, and internalizing early
Vedic martiality. A warriors social position, his class (vara), is intimately
associated with his physicality, and his physicality underscores his primary
function and standing in society. Moreover, the power of his arms (bhvjas-) is
not just a statement of physical prowess; it is also a statement of his right to
maintain his social position and political supremacy. The fact that a warriors
physical identity is projected into the cosmic realm underpins the centrality and
didactic importance of social status and martial ethics in ancient Indian culture:
To exercise ones physical prowess is to embody the cosmic plan.
Body decoration, weaponry, and symbols of power and prestige are thus
primary means through which Vedic martial identity is structured and
communicated. In early Vedic culture, the body, especially the arms (bh-), most

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certainly functions as a natural symbol (Douglas 1973 [1970]),122 or better yet

that three bodies the individual, social, and political are melded in a
complex relationship with each other (Lock & Scheper-Hughes 1987; Strathern
1996).123 Scholars such as Lock & Scheper-Hughes (1987), Connerton (1989), and
Strathern (1996) have demonstrated that conceptualizations of the body within
any given society are frequently constructed to reproduce and map social and
political values onto the body. This process serves to naturalize such values and
makes them appear to be intrinsic factors of individual and social identity. Lock &
Scheper-Hughes (1987: 7) draw the cogent conclusion that the body functions as
simultaneously a physical and symbolic artifact, as both naturally and culturally
produced, and as securely anchored in a particular historical moment. Hence, as
a potent symbol, the body, especially the arms, plays a significant part in shaping
the identity of warriors and kings in ancient India. If jas, shas, bla, and nm
express any notion of physicality we must remember that even concepts like

122 Douglas (1973: 137-139) argues that the body serves as a symbol of society, and the powers and

prohibitions associated with the social structure are reproduced on the human body. Various types
of bodily symbolism thus grant certain individuals influence in society.
123 To counter the separation of mind from body in Cartesian dualism, Lock & Scheper-Hughes

(1987), taking their cue from Douglas (1966, 1973), cogently forward three perspectives from
which the body can be interpreted: 1) The individual body, the lived self, which refers to the
phenomenological body that experiences; 2) the social body, which refers to the way in which
the body is conceived and represented with regard to social, natural, supernatural, and spacial
relations; and 3) the body politic, which refers to the way in which social, political, and legal
systems regulate, condition, and control physical bodies. For an astute presentation and
evaluation of the works of Mauss, Lock & Scheper-Hughes, Douglas, Bourdieu, and Connerton,
see Strathern (1996: 1-39).

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strength are culturally constructed. Moreover, in their own distinct yet

intrinsically connected ways, jas, shas, bla, and nm shape the complex
physical, social, and political identity of individual warriors in ancient India.
Therefore, in the case of early Vedic culture, the arms (bh-) are a highly
significant medium though which ritual, martial, social, and political values are
embodied and expressed. Any display of physical strength on the part of warriors
represents and legitimizes highly important martial and political values. Through
the medium of their arms, warriors embody and communicate early Vedic social
relations and militant values as the physical body is symbolically mapped onto
political identity and responsibility, and vice versa. The cultural values that are
symbolically overlaid onto the physical body not only transmit ethical messages,
but also play a significant part in shaping the identity of warriors and kings by
securing their commitment to early Vedic martiality. To use Bourdieus
terminology, the metonymic (or synecdochic) relationship between the arms of
human warriors, jas, Indra, and the cosmic man, fosters mimesis in the form of
martial behaviour and socio-political stratification (see Bourdieu 1977: 116124).124 Strathern (1996: 28) qualifies Bourdieus argument when he states:
What is involved here is not just symbolic action based on metaphor but also the bringing
together of [various] separate spheres, which thereby become cosmically fused.

The rhetoric cogently aligns and fuses physical, cosmological, and political
realities and gives them renewed meaning in the lives of early Vedic warriors. In

124 Interestingly, the example Bourdieu uses to highlight this point is taken from Trobriand

garden magic by way of Malinowski (1935).

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turn, the bodily connection between jas and arms (bh) expresses a form of
social control. Warriors are conditioned not only in battle, but also through
physical ideology and body symbolism, which are sanctioned in the ritual.125 The
body acts as the medium through which individuals and groups engage in and
manipulate the ideologies of early Vedic martiality. Lock & Scheper-Hughes
(1987: 31) succinctly clarify this point:
The individual body should be seen as the most immediate, the proximate terrain where
social truths and social contradictions are played out, as well as a locus of personal and
social resistance, creativity, and struggle.

The individuals who present the most immediate danger to society, the warriors
and warlords who could throw ryan culture into chaos, are kept in check
through ritual activity. Early Vedic rituals therefore reinforce the dominant
conceptualization of the body and reproduce martial values and codes through
reproducing the identities of warriors who internalize and carry out such values in
the real world. In turn, individual warriors willingly conform to the requirements
of the dominant social and political order and propagate its values. This is
especially true when they participate in early Vedic rituals and subscribe to the
martial tenets communicated therein.126 Furthermore, early Vedic warriors
appropriate and take advantage of ritualized schemes encoded in their bodies to
generate and ensure their economic well-being and their social and political

125 Cf. Douglas (1966: 128), Sangren (1987: 141ff.), & Strathern (1996: 16).
126 Cf. Lock & Scheper-Hughes (1987: 25-27).

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positions.127 As an intrinsic component of the social body, bhvjas resonates in

physical, political, and cosmological realities. It further promotes martial and
social values and status while making them appear innate and normative. The
symbolism of the power terms as they relate to the early Vedic person constrains
the way in which the physical body especially the arms is conceived, and the
body defines complex and irreducible social persons, that is, warriors, and their
interactions with the larger social and ritual order.128
The intrinsic relationship between the physical body and the notion of
political power is further underscored in the following verse:
V.7.91.4: yvat tras tanv yvad jo yvan nra ckas ddhyn | ci sma

ucip ptam asm ndravy sdatam barhr dm.

So long as there is endurance of the body, so long as there is its power (jas), so long as
men are contemplating with their sight: Drink bright sma among us. O Indra and Vyu,
you drinkers of bright (sma): sit yourselves here on the sacred grass.

The process of political legitimation through drinking sma and its correlation
with the ethics of the social body resonate within this verse. The basic idea is that

127 Cf. Bell (1992: 96-100). Bell (1992: 96) aptly states: Ritualization is embedded within the

dynamics of the body defined within a symbolically structured environment.

128 Bell (1992: 204) states: It is in ritualas practices that act upon the actions of others, as the

mute interplay of complex strategies within a field structured by engagements of power, as the
arena for prescribed sequences of repetitive movements of the body that simultaneously
constitute the body, the person, the macro- and micronetworks of powerthat we can see a
fundamental strategy of power. In ritualization, power is not external to its working; it exists only
insofar as it is constituted with and through the lived body, which is both the body of society and
the social body. Ritualization is a strategic play of power, of domination and resistance, within the
arena of the social body.

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at the physical level, a healthy Indra can exercise force in battle. At the political
level, the subtext implies that a kings position of authority is contingent on his
survival. That is to say, only the physically robust, only those with political
longevity, only those individuals able to fulfill their obligation to defeat enemies
and claim jas will be recognized and authenticated in the ritual.129
All of this constitutes a powerful and pervasive means of internalizing and
communicating early Vedic social, martial, and political ethics and values
(Connerton 1989). One fundamental way in which warriors are socialized within
the system of early Vedic martiality is through the symbolic encoding of status
and obligation on their physical bodies.130 Moreover, the symbolic intersection
between clothing, ornaments, weaponry, and symbolic capital in the form of
power terms, allows for the integration and sustained promotion of bodily

129 Cf. V.1.33.12: ny vidhyad ilbasya dh v gam abhinac cham ndra | yvat tro

maghavan yvad jo vjrea trum avadh ptanym. Indra penetrated Ilbias steadfast
(forts), he split apart the horned ua. So long as there is endurance, O munificent one, so long
as there is power (jas), (therein) with your mace you have slain the rival whom desired battle.
130 Connerton (1989: 70-71) states at length: But rituals are not

just further instances of

humanitys now much touted propensity to explain the world to itself by telling stories. A ritual is
not a journal or memoir. Its master narrative is more than a story told and reflected on; it is a cult
enacted. An image of the past, even in the form of a master narrative, is conveyed and sustained
by ritual performances. And this means that what is remembered in commemorative ceremonies
is something in addition to a collectively organised variant of personal and cognitive memory. For
if the ceremonies are to work for their participants, if they are to be persuasive to them, then those
participants must be not simply cognitively competent to execute the performance; they must be
habituated to those performances. This habituation is to be foundin the bodily substrate of the
performance.

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identity, and social, ritual, cosmic, and political ideologies. When early Vedic
warriors flex their muscles, exercise physical strength, and realize the obligations
of their arms, they also internalize martial and political values, and thereby
promote the same values and responsibilities to others. This process is mediated
and substantiated through ritual performances. Ritual re-enactments perennially
restate important relationships and values bound up in cosmological, social, and
political realities (Connerton 1989: 61-95). The ritual arena thus constructs the
complex identities of early Vedic warriors and drives ryan militarism and
expansionism.
Therefore, the body, bodily symbolism, and bodily apparel function as one
medium through which early Vedic martial culture is displayed and transmitted.
The power terms convey potent messages that serve to shape the character of
early Vedic warriors and warlords.131 The physical body is a primary means
through which values are transmitted and put into effect. In turn, it acts as a site
for remembrance of highly significant social ideals (Connerton 1989: 59-61).
Moreover, the intimate and personal nature of the body makes such values seem
natural and innate to early Vedic warriors. The processes that promote such
values are transparent to early Vedic poets, priests, and warriors, and, more
importantly, the way in which the body is conceived is an intrinsic component of
early Vedic martiality.132

131 Cf. Connerton (1989: 33).

132 Cf. Bourdieu (1977: 116-124).

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5.5.b. The Atharvaveda: Amulets and Political Authority

The notion of embodying jas is further integrated in the wearing of amulets
(ma-), as seen in the Atharvaveda.133 Amulets are worn to overpower
opponents and protect the wearer from enemies.
AV.19.46.1 (AVP.4.23.1): prajpati v badhnt prathamm stta vryya km | tt

te badhnmy yue vrcasa jase ca blya csttas tvbh rakatu.

The Lord of Progeny (Prajpati) bound you (= amulet) first as the one that cannot be
laid low. I bind this (amulet) on you for a lifetime, for prestige, for authority (jas), for
strength (bla): Let the one unable to be laid low protect you.

However, beneath the explicit commands directed towards the supposed

efficacy of amulets is a veiled ethical message to their wearers. This is not wishfulfillment in a strict Malinowskian sense, as the individuals most often ascribed
to wear amulets are the very people who are expected to exercise martial prowess,
that is, warriors and kings. For example:
AV.3.5.1-2 (AVP.3.13.1-2): ym agan paramar bal blena pramnt saptnn |

jo devn pya adhn vrcas m jinvatv prayvan || myi katr paramae

myi dhrayatd raym |ah rrsybhvarg nij bhysam uttam.
This Para-amulet has come here, as the strong one pulverizing enemies through
strength (bla). Authority (jas) of the gods, milk of the plants, let it quicken me through
prestige unremittingly. Uphold dominion in me, O Para-amulet, uphold wealth in me:
May I naturally be highest in the realm of kingship.

Likewise:

133 For a summary of the Atharvavedic amulet hymns and their social and political importance in

early Vedic culture, see Whitaker (2004c).

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AV.10.3.11-12 (AVP.16.64.1-2): ay me vara rasi rj dev vnaspti |s me

trn v bdhatm ndro dsyn ivsurn || im bibharmi varam yumn

chatrada |s me rr ca katr ca pan ja ca me dadhat .
This Varaa (amulet) on my breast is king, god, Lord of the trees. Let it drive rivals
away from me, as Indra (drives away) the barbarians, the lordly foes (sura-). I wear this
Varaa (amulet), possessing a lifetime of a hundred autumns. It will confer on me
kingship and dominion, on me cattle and authority (jas).

Just as the warlord is the functional representative of Indra, so too is the warlord
the representative of the amulet. Once again, we see that the mode of address is
not to the real individual who is expected to carry out such imperatives or who is
being marked with status and duty. Just as the poets in the gveda do not directly
speak to the Yajamna, but speak to him through Indra and other gods, the
Atharvavedins speak to the wearer through amulets. Rituals to Indra and amulets
cater to all members of early Vedic culture, rather than any one warrior or king.
The poetic rhetoric is conservative and focuses on abstract mythologized
projections, that is, gods and amulets. This allows for the various types of ritual
hymns to be repeatedly used for future generations and for future individuals
seeking endorsement within early Vedic martial culture. To speak through Indra
or an amulet is to speak volumes about the unified needs and wants of early Vedic
pastoral tribes and their militant ideology.
Amulets are thus objectifications of power and prestige (cf. Tambiah
1984: 335-347). By wearing an amulet an individual expresses an agency to
participate in the ritual tradition of the Atharvaveda and to openly demarcate
intentionality to do so. The Atharvavedic evidence indicates that certain amulets
are regarded as important demarcators of power and prestige, and hence act as
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signs of an elite Vedic martial ideology. Moreover, an amulet wearer publicly

asserts a belief in and commitment to a much broader system of martiality that
consistently appears in the gveda. Since the messages appear to be identical
across both texts, this suggests that the individuals alluded to in the Atharvaveda
amulet hymns are also the same individuals participating in the sma cult, as seen
in the gveda.134 Or to put it more generally, the ideologies and values of early
Vedic martial culture are represented intertextually, which highlights the fact that
multiple methods and mediums cater to and socialize early Vedic warriors, who
readily participate and appropriate them. In short, the individuals participating in
the sma rituals are also the individuals wearing amulets fashioned in
Atharvavedic rites.

5.6. Conclusion
The underlying function of jas resonates not only in the family books, but
continues to feature strongly in the outer and historically later layers of the

gveda. This attests the sustained importance and centrality of the term. The
pervasive and coherent meaning of jas appears in one of the final hymns in the
last book of the text. In this short five verse hymn, in which several stanzas are
taken from Kva/girasa books 1 and 8, we see most of the themes, messages,
and expectations related to jas presented in an almost summary fashion:
V.10.153.1: khyantr apasyva ndra jtm psate | bhejnsa suvryam.

134 See the Appendix for further evidence to support this thesis.

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Swaying, industrious women sit near the (new) born Indra, taking stock of (his) good
soldiery (suvrya).
V.10.153.2: tvm indra bld dhi shaso jt jasa | tv van vd asi.
O Indra, you were born from strength (bla), from dominance (shas), from authority
(jas). O bull, you are surely a bull.
V.10.153.3: tvm indrsi vtrah vy ntrikam atira | d dym astabhn jas.
O Indra, you are the smasher of Vtra, you have lengthened out the atmosphere and
propped up heaven through your power (jas).
V.10.153.4: tvm indra sajasam arkm bibhari bhv | vjra na jas.
O Indra, you bear our chant on your arms to which you assented, sharpening your mace
through your power (jas).
V.10.153.5: tvm indrbhibhr asi vv jtny jas | s vv bhva bhava.
O Indra, you are supremacy over all born things/generations due to your authority (jas):
you pervaded all worlds.135

Many of the underlying social and political messages relating to jas are conveyed
in this hymn. In the first verse, Indra is just born and prepared for war (suvrya).
While sma is explicitly missing, the second verse, states that Indras birth entails
the assumption of closely related forms of physical, martial, and political power
(bla, shas, jas). Since Indras birth constitutes the ritual confirmation of a
human warlord, then it should prefigure his responsibilities to exercise physical
force and to claim unchallenged political supremacy. This imperative is explicitly

135

Note that V.10.153.4c equals V.8.76.9c, V.10.153.5.b equals V.8.62.2d. Cf. V.8.97.9c,

vv jtni vasbhibhr asi.

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stated in the third verse, where Indra destroys the primordial serpent Vtra, the
paradigmatic hindrance that impedes the survival and dominance of ryan tribes.
In addition, Indras creation and stabilization of the cosmos symbolically
legitimizes ryan control of natural resources and territory. The fourth verse
underscores the fact that social and martial values are grafted onto the arms
(bh-) of warriors. It is reasonable to assume that the chant encourages Indras
martiality, which is further anticipated by the act of sharpening his weapon. In the
last verse, the poet emphasizes the physio-political ramifications of jas as he
explicitly states that Indras violent physical activity substantiates his political
authority over every living creature and realm. All of these themes are succinctly
encapsulated in the poets use of jas, which at once signals physical and political
power.
Therefore, throughout the entire gveda consistent emphasis is placed on
the duties and expectations of warriors and kings. Through a process of ritual
legitimation, human warlords are obligated to imitate the cosmological
imperatives placed on Indra. In addition, the martial deity, body symbolism, and
concrete items, such as weapons, crowns, armour, amulets, and possibly body
markings/tattoos, represent the didactic vehicle through which warriors are
socialized into an ethical system of exercising physical force, and assuming an
authoritative political position. This process further entails the reciprocal
responsibility to offer protection and to share the spoils of warfare among fellow
warriors, priests, and clansmen, which is mediated in the ritual setting. The
human warlord assumes his political station in the same way Indra is invested with
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his cosmic status and obligations, that is, through the process of drinking of sma.
This process is the primary indicator of a privileged and political position, and
also carries with it the expectations of exercising martial power and claiming
political superiority. Early Vedic warriors thus participate in a complex ritual
process of drinking status and wearing duty.

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Chapter 6: Martial Dominance (shas)

6.1. Introduction
This chapter will consider in-depth the meaning of the term shas. Past
translations of shas are fairly consistent in their use of power, strength, might,
force.1 Just as jas signals a state of physical and political power, shas also
resonates in physical and martial realities. This chapter will demonstrate that

shas reflects not only the means to overcome opponents in battle, but also
denotes a tangible state of martial supremacy. The term shas closely relates in
meaning to its root, sah-, to conquer, overcome, dominate. Verbal forms of
sah- frequently appear in verses that feature shas, thereby emphasizing its
meaning and function. In fact, shas would be almost impossible to understand
without an appreciation of its verbal counterpart sah-, which is a root that

1 Oldenberg (1912) & Geldner (1951 [1923]) make the concession Siegeskraft [power of

conquest/victory]. Mayrhofer (EWA 19: 717-718) informs us that sah- means berwltigen [to
overcome], besiegen [to conquer]. He also notes that sah- often appears in the middle voice,
to be victorious. The feminine noun sh- means Sieg [victory, conquest], while the neuter
noun shas means Gewalt, Macht, or Kraft. The Indo-Iranian cognate hazah denotes Gewalt,
berlegenheit [superiority, dominance, ascendancy]. Moreover, Watkins (2000) points out that
its Indo-European heritage (PIE *se-) manifests in a verb meaning to hold and resonates in
the English words scheme, scholar. In Old High German sigu, sigo (*sigiz-) (in the name
Siegfried) means victory (< a holding or conquest in battle). There is no connection with the
English word siege, which comes from Latin sedre to sit.

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reflects the violent defeat and subjugation of rivals in overtly martial contexts.2 In
order to draw attention to social and political concerns, and also to undermine
purely physical connotations such as strength, might, I have settled on the
translation dominance for shas. Dominance nicely provides a direct
correlation with other verbal and nominal forms derived from sah- to
dominate. If we translate sah- as to conquer, for example, we are unable to
offer any parallels in English for shas as an abstract noun, apart from
cumbersome translations such as conquering might, victorious power.
However, this is not simply a matter of convenience, as my translation
dominance more closely approximates the martial overtones of shas and
brings to light previously unrecognized ritual and social realities in early Vedic
culture.

Shas is almost exclusively connected with the gods Indra and Agni. Since
Indra is the martial god par excellence, it is easy to understand his relationship
with shas. As to the latter god, this chapter will demonstrate that Agnis

2 For clear examples of the meaning of sah-, see, e.g., V.3.29.9cd: aym agn ptan suvro

yna devso sahanta dsyn. This Fire here is dominating in battles, a commander, through
whom the gods dominated the barbarians. V.6.73.2cd: ghnn vtri v pro dardarti jya

chtrr amtrn pts shan. Smashing obstacles, he keeps splitting apart forts, conquering
rivals, dominating those who hold no alliance in battles. As is the case with these two verses,
sah- is frequently deployed in verses featuring battle (pt-, ptan), e.g., V.1.8.4c,
V.1.132.1b, V.1.152.7c, V.3.24.1a, V.6.68.7c, V.7.90.6d, V.8.36.1e, V.8.37.2a,
V.8.40.7d, V.8.86.5c, V.9.61.29c, V.9.90.3d, V.9.110.12a, V.10.43.6d, & V.10.104.10d.
Moreover, sah- typically signals the defeat of enemies (amtra, tru, dsyu, dsa) and even nr(V.5.7.10e), rya- (V.10.83.1c), and jna- (V.5.33.2d).

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connection with shas reflects Fires martial importance and the way in which the
deitys identity embodies the ideals of early Vedic martiality. The ritual Fire
sanctions battle by contacting gods such as Indra, and at the poetic level Agni
participates in the violence himself. Consequently, Agni maintains his own form
of martial dominance (shas), which further extends to his control of the ritual
arena. jas and shas do frequently overlap, yet their main difference is attested
by the fact that jas almost never features in conjunction with Agni, while over
half the appearances of shas appear with Agni.3 In fact, Agni overwhelmingly
takes the epithet issue of dominance (sn shasa) because he is a key
symbol of early Vedic martiality. Even more telling is the fact that Agni exerts his
dominance over the sacrifice in his role as the Hot priest. Indra and Agni are
thus the two primary gods who symbolically represent and embody the ideals of
ryan martiality, and their identities promote and confirm militant values. The
frequent appearance of shas, dominance, throughout the gveda, underscores
the militarism of early Vedic society. Martial superiority is a core value in the

3 Outside of compounds, shas appears166 times in the gveda (for its distribution, see the

Appendix). Shas appears with Indra approx. 30% of the time; with Agni approx. 15%, with Agni
in the epithet sn shasa (inc. putra, yahu/yuvan) approx. 40%, which brings Agnis total to
approx. 55%. In 15% percent of its appearances shas relates in some way to other figures than
Indra or Agni. For the Maruts, see V.2.34.7d, V.5.57.6b, V.6.66.9c, V.7.56.19b, &
V.8.20.13c; for Srya, see V.1.50.13b, & V.10.170.3d; for Manyu, see V.10.83.1, &
V.10.84.6b; for other figures, see V.1.24.6 (Varua), V.1.62.10 (rivers), V.6.47.27b
(vnaspti), V.8.9.13c (Avins), V.10.56.5a, V.10.56.6c (Vive Dev); & V.10.108.9b
(Saram). Its four appearances in Book 9 describe Soma bestowing shas on warriors or Indra for
battle.

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gvedic cult of violence warfare is not just a way of life; it is the most respected
way to live.

6.2. Shas and the Body

In the last chapter, I discussed at length the way in which physical and social
values are symbolically mapped onto each other. Let me briefly discuss this issue
in relation to shas. Like jas, shas is connected with the body. In one verse,
Indra is said to bear in his body great dominance. 4 In addition, one verse states:
V.1.55.8: prakita vsu bibhari hstayor ha shas tanv rut dadhe | vtso

vatso n kartbhis tanu te krtava indra bhraya.

You bear inexhaustible treasure in your hands. The renowned one established
indomitable dominance (shas) in his body. As cisterns are enclosed by their makers, O
Indra, your abundant resolves (are enclosed) in your bodies.

Shas is a concept that is associated with the body and physical acts.
Terms such as jas and shas reflect an early Vedic conceptualization of physical
prowess and strength.5 Nevertheless, as we have already seen in relation to

4 V.2.16.2c: tanv sho mho. Cf. V.5.57.6.

5 We should also place the term bla in this category. Bla appears 19 times in the gveda outside

of compounds. It looks to be a generic word for physical strength or better yet resilience,
stamina. This is seen at V.3.18.3ab, where Agni is given an offering for endurance (tras) and
strength (bla). Cf. also V.3.53.18: bla dhehi tanu no blam indrnatsu na | bla

tokya tnayya jvse tv h balad si. Establish strength (bla) in our bodies, O Indra,
establish strength in our oxen. Establish strength for our offspring and descendants in order to
live. Indeed you are the giver of strength. Note here that bla is applied to various entities
including animals and children, which suggests that the strength so desired is not purely about

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nm, indriy, vry, and jas, physical properties consistently reflect and
reproduce ritual, martial, and political realities, and vice versa. The body is the
locus of social values in early Vedic culture and shas is one of many terms that
resonate in physical contexts. If these terms express any notion of physicality we
must remember that even concepts like strength are culturally constructed.
As the following chapter will demonstrate, the use of shas is fairly limited
in scope. It signals a display of physical or military might in battle and also the
resultant state of martial supremacy. For this reason, shas refers to the expected
outcome of institutionalized violence, and thus connotes notions of victory and
martial rule. If the physical is political in the case of jas, then shas equally
marks physical and martial realities. In making this initial observation, we can
already see how jas and shas can overlap, as one of the primary ways in which

physical force, but more about longevity. Moreover, this kind of generality with the body, animals,
and progeny almost never appears with other power terms. For similar connections between
Agni, Soma, bla, animals, patrons, and the importance of ritual success, see V.1.93.12 (cf.
V.10.28.11). For progeny and bla, see V.1.179.6. For sma, bla, & vry, see V.9.113.1. For
Fire, bla, & vry, see V.10.87.25. Bla is connected with the arms at V.1.80.8d & V.5.57.6b.
In several instances bla appears in collocation with shas and jas (see V.5.57.6b, V.6.47.30a,
V.7.82.2d, & V.10.153.2. Cf. V.10.116.5c). Unlike shas and jas, bla never describes
notions of physical activity or strength, but is expressed more in terms of staying power. See
V.10.54.2, where Indra pronounces (pr- br-) his acts of bla among the tribes. For a political
and ritual allusion, see V.10.18.9, where bla appears with katr & vrcas. For a physical
allusion to the Maruts bla, see V.1.37.12. Cf. also V.10.133.5, where Indra is instructed to
overcome the bla of an opponent. However, because of the limited appearances of bla in the

gveda, and also because it is placed in apposition to other terms such as shas, jas, and vry, it
is difficult to distinguish it from these concepts.

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political power is achieved in early Vedic culture is through martial conquest.

However, we should not differentiate too strictly between martial and political
realities, as both realms closely overlap and substantiate each other in early Vedic
culture.

6.3.a. Martial Dominance (shas)

First and foremost, the term shas has substantial social and political currency, as
it commands outright deference from ritual participants and cosmic entities. For
example, after Indra drinks sma, homage (namasya-) is offered to the wargods most excellent dominance (jyha shas).6 It is important to mention that
the superlative jyha derives from jy-/j-, to rob, violate, harm, overpower.7
Elsewhere, milch-cows revere/serve (sapary-) Indras shas with homage
(nmas), follow his commandments (vrat-), and cheer on his sovereignty
(svarjya).8 The two world halves also acknowledge or perhaps even submit to
(nu- man-) Indras shas,9 and revere his very combative great shas,

6 V.1.84.5.
7 Mayrhofer (EWA 8: 602-603). Cf. V.8.4.4d (jyha td dadhie sha).
8 V.1.84.12. Cf. V.1.62.10, where the rivers defend (rak-) commandments (vrat-) through

acts of dominance (shas-).

9 V.7.31.7: mah utsi ysya t nu svadhvar sha

| mamnte indra rdas. And you are

great, you whose dominance (shas) the independent two world halves have acknowledged/
conceded to, O Indra.

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reputation, and manhood.10 These examples immediately demonstrate that shas

refers to an aggressive state that commands respect and reverence.

Sma also plays a minor yet important role in sanctioning Indras state of
dominance (shas). Indra is instructed to drink sma drops for shas,11 and Soma
is said to propel shas in Indra for his exhilaration.12 In addition:
Cf. V.8.4.4: mndantu tv maghavann indrndavo rdhodyya sunvat | my

smam apiba cam sut jyha td dadhie sha.

Let the droplets exhilarate you, O munificent Indra, for the sake of the presser in order
to be given your benefit. After stealing the sma, you drank the pressing in the Camcup. You established for yourself that most excellent dominance (shas).

The act of drinking sma thus serves to confirm Indras state of

dominance (shas), and, like jas, the physical act of ingestion corresponds to the
physical realities underlying shas (although, unlike jas, it is important to stress
that sma and shas appear together infrequently). Drinking sma thus serves to
internalize martial values within a more natural framework as the body is one of
the primary sites where early Vedic martiality is encoded. The social ramifications

10 V.10.50.1: pr vo mah mndamnyndhas rc vivnarya vivbhve

| ndrasya ysya

smakha sho mhi rvo nm ca rdas saparyta . Chant forth to the great one, being
exhilarated from your (sma) plant, the one common to all men, existing for all. The two world
halves revere Indras very combative great dominance (shas), reputation (rvas), and manhood
(nm).
11 V.1.16.6: im smsa ndava sutso dhi barhi | t indra shase piba. These are the

sma droplets, pressed on the Barhis-grass. O Indra, drink them for dominance (shas).
12 V.9.97.10b: ndre sma sha nvan mdya. Soma is propelling dominance (shas) in Indra

for his exhilaration.

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of this process resonate in another verse where ritual participants, who appear to
be eager for battle themselves, anticipate a state of dominance (shas) at the
drinking of sma:
V.9.8.8: v div pri srava dyumnm pthivy dhi | sho na soma pts dh.
Pour the rain from heaven around (us), the majesty/heavenliness from over the earth.
Establish dominance (shas) for us in battles, O Soma.13

As this verse indicates, drinking sma foreshadows warfare, and shas is a highly
valued state of martial superiority. Drinking sma thus endorses the militarism of
early Vedic warriors and prefigures their responsibility to claim victory in battles.
The fact that shas indicates a state of martial dominance is explicitly
stated in other verses. For example:
V.1.36.18: agnn turva ydum parvta ugrdeva havmahe | agnr nayan

nvavstvam bhdratha turvti dsyave sha.

13 See also V.9.71.4a, where sma is the brilliant one of dominance (dyuk shasa). Cf.

V.9.65.18: na soma sho jvo rp n vrcase bhara | suv devvtaye. O Soma, bring
here to us dominance (shas), speed(-ily), as if a symbol/sign for prestige, you who are being
pressed for the pursuit of the gods. Note here that dominance (shas) acts as a sign of the ritual
participants prestige (vrcas). The term jvas is a hapax in the V and does not appear in the
AV or AVP. Perhaps here it is used adverbially to mean speedily. However, cf. V.7.25.5b,
where the Kutsas chant to Indra who owns bay horses and implore god-sped dominance in Indra
(ndre sho devjtam iyn). For horses, see also V.7.97.6: t agmso aruso v

bhaspti sahavho vahanti | sha cid ysya nlavat sadhstha nbho n rpm aru
vsn. The capable, flame-red horses, conveying altogether, convey Bhaspati, whose
dominance (shas) even (reaches to) the dark abode. (His horses are) clothing themselves in a
flame-red form, like a cloud. Cf. also V.4.50.1a, where Bhaspati is the one who propped apart
the ends of the earth through his dominance (shas) (ys tastmbha shas v jm ntn).

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Through Fire, we call on Turvaa and Yadu from afar, and Ugrdeva. Fire led
Navavstva, Bhadratha, and Turvti to dominance (shas) against the barbarian.

Here Fire plays a crucial role in promoting the martial endeavours of various
ritual patrons and warlords. On the one hand, the allusion may indicate that
ancient Indians signaled each other with Fire, and, on the other, conducted night
raids. In the ritual context, Fire aids individual warlords in their martial exploits,
especially by contacting Indra. Moreover, these warlords may have formed an
alliance within the ritual arena. We will shortly see that Agni plays a considerable
role in forming such alliances. What is important here is that shas signals a state
of victory over rivals. Elsewhere, we see that Indra is born entirely to claim
dominance (shas) in his struggle with obstacles.14 Furthermore, the most
refined/valued (rha) aid of the two Avins entails the winning of prizes and the
overpowering of an enemys dominance (shas) in battles.15 Shas therefore
refers to a state of military supremacy and control, whether in the hands of friend
or foe.
It is no surprise then that Indras very existence as the god of war is
underpinned by his relation with shas. This is made explicit in one verse:

14 V.6.38.5: ev jajn shase smi vvdhn rdhase ca rutya | mahm ugrm vase

vipra nnm vivsema vtratryeu. Thus, him having been born completely for dominance
(shas), having become reinforced for renowned generosity: For his help, we would desire to win
now, here, the great, authoritative one, O inspired poet, in the surpassing of Vtra/obstacles.
15 V.8.9.13: yd adyvnv ah huvya vjastaye | yt pts turve shas tc chrham

avnor va. Since today I may invoke the Avins for the winning of the prize, since (I may
invoke them) for overpowering (the enemies) dominance (shas) in battles, this (would be) the
most refined help of the Avins.

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V.10.103.5: balavijy sthvira prvra shasvn vj shamna ugr | abhvro

abhsatv sahoj jatram indra rtham tiha govt.

Distinguished for strength, enduring/resolute, prominent soldier, possessing dominance,
prize-winner, dominating, authoritative, surrounded by soldiers, surrounded by true
men/warriors, and born from dominance, may you, O Indra, stand on the victorious
chariot as the finder of cattle.16

This verse succinctly conveys the main theme of shas and sah-, that is, Indra is
born to claim outright victory and supremacy in warfare and cattle raids. As a
highly valued quality, shas is also the means to bring about this state of martial
dominance. However, shas is constantly contended and it is not Indras alone as
poets express a concern to set dominance against its equivalent. For example:
V.6.66.9cd, to the Maruts: y shsi shas shante rjate agne pthiv makhbhya .
The ones who dominate acts of dominance (shas-) through dominance (shas), O Fire,
the earth quakes before these combatants.

The semantic centrality of sah- resonates here as the Indras warrior band
overcomes rival displays of martial force. Moreover, it is important to note that
the verse is addressed to the ritual Fire, as if Agni sanctions the violent behaviour

16 The forms prvra, abhvra, and abhsatvan are hapax legomena in the gveda and are thus

unclear in meaning. Geldner (1951, 3: 320) translates prvra as ein hervorragender Held [a
prominent hero] and Wackernagel (AIG II, 1: 257) supplies groer Held. For abhvra and

abhsatvan, Geldner offers jedem Helden ber, jedem Krieger ber [superior to all heroes,
superior to all warriors]. Wacknernagel (AIG II, 1: 282, 312) states that both rare forms mean
von Helden umgeben. I have followed the latter in my translation, but Geldner could also be
right in this case.

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of the Maruts. We will shortly see that this is one of the reasons why Agni is
associated with shas.
The fact that shas attests the martial prowess of all parties engaging in
battle is evident in other verses. For example:
V.1.80.10: ndro vtrsya tvi nr ahan shas sha | maht td asya pasya

vtr jaghanv asjad rcann nu svarjyam.

Indra has smashed away Vtras bravery, (smashed away Vtras) dominance (shas)
through his dominance (shas). Great is this act of masculinity (pasya) of his, in
smashing Vtra, he released (the waters): they cheer on/chant forth your sovereignty.17

Interestingly, it seems that Vtra is originally in a position of martial power, which

Indra usurps in order to establish his own martial supremacy and political rule.
The fact that gvedic poets pit shas against shas highlights an ingrained
concern where warriors must match blows. The side that successfully exercises its

shas presumably claims a position of martial supremacy. Moreover, the fact that
enemies are afforded the same martial prowess as Indra and the Maruts suggests
that gvedic poets take warfare very seriously, as their opponents are as strong as
them and their gods.

17 In an obscure verse, ritual participants sing to Indra, and then they appear to stand over or arise

to the lord of sacrificial skill, of the distribution ceremony, (and) his dominance (shas), like
trackers to a mountain with sharpness or perhaps a heated/sharpened object (tjas).
V.1.56.2: t grtyo nemanna prasa samudr n sacrane saniyva | pti

dkasya vidthasya n sho gir n ven dhi roha tjas. Thieme (1949: 45) translates stanza c
Zu [Indra], dem Herrn des Willens, zu der Gewalt (=ihm, der die Gewalt hat) der Anordnung.
Hence, perhaps shas refers to the dominance Indra has when allocating/distributing phenomena
within the ritual arena.

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The imperative to claim outright victory, and its inverse danger, is

expressed in a verse to the Sun:
V.1.50.13: d agd aym dity vvena shas sah | dvintam mhya randhyan

m ah dviat radham.
This ditya has gone upward, along with total dominance (shas), making the hater
subject to me. May I not become subject to the hater.18

Here total dominance (vva shas) entails the subjugation of enemies, yet the
implication is that it could easily turn on the person in power.19 The imperative to
subjugate rivals is further seen in relation to Indra:
V.4.22.9: asm vrih kuhi jyh nmni satr sahure shsi | asmbhya

vtr suhnni randhi jah vdhar vano mrtyasya.

18 Cf. V.4.28.2b, where Indra thrusts down (n- khid-) the wheel of the Sun through his

dominance (shas). It seems that even the Suns total dominance does not compare with that of
the war-god, Indra.
19 See also V.5.12.2: t cikitva tm c cikiddhy tsya dhr nu tndhi prv | nh yt

shas n dvayna t sapmy arusya va . Being attentive to the truth, surely you must
attend to this truth: drill out many streams of truth. I do not serve the Ytu due to his dominance
(shas), nor due to his duplicity. I serve the truth of the flame-red bull. Here the speaker does not
serve the Ytu (perhaps vengeful one) through an overt display of military dominance or
through secret coercion. He only serves the Fire who represents the truth (t). The juxtaposition
of yt and t indicates that yt refers to someone who opposes or contravenes the truth and has
fallen out of favour with the ritual Fire. In fact, the rest of hymn describes friends who have
become malevolent, which suggests that a yt perhaps once held an alliance but now is somehow
engaged in an open or covert martial endeavour. For a related notion of subversive martial
behaviour, see V.7.60.10ab: sasv cid dh smtis tvey m apcyna shas shante. Because
the awesome clash of these ones (dityas) occurs only in private, they are dominant due to secret
dominance (shas). Cf. V.1.189.8ab.

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Among us perform your highest, most excellent acts of manhood (nm-), thoroughly
(perform) your acts of dominance (shas-), O dominating one. Make well-smashed
obstacles subject to us. Smash the deadly weapon of the covetous mortal.

A truism of warfare certainly plays out in early Vedic culture, that is, outright
victory facilitates the subjugation and control of defeated enemies. One verse also
suggests that when an opponent is conquered, his social standing is drastically
reduced:
V.5.32.7: d yd ndro mahat dnavya vdhar ymia sho prattam | yd

vjrasya prbhtau dadbha vvasya jantr adham cakra.

When Indra held up to the great Dnava his deadly weapon, his dominance (shas) was
unable to be resisted. When at the bringing forth of the mace he outsmarted him, he
made him the lowest of every race.

In contradistinction, we see elsewhere that King Trasadasyus dominance (shas)

puts him in a position of outright cosmic and martial supremacy:
V.4.42.6: ah t vv cakara nkir m davya sho varate prattam | yn m

smso mamdan yd ukthbh bhayete rjas apr.

I will perform all these things. No one will obstruct me or my divine dominance (shas)
that is unable to be resisted. When the sma offerings will exhilarate me, when the
recitations (will exhilarate me), both unparalleled realms become afraid.

It is telling that Trasadasyu differentiates between his personal ability to fight and
the sheer presence of his divine dominance (davya shas). This may reflect the
fact that shas is a ritually confirmed state yet can be violently usurped.
Trasadasyu thus recognizes that his shas is a socially contingent value and
subject to ritual and martial factors. In addition, the way in which Trasadasyu
terrifies heaven and earth is a statement normally applied to Indra. The
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metaphorical comparison thus indicates that, upon drinking sma, the king
becomes a human representative of Indra, and thereby receives a divinely
sanctioned state of martial dominance (davya shas). In pragmatic terms, the
message underscores Trasadasyus commitment to war and his responsibility to
claim outright victory in the name of Indra. Moreover, both of the above verses
(V.5.32.7, V.4.42.6) indicate that absolute victory curtails any form of
resistance (pratta), or at least it should. Shas is thus a statement of martial
control and supremacy. It is legitimate for a warlord to exercise his own
dominance (shas) in order to overthrow his enemies dominance. In doing this,
the warlord establishes his own state of dominance. For obvious reasons, it is also
an anathema for early Vedic warriors to be subject to the dominance of an enemy.
The underlying sense of shas as a state of martial dominance appears
consistently throughout the gveda. In one verse from the final book, a ritual
participant speaks as Indra:
V.10.49.8: ah saptah nhuo nhuara prrvaya vas turva ydum |

ah ny ny shas shas kara nva vrdhato navat ca vakayam.

As the smasher of the seven, as the better Nahu than Nahu, I made Turvaa and Yadu
renowned through capacity (vas). I laid low the other; I laid low his dominance (shas)
through my dominance (shas). I strengthened the nine and ninety that are being
reinforced.

Indra once again overthrows an opponents position of dominance (shas)

through a display of his own dominance (shas). In addition, the spatial
connotations of vas may indicate, on the one hand, that Indra has conquered
territory and natural resources, and, on the other, brought public recognition to
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his patrons Turvaa and Yadu throughout vast areas.20 It is apposite that the
terms vas and shas appear together since martial superiority would logically
entail territorial control during seasonal migrations. This is succinctly stated in
one verse:
V.7.104.3d, to Indra and Soma: td vm astu shase manyumt chva.
Let this capacity (vas) of you two, associated with battle fury, be for dominance (shas).

In a similar vein, one verse states:

V.1.51.10, to Indra: tkad yt ta un shas sho v rdas majmn bdhate va |

tv vtasya nmao manoyja pryamam avahann abh rva.

When Uan fashioned for you dominance (shas) through dominance (shas), (then)
(your) capacity (vas) drives apart the two world halves due to your greatness. Here the
mind-yoked (horses) of the wind bore you, O manly minded one, here to reputation
(rvas), as you become filled (with sma).

This verse not only reflects the way in which Indra was born, but also the reason
for his birth: Indra must claim dominance (shas) by exercising his vas in order
to open up the universe and declare his position of outright cosmic control.21
What is important to remember is that this early Vedic cosmogony is a violent

20 For a full discussion of vas, see Chapter 7. Turvaa and Yadu appear to be the rulers and

eponymous namesakes of two of the five early Vedic tribes. For brief consideration of Turvaa
&Yadu, see Macdonell (1967 [1912] 1: 315 & 2: 185) &Witzel (1997b: 263).
21 Cf. V.5.31.3: d yt sha shasa jania

ddia ndra indriyi vv | prcodayat sudgh

vavr antr v jyti savavtvt tmo va. When he has been born to dominance (shas) from
dominance (shas), Indra repeatedly displays all his acts of Indrahood (indriy-). He has driven
out the good milch-cows from within their enclosure; he has exposed the impenetrable darkness
through light.

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and martial affair. Another verse presents us with a similar situation in which

shas and vas equally reflect distance, reach, and territorial control:
V.1.52.11: yd n nv ndra pthiv dabhujir hni vv tatnanta kya | trha te

maghavan vruta sho dym nu vas barh bhuvat .

O Indra, since the earth is surely now tenfold, the communities have stretched out
through all the days. As such, O munificent one, your widely renowned dominance
(shas) will follow after heaven due to your/its capacity (vas) and loftiness.

Once again the poet plays on the spatial metaphor as Indras dominance (shas)
covers earth and reaches aloft to heaven. The appearance of vas and barh
underscores the fact that dominance (shas) relates to spatial realities, the
control of territories, and ultimately the subjugation of the universe.22 The idea
seems to be that Indras martial supremacy spreads as the ryan communities
travel to farther areas in their migrations.23 Moreover, Indras realm of martial
control should correspond to everything under the sky/heaven, and the tribes

22 It is unclear whether vas and barh qualify Indra or Heaven, but perhaps the ambiguity is

intentional. Cf. V.8.15.2, to Indra: ysya dvibrhaso bht sho ddhra rdas | girr jr

ap svr vatvan. The doubly lofty one whose lofty dominance (shas) upheld the two world
halves, mountains, fields, waters, and the sun through his bullish nature. And V.5.44.6d: bht

suvram napacyuta sha. Lofty dominance (shas) bringing good soldiers and unable to be
shaken away. See also V.4.18.8d, where Indras mother, Aditi, states that, because of her, Indra
stands on high due to his dominance (shas). Cf. V.7.98.3: jajn sma shase paptha pr

te mt mahimnam uvca | ndra paprthorv ntrika yudh devbhyo vriva cakartha.

Being born, you drank sma for dominance (shas). Your mother proclaimed your greatness. O
Indra, you filled out the wide atmosphere. Through battle, you made a wide realm for the gods.
23 It is interesting to note that this verse is contained in Book 1 of the gveda, which perhaps

documents a later stage of ryan migrations to that recorded in the Family Books, 2-7.

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should thus continue to conquer distant territories in their ever-widening

migrations. The fact that the war-gods dominance (shas) is widely renowned
(vruta) indicates that martial conquest is socially important and that perhaps the
area this poet is talking about is widely known to be under the control of his tribe.
Early Vedic ryans appear to accept the principle that territorial control is
necessary to maintain martial supremacy, and vice versa. This idea also underlies
the following verse:
V.6.25.8: nu te dyi mah indriyya satr te vvam nu vtrahtye | nu katrm nu

sho yajatrndra devbhir nu te nhye.

It is conceded to you for great Indrahood (indriy). Everything is completely conceded
to you in the smashing of Vtra/obstacles. Dominion (katr) is conceded to you,
dominance (shas) is conceded to you, O Indra worthy of sacrifice. It is conceded to you
by the gods at the dominating of men.

Here the destruction of obstacles (vtrahtya) and the domination of rival men
(nhya) facilitates Indras claim to Indrahood (indriy). For this reason, other
gods concede to the war-god everything (vva), including political dominion
(katr) and martial dominance (shas). It is apt then that shas appears in other
instances with katr as both terms resonate in the same martial realm of
territorial and political supremacy.24
In the same way that Indra opens up the universe and thereby establishes
his position of martial supremacy, the All-Gods are said to control the sky
through displays of dominance (shas):

24 See V.1.24.6 & V.7.21.7.

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V.10.56.5ab, to Vive Dev: shobhir vvam pri cakram rja prv dhmny mit

mmn.
Through acts of dominance (shas), they strode around the whole mid-space, measuring
the primordial, immeasurable domains.

Nevertheless, in order to ensure that Indra has outright cosmic superiority, one
poet states that the war-god is creatively excelling beyond all acts of dominance
(vva- shas-) due to his unparalleled, great bullishness.25 It is no surprise then
that unchallenged martial domination is expressed in cosmological terms since
Indras creation of the universe is his primordial and paradigmatic martial
responsibility:
V.1.57.6: tv tm indra prvatam mahm ur vjrea vajrin parva cakartitha |

vsjo nvt srtav ap satr vva dadhie kvala sha.

You, O Indra, have cut that great, wide mountain into mountain-pieces with your mace,
O mace-wielder. You released down the enclosed waters in order for them to flow. You
have established for yourself alone total dominance (shas) in every way.

Once again we see that this cosmology is expressed in martial terms as Indra
violently orders and thereby stamps his control over the universe. Indras physical
activity is testament to his unchallenged martial power and standing.
Up to this point shas has been primarily a statement of Indras martial
aptitude and position. Shas further extends to the condition of a warlords

25 V.10.44.1: yt ndra svpatir mdya y dhrma ttujns tvimn |pratvak ti

vv shsy apra mahat vyena. Let Indra, lord of his own, travel here, for exhilaration,
the aggressive one, who, having thrust (upwards) with the support (of heaven), is creatively
excelling beyond all acts of dominance (shas-) due to his unparalleled, great bullishness. Cf.
V.1.100.15b (vas, tvkas).

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warriors. The Maruts are instructed to give to ritual participants winnings (san),
wisdom (medh), and unharmable/invulnerable (ria) dominance (shas) that is
difficult to surpass (dura).26 The adjectives ria and dura underscore the
martial connotations of shas. In addition, the Maruts are instructed to act in
harmony with their warlord:
V.1.23.9: hat vtr sudnava ndrea shas yuj | m no dusa ata.
Smash Vtra, O you of good drops/gifts (Maruts), with Indra, with his dominance
(shas), as your yokemate: Do not let one of ill-praise be master of us.27

The poet here places emphasis on the importance of military cohesion so as to

avoid any form of subjugation. Another poet highlights the fact that, as Indras
loyal troops, the Maruts should subjugate themselves to their warlord:
V.7.56.19ab: im turm marto rmayantm sha shasa namanti.
These Maruts make the swift/overcoming one (Indra) halt. These ones here make
(their) dominance (shas) bow before (Indras) dominance (shas).28

26 V.2.34.7d: sanm medhm ria dura sha. Cf. V.8.20.13c, where the name of the

Maruts is to be enjoyed like health (vyas), ancestral dominance (shas) (vyo n ptrya

sha). Cf. V.10.56.6cd: svm prajm pitra ptrya sha varev adadhus tntum tatam.
The fathers have established their own progeny, their ancestral dominance (shas) here among
the later, as their stretched thread/(ancestral) line. Here progeny represents the dominance
(shas) of a mans lineage most likely because his children will be responsible for securing it in the
future.
27 Cf. V.6.44.22ab: ay dev shas jyamna ndrea yuj pam astabhyat. This god

(Soma), being born with dominance (shas), with Indra as his yokemate, has blocked the miser.
28 For a discussion of tur, see Mayrhofer (EWA 9: 655-656) & Chapter 3.3.a, esp. n.19.

410

Therefore, like the English phrase military force, shas signifies the strength,
quality, and allegiance of a warlords troops, and their martial prowess in battle.
In the same vein as soldiery (vry),29 shas underscores Indras
responsibility to capture and distribute wealth and also makes this possible:
V.7.18.13: v sady vv dhitny em ndra pra shas sapt darda | vy

navasya ttsave gyam bhg jma pr vidthe mdhrvcam.

In a single instant, Indra repeatedly pierced through all their seven firm forts through
his dominance (shas). He apportioned out the livestock of nava to Ttsu. We would be
victorious over Pru, whose speech was negligent, in the distribution ceremony.30
V.7.21.7: dev cit te asuryya prv nu katrya mamire shsi | ndro maghni

dayate vihyndra vjasya johuvanta sta.

Even the gods previously measured out their acts of dominance (shas-) in accordance
with your Asuric-lordship, your dominion (katr). After dominating, Indra distributes
bounties. They repeatedly invoke Indra at the winning of the prize.

29 See V.6.19.1: mah ndro nvd caraipr ut dvibrh amin shobhi

| asmadryg

vvdhe vryyor pth skta kartbhir bht. Great is Indra, like a man, filling (up) the
boundary peoples here, doubly lofty, undiminishing through acts of dominance (shas-). In our
direction he has been reinforced for soldiery (vry). Wide and broad, he becomes well-prepared
by his makers/supporters. For a similar refrain, see V.10.116.6c (asmadryg vvdhn

shobhi).
30 Cf. V.2.17.1: td asmai nvyam agirasvd arcata m yd asya pratnthodrate | vv yd

gotr shas prvt made smasya dhitny arayat. Chant to this one, new and associated
with the Agirases, so that his explosiveness after explosiveness rise up as in ancient times, when
through his dominance (shas) he set free/raised up all the cow pens, which were covered on every
side and firmly fixed, in the exhilaration of sma.

411

In the first verse, Indras destruction of the seven strongholds entails the
distribution of the spoils of war in a sacrificial context. 31 In the last verse, gods
place their shas under Indras political supremacy (asury, katr). In addition,
their acts most likely involve the acquisition of spoils, and thus Indra is beholden
to distribute wealth from the military exploits of his cohorts. This suggests that
political and economic partnerships are subject to the cosmic overlord Indra. The
god is the paramount figure in the hierarchy of martial prowess even the
dominance (shas) of loyal troops and other gods is subject to the war-gods own
state of martial supremacy. Hence Indras dominance (shas), and by extension
that of his human warlord, should rank higher than either friend or foe. It would
undermine his intrinsic position as the war-god if Indra did not completely
control all forms of dominance (vva shas). Since Indra is born from shas and
for shas (V.1.51.10, V.5.31.3) then one of the warlords responsibilities is
encoded in his very reason for being, that is, to claim outright dominance over the
universe and in the constant realities of migratory warfare.32
All of the above examples demonstrate that shas signifies the ability to
conquer natural phenomena or adversaries in battle and the resulting state of
martial dominance. Shas is essential for cosmic and martial control, yet in order
to claim this state, an opponents shas often needs to be overthrown. Shas is

31 For vidtha, see Thieme (1949: 40).

32 See V.3.51.4cd, to Indra as a soldier (vr): s shase purumy jihte nmo asya pradva ka

e. Of numerous crafts, he directs himself altogether for dominance (shas). Reverence is his,
from distant days he alone is master. We note here the singular appearance of shas with - to
be master. See Chapter 5.2.c, for the repeated association of jas with -.

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therefore fundamentally a fairly circumscribed battle metaphor. In short, the

effects of shas are expressed in violent terms and in martial realities. Shas
rarely extends into the more complicated realms in which jas features, such as a
kings position of political command, respect, rule, and ultimately his authority
over peoples, communities, and sma. For the most part, individuals rarely
follow, bow down to, or ritually sanction Indras shas. When this occurs it is
typically within a closed martial context rather than a wider social or political
reality. Authority (jas) is more personal, more focused on individual influence
and sway. This can be seen in the following verse:
V.1.103.3: s jtbharm radddhna ja pro vibhindnn acarad v ds | vidvn

vajrin dsyave hetm asyrya sho vardhay dyumnm indra.

Bearing the burden at birth, confident in his authority (jas), he proceeded towards the
barbarian forts and rent them asunder. O mace-wielder, as one who understands, hurl
your missile at the Dasyu. O Indra, reinforce our ryan dominance (shas) and majesty.

Here shas signals a state of martial supremacy over rivals, while jas appears to
be a personal quality and relates to a physical act of destruction. Dominance
(shas) is a military ideal and a statement of martial conquest and the means to
bring this about. jas is a wide ranging term that relates primarily to a form of
physical and political power. Poets rarely describe the violent conquest of their
own communities, yet we repeatedly see that Indra has authority over them.

Shas is typically projected outwards and describes the martial conquest of rivals.
In contradistinction, jas can signal the control of ryan settlements and the
outward destruction of rivals. However, shas and jas do frequently overlap in

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martial contexts.33 One of the primary differences between the two terms is that

jas almost never appears with Agni, while, as we will shortly see, shas is a
statement of Fires power in martial and ritual contexts.
What we can say is that dominance (shas) and authority (jas) are
important markers of martial and political status and duty. They operate in
similar semantic fields that pertain to warfare, martial concerns, and political
supremacy.34 Nevertheless, shas is a battle metaphor. It is far more
circumscribed in use than jas. Shas typically appears with sah-, while jas
appears with numerous verbs denoting to smash, split, cut, strike, pierce, destroy,
and crush. Shas is a concrete expression of force in a martial sense, which
alludes to captured territory, subjugated enemies, and outright martial
superiority. It would thus be misguided to think that shas and jas were absolute

33 Cf. V.6.47.27ab: divs pthivy pry ja dbhta vnasptibhya pry bhta sha.

Authority (jas) has been brought up from heaven, from earth, dominance ( shas) has been
brought here from the Vanaspati-trees.
34 V.10.116.5-6, to Indra: n tigmni bhryan bhryny va sthir tanuhi ytujnm

| ugrya

te sho bla dadmi pratty trn vigadu vca || vy ry indra tanuhi rvsy ja sthirva
dhnvano bhmt | asmadryg vvdhn shobhir nibhas tanv vvdhasva. Blunting
(their) sharpened arrows, loosen the tight (bows) of the Ytujs. I give to you, authoritative one,
dominance (shas), strength (bla). After advancing against the rivals, hew them down in the
midst of their scattered cries. O Indra, stretch out the strangers reputation after reputation,
(stretch out his) authority (jas) like tight bows (which are stretched against) those that have
hostile intentions. Having been reinforced with acts of dominance (shas-) in our direction, being
one who is not dulled, let your body be reinforced. Cf. V.2.25.4c: courage that is not dulled
(nibhatavii). Cf. also V.10.116.5b: loosen the tight (bows) of the Ytujs (va sthir

tanuhi ytujnm).

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synonyms, yet both terms certainly feature in similar contexts.35 Shas and jas
overlap specifically in martial settings and they resonate in closely related
semantic fields, yet both terms have different shades of meaning and
ramifications.36 Shas functions in a well-defined and fairly circumscribed martial
context. It thus represents a subset of the wider connotations in which jas
functions.

35 See, e.g., V.4.20.6b, where Indra from of old was just born authoritative for dominance

(shas) ( sand ev shase jt ugr). V.5.1.8cd: sahsrago vabhs tdoj vv agne

shas prsy anyn. As a thousand-horned bull, with its authority (-jas), O Fire, you exist
beyond all the others due to your dominance (shas). Cf. also V.6.18.4, to Indra: sd d dh te

tuvijtsya mnye sha sahiha turats tursya | ugrm ugrsya tavsas tvy radhrasya
radhratro babhva. For I think that the dominance (shas) of you who are born in aggression, O
most dominant one, as the overcoming one who overcomes, is surely real. Authoritativeness has
come to the authoritative one, greater courage to the courageous one, to the one that succumbs to
none, who overcomes the succumbed ones. V.10.73.1ab, to Indra: jnih ugr shase turya

mandr jiho bahulbhimna. For dominance (shas) that overcomes, you have been born
authoritative, elation-bringing most authoritative one with manifold hostile objectives.
V.10.153.2: tvm indra bld dhi shaso jt jasa | tv van vd asi. O Indra, you were
born from strength (bla), from dominance (shas), from authority (jas). O bull, you are surely a
bull.
36 Klein (1985, 1: 89) states: To the set X.50.1cdpower [shas], fame, and manliness we may

compare VI.46.7b jo nm ca, where ja strength is a virtual synonym of sha. Cf.

V.8.4.10: yo n tyann avapnam gahi pb sma v nu | nimghamno maghavan

divdiva jiha dadhie sha. Being thirsty like an antelope, come here for the drinking down:
Drink sma as you wish. Raining down, O munificent one, day after day, you established for
yourself most authoritative dominance (shas). For a similar formula to the last stanza, see also
V.9.8.8c: sho na soma pts dh. Establish dominance (shas) for us in battles, O Soma.
V.10.83.4d, to Manyu: asmsv ja ptansu dhehi. Confer authority (jas) on us in battles.

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6.3.b. Battle Fury (many), Dominance (shas), and Authority (jas)

It is necessary to briefly address the concept many. Both many, battle fury,
and jas, authority, frequently appear in conjunction with shas, and all three
terms also appear together in several instances.37 The term many derives from
man-, to think, and refers to a mental state considered to be conducive to
warfare. For obvious reasons, it is typically associated with Indra. For example:
V.10.103.7: abh gotri shas ghamno day vr atmanyur ndra |

ducyavan ptan ayudhy smka sn avatu pr yuts.

The merciless soldier, Indra, whose battle fury (many) is a hundredfold, is plunging
through the cow-pens through his dominance (shas). Unflinching, dominating in battles,
unable to be fought against, let him help our armies in wars.

The poets use of shas in order to describe the means through which many
carries out such exploits is apt considering the overtly martial context. Thus we
see a direct correlation between many, dominance (shas), cattle raids, and
outright warfare.
A related statement succinctly qualifies Indra and Somas ability to defeat
enemies:
V.7.104.3: ndrsom dukto vavr antr anrambha tmasi pr vidhyatam | yth

nta pnar ka candyat td vm astu shase manyumt chva.

O Indra and Soma, prod the makers of difficulties into the midst of a crevasse, in the
inescapable/insupportable darkness, so that no one at all will rise up again from there.
Let this capacity (vas) of you two, associated with battle fury, be for dominance
(shas).

37 For jas and many, see, e.g., V.2.24.2ab & V.10.73.10.

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This verse will be discussed more in-depth in the next chapter on vas.
Nevertheless, it is evident that vas and many bring about a state of martial
dominance (shas). One poet makes a correlation between many, katr, and

shas:
V.1.24.6, to Varua: nah te katr n sho n many vya canm patyanta p
| nm po animi crantr n y vtasya praminnty bhvam.
For not even those birds flying there have attained your dominion (katr), nor your
dominance (shas), nor your battle fury, nor have these waters moving here without
blinking/ever watchful, nor those who violate the formlessness of the wind.

The placement of many, katr, and shas in collocation indicates that many
parallels political and martial concerns.
Another hymn composed specifically to many states:
V.10.84.6: bhty sahaj vajra syaka sho bibhary abhibhta ttaram | krtv no

manyo sah medy dhi mahdhansya puruhta sasji.

Born together with prospect, O mace, O bolt, you bear highest dominance (shas), O
you of supremacy. Together with resolve, O battle fury, be our companion (partaker of
fat), at the releasing together of the great stake, O much invoked one.

In this verse, Indras signature weapon, the mace (vjra), is equated with battle
fury. Moreover, the appearance of shas indicates that many is a mental state
focused on warfare. While it may refer to an emotional condition such as fury,
wrath, rage, it also designates a highly valued state of martial zeal or
commitment, which anticipates violent intentions.38 The fact that several hymns
are recorded to many underscores its importance in early Vedic society.
38 Mayrhofer (EWA 14: 313-314).

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The relationship between shas, jas, and many is evident in another

hymn to battle fury:
V.10.83.1 & 4: ys te many vidhad vajra syaka sha ja puyati vvam nuk |

shyma dsam rya tvy yuj shasktena shas shasvattv h manyo

abhbhtyoj svayambhr bhmo abhimtih | vivcarai shuri shvn asmsv
ja ptansu dhehi.
O battle fury, the one who has honoured you, O mace, O bolt, he thrives in total
dominance (shas), in total authority (jas), in due order. May we dominate the
barbarian, the ryan, with you as yokemate, created for dominance, through dominance
(shas), you who possesses dominanceFor, O battle fury, you, whose authority (jas)
entails supremacy, are ferocity existing on your own, dominating hostile intentions.
Common to all bordered people, dominating, possessing dominance, confer authority
(jas) on us in battles.39

We see here the direct correlation between many, open warfare, and the
subjugation of rivals, whether ryan or not. Moreover, shas and jas definitively
underscore martial and political realities and both terms closely overlap. The next
hymn is also directed towards many and features the following verse:
V.10.84.2: agnr iva manyo tviit sahasva sennr na sahure ht edhi | hatvya

trn v bhajasva vda jo mmno v mdho nudasva.

Awesome like Fire, O battle fury, be dominant! O dominating one, be invoked as our
army-leader! After smashing the rivals, share out their property. Showing the measure of
your authority (jas), push away the negligent ones.

While shas does not feature, the appearance of sah- indicates that

many is an overtly martial term and pertains to military conquest, leading the

39 Cf. V.4.42.5d, where Trasadasyu/Indras authority entails supremacy (abhbhtyoj).

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army, and distributing the spoils of war. We see then that many resonates in
similar contexts in which shas and jas consistently feature. In turn, the
appearance of these terms further emphasizes the meaning of many as some
form of mental state pertaining to warfare. The martial importance of all three
terms is further stated in the following verse:
V.8.4.5: pr cakre shas sho babhja manym jas | vve ta indra ptanyvo yaho

n vk iva yemire.
He carried out an act of dominance (shas) through his dominance (shas), he broke
battle fury through his authority (jas). O youthful Indra, all those who desire battle have
held still before you, like trees. 40

It is significant that Indra destroys the many of, presumably, his opponent. This
suggests that many is a highly significant quality that characterizes warlords,
whether friend or foe. The association of many with overt symbols of martial and
political status and duty, such as the vjra, shas, and jas, and with the
imperative to wage war and capture wealth, highlights the technical nature of

many and its correlation with military prestige and command. Fury, fanaticism,
and zeal underlie the use of many, yet it specifically pertains to warriors who
hold positions of martial dominance (shas) and authority (jas).

40 Note that yah appears eight times in the refrain sahaso yaho/shaso yah. All bar

V.7.15.11b appear in Book 1 or 8.

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6.4.a. Fire and Dominance

Up to this point Indra has been the main god associated with shas. This is rather
obvious given that he is the god of war. The other god consistently associated with

shas is Agni. In one verse Agni appears with Indra because the two gods
represent the responsibility to seize martial supremacy and the spoils of war:
V.6.60.1: nthad vtrm ut sanoti vjam ndr y agn shur saparyt | irajynt

vasavysya bhre shastam shas vjaynt.

He pierces Vtra/an obstacle and wins the prize, who will serve Indra and Fire, the two
dominating ones that take control of abundant treasure, the ones with the best
dominance striving for the prize through their dominance (shas).

Firstly, the poet explicitly states that Indra and Agni are the two gods most readily
associated with shas (this is the only appearance of the superlative shastama-).
In addition, this verse indicates that a real person, a human warlord, models
himself after Indra and Agni. It is telling that Indra and Agnis efforts for the
prize parallel those of the warlord. This suggests that he is the instrument of the
two gods dominance (shas). Moreover, his quest for wealth is placed under the
auspices of the two gods most likely because his enemy is none other than the
ryan nemesis, Vtra. The warlords hindrance is elevated in status and
demonized by being made the other par excellence. This serves to make this

vtr, whether a real person or predicament, all the more legitimate to destroy.
Hence, Indra and Agni arbitrate the warlords efforts so that they are realized in a
mythical realm and made all the more justified.
As the above verse indicates, Agnis relationship with shas is almost
identical to Indras. One of the prevalent motifs that the two gods share with
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shas relates to their birth. Just as the war-gods birth signals his dominance, the
lighting of the ritual Fire plays a role in establishing Agnis dominance:
V.5.11.6: tvm agne giraso gh hitm nv avinda chiriy vnevane | s jyase

mathymna sho maht tvm hu shasas putrm agira.

O Fire, the Agirases found you, though placed in secret, resting in every wood. Being
churned, you are born to great dominance (shas). They call you the son of dominance
(shas), O Agiras.

The use of manth- to churn, rub, agitate invokes images of rubbing sticks
(ari) together in order to generate Fire.41 Hence, the act of producing Fire
directly underpins Agnis association with shas. Fire is not only born to great
dominance (maht shas), he is also the product of this process as he is called the
son of dominance.42 We can immediately see then that, like Indra, Agni is born
from dominance (shas) and for dominance.43 This same idea is expressed in
another verse, where ritually active men (nr-) create Agni as a result of shas:
V.6.48.5cd: shas y mathit jyate nbhi pthivy dhi snavi.
Who is born when churned by men through dominance (shas), on the back of the
earth.

Once again we see that the acting of churning produces Fire. Given the previous
verse (V.5.11.6), shas here most likely belongs to Agni. Nevertheless, men
(nr-) can be ritual participants and warriors. Hence, their shas may also be at

41 Mayrhofer (EWA 14: 311-312). See V.3.29.1-6, & V.10.184.3ab.

42 I will discuss this epithet shortly.
43 Cf. V.1.141.1ab, where Agnis radiance is established because he was born from dominance

(shas) (b itth td vpue dhyi darat devsya bhrga shaso yto jni).

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issue here. Either way, shas definitely plays a symbolic role in the ritual creation
of the sacrificial Fire. It may be that ritually enacted power provides the primary
link between shas and Agni, that is, the effort it takes to ritually create Fire
through churning is somehow reflected in Agnis personality surely rubbing
two sticks together to generate Fire is an intense physical process. The martial
overtones of shas may also reflect the ritual participants ability to create and
control the Fire-god in the same way that Indra dominates the cosmos and
enemies. It is interesting to note that at V.5.11.6, the Agirases had to find
Agni, who was in hiding, as if Fire was reluctant to give up his secrets and the
priests had to wrest them from him. Moreover, it is an obvious fact that managing
Fire can be a violent and dangerous affair. The metaphor of churning (manth-)
the ritual Fire into existence is thus encoded in Agnis identity, as the god arises
from dominance (shas) in order to claim dominance (shas).44 Shas in this
context may thus refer at once to the way in which ritual participants control the
Fire-god and Agnis subsequent position of dominance in the cosmos and in
martial realities.
Agnis birth certainly reflects the gods purpose to claim martial
supremacy in battles. In the same vein as Indra, Agnis birth and shas are closely
intertwined, since both gods are born in order to claim shas.45 In early Vedic

44 For Agni & shaskta, made from/for dominance, see V.1.45.9a, V.3.27.10b, V.5.8.1b,

V.6.16.37b, V.8.43.16a, 28b, & V.8.44.11c. For Indra, see V.8.3.4a, & V.8.99.8a. For
Manyu, see V.10.83.1d.
45 For Indras birth and shas, see V.1.51.10, & V.5.31.3. Cf. also V.6.44.22ab, to Soma.

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culture, it seems that Fires very existence from the outset is violent in nature and
reflects the gods martial purpose.46
Since shas conveys such a palpable battle metaphor, it is no surprise that
Agnis shas consistently underscore his strength and standing in martial contexts.
We certainly see that, for ritual participants to live correctly, Fire is created to be
more dominant than dominance:
V.10.176.4: aym agnr uruyaty amtd iva jnmana | shasa cid shyn dev

jvtave kt.
This Fire here provides space from birth, as if from immortality. The god, even more
dominant than dominance (shas), is made in order (for us) to live.

The spatial metaphor is interesting as it parallels other instances where Indra

opens up and controls the universe on account of his dominance (shas).
Furthermore, we see that Fires standing among men and gods is intimately
related to his dominance:
V.1.98.2: p div p agn pthivym p vv adhr vivea | vaivnar

shas p agn s no dv s ri ptu nktam.

Fire, asked about in heaven, asked about on earth, when asked about he entered the
herbs/plants. Common to all men, asked about due to his dominance (shas), the Fire: let
him protect us from harm by day, by night.

46 Cf. V.8.102.5, where the noise of the ritual Fire is equated with his dominance (shas). See

also V.8.60.13: no vabh yathgn ge dvidhvat | tigm asya hnavo n pratidhe

sujmbha shaso yah. As the bull, Fire, is honing and violently shaking his two horns, his
sharpened jaws cannot be dared against, the youth of dominance (shas) has excellent teeth.

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This verse suggests that one of the reasons why Fire is so valued in early Vedic
culture is because, naturally, Fire provides protection from the harsh realities of
surviving in the ancient world. The appearance of shas here is apt as it signals
Fires martial importance, something in which all men are interested. Hence, the
use of shas indicates that Fires conception and function is conceived of as
inherently violent. Like Indra, Agni is a martial god.
The martial connotations of shas are further emphasized in other verses,
where Agni is said to establish his dominance over hostilities:
V.5.23.4: s h m vivcarair abhmti sho dadh | gna e kyev revn na

ukra ddihi dyumt pvaka ddihi.

For certainly the one who is common to all boundary people has established for himself
dominance (shas) over hostile intent. O Fire, here in these dwellings, shine richly for us,
O bright one, shine majestically, O purifying one.

The poet suggests that Fires existence among the people at the frontier of ryan
migrations promotes his dominance (shas) over aggressive behaviour (abhmti),
as if Fire is a symbol of migratory conquest.47 The bright light of Fire also appears

47 Thieme (1949: 33) translate stanza b as Gewalt, die Tcke [malice, treachery] ist. I do not

think that the poet is characterizing shas in this way. Geldner (1951, 2: 21) supplies Denn er, der
(Freund) aller Leute, besitzt die Feinde (besiegende) Strke. Oldenberg (1912: 232) notes that
the collocation abhmti shas parallels the compound abhimtih, dominating hostile
intentions, which qualifies various gods, warriors, horses, or wealth (see V.1.91.18b (Soma),
V.2.4.9c (Agni), V.6.7.3b (vr-), V.6.69.4a (va-), V.10.47.3c (ray), V.10.104.7a
(Indra); for abhimtiah, see V.10.83.4b (many), & V.10.128.7b (Bhaspati); for

abhimtihya (Indra), see V.3.37.3c). Cf. V.10.83.4: tv h manyo abhbhtyoj

svayambhr bhmo abhimtih | vivcarai shuri shvn asmsv ja ptansu dhehi.
For, O battle fury, you, whose authority (jas) entails supremacy, are ferocity existing on your

424

to represent the gods sphere of influence. Once again, shas reflects certain
properties of Fire within a martial context. In the same vein, Fire is also
commanded to drive away opponents through his dominance (shas) since he
possesses dominance (shasvan),48 and the god also drives away fears through
acts of dominance.49 Shas thus not only reflects the ritual creation of Agni from
dominance and for dominance, it also directly relates to the martial function and
exploits of the ritual Fire. Shas features in the ritual creation of Fire because this
creation both anticipates warfare and Fires ability to act in violent martial
situations. Shas is a statement of and testament to the martial aspect of Fires
personality and functionality. In a society where multiple ritual Fires would have
been lit, where multiple household Fires would have been maintained, where
warriors went into battle on account of ritually lighting Fire and perhaps carried
Fire into the fray, Fire functions as the most preeminent symbol of early Vedic
martiality and its commitment to sustained warfare. Agni is thus the concrete

symbol, the flame-red banner (V.6.49.2cd: aru ket) and product of

dominance, of an early Vedic ritual cult of violence.

own, dominating hostile intentions. Common to all boundary people, dominating, possessing
dominance, confer authority (jas) on us in battles.
48 V.6.5.6: s tt kdhits tyam agne spdho bdhasva shas shasvn | yc chasyse dybhir

akt vcobhis tj juasva jaritr ghi mnma. Perform this forcefully when prompted, O Fire:
Drive away oppositions/opponents through your dominance (shas), you who possesses
dominance (shas). When you are eulogized through the days, anointed with words, then take
pleasure from the singer. Listen to his thought.
49 V.6.6.6c: s bdhasvpa bhay shobhi-.

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Agnis relationship with shas also encapsulates the close symbolic and
pragmatic relationship between ritual performances and warfare. For example,
Agni is said to rule/shine over (v- rj-) various foods through his dominance.50
Here the metaphor of political rule and martial power extends to whatever Agni
shines over, in this case ritual oblations. It is as if the bright light of Fire in the
ritual arena attests the extent of the gods martial and political reach. We recall
that the Sun has total dominance (vva shas) when it rises in the sky.51 In
addition:
V.10.170.3cd: vivabhr bhrj mhi sryo d ur paprathe sha jo cyutam.
Blazing over all, the great blazing Sun spread widely his unshakeable dominance
(shas), his authority (jas), in order to be seen.

Light is therefore a powerful symbol that attests martial conquest and political
rule: where light is ryan supremacy should be.
In the same way that the god controls ritual offerings, various deities
create Agni due to their acts of dominance (shas-) so that the ritual Fire will be
the primary means of sacrifice for men:
V.10.46.9: dyv ym agnm pthiv jnim pas tv bhgavo y shobhi |

nyam prathamm mtarv devs tatakur mnave yjatram.

Fire, to whom heaven and earth gave birth, to whom the waters, Tva, the Bhgus
(gave birth) through their acts of dominance (shas-). The foremost one to be exalted,
Mtarivan and the gods fashioned as the means to sacrifice for Manu.

50 V.5.8.5c:

pury nn shas v rjasi.

51 See V.1.50.13.

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Agnis birth narrative once again features shas and precursors the gods primary
function to facilitate ritual sacrifices. The use of shas here appears to evoke
images of martial activity on the part of the gods in order to generate the ritual
Fire. This would mesh with the fact that Fires birth prefigures and promotes
violence. In fact, the cosmological allusions and the appearance of Manu, the
ancestral first sacrificer, suggest that Agnis primordial, first birth is being
described. Just as Indra creates the cosmos violently, Agnis mythological birth is
conceived as a wholly violent affair. Moreover, it is this statement of martial
supremacy that extends to Agnis sacrificial function.
Agnis control of ritual phenomena appears in other cases. Agnis birth to
dominance underscores his ability to contact the gods.
V.1.127.9a-c: tvm agne shas shantama umntamo jyase devttaye rayr n

devttaye.
O Fire, you are born most dominant due to your dominance (shas), most explosive, for
those in the divine realm, as if wealth for those in the divine realm.

In a similar vein, Fire is called the issue of dominance when he receives

an oblation, creates alliances, presumably, between gods and men, and protects
his worshipper from any harm:
V.8.19.25-26: yd agne mrtyas tv sym ahm mitramaho martya | shasa snav

huta || n tv rsybhastaye vaso n ppatvya santya | n me stotmatv n

drhita syd agne n ppy.52

52 Note stanza 25c = V.3.24.3b, & V.8.75.3b.

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O Fire, if you were mortal, and I were immortal, O you who brings greatness through
alliances, O issue of dominance (shas) when you receive the poured oblation, I would
not give you to the hostile recitation/curse, O treasure/good one, nor to evil, O
companion. My praiser would not be afflicted, nor placed in difficulty, O Fire, nor be in
an evil way.

The poet appears to be playing a game of if I were you to instruct Agni of the
way he should act toward his worshippers. Moreover, Agni is given sacrificial
offerings so as to protect his worshippers from harm. Hence, dominance over
ritual realities corresponds to dominance in martial realities.
As the above verse suggests, shas also plays a role in Agnis responsibility
to form alliances. In one verse, the alliance appears to be between gods, Agni, and
men:
V.1.96.1: s pratnth shas jyamna sady kvyni b adhatta vv | pa ca

mitr dhi ca sdhan dev agn dhrayan draviodm.

As in ancient times, he, being born with/through dominance (shas), in a single moment
certainly established for himself all acts of sagacity. The waters and the Dhia made the
alliance succeed. The gods uphold Fire, the giver of (mobile) wealth.

Agnis birth once again reflects a moment in the ritual when Fire is produced for
dominance, when ritual factors instigate an alliance, and when others gods
consequently give their support to Agni. We have repeatedly seen that ritual
alliances between gods and humans frequently prefigure or sanction warfare. If
the world of gods mirrors that of humans then the ritual arena is the primary site

428

in which real world alliances are made between rival warlords.53 This appears to
be the intention of the following verse:
V.1.36.18: agnn turva ydum parvta ugrdeva havmahe | agnr nayan

nvavstvam bhdratha turvti dsyave sha.

Through Fire, we call on Turvaa and Yadu from afar, and Ugrdeva. Fire led
Navavstva, Bhadratha, and Turvti to dominance (shas) against the barbarian.

In the same way that Fire forms alliances between gods and men within a ritual
setting, Fire also plays a symbolic role in making alliances between men in a
military-cum-political context and even takes credit for their martial success.
Agnis shas thus attests his dominance in the ritual arena, and this state extends
the gods role in instigating the dominance of warlords in times of warfare.
Up to this point, Agnis relationship with shas pertains to martial
realities, which are signaled by the gods birth and his subsequent state of control
in the ritual arena. This relationship further extends to the control of beneficial
situations and wealth. In one instance, Agnis secures a benevolent situation
through dominance (shas):
V.5.3.10: bhri nma vndamno dadhti pit vaso ydi tj joyse | kuvd devsya

shas cakn sumnm agnr vanate vvdhn.

Being venerated, the father establishes your many names, O treasure, if you will take
pleasure from this. Surely, being desirous due to the dominance (shas) of a god, Fire will
win benevolence, having become reinforced. Will he not?

53 Note V.6.73.2cd, to Bhaspati: ghnn vti v pro dardarti jya chtrr amtrn pts

shan. Smashing obstacles, he keeps splitting apart forts, conquering rivals, dominating those
who hold no alliance in battles.

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We note here that Fire has a father, which once again evokes images of Agni as
just born. It is fair to assume that the god, whose dominance ( shas) is in
question, is either Indra or Agni.54 In either case, the poets use of shas keys us
into a martial context where Agni wins benevolence or a state of goodwill
(sumn). The surrounding verses state that Agni achieved this when he protected
his worshippers from harm and secured wealth.55
Elsewhere, Fires dominance (shas) is proclaimed in conjunction with his
distribution ceremonies (vidtha-):
V.6.8.1: pksya vo arusya n sha pr n voca vidth jtvedasa |

vaivnarya matr nvyas ci sma iva pavate crur agnye.

Of the fortifying flame-red bull, I now (proclaim) his dominance (shas); I now proclaim
the distribution ceremonies of Jtavedas. For the one common to all men our newer
intention is purified, bright like sma, favourable for Fire.56

54 Cf. V.10.100.6: ndrasya n skta davya sho gnr gh jarit mdhira kav | yaj ca

bhd vidthe crur ntama sarvttim diti vmahe. Now the well-performed divine
dominance (shas) belongs to Indra. Fire is the singer in the house, the wise sage. And the
sacrifice has become favourable, most intimate at the distribution ceremony. We choose here
completeness, innocence. Note here that the poets recognize that Indras act of dominance a
purely martial affair must operate in conjunction with Agnis correct ritual activity. For this
reason, the sacrifice is beneficial at the distribution of wealth. For davya & shas, cf. V.4.42.6, &
also V.10.108.9b, where Indras dog Saram is compelled through divine dominance (shas)
(prbdhit shas davyena).
55 See V.5.3.5-12.
56 It is important to note that Agnis epithet Jtavedas is typically understood to mean the one

who has knowledge of creatures or in whose possession are creatures (see Mayrhofer EWA 8:
583). I lean towards the latter translation, yet would clarify it with the one whose property comes
from creatures or perhaps in whom property is produced, as this alludes to the symbolic

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The term vidtha refers to different forms of ritualized distribution and

allocation, whether in the form of oblations, prizes, spoils of war, commands or
the arrangement of cosmic phenomena (see Thieme 1949: 35-49). The vidtha
seems to take place as a component of the larger sma ritual or perhaps even
stands for the entire ritual synecdochically. What is important here is the fact that
Fires dominance (shas) is praised in parallel to the processes of ritual
distribution. In another verse, Agni is called the issue of dominance (sn

shasa) and also the one who directs wealth in the form of livestock:
V.6.5.1, to Agni: huv va sn shaso yvnam droghavcam matbhir yviham |

y nvati drvini prcet vivvri puruvro adhrk.

For you I invoke the issue of dominance (shas), the youth whose speech lacks deceit,
youngest due to our thoughts. The prudent one who drives all choice (mobile) wealth, the
one of many choices, the one lacking deceit.57

The statement of Agnis young age suggests that the Fire is once again newly lit.
Hence, from birth, the ritual Fire controls wealth, which was probably won in
combat, and its distribution. It is apt then that Agni plays a direct role in
mediating the spoils of war:
V.7.6.5: y dehy namayad vadhasnar y arypatnr usa cakra | s nirdhy

nhuo yahv agnr va cakre balihta shobhi.58

function of the ritual Fire as the proper medium for the distribution of wealth in early Vedic
culture.
57 Cf. V.1.96.1d, where Agni is called the giver of (mobile) wealth (draviod).
58 For arypatn, see Thieme (1938: 83-84).

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The one who made the walls bend through his deadly weapons, who made the dawns be
the wives of the stranger/compatriot (arypatn) (= Agni?). After hindering (the clans)
of Nahu, he, the young Fire, made the clans pay tribute due to his acts of dominance
(shas-).

In this verse Agnis shas explicitly reflects the gods martial activity and also
allows the god to take control of wealth won in battle. Like V.6.5.1 above, Agni
is called young, as if he has just been lit. This corresponds to Agnis state of
martial dominance at birth. Moreover, defeated clans appear to offer some form
of payment in order to appease the martial supremacy of the Fire-god and his
victorious clan. A newly lit ritual Fire may thus signal triumphant battle and shas
therein symbolizes the Fires outright position of control in martial contexts (cf.
Findly 1982: 19-20). At a pragmatic level, a newly lit ritual Fire is testament to
martial superiority, and one expression of this is the control of wealth and tribute.
This relationship is made explicitly evident in the following verse:
V.10.61.9: snitedhm snitot vja s dhart jaje shas yavyt.
Winning kindling and winning the prize, he (Fire) has been born as the upholder,
repeatedly waging war due to his dominance (shas).

Once again the reference to kindling suggests that Fire has just been lit, a direct
allusion to Agnis ritual birth. Moreover, Fires acquisition of wealth comes from
successfully waging war.
Therefore, shas is normally associated with Agni at the lighting of the
ritual Fire, which consistently signals issues of ritual and martial supremacy.
Consequently, Agnis dominance (shas) is intrinsically intertwined with ritual
and martial realities and symbolically attests the dominant position Fire must
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take at his birth, in the ritual arena, in forming alliances with gods and men, in
martial excursions, and in the control of wealth. The fact that Agni symbolically
embodies martial ideals is the primary reason for the gods association with shas.
As an idealized projection of martial behaviour and values, Fire instigates and
legitimizes warfare, while also symbolically mirroring the duty of warriors to
capture and distribute any spoils. In early Vedic culture, Fire reproduces martial
values, not just by symbolizing such values, but also by communicating the way in
which real individuals must act in the ritual arena and in battle. Agnis dominance
(shas) thus anticipates warfare and ritual performances, and justifies an early
Vedic martial mind-set. Fire is the appropriate realization and symbol of early
Vedic martiality, which is fundamentally signaled at the ritual lighting of Fire, the
gods violent birth.

6.4.b. Son of Strength vs. Issue of Dominance

Gonda (1957) is one of the few scholars to consider the stock phrase sn

shasa. He argues that the refrain means son of power/strength. Even though
this refrain appears in the title of his monograph, Gonda spends little time in
trying to explain it beyond his standard phenomenology: Agni is the son of
strength because of his readiness to protect and aid his worshippers. This
interpretation is close to the mark. However, like his treatment of the other
power terms, Gonda fails to isolate and identity any recurring themes.

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The evidence presented up to this point should easily explain why Agni is
almost exclusively given the epithet issue of dominance ( sn shasa).59 The
key factor that underpins the epithet sn shasa is Agnis ritual birth. We have
seen that shas attests Agnis primary function at his creation to claim outright
ritual and martial domination. One aspect of Agnis identity, his childhood, thus
symbolically reflects martial supremacy and power. Moreover, Agni is called a
child/offspring because he embodies the characteristics of his creators and ritual
fathers. As we saw in chapter two and at V.6.48.5cd above, it is men (nr-),
among others, who kindle and give birth to the ritual Fire. Hence, their ritual and
martial standing and responsibilities are symbolically encoded into the identity of
Fire.60 Agni is called son because he is the issue of those who kindle him, and

59 The word sn derives from s-, to give birth to, beget, produce, issue. The vocative refrain

is built with snu (issue), putra (son), and yahu/yuvan (youth) (in that descending order)
along with the unaccented genitive sahasa. To Agni: V.1.26.10c (yaho), V.1.58.8a (sno),
V.1.74.5b (yaho), V.1.79.4b (yaho), V.1.141.10c (yuvan), V.3.1.8a (sno), V.3.14.4c
(putra), V.3.14.6a (putra), V.3.16.5c (putra), V.3.18.4a (putra), V.3.25.5b (sno),
V.3.28.5b (sno), V.4.2.2a (sno), V.4.11.6c (sno), V.5.3.1c (putra), V.5.3.6d (putra),
V.5.3.9b (sno), V.5.4.6c (putra), V.6.1.10c (sno), V.6.4.1b (sno), V.6.5.5b (sno),
V.6.11.6c (sno), V.6.13.4a (sno), V.6.13.5b (sno), V.6.13.6a (sno), V.6.15.3c (sno),
V.6.50.9a (sno), V.7.1.21b (sno), V.7.1.22d (sno), V.7.3.8c (sno), V.7.7.7b (sno),
V.7.8.7b (sno), V.7.15.11b (yaho), V.7.16.4c (sno), V.8.19.7b (sno), V.8.19.12a
(yaho), V.8.60.2a (sno), & V.8.84.5b (yaho). All other accented forms of the refrain qualify
Agni. The refrain qualifies Indra 4 times at V.6.18.11c (sno), V.6.20.1d (sno), V.6.21.11b
(sno), & V.10.50.6b (sno); and Bhaspati once at V.1.40.2a (putra).
60 See V.10.11.7: ys te agne sumatm mrto kat shasa sno ti s pr ve | a ddhno

vhamno vair s dyum mavn bhati dyn. The mortal who will obtain your

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those who kindle him are expected to fight and participate in rituals. Thus, the
indistinct son of strength for sn shasa is more correctly translated as
issue of dominance in the sense that Agni is symbolically produced for and is
also the product of martial realities which are realized in the ritual arena.
The connection between Fire, men (nr-), wealth, and shas appears in
the following verse:
V.10.115.7: evgnr mrtai sah srbhir vsu ave shasa snro nbhi | mitrso n

y sdhit tyvo dyvo n dyumnar abh snti mnun.

Thus Fire, along with mortal patrons, is praised as the treasure/good one, as the liberal
one of dominance (shas) by men (nr-), who, well-established like allies, seeking truth,
like the heavens with their majesties, are superior to the descendents of Manu/(other)
men.

Here men (nr-) praise Fire and their patrons (sr-) as repositories of wealth. In
fact, Agnis ability to give wealth is closely aligned with his shas. Moreover, the
men are intent on forming an alliance with Agni. 61 This alliance reflects the mens
ritual and perhaps martial superiority over other men who perform rituals
(mnua).
The refrain sn shasa further anticipates ritual supremacy, as if Fires
martial power ensures that he will receive sacrificial offering. For example:

benevolence, O Fire, O issue of dominance, he is extremely renowned. Establishing refreshment

for himself, being conveyed by horses here, majestic, violent, he promotes the days.
61 Cf. V.10.142.1ab: aym agne jarit tv abhd pi shasa sno nahy nyad sty pyam. O

Fire, this singer here has existed only for you, O issue of dominance (shas), for there is no other
(kind of) friendship.

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V.3.28.3: gne vh puroam huta tirahnyam | shasa snr asy adhvar hit.
O Fire, pursue the rice cake that is offered as the poured oblation throughout the day.
You are the issue of dominance established in the rite.
V.8.75.3, to Agni: tv ha yd yavihya shasa snav huta | tv yajyo bhva.
Indeed, since you, O youngest one, O issue of dominance when you receive the poured
oblation, become truthful, worthy of sacrifice.62

In these two verses, Fire receives the poured oblation ( huta) and is called sn

shasa. Moreover, the emphasis placed on Agnis young age in the second verse
suggests that Agni has just been lit and thus underscores the gods connection
with shas at his kindling. The idea seems to be that Agnis martial power
underscores the gods command of ritual realities. For this reason, one verse
states:
V.6.49.2cd: div u shasa snm agn yajsya ketm aru yjadhyai.
Spawn of heaven, issue of dominance, Fire, the flame-red banner of the sacrifice to be
offered sacrifice.63

As the spawn of heaven, issue of dominance, Agni thus commands the ritual.
The poet also declares that Fire is the primary symbol, the flame-red banner
(aru ket), of early Vedic rituals and is thus the primary medium through which
the sacrifice operates. Moreover, as the issue of dominance, Agni contacts the
gods and acts as their messenger:
V.3.11.4: agn sn snaruta shaso jtvedasam | vhni dev akvata.

62 Note that stanza b = V.3.24.3b & V.8.19.25c.

63 For u & shas, see also V.4.18.8cd.

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Fire, the issue of dominance (shas), renowned of old, Jtavedas: the gods made him
their conveyor.64

Agnis status as the sn shasa thus underscores his responsibility, his

primary function, to completely control ritual realities, and Agnis case ritual
control readily parallels martial control. The relationship between ritual
performances and martial protection is evident in the following verse:
V.5.4.8: asmkam agne adhvar juasva shasa sno triadhastha havym | vay

devu sukta syma rma nas trivrthena phi.

O Fire, in the rite belonging to us, take pleasure, O issue of dominance who has three
abodes, (take pleasure) in the oblation. May we be those acting well towards the gods:
protect us through your shelter with its threefold defense.

Once again we see that, as the sn shasa, Agni receives offerings and in turn
asserts his martial superiority in the defense of his worshippers.65 The consistent
reference to Agnis ritual birth, his associations with wealth, and his status as the

sn shasa features in another verse:

V.10.45.5, to Agni: rm udr dharo raym manm prrpaa smagop |

vsu sn shaso aps rj v bhty gra usm idhn .

Rouser of fineries, foundation of wealth, instigator of convictions, protected by sma,
treasure/good one, issue of dominance, king among the waters, he radiates out, being
kindled at the beginning of the dawns.

This verse indicates that Agnis control of wealth, his status as a king (rjan), and
his ritual birth all signify his position of power.

64 Cf. V.2.10.6ab, & V.7.7.1.

65 Cf. V.5.25.9.

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All the above evidence indicates that sn shasa features in the same
context in which Agni and shas appear together. The refrain issue of
dominance (sn shasa) is testament to the lighting of the ritual Fire, Agnis
birth, and the fact that this act signals ritual and martial dominance. As the issue
of dominance, Agni bears the burden of his forefathers to control ritual and
martial realities. The martial metaphor parallels ritual realities because both
realms are intertwined. The ritual ground is Agnis realm of activity and his
sphere of influence. More than anything, the ritual arena is Fires realm of martial
dominance (shas). The ritual is conceived in martial terms as sacrificial offerings
parallel the spoils of war, alliances are formed between gods and men, and
between men and men, and Fire conquers enemies and provides protection. All
of this is inherently symbolized by Fires birth. Every time early Vedic ryans
kindle the ritual Fire anew, they reproduce militant values and restate the
important relationship between ritual performances and martiality. The ritual
creation of Fire thus reflects and reproduces a deep-seated concern for successful
ritual performances, the formation of alliances with gods and other humans,
profitable martial activity, and a general sense of safety. This conclusion can be
further clarified by examining the close relationship between the role of the Hot
priest and his connection with the refrain sn shasa.

6.4.c. Agni, Hot, and Dominance

Agnis role as the issue of dominance (sn shasa) is closely connected with
his role as the Hot priest. In early Vedic culture the primary job of the Hot is to
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care for the ritual Fire by reciting hymns to it, while it receives offerings on the
ritual ground. The Hot thus acts as the mediator between the sacrificer
(yjamna) and the gods. It will be recalled that the Yajamna may also act as the
Hot.66 Furthermore, the god Agni becomes the Hot priest himself. In his role as
the Hot, Agni is frequently associated with shas. When this occurs Agni almost
exclusively takes the epithet issue of dominance. In one verse, the sacrificer
approaches Agni for help, and the god is called issue of dominance and divine
Hot.67 Fire is also called the ancient Hot worthy to be chosen, unfailing son of
dominance.68 In addition:
V.1.143.1: pr tvyas nvyas dhtm agnye vc mat shasa snve bhare |

ap npd y vsubhi sah priy ht pthivy ny sdad tvya.

I bring forth this bolder, newer insight for Fire, I bring forth a thought/intention of
speech for the issue of dominance, who, as grandson of the waters, along with treasures,
the beloved Hot, sat down on the earth, at the right season.

One verse succinctly states the reason why Agnis role as Hot is closely
equated with his function as the issue of dominance:

66 See Chapter 3.3.a, and also Krick (1982: 56), Heesterman (1993: 142-144), & Brereton (2004a:

331-335).
67 V.6.6.1: pr nvyas shasa snm ch yajna gtm va ichmna

| vcdvana

kyma ranta vt htra divy jigti. (The sacrificer goes) forth towards the issue of
dominance (shas) with a newer sacrifice, as one desiring a way, desiring help. Forth to the woodhewing one whose journey blackens, to the white-shining one, he goes (forth) in pursuit to the
divine Hot.
68 V.2.7.6bc: pratn ht vreya | shasas putr dbhuta.

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V.6.1.1: tv hy gne pratham mantsy dhiy bhavo dasma ht | tv s vann

akor durtu sho vvasmai shase shadhyai.

Indeed you, O Fire, as the foremost mindful one of this insight here, became the Hot,
O wondrous one. O bull, you performed an act of dominance (shas) that is difficult to
surpass in order to dominate all dominance (shas).

As the Hot then Agni plays a crucial role in the recognition and taking of
absolute supremacy. If the ritual is Agnis specific sphere of influence, then the
Hot is the specific role Agni assumes when he exercises his dominance over
ritual and martial realities. Since the Hot priests job is to control the ritual Fire,
and by extension the ritual ground, then the ritual ground is the Hots arena of
dominance. This function freely interchanges with Agnis role as the Hot.
Consequently, Agnis purpose while acting as the Hot relates to his dominance in
the ritual arena and in martial realities. This is evident in several verses from the
same hymn:
V.1.127.1: agn htram manye dsvanta vsu sn shaso jtvedasa vpra

n jtvedasam | y rdhvy svadhvar dev devcy kp | ghtsya vbhrim nu

vai ocjhvnasya sarpa.
I think that Fire is the Hot, rich in gifts, a treasure, issue of dominance, Jtavedas,
Jtavedas like an inspired poet. Who, with his erect body pointed towards the gods, is the
god of the good rite, with his flame he yearns after the radiance of ghee, of the poured
out melted butter.
V.1.127.10: pr vo mah shas shasvata uarbdhe pau ngnye stmo babhtv

agnye | prti yd havmn vvsu ksu jguve | gre rebh n jarata jrir
hta m.

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Let yours be conspicuous for the great one, characterized by dominance (shas) due to
dominance (shas), waking at dawn, for Fire, as if for a cattle winner: Let your praisesong be conspicuous for Fire, since one offering an oblation repeatedly calls on him in all
earthly places. At the beginning of (Dawns) rays, he sings like a Rebha, the blazing Hot
(at Dawns) rays.

In these verses, Agni assumes his role as the Hot at his kindling, which equally
explains his epithet issue of dominance and his claim to supremacy. As the
Hot, Fire also contacts the gods for his ritual patron and craves sacrificial
oblations. Moreover, it is apposite that Agni functions as the Hot and takes the
epithet issue of dominance since he actively participates in processing wealth.
This idea underlies another verse:
V.3.14.1: ht mandr vidthny astht saty yjv kavtama s vedh |

vidydratha shasas putr agni ockea pthivym pjo aret.

As the elation bringing Hot, he stood over the distribution ceremonies, the true
controller of the sacrifice, the best sage, this one, the ritual adept, whose chariot is
lightning, the son of dominance, Fire, with hair of flame, has rested his form on the
earth.69

It is telling that as the Hot and son of dominance, Agni is explicitly called the
true controller of the sacrifice (saty yjvan). In addition, several verses state:
V.6.12.1: mdhye ht duro barho r agns todsya rdas yjadhyai | ay s

sn shasa tv drt sryo n oc tatna.

In the middle of the home, as Hot, as the ruler of the Barhis-grass, the (ruler) of the
agitator (Srya), Fire is to offer sacrifice to the two world halves. Here, this one, the

69 In relation to V.3.14.1a, see Thieme (1949: 46 n.1), who thinks that vidtha- refers to the

ritual ground/offering site (Opferplatz).

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truthful issue of dominance (shas) has spread from a distance, like the sun, with his
flame.
V.8.71.11: agn sn shaso jtvedasa dnya vrym | dvit y bhd amto

mrtyev ht mandrtamo vi.

to Fire, issue of dominance, to Jtavedas for the giving of desirable rewards. The
immortal, who became once again here among mortals, the Hot who brings the most
elation in the clan.70

Therefore, Agnis role as the Hot and his status as the issue of
dominance equally underscore his control of the ritual arena, his ability to
contact the gods, and the distribution of wealth. Agni is not just a passive receiver
of ritual offerings. As the sn shasa and Hot, the Fire plays an active role in
controlling the ritual arena. The complex relationship between Fire, Hot, and

shas must derive from the fact that the Hot, Yajamna, and the warlord can be
the same person in early Vedic culture, or, at least, that the Hot and Yajamna
share a close ritual relationship. It seems that the warlord not only risks his neck
to capture wealth in battle, he equally maintains control of ritual offerings and the
distribution of his plundered wealth throughout every stage. Just as sn

shasa is a technical epithet where the ritual Fire is produced in order to signal
ritual control, martial excursions, and economic dominance, then, as the Hot,
Agni carries out the underlying imperative to raise himself to heaven through
ritual oblations, to contact the gods, and to distribute hard-earned wealth among
gods and humans who participate in the ritual. One of the primary duties of the

70 For dvit, see Tichy (1983: 221).

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Hot priest in early Vedic culture is to take outright control of the ritual arena
and to assert his dominance over martial realities. The Hot is thus a priest of war.

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Chapter 7: Capacity (vas), Vtra, and the Warlord (ra)

7.1. Introduction
The term vas derives from -/v-, to swell, increase, thrive, succeed, and it
closely relates to its root in meaning and function.1 The following chapter will
demonstrate that vas primarily reflects spatial connotations as seen in
cosmological breadth, vastness, or size and political expanse, reach, or range.

vas further manifests in material realities like prosperity, success, and the
opening up and control of territory, natural resources, grazing grounds, and
waterways. As a consequence of this, vas is a martial concept that signifies
Indras own state of swelling and his ability to bring this about. vas often
appears in conjunction with the term ra, both of which derive from the same
root. The primary function of the ra is to battle the cosmic serpent Vtra, and
any real world obstacles, in order to secure fertile tracts of land and protect ryan
concerns. vas thus designates the power or ability that a ra must manifest to
defeat Vtra, open up and control the universe, and monopolize natural
resources. For this reason, I have selected the token word capacity to mark

1 Mayrhofer (EWA 18: 623-624) states that the abstract neuter noun vas, Kraft, Macht,

berlegenheit, derives from -/v-/AVI- (PIE *eh1-/*uh1-), anschwellen, stark werden,

zunehmen, gedeihen. Interestingly, the Indo-Iranian counterpart of vas, sauuah-, means
Vorteil [advantage, benefit, profit, gain], Nutzen [use, utility, profit, gain, yield, returns,
benefit, advantage], Wohlfahrt [welfare, weal]. This chapter will demonstrate that these ideas
more closely approximate the use of vas in the gveda, since the verb -/v- to swell entails
to increase, thrive, prosper in economic and political contexts.

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vas. In English capacity at once evokes notions of aptitude or capability and

also volume and size. These notions underlie the use of vas and thus capacity
is by and large the most appropriate term to render it.

7.2. vas as a Spatial and Martial Metaphor

First and foremost, vas is a martial concept. Several verses underscore this fact:
V.5.86.3a: tyor d mavac chvas.
Violent is indeed the capacity (vas) of these two (Indra and Agni).
V.8.75.13: anym asmd bhiy iym gne saktu duchn | vrdh no mavac chva.
Let this misfortune accompany another due to fear from us, O Agni: Reinforce/Increase
our violent capacity (vas).2

In another verse, the poet recognizes the deadly nature of vas in battle as it
poses a direct threat, which, it appears, can even come from related kinsmen:
V.6.25.3: ndra jmya ut y jmayo rvcnso vano yuyujr | tvm e vithur

vsi jah vyni kuh prca.

O Indra, the covetous ones, who, whether kindred or not kindred, have yoked up (their
chariots), and are heading this way. Make their acts of capacity (vas-) waver, smash
their acts of bullishness, make them (stay) far away.3

2 Cf. V.8.88.4, to Indra: yddhsi krtv vasot dasn vv jtbh majmn | tvym

ark tye vavartati y gtam jjanan. You are the fighter against all born creatures, through
resolve and through capacity (vas), through wondrous skill, through greatness. This chant, which
the Gotamas produced, will turn you here for help.

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What is immediately apparent from this verse is that the covetous ones (vans-)
are on the move. For this reason, Indra is instructed to thwart their journey.
Moreover, we see that vas somehow pertains to their ability to successfully
travel this unspecified distance.4
The spatial motif of distance and movement consistently underscores the
use of vas. For example, in another overtly martial verse, the same types of
enemies we saw above are judged on their capacity (vas) in battle:
V.7.21.9cd, to Indra: vanvntu sm t vas samk bhtim ary van vsi.
With your help in the encounter, let them vanquish the hostile maneuver of the
stranger/compatriot (ar), the acts of capacity (vas-) of the covetous ones.

The enemies are once again of ryan descent ( ar) and covetous (vans-). The
poet also plays on the root van-, to win, conquer, assail, vanquish, and van-

/v-, to desire, covet, entice. Hence, Indra helps the unidentified warriors
vanquish (van-) the maneuver (abhti) of the covetous opponents (vans-).

vas is once again juxtaposed to an attack which appears to involve hostile

movement or covering distance.
The martial and spatial metaphor is further underscored by the
correlation of vas with dominance (shas):

3 For a related chariot theme, see V.6.34.2cd: rtho n mah vase yujn smbhir ndro

anumdyo bht. Like a chariot being yoked for great capacity (vas), Indra will be applauded by
us.
4 See V.8.19.16c, where ritual participants call themselves best finders of the way

(gtuvttama-) due to Indras vas.

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V.1.51.10: tkad yt ta un shas sho v rdas majmn bdhate va | tv

vtasya nmao manoyja pryamam avahann abh rva.

When Uan fashioned for you dominance (shas) through dominance (shas), (then)
(your) capacity (vas) drives apart the two world halves through your greatness. Here
the mind-yoked (horses) of the wind bore you, O manly minded one, here to reputation
(rvas), as you become filled (with sma).
V.7.104.3: ndrsom dukto vavr antr anrambha tmasi pr vidhyatam | yth

nta pnar ka candyat td vm astu shase manyumt chva.

O Indra and Soma, prod the makers of difficulties into the midst of a crevasse, in the
inescapable/insupportable darkness, so that no one at all will rise up again from there.
Let this capacity (vas) of you two, associated with battle fury, be for dominance
(shas).5

In the first verse, Indras dominance (shas) relates to the way in which the wargods vas opens up the cosmos at his birth.6 Consequently, this primordial act
also signals cosmic control and supremacy. In the second verse, Indra and Somas

vas is deployed to injure opponents in order to bring about a state of martial

supremacy.7 More importantly, we see that vas features in a verse where rivals

5 For vas & shas, see also V.1.52.11, & V.10.49.8.

6 Interestingly, at V.8.45.5a & V.8.77.2a, Indras mother, the earth, is called avasn, which

would thus designate her expansive size and capacity. On this interpretation, see Oberlies (1998:
266). Cf. also V.7.28.2, where Indra is called avasn in the context of a verse that mentions the
gods greatness (mahimn).
7 For a similar notion of dominating (sah-), see V.1.186.2: no vva skr gamantu dev mitr

aryam vrua saj | bhvan yth no vve vdhsa kran suh vithur n va . Let
all the gods in company come here to us, Mitra, Aryaman and Varua acting in agreement, so that
they all will be our reinforcers, and will make things easy to dominate, like wavering capacity

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are forced into a confined space. The juxtaposition of confinement and freedom
is rather apt since vas consistently appears in spatial contexts. Furthermore, the
fact that Indra and Somas bellicose (manyumt) capacity (vas) generates a
state of dominance (shas) suggests that the two terms overlap because both
signal the control of territory or unopposed space.

7.3.a. Power over Nature, Control of the Universe

The last section drew attention to the spatial and martial metaphor underlying
the use of vas. As we saw above, one expression of this metaphor relates to the
separating and opening up of the two world halves, heaven and earth. More often
than not, vas operates in arenas that pertain to the universe and the natural
world. Early Vedic poets conceive of the universe as a unified whole and thus
supramundane and mundane realities exist in a continuum. In the same way that
divine and human identities overlap, and thereby give renewed meaning to each
other, natural and supernatural realities are complementary and almost
undifferentiated in ritual rhetoric. One of the primary themes pertaining to vas
is thus the creation and control of the cosmos (heaven, earth) and the natural
environment (land, waters).8 For example:

(vas). We note also V.6.25.3, where Indra is instructed to thwart the ability of his enemies to
travel, and hence the war-god makes their acts of vas waver (vithur vsi).
8 An obscure verse to Indra, V.10.73.8cd, states: nu tv dev vas madanty upribudhnn

vanna cakartha. The gods applaud you due to your capacity (vas). You made the trees (grow)
upwards from their roots.

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V.1.100.14ab, to Indra: ysyjasra vas mnam ukthm paribhujd rdas vivta

sm.
Through whose capacity (vas) the inexhaustible measure that is (our) recitation will
bend around both world halves from all sides.9

Here vas is the means through which the inexhaustible measure (jasra- mna-)
reaches around the open space of the universe. This measure is also placed in
apposition with the ritual recitation (ukth) of the poet.10 Once again, vas
features in a verse that expresses the notion of expanse and distance. In this verse,

vas is a characteristic or ability that allows Indra to succeed in endeavours

pertaining to vastness and size. This same theme appears elsewhere:
V.1.100.15: n ysya dev devt n mrt pa can vaso ntam p | s prarkv

tvkas km div ca martvn no bhavatv ndra t.

The limit/end of whose capacity (svas) no gods through divinity, nor mortals, nor even
the waters have reached. He projects beyond earth and heaven through his creativity:
accompanied by the Maruts, let Indra be present for us with aid.11

9 For ukth & vas, cf. V.10.100.5a.

10 Cf. V.7.23.1: d u brhmy airata ravasyndra samary mahay vasiha

| y vvni

vas tatnoparot ma vato vcsi. Seeking repute, formulations arose up. Magnify Indra in
the encounter, O Vasiha. He is the one who stretched over all things through capacity (vas),
the hearer of words as profound as mine.
11 Cf. V.8.97.9, to Indra: n tv devsa ata n mrtyso adriva

| vv jtni vasbhibhr asi

n tv devsa ata. The gods have not attained you, nor the mortals, O stone carrier. You are
superior to all born creatures due to your capacity (vas). The gods have not attained you.

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vas here designates Indras unmatched expanse, comprehensiveness or reach.

The fact that the war-god stands outside the universe further implies that the
cosmos is his to control. This idea is also seen in other verses. For example:
V.4.19.4a: kodayac chvas kma budhn.
Indra made the earth shake to its depths through his capacity (vas).
V.8.3.6: ndro mahn rdas paprathac chva ndra sryam arocayat | ndre ha vv

bhvanni yemira ndre suvnsa ndava.

Through his greatness, Indra has spread apart the two world halves, his capacity (vas).
Indra caused the sun to shine. In Indra all living creatures have offered themselves. In
Indra the drops are being pressed.

In the first verse, Indras vas allows the war-god to affect the very foundations
of the earth, a clear allusion to distance and reach. In the second verse, Indra not
only stretches out the two halves of the universe, he also controls the sun. As we
will see, vas frequently prefigures the control of natural phenomena, such as
heaven, earth, mountains, waterways, and open tracts of lands.12 More
importantly, the notion of control reflects the wider gvedic motif of expanse

12 Cf. V.5.46.6: ut ty na prvatsa suastya sudtyo nadys trmae bhuvan | bhgo

vibhakt vasvas gamad uruvyc diti rotu me hvam . And these well-praised mountains,
these well-shining rivers will be (there) for our protection/safety. The portion, the apportioner,
will come here with capacity (vas), with help. Let Aditi, whose expanse is wide, hear my
invocation. For Aditi & auspicious capacity (bhadr vas), see also V.1.94.15. Cf.
V.10.48.11: dityn vsn rudry dev devn n minmi dhma | t m bhadrya

vase tatakur parjitam sttam ham. As the god of gods, I do not ruin the domain of the
dityas, the Vasus, and the Rudriyas. For auspicious capacity (vas), they have fashioned me,
who cannot be conquered by another, who cannot be laid low, indomitable.

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versus confinement. The symbolism of heaven and earth is frequently deployed to

underscore Indras parallel creation and control of the cosmos and political
realities. For example:
V.1.8.5: mah ndra par ca n mahitvm astu vajre | dyar n prathin va.
Great is Indra, and now even further let there be greatness for the mace-wielder. His
capacity (vas) is like heaven due to its expanse.13

It is important to draw attention to the parallel use of the verb prath-,

to spread apart, stretch, enlarge in the two verses just quoted. The use of
prath- underscores the spatial metaphor. In addition, in the first verse
(V.8.3.6), Indras capacity (vas) is appositionally equated with the two world
halves, presumably because vas is also a statement of expanse. This is confirmed
in the next verse (V.1.8.5), as Indras vas is like heaven/sky (dy-/div-) on
account of its expanse (prathimn). vas is thus an expression of the power Indra
should exercise in order to create and control the cosmos. It is also the resultant
state the god should hold. Since the world of gods communicates the same ideals
to real humans, then the use of vas signals the fact that the control of the
natural environment and resources is a legitimate endeavour for warlords. The
fact that poets consistently emphasize this spatial metaphor further suggests that
Indras subjugation of the universe communicates a potent political message that
sanctions the sovereignty and dominion of human warlords and rulers within a
cosmic framework. Ritual rhetoric thus encourages warlords to conquer heaven,

13 Note stanza c = V.8.56.1c.

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earth, and all that lies in-between. In relation to vas, Indra is not only
responsible for defeating real world enemies; he must also create, open up, and
even subjugate the natural world as well. This must have perpetuated one facet of
the ideology of kingship, and thereby reproduced the identity of kings, who
internalized and carried out such values in the real world. Indra and the Maruts
certainly have power over nature through outright martial coercion. For example:
V.6.66.6, to the Maruts: t d ugr vas dhe ubh yujanta rdas sumke |

dha smaiu rodas svocir mavatsu tasthau n rka.

Surely these authoritative ones, whose army/missiles are bold, yoked both well-fastened
world halves through capacity (vas). Then Rodas (Goddess Two World Halves), with
her own flame, stood here among these violent ones, like a light.14

The Maruts not only keep both heaven and earth in check by exercising their
capacity (vas), in doing so the environment acquiesces to their control and
assists them.15 This suggests that mastery over resources not only benefits those in

14 For the Maruts & vas, see also V.7.57.1. Cf. V.1.64.8d, to the Maruts: sm t sabdha

vashimanyava. These ones whose battle fury is for the Serpent due to their capacity (vas)
come together eagerly. And V.1.64.9b, to the Maruts: r vashimanyava. O warlords,
whose battle fury is for the Serpent due to capacity (vas). We note here that the Maruts are all
considered to be warlords (ra-), which suggests that multiple champion warriors can exist in
any given social context in early Vedic society. Cf. V.5.59.5b. The point here is that there was not
one warlord in a tribe or clan. Multiple individuals, as represented by Indra and the Maruts,
could rise to the status of a ra.
15 See also V.1.39.8: yumito maruto mrtyeita y bhva ate | v t yuyota vas vy jas

v yumkbhir tbhi. O Maruts, whatever formless thing sent by you or sent by mortals that is
master (of us), you all must keep it away through your capacity (vas), away through your
authority (jas), away through the favours that belong to you. Cf. V.7.56.6-7: yma yh

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power, it also implies that such control is legitimate as it curries favour. vas is
the means to open up and instill order in and over the universe and the
imperative to hold sway over natural resources. Since this is a prevailing motif,
even when natural and cosmological phenomena are not explicitly mentioned, we
can often infer that vas signals such contexts. Nonetheless, the motifs of
territory and waters need further clarification.

7.3.b. Territory
One of the major contexts in which vas relates to the natural world is the
control of territory in the form of wide spaces to roam and fertile grazing grounds.
For example:
V.7.93.2, to Indra and Agni: t snas avasn h bht skavdh vas

uvs | kyantau ry yvasasya bhre pkt vjasya sthvirasya ghve.

O you two who act with capacity/swelling ones (voc. avasn), indeed you two are gainbringing, simultaneously reinforced, having become swollen through capacity (vas).
Controlling wealth, abundant pasturage, you two must mix the substantial and lively
prize.16

ubh bhih riy smmil jobhir ugr || ugr va jo sthir vsy dh mardbhir
gas tvimn. The best travelers who traverse, the most beautiful in beauty, endowed with
finery, authoritative due to acts of authority (jas-). Your authority (jas) is authoritative, and
steadfast are acts of capacity (vas): thus through the Maruts your horde is aggressive.
16 Cf. V.1.81.4, to Indra: krtv mah anuvadhm bhm vvdhe va | riy v

upkyor n ipr hrivn dadhe hstayor vjram yasm. Through resolve, the great and terrible
one reinforced his capacity (vas) here, according to his independence. For finery/beauty, the
towering and moustached bay horse owner set down the iron/copper mace in his clasped hands.

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Insler (1968: 17) argues that vasn means acting with vas.17 It is from -

/v- to swell, and is related in meaning to the instrumental form vas (which
appears in this verse). It is formed through analogy with the forms

sahasn/shas; the former member (sahasn) was originally a metathesized

perfect participle. The poet thus places considerable emphasis on the notion of
swelling (avasnvas uvs) in this verse. Since -/v- also
denotes to thrive, succeed it is no surprise that in this verse it relates to an
increase in wealth and profit in the form on controlling pasturage (yvasa). vas
once again signals issues of space and distance, which is here expressed by the
need to control territory and natural resources.
Other poets are definitely aware of the close relationship between the
abstract noun vas and its verbal counterpart -/v-. For example:
V.6.19.2: ndram ev dhi stye dhd bhntam vm ajra yvnam | hena

vas uvsa sady cid y vvdh smi .

Dhia has established Indra to win, the lofty towering one, ageless and youthful; who
through indomitable capacity (vas) has become swollen, who in just a single day
became completely reinforced/increased.18

17 For other appearances of avasn, which exclusively qualifies Indra, see V.1.62.1a (with

), 2b, 13c, V.6.37.3a (with chariots), V.8.2.22b, V.8.46.6b, V.8.68.8a, & V.10.99.9a.
18 The appearance of smi, not half, undivided, complete, in this verse is interesting. In the

preponderance of its uses smi qualifies as stem nouns, such as yas, vas, jas, and rdhas. It
also appears once in compound at V.5.52.5b, where the Maruts are called men whose capacity
is complete (nro smiavasa). See also V.1.39.10: smy jo bibhth sudnav smi

dhtaya va | idve maruta parimanyva u n sjata dvam. O Bringers of good

gifts/waters, you all bring authority (jas) that is complete, you all bring capacity (vas) that is

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The fact that Indra is lofty and towering seems to parallel the reason why his vas
is unconquerable (ha) and why it facilitates the gods own swelling. Indras
own state of swelling most definitely parallels human endeavours. Hence, one
verse states:
V.7.74.6: pr y yayr avkso rth iva nptro jnnm | ut svna vas uvur

nra ut kiyanti sukitm.

These are the man-protectors of the tribes who traveled forth, bringing freedom from
the wolves, as if chariots, and these men have been swollen through their own capacity
(vas) and they dwell in a good dwelling.19

The verse that precedes this (V.7.74.5) states that the protectors of men
(npt-) are munificent (maghvan-) ritual patrons (sr-).20 They appear to have
engaged in combat with the wolves after traveling an unspecified distance. The

complete, O (Earth) shakers. O Maruts, at the hater of Seers, at the one whose battle fury
surrounds (us/them), release your hate like a bolt. And V.10.22.3: mah ys pti vaso smy

mah nmsya ttuj | bhart vjrasya dh pit putrm iva priym. The one who is the
lord of great capacity (vas), here (has made his vas) complete. He is the advancer of great
manhood (nm), the bearer of the bold mace, like a father to his beloved son. Note previous
verse, V.10.22.d (= V.1.25.15b), ya cakr smy .
19 Cf. V.7.66.8ab: ry hirayay matr iym avkya vase. This intention, which brings

wealth, gold, is for capacity (vas) that brings freedom from the wolf.
20 Cf. also V.8.97.13: tm ndra johavmi maghvnam ugr satr ddhnam pratikuta

vsi | mhiho grbhr ca yajyo vavrtad ry no vv supth kotu vajr. I repeatedly

invoke this one, Indra, the munificent authoritative one, who cannot be driven back, thoroughly
establishing his acts of capacity (vas-). And the most liberal one, worthy of sacrifice, will turn
here through songs, let the mace wielder make all our paths good for wealth. Note also
V.7.32.6ab: s vr pratikuta ndrea uve nbhi. This soldier, who cannot be driven back,
is swollen by Indra, by men.

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wolves are most likely some type of human enemy (Parpola 1997: 195). The
simile, as if chariots (rth iva), perhaps suggests that the patrons acted swiftly
and for this reason they are compared to chariots. The simile also suggests that
the patrons traveled in chariots as well, and this is confirmed by the appearance of
y-, which in general indicates to travel, drive in a chariot or vehicle.21 The use
of vas is rather apt then since it reflects notions of movement and space in a
martial context. It also functions as the means to bring about a state of swelling,
which perhaps reflects that the patrons acquired territory and wealth from their
wide-ranging battle with the wolves. It is certain then that the meaning of vas
relates closely to its verbal root -/v-.
The control of pasturage presumably underscores the need to ensure that
cattle have ample grazing grounds. Not only would pastoral tribes constantly
encounter each other in competition for land and water, the imperative to deal
with these issues through battle reflects an awareness of the importance, and
perhaps scarcity, of natural resources. For example:
V.6.13.5: t nbhya sauravas suvrgne sno sahasa puyse dh | ki yc

chvas bhri pav vyo vkyrye jsuraye.

In order for men to thrive, O Fire, establish here these things, which bring excellent
reputation associated with good soldiers, O issue of dominance. When you create an
abundance of livestock through your capacity (vas), (you create) health (vyas), which
leads to the wolf, the stranger, becoming exhausted.

21 See Insler (1968: 2 n.3), who states: The root y is distinguished from the root i in that the

former usually means to go in a vehicle, the latter to go on foot.

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Here it is evident that capacity (vas) reflects issues of profit and advantage.
Agnis capacity (vas) signals the ownership of wealth in the form of abundant
livestock (bhri pav). The appearance of vas in this verse likely alludes to a
spatial metaphor and thus the capture of territory and cattle. This would nicely
explain the final allusion, since the rival wolf, who, it seems, is a member of
early Vedic society (ar), would have thus been exhausted on account of losing his
resources and means of survival. It is apt then that Agni creates health since

vyas frequently refers to the economic well-being of sacrificial patrons.22

The spatial metaphor is further alluded to in other verses to the ritual
Fire. For example:
V.3.3.9ab: vibhv dev sura pri kitr agnr babhva vas sumdratha.
The radiant god Fire, excellent in battle, has surrounded the settlements due to his
capacity (vas), he along with his chariot.

22 My research on vyas will be laid out at a future date. For verses featuring

vas and vyas, see

V.6.36.5: s t rudhi rty y duvoyr dyar n bhmbh ryo ary | so yth na vas

cakn yugyuge vyas ckitna. Thus you who seeks ritual friendship must hear what is
worthy to be heard. Like heaven over earth, you over (whelm) the strangers wealth, so that
through your capacity (vas) you will be one who has taken pleasure in us, and through your
health (vyas) one that repeatedly displays himself generation after generation. Cf. V.1.37.9, to
the Maruts: sthir h jnam e vyo mtr nretave | yt sm nu dvit va. For sturdy is
their birth and their health (vyas) to depart from their mother, since capacity (vas), now as
before, follows it. Cf. V.10.140.1. For an obscure allusion to sisters, mothers, and vas, see
V.10.120.9cd.

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The idea of size and expanse is once again at the forefront of the poets use of

vas as Agnis vas is the characteristic that allow him to surround the
settlements.23 In addition:
V.5.7.3: s yd i vnmahe s havy mnum | ut dyumnsya vasa tsya

ramm dade.
Since we will completely covet for ourselves the refreshments, the oblations of the
descendents of Manu, then he (Agni) takes for himself the rein(s) of truth through the
capacity (vas) of his majesty.

The term dyumn, majesty, heavenliness, is morphological related to dy-/div-,

heaven, sky.24 Hence, the capacity of Agnis majesty (dyumnsya vas-) is
most likely a spatial reference. In another verse, the manliest (ntama-) ritual
participants fill Indra and Agni up with vas on account of the ritual Fires
divinity.25 Moreover, songs are compared with the river Sindhu, and they

23

For an obscure allusion in a verse to Agni, see V.4.8.8: s vpra caran vas

mnum | ti kiprva vidhyati. The inspired poet of the boundary/neighbouring people, of

the descendents of Manu, through capacity (vas), he pierces through as if with
momentum/release (of bowstring).
24

For dyumn & vas, cf. V.6.18.7c. See also V.8.9.20, to the Avins: pr dyumnya pr

vase pr nhyya rmae | pr dkya pracetas. Forth for majesty, forth for capacity
(vas), forth for conquering men and for shelter, forth for sacrificial skill, O you two prudent
ones.
25 V.6.4.7cd: ndra n tv vas devt vym panti rdhas ntam . Like Indra, the

manliest ones fill you up with capacity (vas) due to your divinity; they fill (you) up (like) the
wind with generosity. Cf. V.6.15.11, where Agni is referred as warlord (voc. ra) when he
mixes/permeates (pc-) his sage (kav) with capacity (vas) and wealth.

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reinforce/increase (vdh-) Agni on account of their capacity (vas).26 In these

two instances, we again see the notion of an increase in size, which in Agnis case
likely comes from sacrificial offerings or fuel.
As the above examples indicate, capacity (vas) conveys the logical
connection between controlling territory and an increase in size, reach, or
expanse. This is made evident in one verse:
V.8.3.4: ay sahsram ibhi shaskta samudr iva paprathe | saty s asya

mahim ge vo yaju viprarjye.

This one, made from dominance by the thousand seers, spread himself out like the
ocean. He is real. His greatness is sung, his capacity ( vas), in the sacrifices, in the
kingdom of the inspired.

We once again see the use of prath-, to spread (out), and the juxtaposition of

vas with a state of cosmic size (the ocean), greatness ( mahimn), and political
territory (viprarjya-).
This spatial-cum-territorial theme is also encountered in an interesting
verse to the horse Dadhikr, who, Witzel (1995b: 114, n.74) suggests,27 belongs to
king Trasadasyu:
V.4.38.10ab: dadhikr vas pca k srya iva jytips tatna| sahasras

atas vjy rv pktu mdhv sm im vcsi.

26 V.5.11.5cd: tv gra sndhum ivvnr mahr panti vas vardhyanti

ca. Songs fill you

up like the great tributaries fill up the Sindhu, and they reinforce you through capacity (vas).
The symbiotic relationship between vas and water (here the river Sindhu) will be discussed
shortly.
27 V.4.38.1 appears to confirm Witzels view. Cf. also Oldenberg (1988 [1917]: 37).

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Dadhikr stretched towards the five communities through his capacity (vas), like the
sun stretched towards the waters through his light. Winning thousands, winning
hundreds, let the prize winning race horse mix these words together with honey.28

The hymn in which this verse appears further states that the horse Dadhikr
promotes the ryan settlements in far-reaching battles for plunder.29 The use of

vas in this verse is apt since it prefigures notions of size, expanse, and distance.
The comparison with the sun is not only appropriate to the horse Dadhikr, who
is elsewhere associated with the morning rays, but also to vas as rays of light
cover vast amounts of distance.30 Dadhikrs wide-ranging forays thus symbolize a
warlords quest for political reach and control, which should cover the same
territory as the light of the sun. One of the standard ways to express the notion of
rulership in the gveda is with the verbal form v- rj-, which at once means to
shine out and to rule afar (Got 1987: 267-272). The double entendre places
rulership within a more naturalized framework and thereby equates the rule of a

28 Cf. V.10.178.3, to the horse Trkya: sady cid y vas pca k srya iva jytips

tatna | sahasras atas asya rhir n sm varante yuvat n rym. Even the one who
immediately stretched over the five communities through his capacity (vas), like the sun
stretched over the waters through light. His charge/speed is winning thousands, is winning
hundreds, like a youthful arrow they do not check themselves.
29 Cf. V.1.130.6d-g, to Indra: umbhnto jnya yath vjeu vipra vjnam | tyam iva vase

stye dhn vv dhnni stye. They are beautifying (you) just as the prize-winning well-born
one/thoroughbred in the (contests for) prizes, O inspired one, like a steed for capacity (vas), for
winning the stakes, for winning all the stakes.
30 See, e.g., V.4.38-39, which are both composed for Dadhikr. Cf. V.1.171.5, where the

Maruts appear at the dawns due to their vas.

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chieftain with everything under the sun. Hence, it is evident that the comparison
of vas with the suns light carries a political and spatial overtone.
It is no surprise then that vas is explicitly placed in apposition to political
dominion (katr):
V.7.28.3: tva prtndra jhuvnn s yn nn n rdas nintha | mah katrya

vase h jaj ttuji cit ttujir ainat.

O Indra, due to your leadership you lead together the two world halves that were like
men invoking you. Since he was born for great dominion, for capacity (vas), the one
who advances/thrusts pierced even the one unable to advance/thrust.

The term katr denotes at once the abstract state of dominion, concrete
political territory, and, according to Schlerath (1960: 124-127), a type of political
charisma. The correlation of katr with vas emphasizes the political and
territorial importance of both terms. In this verse Indra is obliged to claim great
dominion and vas the imperative is encoded at birth in Indras very being. 31
This imperative must have been mapped onto the identity of human kings and
warlords. Moreover, even the two world halves act like ritually active men (nr-)
by inviting Indra to lead them.32 Once again the rhetoric communicates to ryan
rulers the idea that the land itself beckons to be conquered.

31 For Indras birth & vas, cf. V.8.62.10.

32 Cf. V.1.81.1ab: ndro mdya vvdhe vase vtrah nbhi . Indra has been reinforced for

exhilaration, for capacity (vas) the Vtra-smasher (has been reinforced) by men. Cf. also
V.1.100.8, where men (nr-) inspire the man (nr-) Indra for wealth at the festivals/upsurges
(utsav-) of vas. For utsav & vas, see also V.1.102.1.

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In the same vein, a warlords capacity (vas) confirms his political

dominion and foreshadows his responsibility to distribute wealth:
V.7.30.1: no deva vas yhi umin bhv vdh indra ry asy | mah nmya

npate suvajra mhi katrya pasyya ra.

O explosive god, travel here to us through your capacity (vas). O Indra, be present in
order to reinforce this wealth. O lord of men with the excellent mace, (be present) for
great manhood, for great dominion, for masculinity, O warlord.

Indras capacity (vas) once again allows the god to travel to his worshippers,
who therein recognize the war-gods male identity and political standing. vas
thus functions as a crucial component in the political legitimation of territorycontrolling warlords, who must confirm their own capacity (vas) through land
wars and the control of natural resources and wealth.
The gvedic evidence thus indicates that the distinctive semantic sphere
of vas pertains to the motif of size, expanse, distance, and volume. In one verse
to Agni we are provided with a telling insight into the way in which vas is
conceived:
V.5.15.5ab: vjo n te vasas ptv ntam ur dgha dhara deva ry.
Now let the prize protect the limit/end of your capacity (vas), the wide stream of milk,
the foundation of wealth, O god.33

33 See V.1.100.3, where Indras paths are compared to heaven, they milk semen (rtas), and are

unable to be encompassed (parta) due to his capacity (vas). Cf. V.8.24.9b: unencompassed
capacity (parta vas).

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The poet of this verse places a limit (nta) on Fires capacity (vas) in the sense
of a conceivable delineated end. The term nta is metaphorically connected to
milk, and by extension cows, as the basis for ryan wealth. The allusion is most
likely to winning cattle in competition or a horse race. If this scenario is true, then
the prize (vja) could be captured cows. This would explain why the nta is called
the wide stream of milk as cows protect Agnis vas by making sure he does not
run low on milk offerings.34 We saw earlier that vas relates to Agnis increase in
size from ritual offerings.
Elsewhere, capacity (vas) definitely extends to the control of wealth in
the form of livestock:
V.10.31.5: iy s bhy usm iva k yd dha kumnta vas samyan | asy

stut jaritr bhkam na agmsa pa yantu vj.

May this earthy place be like that of the dawns, since these livestock owners have come
together due to their capacity (svas). They are beseeching the praise of this singer. Let
the capable ones, the (winners of) prizes, approach us here.

The image of distance and travel appears to underlie the use of vas. Moreover,
it is interesting that vas relates to the movements of individuals who own

34 Geldner (1951, 2: 16) thinks that the verse alludes to racing.

He further thinks that the end

(nta) is the last remainder of strength. The prize (vja) refers to pourings/infusions of melted fat
(Schmalzaufgsse) (cf. V.3.26.4, 5.19.2b). In the context of racing, the prize maintains the
runners at the time when their power/energy (Kraft) is diminishing at the end of the race.

463

livestock. vas frequently appears in collocation with terms relating to bulls.35

For example:
V.8.70.6: paprtha mahin vy van vv aviha vas | asm ava maghavan

gmati vraj vjri citrbhir tbhi.

Through your greatness you have spread out here all bullish things, O bull, O most
capacious one, through your capacity (vas). O munificent one, help us in the pen
containing the cattle, O mace wielder, with variegated favours.

This poet indicates that Indras act of spreading out the bullish things occurs
through his greatness and capacity (vas). The image of opening up size and
expanse is palpable. The idea seems to be that cattle have ample space in which to
graze, yet Indra is further required to confine certain cattle within the cow-pen.
The connection between vas and cattle may thus signal the acquisition of free
spaces to roam, open territory, and grazing grounds for livestock.
The control of cattle is suggested in other verses. In one case, Indra bears
a stone (man) due to his capacity (vas).36 This possibly refers to his signature

35 See, e.g., V.5.35.4b (vi te va), V.6.19.6, V.6.25.3, V.8.3.10b (vi te va), &

V.8.51.10c (vya va-). Cf. also V.1.54.2: rc akrya kne cvate vntam ndram

mahyann abh uhi | y dhn vas rdas ubh v vatv vabh nyjte. Chant to
the capable one, capable through capabilities. Magnifying Indra who is listening, sing praise over
him, the bulls bull due to his bullishness, who through his bold capacity (vas) subjugates both
world halves. V.8.3.8ab: asyd ndro vvdhe vya vo mde sutsya vavi. Indra surely
reinforced his bullish capacity (vas) at the exhilaration of the pressed, in (the company of)
Viu. V.9.64.2, to Soma: vas te vya vo v vna v mda | saty van vd

asi. The capacity (vas) of you, the bull, is bullish. The bull is wood, the bull is the exhilarating
drink. In reality, O bull, you are surely the bull.

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weapon, the mace (vjra),37 or more likely to the gods primordial act of
destroying the mountain in order to free the cattle. In addition, there is some
debate over whether the stone could also stand for heaven/sky, which would also
make sense with vas.38 Any of these three interpretations may underlie the
meaning of the following hemistich, although Schmidt (1968: 143) avers for the
mountain scenario:
Cf. V.5.30.4cd, to Indra: mna cic chvas didyuto v vid gvm rvm usrym.

36 V.4.22.1d: y mna vas bbhrad ti . Cf. Geldner (1951, 1: 447), who cites Syaas

interpretation of man as the vjra.

37 Cf. V.10.49.2d: ah vjra vase dhv dade. I took for myself the bold mace for

capacity (vas). See also the obscure V.10.99.1cd, which features vjra and vas. And also
V.10.105.6: prstaud vaj vbhis tatka ra vas | bhr n krtubhir mtarv. The
one of towering authority praised forth along with the towering ones (Maruts). The warlord (ra)
has fashioned (his mace) through capacity (vas), like the craftsman Mtarivan through acts of
resolve. For an interesting verse concerning Indras mace, see V.1.52.7: hrad n h tv

nynty rmyo brhmndra tva yni vrdhan | tv cit te yjya vvdhe vas tatka
vjram abhbhtyojasam. For the waves rush down to you, as to the ocean, O Indra, as the
formulations, your means of reinforcement. Even Tva reinforced his capacity (vas) connected
with you, (when) he fashioned the mace that has supreme authority (jas). For vjra & vas, see
also V.1.80.13. For vjra, vas, & jas, see V.1.130.4: ddh vjram ndro gbhastyo

kdmeva tigmm sanya s yad ahihtyya s yat | savivyn jas vobhir indra
majmn | teva vk vanno n vcasi paravva n vcasi . Firmly holding his mace in both
hands, Indra honed it sharp like a knife, for throwing, he honed it in order to smash the Serpent.
O Indra, investing yourself with authority (jas), with capacity after capacity (vas), with
greatness, you cut down the trees, like a carpenter (cuts) wood, you cut (Vtra) down as if with an
axe.
38 See Mayrfoher (EWA 2: 137-138) for a brief summary of the controversy over man as

heaven/sky.

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You made the stone flash forth through your capacity (vas). You found the stall of the
ruddy cattle.

What is important here is that Indras act allows the god to find cattle. In a related
context, one poet is not comfortable with placing any limitations on Indras
capacity (vas):
V.6.29.5: n te nta vaso dhyy asy v t bbadhe rdas mahitv | t sr pati

ttujno ythvps samjamna t.

No limit/end has been established for this capacity ( vas) of yours, thus with this
greatness he drove apart the two worlds. Our patron fulfills these things, having
thrust/urged himself forth, as if one driving the herds in unison to the waters through
your aid.39

Once again we see a connection between vas, opening up the universe, and
ensuring that cattle have plenty of water. The verse invokes images of space,
distance, and controlling cattle all at once. Moreover, the verse also states that
Indras cosmic act of opening up the universe and creating an expanse equates to
the real world activity of a ritual patron (sr). In fact, the simile is telling as it
likens the patrons mimetic ritual activity to driving cattle to water.40 The poets
denial of a limit/end (nta) once again indicates that vas refers to Indras

39 Cf. V.1.167.9: nah n vo maruto nty asm rttc cic chvaso ntam p | t dhn

vas uvs ro n dvo dhat pri hu. O Maruts, indeed they have never reached
the limit of your capacity (vas), whether in our midst or from far away. They, having become
swollen through bold capacity (vas), hemmed in hatred through their boldness, like a flood.
40 Cf. V.1.141.3. See also V.1.27.2, to Agni: s gh na sn vas pthpragm suva

mhv asmkam babhyt. As our issue due to his capacity (vas), as a very favourable one,
he goes forth widely. May he become our benefactor.

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uninhibited ability to generate space and vastness. The allusion may thus be that,
like the war-god, the ritual patron should exercise his own vas in order to open
up vast areas of land for cattle to graze.
Issues of territorial expanse, cosmological superiority, and the control of
cattle overlap in verses to Indras priestly alter-ego, Bhaspati. In one verse, the
god is placed in a prominent position over other gods on account of being
strengthened (vak-) through capacity (vas):
V.2.24.11: y vare vjne vivth vibhr mahm u rav vas vavkitha | s dev

devn prti paprathe pth vvd u t paribhr brhmaas pti.

You, who are prominent in every direction within the lower enclosure, the great and
pleasurable, have been strengthened through capacity (vas). This god has spread widely
over the gods and as the lord of the formulation he surely encompassed all these things.

Bhaspatis ability to spread over (prath-) the other gods and encompass
everything appears to be contingent on his vas. In another verse, variegated
wealth (citr drvia) radiates among the tribes through Bhaspatis capacity
(vas):
V.2.23.15: bhaspate ti yd ary rhd dyumd vibhti krtumaj jneu | yd ddyac

chvasa taprajta td asmsu drvia dhehi citrm.

O Bhaspati, (that) which will have worth beyond the stranger/compatriot (ar), (that)
majestic and resolve-filled thing will radiate among the tribes, (that) which will shine
through capacity (vas), O you who are born forth from truth, establish that variegated
(material) wealth among us.

The term drvia (also drvias) typically refers to material or mobile wealth
such as cattle. Elsewhere, after distributing cows in heaven, Bhaspatis capacity

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(vas) metaphorically causes cows to flow out in every direction. 41 The metaphor
here most likely refers to the release of the cosmic waters or streams of milk or

sma.42 What is important is that in all these cases the consistent themes of cattle,
water, expanse, and distance feature.
In several other instances, capacity (vas) extends to the control of wealth
intended for the sacrifice:
V.6.29.3b: dhr vajr vas dkivn.
The daring mace wielder brings sacrificial rewards through his capacity (vas).

It seems that Indra is expected to bring sacrificial rewards on account of his

capacity (vas). This verse also suggests that Indra acts as the sacrificial patron
(yjamna, sr). Another verse suggests that Indra and Varua command ritual
offerings on account of their vas:
V.7.85.4, to Indra and Varua: s sukrtur tacd astu ht y ditya vas v

nmasvn | vavrtad vase v havmn sad t s suvitya pryasvn .

Let this one of good resolve who perceives the truth be Hot, who, O ditya(s), is
offering worship to you two due to your capacity (vas). He has made you turn here for
help, offering oblations. He will surely be the one who offers pleasing libations for your
easy passage.

While Indra frequently takes the epithet sukrtu, good resolve, the figure called

sukrtu in this verse is most likely Agni, as the ritual Fire is most certainly the

41 V.2.24.14d: mahva rt vassarat pthak. As if a great gush, (the streams of cattle) flowed

in different directions through his capacity (vas).

42 Cf. V.1.61.10, where Indra defeats Vtra through capacity (vas), and the waters are

compared to cows.

468

Hot priest of the gods. This is confirmed in other verses, as Agni is elsewhere
explicitly called sukrtu and instructed to create wealth for the Yajamna.43 In the
above verse, it is thus Agni, as Hot, who makes Indra and Varua turn towards
the sacrifice. The poets use of vas may underlie the image of movement to the
ritual arena and it appears that the Hot recognizes Indras and Varuas reach
and scope as their vas commands reverence.

7.3.c. Waters
While opening and controlling territory, especially at a cosmological level, is a
central factor in the operation of vas, water also plays a significant role. In a
telling verse Indra creates life when he frees the waters through the capacity
(vas) of a god.44 Capacity (vas) further allows the war-god to control the
waters:
V.8.3.10ab: yn samudrm sjo mahr aps td indra vi te va .
Through which he released the great waters to the ocean, O Indra, that is your bullish
capacity (vas).

In addition, we see that the acquisition of water is a violent affair:

43 V.7.16.6a: kdh rtna yjamnya sukrato. Cf. also V.5.11.2cd & V.10.122.6ab.
44 V.2.22.4a-e: tva tyn nrya nt pa indra prathamm prvy div pravcya ktm | yd

devsya vas prri su rinn ap. O dancer, this is your manly deed, O Indra, foremost,
first in the day/heaven, the act to be proclaimed, which through a gods capacity (vas) you let life
flow forth, in letting the waters flow free. For other comparisons between water and vas, see,
e.g., V.6.32.5a, to Indra (s srgea vas takt tyair).

469

V.6.14.4: agnr apsm tha vr dadti stpatim | ysya trsanti vasa sacki

travo bhiy.
Fire gives a soldier who is winning the waters, dominating in the attack, lord of the
settlement, whose rivals tremble from fear at the sight of his capacity (vas).

The allusion to the visibility of vas is rather interesting, and perhaps invokes
images of concrete martial or political reach and scope. This idea appears to
underlie the soldiers (vr) control of waters and his position as settlement-lord
(stpati). In addition, the winning of waters possibly evokes images of Indras
paradigmatic raid on the mountain enclosure to release stolen cows, which
frequently symbolize the waters. In summary, the last two sections have
demonstrated that vas relates specifically to contexts that feature the control of
territory, waterways, and related commodities, such as cattle. As we will now see,
Vtra plays a considerable role in preventing access to such natural resources.
Consequently, vas is frequently deployed to offset the constricting nature of the
cosmic serpent and hindrance.

7.4. Vtra
One of the dominant contexts in which vas features is the destruction of Vtra
(literally obstacle), who represents any and every hindrance to ryan
migrations. In the cosmological realm, Vtra is a gargantuan serpent, who coils
around a mountain that encloses all the waters. Upon killing Vtra, Indra breaks
open the mountain and allows the waters to flow free. One of the primary motifs
in this myth is the juxtaposition between enclosure and freedom, confinement and
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space. It is no surprise then why vas consistently appears in this narrative.

Capacity (vas) is definitely the means to overcome the paradigmatic obstacle
and archenemy of ryan warriors:45
V.6.13.3a, to Agni: s stpati vas hanti vtrm.
This lord of the settlement smashes Vtra through capacity (vas).

Though this stanza is in a verse to Agni, the stpati is here most likely Indra. In
one verse Indras duty to slay Vtra wins the war-god praise:
V.6.68.3: t ghi namasybhi a sumnbhir ndrvru cakn | vjreny

vas hnti vtr sakty any vjneu vpra.

Sing to these two with swelling reverences, Indra and Varua, who are taking pleasure
with benevolences. One smashes Vtra with his mace through capacity (vas). The other
accompanies (us) in the enclosures as one inspired.46
V.8.62.8: g td indra te va upam devttaye | yd dhsi vtrm jas acpate

bhadr ndrasya rtya.

O Indra, I sing this highest capacity (vas) of yours for the divine realm, when you
smash Vtra through your authority (jas), O lord of capability: Auspicious are Indras
gifts.

45 Cf. V.1.52.6, & also V.6.14.4, where Agni gives a soldier (vr) who is called a stpati and his

enemies fear his display of vas.

46 Cf. V.8.2.30, where songs establish Indras acts of capacity (gra ca ys te girvha ukth ca

tbhya tni | satr dadhir vsi). Cf. also V.8.24.17, & V.10.23.5cd: tttad d asya
pasya gmasi pitva ys tvi vvdh va. We surely sing every act of masculinity of
his, he who like a father has reinforced his aggression/bravery, his capacity (vas).

471

From these verses we see that Indra is solely responsible for overcoming Vtra,
not even Varua, his divine compatriot, plays a role in this act of theomachy. In
the first verse, the poet plays on the close relationship between vas and its root
-/v- as the reverences are qualified as swelling (-). In the second verse,
a clear correlation is made between vas and jas in relation to Vtras defeat,
and the spatial metaphor is stressed as Indras vas is the highest (upam).
As the war-god, Indras very status and identity is intrinsically linked with
his duty to regularly confront Vtra in open warfare. In fact, this battle is almost
inseparable from the concept of vas, yet is mediated by the larger metaphor of
freedom versus constriction. In one case, vas signals a socially important state
or even title (nman) that Indra retains when he destroys Vtra, and thus removes
any obstacles in the way of ryan commitments:
V.6.48.21: sady cid ysya carkt pri dy dev nati srya | tve vo dadhire

nma yajyam marto vtrah vo jyha vtrah va.

The one whose celebrity even in a single day goes around Heaven, like the god Sun, the
Maruts established for themselves (Indras) awesome capacity (vas), his name/title
worthy of the sacrifice, the Vtra smashing capacity (vas), the most excellent Vtra
smashing capacity (vas).

vas here definitely signals Indra cosmic reach and scope as Indras celebrity
(carkt-) extends throughout the reaches of the heaven/sky (dy). In addition, the
comparison with the sun evokes images of territorial reach and political rule.
Furthermore, the Maruts accept Indras political position because vas explicitly
reflects Vtras destruction. The verse further indicates that vas is a socially
importance title (nman) that affords the war-god a place in the sacrificial arena
472

(yajya). In other instances Indras size and reach underscore Vtras defeat and
foreshadow Indras control of the environment. For example:
V.7.21.6: abh krtvendra bhr dha jmn n te vivya mahimna rjsi | svn h

vtr vas jaghntha n trur nta vividad yudh te.

O Indra, be superior on the earth through resolve. The realms cannot contain your
greatness. For through your own capacity (vas) you smashed Vtra. No rival will find
your limit in battle.47

It seems that Vtra is originally in a position of control over the earth, and
to thwart him Indras own expanse must supersede that of his primordial enemy.
The poet makes sure that Indra has no limits whatsoever otherwise the earth
would still be constricted by the serpent Vtra. vas thus reflects the ideal that a
warlord should not have any limitations in battle. Nevertheless, one poet stresses
the fact the real warriors are not as powerful as their war-god:
V.1.54.1ab: m no asmn maghavan ptsv hasi nah te nta vasa pare.
O munificent one, do not (leave) us in narrow straits during battles, for the limit of your
capacity (vas) cannot be attained.

The spatial metaphor thus applies to removing any notion of constriction or

constraint in combat. Furthermore, all of the above evidence suggests that human
warlords strive to establish their own vas through wide-ranging forays. The
control of open tracts of land appears to be one of the allusions underlying
Indras defeat of Vtra through vas. If Indra is anything to go by, then the poetic
rhetoric justifies the endeavours of human warlords to capture territory from

47 For nta & vas, cf. V.5.15.5 & V.6.29.5.

473

opponents. It seems that prior use of territory does not mean that such resources
are considered to be inalienable and permanent in early Vedic culture.
In one verse Indra receives his sanction to kill Vtra at the drinking of

sma:
V.10.116.1: pb smam mahat indriyya pb vtrya hntave aviha | pba ry

vase hymna pba mdhvas tpd indr vasva.

Drink sma for great Indrahood (indriy). Drink in order to smash Vtra, O most
capacious one. Being invoked, drink for wealth, for capacity (vas). Drink of the honey
to satisfaction: O Indra, let (sma) rain into yourself.

As this verse indicates, drinking sma prefigures the destruction of Vtra, which is
also correlated with the acquisition of wealth and capacity (vas). Nonetheless,
this is the only verse to suggest that Indras state of vas receives its sanction
from drinking sma. One of the telling differences between vas and jas is that
the former almost never appears in the context of drinking sma, while the latter
is intrinsically related to this process.48 The reason for this is most likely because

vas signals spatial metaphors, while jas operates in a more physical context,
which is reflected by the ingestion of sma.

48 For sma & vas, cf. V.1.52.10 & V.6.43.4: ysya mandn ndhaso mghona dadhi

va | ay s sma indra te sut pba. From which plant you find exhilaration, you
established capacity (vas) that furthers the munificent one. This is that sma, O Indra, pressed
for you: Drink! V.6.44.3: yna vddh n vas tur n svbhir tbhi | sma sut s indra

te sti svadhpate mda. Through which you are like one reinforced through capacity (vas),
like one surpassing through his own favours. This is sma, O Indra, pressed for you. It is
exhilaration, O lord of independence.

474

The importance of territory, waters, and cattle is thoroughly intertwined in

the role vas plays in the slaying of the cosmic serpent Vtra. The cosmic serpent
prevents the waters from flowing by wrapping them up in his coils, swallowing
them, or enclosing them in a mountain.49 For example, one verse states:
V.4.17.1: tvm mah indra tbhya ha k nu katrm mahn manyata dya |

tv vtr vas jaghanvn sj sndhr hin jagrasnn.

O Indra, you are great. To you earth and heaven willingly concede dominion. Having
smashed Vtra through your capacity (vas), you release the rivers that had been
swallowed by the snake.
V.8.12.26: yad vtr nadvta vas vajrinn vadh | d t te haryat hr

vavakatu.
When you have slain Vtra, who covered the rivers, through capacity (vas), O mace
wielder, then surely your two desirable bay horses were strengthened.

The strengthening of Indras horses may refer to capturing more range or

distance rather than signifying a purely physical growth the former idea was
encountered earlier in relation to the horse Dadhikr. In the first verse, the
universe, the definitive symbol of size and expanse, once again confirms Indras
political dominion (katr) when the war-god removes any barrier that would
prevent access to water. This suggests that the natural environment rightfully
belongs to ryan warlords, and the conquered universe actually sanctions its
conquest. The rhetoric makes territorial control appear natural and justified
simply because heaven, earth, and all things in-between belong to ryans as a

49 For more in-depth discussions of Vtras character, see Lahiri (1984), & Watkins (1995).

475

pre-ordained right. ryan warlords are under an obligation to reclaim natural

resources because, in a sense, those resources not only desire it but will also
acknowledge their subjugation. In fact, Indra must rescue the universe from
Vtras grasp because the serpent terrorizes it:
V.1.52.10: dya cid asymav he svand yoyavd bhiys vjra indra te | vtrsya

yd badbadhnsya rodas mde sutsya vasbhinac chra.

Even heaven, though capable of violence, kept away from the sound of the Serpent due
to fear of it: the mace belongs to you, O Indra. When, in the exhilaration of sma, you
through capacity (vas) split the head of Vtra, who repeatedly oppressed the two world
halves.

The poet appears to deploy vas in this verse to counter Vtras

oppression of the universe. The spatial ramifications of vas once again offset
the theme of constriction and freedom, confinement and space. Furthermore, as
the cosmic hindrance, Vtra epitomizes the constant struggle of ryan warlords
for mastery over natural resources. Vtra is the source of and explanation for
confinement, restriction, and contestation. The serpent is the mythologized
hurdle that prevents outright territorial control. The Obstacle par excellence is
thus an ideological projection experienced in lived reality. Vtra symbolizes the
natural environment when not under rightful ryan rule. However, as the
gvedic evidence demonstrates, ryan tribes constantly struggle with each other
over territorial claims. Therefore, Vtra is not just the hindrance to be overcome,
he is also one of the primary causes and justifications for sustained land wars:
One ryans Vtra must have been another ryans Indra, and vice versa. This
idea appears to underlie the following verse:
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V.6.20.1: dyar n y indrbh bhmrys tastha ray vas pts jnn | t na

sahsrabharam urvars daddh sno sahaso vtratram.

Like heaven over earth, O Indra, the wealth which stands over (that) of the
stranger/compatriot (ar), through its capacity (vas) over the tribes in battles, give us
that (wealth), which brings thousands (of cows), wins wide fields, and surpasses
Vtra/obstacles, O issue of dominance.

Not only is capturing cattle and land in battle correlated with defeating
the cosmic serpent, Vtras identity is also transposed onto real world competitors
who here are fellow ryans. In ascribing such a nefarious title to their enemies,
ritual participants effectively demonize them and make their defeat all the more
justified. In turn, their own militant roles are elevated into a cosmic framework
and are seen as intrinsic to the needs of early Vedic society. The process of
making the identity of opponents other to ones community occurs in other
instances.50 For example:
V.6.20.7ab: v ppror himyasya dh pro vajri chvas n darda.51
You repeatedly pierced through the steadfast fortresses of Pipru, who possessed the
craft of the Serpent, O mace wielder, as if through capacity (vas).52

50 For an insightful investigation into Hindu-Muslim relations in medieval India, see Talbot

(1995), who cogently details the way in which Hindu and Muslim warrior groups construct and
demonize the identity of the enemy Other for internal social and political ends.
51 The appearance of particle n, as if, like, at the end of the hemistich is an anomaly and I have

no way to explain its intent.

52 Cf. V.1.56.3, where Indras capacity (vas) is dustless (are) in his battle with ua. See

also V.1.56.4.

477

It is an effective tactic to conflate the identities of real world enemies with

mythologized figures. In turn, ritual participants are aware that they can only
defeat Vtra by being allied with Indra:
V.3.37.1: vrtrahatyya vase ptanhyya ca | ndra tv vartaymasi.
For capacity (vas) that smashes obstacles/Vtra and for (vas that) dominates in
battles, O Indra, we turn you here.53
V.7.48.2, to the bhus: bhr bhbhir abh va syma vbhvo vibhbhi vas vsi
| vjo asm avatu vjastv ndrea yuj taruema vtrm.
A craftsman with craftsmen, extensive ones with extensive ones, through your capacity
(vas) we would be superior to acts of capacity (vas). Let the prize help us in the
winning of prizes, may we surpass Vtra with Indra as our yokemate.54

In addition, the destruction of Vtra relates to the defeat of opponents who are
not allied with ryan tribes:

53 Cf. V.4.24.1ab: k suut vasa snm ndram arvcn rdhasa vavartat. What good-

praise will turn Indra here, the issue of capacity (vas), who is heading this way for generosity?
Cf. 5.35.4ab: v hy si rdhase jaji vi te va. For you are a bull, you were born for
generosity; your capacity (vas) is bullish. V.1.81.8ab: mdyasva sut sc vase ra

rdhase. Become exhilarated on pressed (sma), for capacity (vas), O warlord, for generosity.
Also V.8.24.12: nahy g nto tvd any vindmi rdhase | ry dyumnya vase ca

girvaa. O dancer, for certainly I do not find another except you for generosity, wealth, majesty,
and capacity (vas), O coveter of songs. At V.1.57.1cd, Indras generosity (rdhas) is
compared to the release of the waters, and is unleashed throughout the entire lifetime of ritual
participants for their capacity (vas). See also V.8.56.1.
54 Cf. V.1.62.9ab, where Indra upholds (dh-) friendship (sakhy) due to his capacity (vas).

In contrast, see also V.8.68.8: n ysya te avasna sakhym na mrtya | nki vsi te

naat. O you who acts with capacity/swelling one, of whom no mortal has obtained your
friendship, none will obtain your acts of capacity (vas-).

478

V.6.17.1: pb smam abh ym ugra trda rv gvyam mhi gn indra | v y

dho vdhio vajrahasta vv vtrm amitry vobhi.

Drink sma! O authoritative one, you will pierce through that which is the great cattle
stall, as you are sung to, O Indra. O daring one with mace in hand, you who will strike
away all, Vtra and those not in alliances, through acts of capacity (vas-).55

The constant appearance of dh- to dare, be bold and its various

nominal forms in verses featuring vas and jas points to a highly valued and
specialized martial characteristic.56 The use of dh- certainly draws our
attention to the unpredictable and dangerous nature of carrying out martial
expectations. However, throughout the gveda, dh- appears far more in
technical usage, as it is ascribed to gods and warriors who accept certain
responsibilities and privileges. For this reason, dh- refers to one who is marked
in the ritual as being committed to acts of violence. It is thus a root that
foreshadows a highly valued station and an imperative to fight. For example:
V.1.80.3: prhy abhhi dhuh n te vjro n yasate | ndra nm h te vo hno

vtr jy ap rcann nu svarjyam.

55 Cf. V.10.120.6c.
56 For jas, see, e.g., V.1.165.10: kasya cin me vibhv stv jo y n dadhvn kvai man |

ah hy gr maruto vdno yni cyvam ndra d a em . Even if I am alone, let my authority

(jas) be prominent/far reaching (in order to do) the things which I, having become bold, will
perform now according to conviction. For I am known as authoritative, O Maruts: What I shall set
in motion, I, Indra, am master of these.

479

Charge, attack, be bold! Your mace will not be restrained, O Indra, for manhood
(nm) and capacity (vas) belong to you. You will smash Vtra and conquer the
waters: they cheer on your sovereignty.57

Therefore, the reason for the consistent association of vas with Vtra is
due to the fact that the serpent is the definitive symbol of constriction and
confinement. Furthermore, Vtra is the paradigmatic entity who prevents Indra
from fulfilling his duty to open up and control the cosmos and natural resources.

vas is the key term that designates the spatial metaphor of expanse, reach,
scope, and distance. In the same vein, vas is deployed in contexts where Indra
recaptures and controls natural resources such as cattle, waters, and open tracts
of land. The poetic use of vas is coherent in usage and should draw our
attention to a deep seated ideology relating to the natural environment, the
importance of land and water for a pastoral society, and the constant threat of
warfare during wide-ranging seasonal migrations. Let us now turn our attention
to the figure of the ra, who is almost single-handedly given the responsibility to
defeat Vtra.

7.5. Warlord (ra)

The dominant figure who is expected to carry out the obligations of vas is the

ra. The ras intrinsic relationship with vas is underscored by the fact that
the term ra also derives from -/v-. Consequently, the term ra is far more

57 Cf. V.1.167.9c, where the Maruts are swollen through bold capacity (t dhn vas

uvsa-). For dh vas, see V.1.56.4c.

480

specialized in use than has been previously recognized. 58 ra is a technical term

that refers to an expert warrior with specialized responsibilities who works hard to
maintain his elite martial and political status. The ra stands at the vanguard of
ryan migratory campaigns and it is his duty alone to confront and defeat the
archenemy Vtra. For this reason, ra is best translated as champion or more
specifically warlord, a conclusion reached in the course of the following
discussion.
The evidence unequivocally confirms that a ra holds an elite political
position. For example, in a verse to Indra, a ra is once said to rule (ri

ra).59 While this does not mean that all ra held positions of kingship, it does
nevertheless ascribe to this figure a political role. As a ra, Indras dominion
(katr) and supremacy (abhbhti) (or supreme dominion) are said to thrive
like heaven.60 The specialized military position of a ra is attested in another
verse:
V.9.96.1ab: pr senn ro gre rthn gavynn eti hrate asya sn .
The army leader, the warlord, at the front of the chariots, he goes forth seeking cattle.
His army bursts with excitement.

58 Like vr, the term ra is frequently translated as simply warrior, fighter, or hero. See,

e.g., Grassmann (1976 [1873]), Griffith (1973 [1889-]), Monier-Williams (1988 [1899]), and
Geldner (1951 [1923]), and compare these with Mayrhofer (EWA 19: 650).
59 V.1.104.4b. This stanza appears in a problematic verse, and thus its exact contextual meaning

is difficult to ascertain.
60 V.4.21.1a: dyar n katrm abhbhti pyt.

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The idea that the army leader (senn) captures cattle is emphasized in one
other instance.61 In addition, the senn is further stated to be a preeminent king
of the troop.62 The ramifications of leading the army, capturing cattle, and
holding the position of kingship indicates that the term ra is applied to
individuals of high rank and responsibility.
Elsewhere, a ras martial status is connected with his right to ride in a
chariot. For example:
V.1.173.5ab: tm u uhndra y ha stv y ro maghv y ratheh.
Praise this Indra, who is indeed a true man/warrior, who is a warlord, who is the
munificent one mounted on his chariot.63

Likewise:
V.9.76.2ab: ro n dhatta yudh gbhastyo sv ssan rathir gviiu.

61 See V.7.20.5cd: pr y sennr dha nbhyo stn stv gavaah s dh. (The one)

who (goes) forth (as) the army leader for men, that one is a stanch true man/warrior, the daring
seeker of cattle. Note the appearance of stvan & dh-.
62 V.10.34.12.ab, to the Gambler: y va sennr mahat gasya rj vrtasya pratham

babhva. He who became the army leader of your great horde, the foremost king/chieftain of the
troop At V.10.84.2b, battle fury (many) is called the army leader (senn) and
dominating (shuri). On many, see Chapter 6.3.b.
63 For stvan & ra, see also V.8.45.3b: ra jati stvabhi, & V.9.3.4b: ro ynn iva

stvabhi. Cf. also V.1.133.6fg, & V.2.30.10ab: asmkebhi stvabhi ra rair vry kdhi
yni te krtvni. O warlord, with our true men/warriors, with our warlords, perform the acts of
soldiery (vry-) which are yours to perform. It is interesting that the Maruts are said to possess
real/true capacity (satyavas) at V.1.86.8b, 9a, & V.5.52.8b.

482

As if a warlord, he (Soma) takes weapons in his hands, a charioteer striving to win the
sun in the cattle raids.

The relationship between a ra and chariots in attested in numerous other

instances.64 Heesterman (1957: 127-139) has demonstrated that, in Vedic culture,
chariots are symbols of an influential standing, and in the ritual arena they
frequently indicate elite, if not royal, status.65 Hence, it is evident that a ra holds
a high martial and political position because he is eligible (and presumably
capable) to ride on a chariot.
Since one ra is called the army-leader (senn), it is no surprise then that
the ra also has warriors at his disposal:
V.1.178.3a: jt nbhir ndra pts ra.
Indra, the warlord in battles, is the one who conquers with his men.

Elsewhere, a ra confronts Vtra with men (nr-),66 and he is also called a lord
of men (npti).67 Furthermore:
V.8.92.28ab: ev hy si vrayur ev ra ut sthir.
For indeed you are the seeker of soldiers, and thus you are a sturdy warlord.

64 See V.1.175.3, V.1.178.3, V.5.63.5, V.8.31.15ab, V.9.15.1b, & V.9.94.3b. He is also

said to be an archer or hurler (st) (V.1.70.11a, V.4.36.6b, V.6.64.3c).

65 For a detailed study on chariots in Vedic culture, see Sparreboom (1985).
66 V.8.2.36b: hnt vtr nbhi ra.
67 V.4.38.2d: npti n ram. Cf. V.10.148.4b: d nbhyo n ra va. O warlord, give

the capacity (vas) of men to men.

483

In two telling verses, we see that a ra is the human warrior par

excellence, who is expected to defend his people at all costs, yet he is no match for
his divine counterpart, Indra:
V.6.25.4-5: ro v ra vanate rrais tanrc trui yt kvate | tok v gu

tnaye yd aps v krndas urvrsu brvaite || nah tv ro n tur n dhr n tv

yodh mnyamno yuydha | ndra nki v prty asty e vv jtny abhy si tni.
To be sure, a warlord vanquishes a warlord with their bodies, when, the two, with torsos
gleaming, take action against each other in their struggle. Or when offspring, cattle,
descendents, or waters (are contested), their two cries sound out across the wide fields.
However, no warlord, no surpasser, no bold one, no one considering himself a fighter has
fought you. O Indra, none of them is equal to you. You are superior to all who are born.

The poet appears to be reminding the human ra that while he is greatly

respected his ego should not get too big because his divine counterpart, Indra, will
put him in his place. In addition, we explicitly see that individual ra-s battle
each other for natural resources and material wealth. The contest appears to be
one on one, mano-a-mano, so to speak. Hence, the ra appears to be a champion
of his tribe.68
The martial and political responsibilities of a ra are underscored in the
following verse where Indras duty to slay Vtra plays a crucial role in securing the
title lord (pti):

68 See also V.1.64.13ab: pr n s mrta vas jn ti tastha va t maruto ym vata.

Now this mortal stood out beyond the tribes due to his capacity (vas), the one whom you
helped with a favour, O Maruts. Cf. also V.1.100.12c, where Indra belongs to the five tribes
due to his capacity (vas) (vas pcajanya-).

484

V.4.16.7: ap vtr vavrivsam prhan prvat te vjram pthiv scet | prrsi

samudryy aino ptir bhva chvas ra dho.

At distance he smashed Vtra, who had enclosed the waters. With like mind, the earth
assisted your mace. You drove forth the seaward floods, becoming lord due to your
capacity (vas), O daring warlord.69

We once again see the connection between the earth, waters, capacity
(vas), and the status of a ra as a lord (pti). There is a strong connection
between the terms ra, vas, and pti as Indra frequently takes the title lord of
capacity (vasas pti).70 For example:
V.3.41.5: matya somapm ur rihnti vasas ptim | ndra vats n mtra.

69 Cf. V.1.84.9cd: ugr tt patyate va ndro ag. He lords over authoritative capacity

(vas): he indeed is Indra. V.8.1.21b: ugrm ugra vas.

70 Note the use of the vocative avasas pate/ to Indra at V.1.11.2b, V.1.131.4e, V.4.47.3b (du.

Vyu & Indra), V.5.35.5d, V.8.6.21a, V.8.45.20b, V.8.90.5b, & V.8.97.6b; to Agni,
V.5.6.9d; to Soma, V.9.36.6c; lastly Indra is called putra avasa at V.8.92.14a (cf.
V.8.90.2d: putrsya vaso mah). The bhus are called grandsons of capacity (avaso

napta) at V.1.161.14d, V.4.34.6a, V.4.35.1a, V.4.35.8c, & V.4.37.4c. Cf. V.10.23.2c

(bhr vja bhuk patyate va-). See also V.8.25.5a, where Mitra and Varua are called
The two grandsons of great capacity (npt vaso mah). Cf. V.1.110.7a: bhr na ndra

vas nvyn. The Craftsman (has become) a newer Indra for us through his capacity (vas).
See also V.1.145.1d, where Agni is called the lord of the prize, of explosive capacity (vas) (s

vjasya vasa umas pti). Moreover, see V.8.68.4, to Indra: vivnarasya vas ptim
nnatasya vasa | vai ca caranm t huve rthnm. For you all I invoke the lord of
unbending capacity (vas) that governs all men along with his help for/of the boundary peoples
(that call him) in their various ways and for/of their chariots. For the grammar of this verse, cf.
Klein (1985, 1: 172-173). For va-, see Mayrhofer (EWA 2: 102). I have also adopted the
suggestions of Brereton (pers. comm. January 2005).

485

Thoughts lick Indra, the broad sma-drinking lord of capacity (vas), like mothers
(lick) a calf.
V.6.44.4: tym u vo prahaa g vasas ptim | ndra vivsha nram

mhiha vivcaraim.
And, for you all, I sing to the lord of capacity (vas), who does not knock us out, to
Indra, dominating all, the man, most munificent who controls all boundary peoples.

ra thus refers to an elite warrior who governs vast, open spaces and natural
resources. This idea is equally expressed as political reach and ability. This is the
intention of the refrain lord of vas (vasas ptim). In the first verse, the poet
deliberately calls Indra broad (ur) because he is the lord of capacity, and in the
second verse the poet points out that Indra is present at the frontier of ryan
settlement. The allusion here is perhaps that Indra rules over these settlements or
fights battles at the fringe of ryan migrations. Therefore, all of the evidence
presented so far indicates that a ra holds a prominent political and martial
position in early Vedic society. A ra is considered to be a lord who maintains his
elite position through waging war.71 A ra is a distinguished champion, warrior,
and political figure. For this reason, I have marked ra with the token word
warlord, as the compound expresses two of the dominant themes encountered
in relation to this figure: warfare and political standing.

71 See also V.8.24.2: vas hy si rut vtrahtyena vtrah

| maghar maghno ti ra dasi.

For due to your capacity (vas) you are renowned, due to the smashing of Vtra you are the
Vtra-smasher. O warlord, through acts of munificence you fulfill ritual obligations beyond
munificent ones.

486

The eminent station of a warlord (ra) is further underscored by the fact

that he alone must accept the all-important responsibility to slay Vtra. The
destruction of Vtra is thus one of the best indications of the important social
position of a ra:
V.4.22.5: t t ta indra mahat mahni vvev t svaneu pravcy | yc chra dho

dhat dadhvn hi vjrea vasvive.

O Indra, these are the great deeds of the great one, which are surely to be proclaimed at
all the pressings, since, O daring warlord, you, having dared with daring, toiled
against/took on the Serpent with your mace through your capacity (vas).72

It is telling that the warlord is associated with dh-, to dare, be bold,

when he confronts Vtra in battle. His commitment to slaying the serpent seems
to be a highly valued and dangerous task. Vtras defeat further reflects the

72 Cf. V.5.52.2, to the Maruts: t h sthirsya vasa skhya snti dhuy

| t ymann

dhadvnas tmn pnti vata. For they are friends of sturdy capacity (vas) through daring,
being daring ones on their journey here, on their own accord they protect the masses. At
V.5.52.8ab, the Maruts are said to have real capacity (satyavasam) and be skilful
(bhvasam). Cf. also V.5.58.7ab, to the Maruts: prthia yman pthiv cid em bhrteva

grbha svm c chvo dhu. Even earth has spread out at their journey. Like a husband an
embryo, they have surely placed their own capacity (vas) (in the earth). Note the swelling
metaphor, re. pregnancy, and also the nature metaphors (see previous verse on mountains, earth,
waters). For martial allusions in relation to the capacity (vas) of the Maruts, see also V.5.87.12, and V.5.87.6: apr vo mahim vddhaavasas tve vo vatv evaymarut | sthtro h

prsitau sadi sthna t na uruyat nid uukvso ngnya. Your greatness has no limit,
O you of reinforced capacity (vas), let your awesome capacity (vas) help (us): Maruts on the
march. Indeed you are the ones who stand firm at the onslaught in the sight of all. Make a wide
space for us from scorn, like intensely burning fires. Note here the appearance of uruy- to
make space.

487

privileged position of a ra. In fact, the warlord is honour bound to defeat the
cosmic serpent Vtra by exercising his capacity (vas):
V.2.11.18, to Indra: dhiv va ra yna vtrm avbhinad dnum auravbhm |

pvor jytir ryya n savyat sdi dsyur indra.

O warlord, establish for yourself capacity (vas), through which you cut down Vtra,
the son of Danu, the Spiders son. You uncovered the light for the ryan, the Dasyu has
been set down to the left, O Indra.73

Since vtr represents every hindrance to ryan migrations and

expansionism, then a ra must have dealt with these obstacles in the real
world. Myth is most certainly alive in early Vedic society. A warlord (ra) thus
brings about success through conquering natural resources and leading the clans
to victory over the cosmic serpent Vtra, that is, every obstacle that hinders ryan
migrations, concerns, and customs. In a sense, a warlord (ra) maintains his title
because he has proven his capacity (vas) in the real world, yet he must continue
to extend his political reach over new lands. We can speculate as to whether a
human warlords own wealth, property, and lands attest his right to be considered
a ra in the first place. It is certain that vas is a statement of power as attested

73 Cf. V.1.51.4: tvm apm apidhnvor pdhraya prvate dnumad vsu | vtr yd

indra vasvadhr him d t srya divy rohayo d. You opened up the covers of the waters.
You held up the treasure associated with Danus son in the mountain. Since you have slain the
serpent Vtra through capacity (vas), then you surely made the sun rise in heaven in order to be
seen. See also V.10.43.4, where sma juices blaze forth through capacity (vas), and find the
sun, the ryan light, for Manu.

488

in the amount of territory, resources, and sheer force a warlord controls before,
during, and after battle:
V.7.27.1: ndra nro nemdhit havante yt pry yunjate dhyas t | ro nt

vasa cakn gmati vraj bhaj tv na .

Men invoke Indra when facing each other (before battle), since he will yoke these
conclusive/decisive insights. The warlord (ra) is taking pleasure in his capacity (vas)
at the winning over men: You must give shares to us here in the pen/corral containing
cattle.

Here vas alludes to the amount of profit the warlord accumulates in battle and
the increase in his total share. In the same vein as a soldier (vr), the poets
command the warlord to distribute the spoils of war.74 A soldier (vr) is however
rarely given the prominent responsibility to slay Vtra and he is almost never
associated with chariots.75 The gvedic evidence indicates that a ra is a vr or
comes from the ranks of vr; however, we cannot assume that the reverse was
always true.76 The fact that a ra has the privilege and obligation to slay Vtra
and is also repeatedly associated with chariots underscores his specialized martial
and social position. The terms ra and vr thus refer to two martial roles. This is

74 Cf. V.7.84.4, V.9.1.10, & V.10.42.2d, where a ra is expected to share the spoils of war.

Cf. also V.1.127.11d-g, to Agni, where good soldiery (suvrya) is attested in wealth: mhi aviha

nas kdhi sacke bhuj asya | mhi stotbhyo maghavan suvryam mthr ugr n vas.
Create great (good soldiery) for us to survey, O most capacious one, for our enjoyment here.
Capture great good soldiery for the praisers, O munificent one, like an authoritative one through
his capacity (vas).
75 For chariots & vr, see V.2.39.2 & V.5.30.1.
76 See V.8.2.25c., where sma is stated to be for the soldier, the warlord (sma vrya

rya).

489

not to suggest that two distinct classes of warrior exist. It would be wrong to think
of a vr as a common foot-soldier and a ra as a higher ranking charioteer. Both
terms are first and foremost ideological markers that resonate in well-defined and
separate semantic realms. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to assume that the title

vr is the baseline that ryan males should live up to, while ra is more
specialized in nature and entails greater respect, responsibility, and privilege in
early Vedic society.77 All aspiring ryan males should be soldiers (vr), while the
champion status of warlord (ra) appears to be conferred on select individuals
who have proven their worth in battle and thus carry the highest burdens of early
Vedic society on their shoulders.78

77 Interestingly, at AV.8.5.1 (= AVP.16.27.1), the compound ravra appears.

78 V.6.19.6, to Indra: viha na bhara ra va jiham jo abhibhta ugrm | vv

dyumn vy mnum asmbhya d harivo mdaydhyai. O warlord, bring here to us the

most capacious capacity (viha vas), the most authoritative authority (jiha jas) that is
authoritative (ugr), O you who have supremacy. Give to us all majesties (dyumn-), all bullish
things (vya) that belong to the descendents of Manu, in order to bring elation (to yourself), O
bay horse owner. For ra and svjas-, see V.7.20.3. For jas/ugr & vas, see also V.1.84.9,
V.4.17.3b, & V.5.20.2b. Cf. V.8.4.10d: jiha dadhie sha. V.3.36.4: mah matro

vjne virapy gr va patyate dhv ja | nha vivyca pthiv canana yt smso

hryavam mandan. Great, impetuous, overflowing (with heroes and cattle) in the (sacrificial)
enclosure, he governs authoritative capacity (vas), bold authority (jas). The earth never
enveloped him, when the sma drinks exhilarated the one who owns bay horses. And
V.10.120.2a, to Indra: vvdhn vas bhryoj. The one of abundant authority (jas) has
been reinforcing himself through capacity (vas). It is no surprise then that gvedic poets can
overlap and interchange issues of territorial control, open spaces, and political reach as typified by

vas with issues of physical power, political supremacy and authority as typified by jas.

490

The ra thus has a more specialized military and political role, and the
gvedic evidence also indicates that he holds a higher position in early Vedic
culture, as compared to a vr. The responsibility to remove obstacles (vtr-) falls
squarely on the shoulders of the warlord (ra). In contrast to a soldiers (vr)
infrequent relationship with Vtra, a warlord has the sole burden of removing the
primordial hindrance to tribal commitments and migratory paths. Vtras status
as the cosmological paragon of resistance the supreme adversary of all ryans
all the more underscores the dominant political standing of a ra. It further
indicates that a ra is duty bound by his position of leadership to take full
responsibility for dealing with all obstacles that annually present themselves to
migrating ryan tribes. Since the ra holds an eminent position in military
contexts (army leader, chariots, capturing cattle and natural resources), in
political realms (lordship, expansionism, reach, vastness), and it is his duty alone
to slay Vtra, then the evidence indicates that a ra is definitely a specialized
warrior, a champion committed to ryan investments, and a leader who
maintains a high political standing. The translation warlord best conveys all
these notions.

491

Conclusion
Jan Heesterman (1985, 1993) has proposed a controversial theory that a
controlled and safe ritual replaced an original (and hypothetical) warrior sacrifice
that was the arena of conflict and alliance in which honour and status were
contended, and where a consecrated warrior patron (dkita) bestowed gifts on
guests and took stock of his raids. The central problem was the resolution of
killing and violence. Thus, the sacrifice was at once the place of generosity and
munificence, and death and destruction. It may have originally been a
battleground where fire, food, and cattle were fought over. It was only through
the intervention of specialized priests, who ordered and controlled the ritual, that
the tension between patron and guests was pacified. Priestly involvement further
allowed for any reciprocal exchange to be peacefully mediated. The priests thus
created an anodyne ritual from a once ambivalent and violent warrior sacrifice
(although Heesterman does state that the two roles of warrior and priest were
originally not mutually exclusive).1
Several problems are immediately apparent with Heestermans argument.
First and most damning he did not use the oldest sources of the gveda and

Atharvaveda. He relied rather on the later ritual manuals (Brhmaas, Stras) to

construct his theory and then he erroneously projected it back onto a hypothetical
and unattested pre-history. Second, as far as I can tell, very little or no internal

Cf. Whitaker (2004a: 173).

492

tension is apparent in the early Vedic ritual arena there is no explicit

recognition that violence could possibly occur within its confines. The many
voices within the gveda present us with a unified front whereby men are
socialized within a martial system and encouraged to commit acts of violence.
However, the gvedic hymns constantly project violence outwards to other
communities and tribes. In fact, if anything constrains and controls the behaviour
of participants in the ritual it is the very martial ethics so outlined. Since the ritual
ground is the arena in which prestige and status are recognized, and also because
the ritual is one of the primary mediums in which duties and obligations are
communicated, this suggests a certain willingness on the part of warriors and
warlords to participate in the ritual and thus to make sure it runs smoothly with
little or no interference and as much felicity as possible. The evidence for the
gvedic sma-cult, at least, does not suggest that warriors sought to disrupt the
ritual in any way, simply because it is such an important medium in which their
egos are stroked and their social positions are confirmed. The didactic force of
the power terms conveys a fairly brutal and violent message that socializes young
men and more experienced veterans within a volatile martial system. This reality
provides respect, status, financial gain, and group membership, while also
fostering group cohesion and direction. The power terms collectively represent a
complex and cogent ritualized ideology that perpetuates violence as a natural
reality, yet that violence is to be inflicted on other ryan communities and nonryan peoples.

493

The social and political ramifications of the fundamental martial and

ritual ideologies outlined in this dissertation must have been experienced in
ryan migratory expansionism, the maintenance of pastoral lands and waterways,
and the union and/or subjugation of competing ryan and non-ryan peoples.
This reality underlies verses such as the following:
V.10.180.3: ndra katrm abh vmm j jyath vabha caranm | pnudo

jnam amitrayntam ur devbhyo akor ulokm.

O Indra, you were born to (desired) dominion (katr), desired authority (jas), O bull
of the boundary people. You pushed away the tribe that made no alliance, for the gods
you made a wide space.

While a sudden invasion theory cannot explain the arrival of Pre-Vedic Indoryan migrations (c. 2000 BCE) and the Vedic migrations (c. 1500 BCE) of Indoryan speaking peoples into the subcontinent (Allchin 1995; Erdosy 1995), what
is evident is that the ryan tribes have a ritualized, militant ideology driving their
migratory progress. If anything promotes ryan expansionism and violence, it is
the ritual. The gvedic evidence suggests that the advancement of the various
tribes was not stable or peaceful. Consequently, the legitimation of warlords and
kings must have occurred as a constant and necessary ritual and political event.
Since no one person, lineage, or family is ever ascribed sole access to the ritual
processes of legitimation, then the position of the alpha-male, the human Indra,
in Vedic tribes was open and accessible to anyone who could successfully claim it
and fulfill its expectations. Furthermore, since the power terms are consistently
deployed across all gvedic layers, it is reasonable to hypothesize that multiple
families were at once ritually invoking Indra and endorsing their human warriors
494

and warlords in times of warfare, cattle raiding, and martial conflict. It is

reasonable to assume that each tribe or clan constantly sought to instantiate their
human Indra, which suggests that multiple Indras were running around at any
given time. The proof is in the pudding, so to speak: the real Indra is the
individual who wins. Indras activity would thus have been ubiquitous; it would
have been experienced within the daily realities of all tribes, and attested in
victory or defeat, success or failure, life or death. In turn, this martial reality
confirms the truth of the shared religious beliefs of the various tribes Indra and
his fellow gods are real and do exist because their exploits, manifesto, and
responsibilities are constantly made apparent in the real world.
The sanction of dominant and powerful figures was thus based on martial
and political needs, hierarchies, and the abilities of warriors and their tribes. If
early Vedic martiality constantly communicates the imperative to wage war and
the imperative to claim political and social recognition and power, its tenets must
have been highly valued, implemented, and propagated, yet at the same time
breeding an environment of deadly contestation, violence, and socio-political
turmoil. The very ritual processes that produce group cohesion within clans also
cause chaos and bloodshed outside of it. Nevertheless, these ethics must have
contributed to the ideological formation of Indias elite warrior class, the
Katriya, who would come to dominate the subcontinent for millennia. This
further raises the problem of the performance of sma rituals as a controlled and
closed annual or biannual event, rather than a rite utilized when and wherever
martial and political legitimation was needed during times of seasonal movement
495

and warfare (yga).2 Indra is never told that he will only drink sma once, at one
time of the year: the war-gods access to sma is not considered to be a rare
privilege. Indra is repeatedly told that he can drink as much sma as he wants
before and after battle, and furthermore, drinking sma foreshadows and
concludes martial excursions. It seems strange that the palpable and potent
ideologies of the power terms, that is, early Vedic martiality, would only be
communicated once or twice a year.
Therefore, the use of the power terms in the gveda resonates within a
process of ritualization (Bell 1992), that is, a strategic way of socially acting
through the medium of practical rituals, which negotiate ideas of hegemony, self,
and society. The power terms highlight the way in which warriors and warlords
were perceived, and the expectations and status placed on warriors and kings
reproduced and shaped their masculine identity. The sustained promotion of this
identity would have influenced ritual and political practices and vocations. The
subtext bound up with the power terms corresponds to a process of socializing
men within a martial and political system of status and duty. Moreover, the use of
the power terms mediates and manages socio-ritual practices, symbolic capital,
and political aptitude. The ritual arena provides a cogent medium for the
internalization and reproduction of social values and martial and masculine
identities, and reflects a scheme of privileged opposition. When political and
martial elites are associated with the power terms through various ritualized
mediums they are implicitly involved in a process of redemptive hegemony,

2 Cf. Rau (1957: 88), & Schmidt (1992: 339).

496

whereby the social and political interests and investments of early Vedic warriors,
kings, and their supporters are recreated and stated anew with each ritual
performance.
The gvedic hymns and the underlying ethics of the power terms
represent a cult enacted rather than simply a story retold. The Indra narratives
do not simply remind the participants of mythic events, but rather that these
mythic events are re-presented in the here and now.3 As such, ritualized reenactments ensure that martial values are constantly accepted as legitimate. In
turn, the community and its values are timeless just as the realities of conquest
and martiality are eternal. The ethics thus transcend the ritual and give value and
identity to male warriors and the community as a whole in non-ritual activities
in life. The power terms have thus provided us with a unique insight into the
reproduction of early Vedic society and its need for masculine and militant
individuals. gvedic rituals thus constitute lived reality through reproducing male
identities. Moreover, the complex and coherent system of values and principles
entailed by the power terms thus collectively constitute a Vedic Krieg-ethik or
battle/war-ethic. We have come a long way then from indistinct notions of
magical power to palpable and plausible concepts of manhood (nmn),
masculinity (pasya), Indrahood (indriy), soldiery (vry), political authority

3 Connerton (1989: 43-45, 70-71).

497

(jas), martial dominance (shas), and volume, vastness, and capacity (vas),
which are all bound up in a thick web of values, symbols, and cultural behaviour.

498

Appendix: Power Term Tables

Introduction
This appendix presents seven tables showing the distribution and cases of the
power terms considered in this work. The tables appear in the following order,

nm, pasya, indriy, vry, jas, shas, and vas. The gvedic layers accord
with Witzel (1997: 262) (via Oldenberg). A brief discussion of the ramifications of
the tables follows, with special attention paid to the relationship between the

gveda and Atharvaveda.

Table 1: Nm
V Layers

nmm

nmya

nmsya

nm

nmni

nma

1.1-50

1.51-191

8.1-48, 60-66

8.67-103+8.49-59

10

499

Table 2: Pasya
V Layers

pasyam

pasyya

pasye

pasy

pasyni

pasyai

pasyebhi

1.1-50

1.51-191

8.1-48, 60-66

8.67-103+8.49-59

1+1

10

V Layers

indriy

indriym

indriya

indriyya

indriy

indriyi

indriya

1.1-50

1.51-191

1 (-bhi)

Table 3: Indriy

8.1-48, 60-66

8.67-103+8.49-59

1+2

10

500

Table 4:Vry
V Layers

vrym

vrya

vry

vryya

vrysya

vry

vryi

vrya

1. 1-50

1.51-191

8.1-48, 60-66

8.67-103+8.49-59

+2

10

Table 5: jas
V layers

ja

jas

jase

jasa

jsi

jobhi

1.1-50

1.51-191

22

8.1-48, 60-66

15

8.67-103+8.49-59

3+1

11+1

15

10

10

13

501

Table 6: Shas
V Layers

sha

shas

shase

shasa

sahasa

shsi

shobhi

1. 1-50

1.51-191

12

8.1-48, 60-66

8.67-103+8.49-59

10

va

vas

vase

vasa

avasa

vsi

vobhi

Table 7: vas
V Layers
1. 1-50

1.51-191

20

14

8.1-48, 60-66

8.67-103+8.49-59

1+2

10

11

502

Statistical Analysis
The gveda almost exclusively contains hymns that were used in prestigious
rituals involving the pressing of sma, which was intended for the war-god Indra.
It is commonly accepted that books (maala-) 2 through 7 represent the oldest
layer of the gveda. Each book is composed by an individual family and hence
these maalas are collectively called the Family books. Witzel (1997b: 261ff.)
argues that the Family books attest an alliance of the Pru and Bharata tribes.
Under the leadership of Suds, the Bharata tribe appears to have defeated their
Pru enemies at a battle of ten kings (V.7.18.1-25). The two tribes reunited
under Bharata hegemony and the Bharata tribe seems to have redacted the

gveda as a grand Bharata-Pru work. The entire gveda thus only reflects a
limited snapshot of perhaps five or six generations of Pru and Bharata
chieftains and their poets. Books 1 and 8 attest two closely related families, Kva
(V.1.1-50, V.8.1-48/60-66) and girasa (V.1.51-191, V.8.67-103). Since
the Kva/girasa families sided with the Pru tribe, their inclusion in the

gveda may be an act of appeasement of later Bharata chieftains. Due to this

political alliance, the Kvas intermarry with Pru and Bharata royal houses
(Witzel 1997b: 263-264). Book 9 is entirely composed of hymns to the divine
draught sma as it is being pressed and purified (pvamna) in the ritual. These
hymns were presumably taken from original versions of books 1 through 8. The
final book of the gveda contains hymns that are later poetic additions (see
Gonda 1975; Witzel 1995, 1997b; Jamison & Witzel 2003).

503

The distribution of the power terms across the gvedic layers brings to
light an interesting fact. While all the power terms appear in Family books in
varying degrees, in many cases they appear predominantly in the Kva and
girasa books 1 and 8, especially girasa V.1.51-191. Moreover, the power
terms are consistently lacking in Kva V.1.1-50.1 These statistics are very
important because the Kva and girasa families are speculated to be the
composers of the Atharvaveda (Witzel 1997b: 275; Insler 1998: 17), which
constitutes a collection of highly important parallel ritual traditions (Whitaker
2004c). For the majority of its early history, this text is not considered to be a

Veda at all. It is simply called the atharvgirasa. The second member of this
compound is the same as the girasa family of the gveda. Apart from vas,
which appears infrequently, and pasya, which does not appear in both extant
recensions (AV, AVP),2 all power terms appear in abundance throughout the

Atharvaveda.
The statistical evidence thus suggests that the poets who are most familiar
with the power terms in the gveda are almost certainly from the same poetic
families that composed and perform the rituals in the Atharvaveda, that is, the

1 This distribution reality is also true for yus, which appears 24 times in the Family books, 38

times in Kva/girasa books (20 times in V.1.51-191; 7 times in V.1.1-50), 4 times in book 9,
and 29 times in book 10; and also vyas, which appears 35 times in the Family books, 27 times in
Kva/girasa books (16 times in V.1.51-191; 1 time in V.1.1-50), 8 times in book 9, and 19
times in book 10.
2 Consider though V.8.6.31: kvsa indra te mat vve vardhanti pasyam | ut aviha

vyam. The Kavas all reinforce your concern/intention, O Indra, your masculinity (pasya),
and, O most capacious one, your bullishness.

504

Kvas and girasas. This is significant because it highlights the shared culture
to which the gveda and Atharvaveda were catering and from which they were
being composed. The Kva-girases are certainly engaged in composing
gvedic hymns and performing sma rites.3 Hence, if the Kva-girases of
gvedic books 1 and 8 are the authors of the Atharvaveda, or better yet the
performers of Atharvavedic rites, then their use of the power terms in both the

gveda and Atharvaveda indicates that they were catering to an audience not
only familiar with the sma cult, but also invested in the parallel ritual traditions
of the Atharvaveda. The meanings and ramifications of the power terms are being
communicated to the same body of people through different ritualized practices
and rites. In fact, the preponderance of appearances of the power terms in the

Atharvaveda feature in amulet hymns (ma), many of which are directed towards
warriors and kings (Whitaker 2004c). These amulets may thus have been worn by
persons who participated in the sma rituals attested in the gveda.
To explain the infrequent appearance of the power terms in V.1.1-50, we
need to consider the nature of the hymns in this collection. The power terms are
intimately connected with Indra. Hymns to Indra do appear in V.1.1-50
(approx. 13 times). However, these Indra hymns are composed in mainly gyatr
meter (or variations of 8 syllable anuubh or strophic meters). Only two Indra
hymns appear in V.1.1-50 in triubh meter (see V.1.32-33). The meters
typically used to narrate Indras exploits are 11 syllable triubh and 12 syllable

3 According to the Sarvnukrama, of the 114 sma pvamna hymns contained in book 9,

Kva-girasa poets composed 28 (approx. 25% of the total).

505

jagat. This accounts for why the power terms appear predominantly in these two
meters, and would also explain why they appear infrequently in V.1.1-50. In
addition, this may indicate that the hymns of V.1.1-50 were used for other ritual
purposes.

vas certainly holds an eminent position in gvedic diction, especially

that of the poets who belong to the Bharadvja family of book 6 and the Kava
and girasa families of books 1 and 8. Like other power terms, the
preponderance (in fact, a disproportionate number) of uses of vas appear in the
girasa section, V.1.51-191. However, vas only appears in seven original
verses in the Atharvaveda. One explanation that may account for the limited
appearances of vas in the Atharvaveda and an extremely tentative
supposition at that is that vas is intimately related to ryan pastoral
migrations and the quest for natural resources. At the forefront of this migratory
expansionism is the ra, who is intrinsically associated with vas. And like vas,

ra only appears in the AV in 3 original verses. It may be that the lack of

importance placed on vas and ra in the Atharvaveda reflects a time when the
ryan tribes were more settled in Indias north and in control of large tracts of
land. This would accord with the view that most of the Atharvaveda was
composed at the conclusion of the gvedic period or just there after (Witzel
1997b: 275-283). The Atharvavedic poets may have been less concerned with wide
ranging migrations in search of fertile pastoral lands and seasonal access to
waterways. Under the political sovereignty of the Kuru kings (see Witzel 1997a,
1997b), vas may have lacked currency in times of more fixed settlement and
506

stable land ownership and control. However, the most obvious explanation to
account for the limited appearances of vas and ra is that the Atharvaveda
infrequently mentions Vtra (only 11 appearances in original verses in AV,
outside of compounds). vas and ra are intimately connected with Vtras
destruction, and this would explain why these terms feature little in the

Atharvaveda.

507

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Vita

Jarrod Leigh Whitaker was born March 15th, 1972, in Singapore to Tom
and Lynette Whitaker. He is a New Zealand citizen, and a permanent resident of
the United States of America. He received his Bachelor of Arts degree with a
major in Religious Studies in 1995, and his Master of Arts (First Class Honours)
degree (Religious Studies) in 1998, both from the University of Canterbury,
Christchurch, New Zealand. He has been enrolled as a Ph.D. student at the
University of Texas at Austin since Fall, 1999, and was admitted into candidacy
August, 2001. Jarrod has taught three of his own courses: Magic, Ritual, &
Power in Indian Culture (Spring 2004), History of Hindu Religious Traditions
(Fall 2004), and Introduction to India (Spring 2005). To date he has published
six articles, which are all cited in the bibliography to this dissertation.

Permanent address: 2501 Lake Austin Blvd, Apt. A103, Austin, TX, 78703 (soon
to relocate to Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, NC, 27106).

This dissertation was typed by Jarrod L. Whitaker.

546