Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
By Erich Frauwallner
In the field of Indian philosophy reigns even at present great uncer
tainty
regarding
chronological
questions.
Again and
again
widely
or
and so deduce in which period they must have lived. We can reach an
absolute chronology only if we succeed in ascertaining for certain
authors undisputed dates with the help of reliable testimonies. Only
on the basis of these dates can we proceed to establish the chronology
of others. But to base an uncertain date on another uncertain date
only creates confusion.
125
lead again and again to the distortion of the tradition. For example,
we observe very often that in course of time unimportant person s are
'
forgotten and only the memory of really important personalities is
preserved. The gaps in the tradition thus created are bridged in such
a.
way that the persons who are still remembered are brought into relation
with each other. In our field this is especially observed in the relation
of teacher and pupil. If, therefore, a famous uthor is said to be the
tions of the tradition are wont to happen, in most cases, already in the
earlier stages. But if we find an otherwise unknown person mentioned
as teacher of a famous man, then it is most probably a genuine tradition.
To the same phenomenon, namely that unimportant personalities
cease to be remembered, is also to be attributed the fact that a whole
lot of works are ascribed to a famous name, while broad gaps lie in
between. In many cases the names of unimportant authors are thereby
forgotten and their works are ascribed to a famous name. Here, too,
when there are two traditions, the name that is less known has greater
claim to our credence.
6. Attention is to be - paid to the frequent confusion of authors
bearing the same name. The traditions regarding the earlier period
of Indian philosophy are so poor, that we often know only a few authors
and works for a period of several centuries. This,of course, does not
correspond to reality. Where the tradition is more abundant, as in
the case of the Jains, we not only come across a greater number of
available works, but we also get to know the names of numerous
lost works and authors. At the same time we often meet with the same
name. And at present, it has become a self-evident important task to
distinguish between the different authors of the same name, while
working on Jain literature. But we have no reason to suppose that the
conditions were different in other fields where the tradition is less
favourable. If we, therefore, assume different authors of the same name
for explaining contradictions of the tradition, it is, as things are, in
no way a solution arrived at merely to get out of a difficulty, though,
of course, in doing so no misuse must be allowed. It seems to be much
more questionable to jump to the conclusion, as it was formerly the
custom to do, that the same name appearing in totally different strata
of tradition must refer to- the same person.
7. In ascertaining the relative chronology of different authors we
are often left to conclude the dependance of one author on another
from the mention or refutation of certain doctrines, since in the earlier
period names are rarely mentioned. While doing so the rule that such
conclusions are valid only if the alleged doctrines are typical of the
author in question, is often not paid attention to. If one adduces doctrines
127
Waph.
the para
128
in the memory and more easily compared with each other. Where
nothing is mentioned about the duration of life of an author, I assume
an average of sixty years, and I calculate the time-distance between
master and pupil to about twenty to thirty years. All this is, of course,
only a reckoning of probability and allows a certain latitude 2. But
first of all a useful working basis must be established. Then we will be
able gradually to arrive at greater correctness and accuracy, since a
great amount of material still remains to be published and utilized to
its full extent. In a few cases I shall point out the way how, in my opi
nion, one could make further advance. I do hope that my exposition
will contribute to facilitate and foster the scientific work in this field.
3,
4,
129
was the brother of Asanga, but this older Vasubandhu. Thus the difficul
In favour of this solution is also the fact that we can find traces of
this confusion of the two Vasubandhus even in the tradition regarding
the life of Vasubandhu 5. In te biography of Vasubandhu handed
down under the name of Paramartha 6, we are at first told of the ancestry
of the three brothers, Asailga, Vasubandhu and Virificivatsa. Then
follows a long account of the origin of the Abhidharmakosab and of
the other events in the life of its author Vasubandhu, up to the time
when he declined a debate with Sal!1ghabhadra owing to his old age.
In this whole section Asailga is not mentioned at all. Then all at once
the activity of Vasubandhu for Hinayana is taken up again in general
terms, and we are told how he was converted by his brother Asailga to
Mahayana on behalf of which he wrote extensively. The account is
clearly divided into three heterogenous parts, and we are forced to
assume that we have here a biography of the older Vasubandhu, into
the middle of which an account of the younger yasubandhu, the author
of the Abhidharmakosab, is inserted. In fact an axcerpt of the biography
of the older Vasubandhu is preserved in Ki-tsang's commentary on
Aryadeva's Satasastram
7,
On the contrary, the activities of the older Vasubandhu for the Hinayana
are recounted. Here it is related that he composed 500 Hinayana works
which were later lost and are not handed down, a fact on which the
biography of the younger Vasubandhu is silent. But no mention what
ever is made of the Abhidharmakosab.
On the strength of these facts I have tried to fix the dates of both
Vasubandhus: for the older Vasubandhu, the brother of Asailga, about
6
8
7
130
320-380 A. D., and for the younger Vasubandhu, the author of the
Abhidharmakosa.b-, about 400-480 A. D.
The logician Vasubandhu, the author of Vadavidhib,. Vadavidhanam
and Vadasarab- is the younger Vasubandhu
8.
We have, therefore, to
9,
11,
the
1956, S. 351.
handed down by Ki-tsang speaks of 500 Mahayana
works, in a ddition to the 500 Hina y ana works. This was the reason why he
was called the Master of the Thousand Manuals.
9*
131
age
12
and his literary actjvity for the Mahayana was limited to a few
works.. Accordingly, also the writings handed down under the name
of Vasubandhu are to be divided between both the bearers of this
name. In my opinion, the mass of commentaries on the Siitras and on
the older Mahayana works belongs to the older Vasubandhu. Only a
few works, especially the ViIpsatika and TriIp.Sika Vijiiaptimatratasid
dhih can claim the junior Vasubandhu as their author
13.
Further, I
think that we can trace differences in the doctrine of the senior and
the junior Vasubandhu
14.
15.
12 One should keep in mind the fact of his refusing to take part in a.
debate with Sa!p.ghabhadra on account of his old age.
13 The TrimSikii. is said to have been his last work. Death prevented
him from writing a commentary on it, as he had planned (cf. K'ouei.ki,
T'cheng wei che louen chou ki, T 1 83 0, p. 232 a 14ff.).
14 Cf. my "Philosophie des Buddhismus" p. 3 51ff.
15 Indo tetsugaku kenkyii, Vol. V, Tokyo 19 29, p. 1 2 8 -13 0. (I owe
these data to the kindness of Prof. Demieville, since, unfortunately, the
work of H. Ui is not accessible to me). Cf. the similar calculation in the
article "A propos de Ill. date de Vasubandhu" by Noel Peri (BEFEO Vol.
11/1911, p. 3 83f.).
132
16
To. t>ang ta ts>eu ngen sseu san tsang fa che tchouan, T 2053, k. 3,
B 4, p. 1 44ff.); cf. To. t>ang kou san tsang hiuan tso.ng
fa che hing, T 2052, p. 21 6 a 28ff.; Siu kao seng tchouan, T 2060, k. 4, p.
45 lc 27ff. ; Fo tsou Ii tai t>ong tsai, T 2036, k. 1 1 , p. 5690. 26ff.
17 The Chinese sources mention this year. New calculations based on
the data. of Si-yu-ki would show this year to be 637 A. D.
18 His nephew Buddhabhadra (Kio-hien) too was already more then 70
yea rs old.
19 B 5, k. 8, p. 914c 2-91 5a 2 (Tr
B 6, vol. I, p. 451 -455; cf. B 7,
vol. II, p. 1 09f.).
2 0
B 5, k. 8, p. 914c 20 f.
B 4, p. 190 f.); B 5, k. 10, p . 931 c 7-1 7
21 B 3, k. 4, p. 241 c 1 3-24 (Tr
(Tr
B 6, vol. II, p. 1 1 9f. ; cf. B 7, vol. II, p. 226 & 228); Tch>eng wei
che louen chou ki, T 1 830, k. 1, p. 231 c 7-16; Tch>eng wei che louen tch>ou
yao , T 1831, p 608a 24ff.
133
561 A. D.
The data which fOT'm the basis of these calculations go back, in the
final analysis, to Hiuan-tsang and 8ilabhadra themselves, and therefore
constitute first-hand information which must be held as valid as long
as no convincing arguments are brought forward against it. Slight
inaccuracies or variations in the numerical data are not of much impor
tance in the present state of things.
691/2 A. D.
24
(II
v.
22 H
e wrote commentaries on Viidavidhih and Viidavidhanam. Furth er
he mentions the doctrines of Vasubandhu all the chapters of his Pr8.
maI}.asamuccaya1;l and refutes them.
23 Kouan so yuan che, T 1625, Besides, the Alambanaparikt;la by Dignaga.
was translated into Chinese by Paramartha, who came to Kanton in 546 A. D.
(Wou siang sseu tch)en louen, T 1619).
24 B 8, k. 4, p. 229b If. (Tr
B 9, p. 180).
ga
25 Cf. especially H. R. Rangaswamy Iyengar, Bhartrhari and Di ima
(JBBRAS, New Series, vol. 26(1950) p. 147-149); Hajime Nakamu:a,
Tibetan Citations of Bhartrhari's Verses and the Problem of his Date (StudIes
=
134
28.
30
B 2, p. 44 f.).
135
31.
32.
the
most
important
among
the
contemporaries
of
33.
34
that king
35
that
(Tr
107 a 7 (Nahartng); f. 23 b 1
Cf. Sylvain Levi, Les donations religieuses des rois de Valabhi (Biblio
theque de l'EcoIe des Hautes-Etudes, sciences religieuses, etudes de criti
que et d'histoire, 2e serie, 7e vol., p. 75-100).
35 B 3, k. 4, p. 244 a 7-24 (Tr
B 4, p. 212-214); cf. B 5, k. 9, p. 920 a
15-b 3 (Tr
B 6, vol. II, p.llf.; cf. B 7, vol. II, p.146).The same Jayasen a
is also mentioned as a pupil of Nanda (Tch'eng wei che louen chou ki, T 1830,
34
k. 1, p. 231 c 26f.).
36 Tch'eng wei che louen chou ki, T 1830, k. 4, p. 351 a 21ff.; cf. k_ 7,
p . 500 cff.; B 3, k. 4, p_ 244 c 21ff. and p. 245c 2ff. (Tr
B 4, p. 220ff.
and 226f.).
=
136
must have been still active about 560 A. D. The statement that he was
older than Dharmapala does not, therefore, mean that he died earlier,
but that he was born earlier. His lifetime can thus be fixed as 510-570
A. D.
38
40.
the opportunity of having a look at it, nor has, as far as I know, a serious
discussion been started concerning it.
37
38
39
40
B
B
B
B
137
41.
not yet fully made his way, while later on his works had almost comple
tely replaced those of Dignaga. Further, if we take into consideration
that Dharmakirti, according to his own statement, failed to achieve
recognition for many years, then we may fix his life-time from about
600 to 660 A. D.
Against this date it may be argued that, according to Taranatha,
42
B 8, k. 4,
p.
230a 6 (Tr
B 9, p. 186f.).
duction p. VIf.
138
44
uccayah (tsi leang louen) 45. Moreover, he used every occasion to per
fect himself in the field of logic. Thus he studied in Mahakosala the
Prama1).asamuccayah under the guidance of a Brahmin who knew this
work especially well 46. In his travels Hiuan-tsang not only gives details
about Dignaga
47,
at his time 48. Further, he brought with him to China thirty-six works
on Logic from India 49. That he did not translate them all is quite
understandable. For, though he was an astonishingly assiduous "trans
lator, yet to translate more than a part of the works he brought with
him from India was above human capacity. Hiuan-tsang, therefore,
cannot be reproached either for not knowing or not taking sufficient
interest in logic 50. 3. The supposition that the authors of the life of
Hiuan-tsang had purposely omitted the mention of Dharmakirti for
fear of dimming the glory of Hiua n-tsa ng is utterly ridiculous. All the
famous personalities of the past and present are mentioned in the
travels and the biography of Hiuan-tsang with admiration and praise;
why should Dharmakirti alone be ignored 1 Again, a witness who has
in other respects always been considered as reliable and conscientious
is not lightly to be suspected of dishonesty. Such arbitrary arguments
far from doing science a service, only create greater confusion. It is
only gratifying to note that R. Sankrtyayana himself rejects this last
supposition.
44 Where the words "yin ming louen" designate not logic in general,
but a particular work of Dignaga (cf. B 5, k. 10, p" 930c 7 f.; Tr
B 6,
vol. II, p. 109), most probably the Nyayamukham is meant.
45 B 3, k. 3, p. 239 a 1 (Tr
B 4, p. 164).
46 B 3, k. 4, p. 241 b 10f. (Tr
B 4, p. lS7).
47 B 5, k. 10, p. 930b 12-c 9 (Tr
B 6, vol. II, p. 106-110).
48 B 5, k. 11, p. 936a Sff. (Tr
B 6, vol. II, p. 15Sff.).
49 B 3, k. 6, p. 252 c 10 (Tr
B 4, p. 295).
50 That Hiuan.tsang was well versed in Indian logic is shown, for instance,
by the account of K>ouei.ki, wherein we are told how cleverly Hiuan-tsang
corrected a faulty syllogism of Jayasena (Yin ming jou tcheng Ii louen chou,
T lS40, p. 121 b 20ff.).
=
139
lO
Dharmakirti
.;e.
59.
was really the teacher of Dharmaklrti, and thus his life-period can be
calculated to be about 580-640 A. D .
60
valuable data: for important events of their lives are connected with
the introduction of Buddhism in Tibet, and are, therefore, related
in Tibetan sources, which go back to contemporary records and merit
credence to a great extent.
Accounts of Sii.ntarata are extant in two works accessible to
all, namely, in Bu-ston's Chos-cbyun 61 and in GZon-nu-dpal's Deb-ther
anon-po 62. Taranatha'a History of Buddhism contains only a few
remarks which need not be taken into consideration here.
ika p.
57 B 11, p. 152, 13f.; B 12, p. 135, 1& (Tr = B 13, p. 176, lsf.).
B 11, p. 152, 17ff.; B 12, p. 135, 18ft". (Tr = B 13, p. 176, lSti.).
5 D I shall discuss this point at greater length in another place.
58
&0
Gl
N.
141
B 11, p. 186; B 10, p. 26 (Tr p. 51): bean po sron ide brean brag mar
du) bltam.
142
to reliable old accounts in a sheep year by which only the year 779 A. D.
can be meant 68. If the account that Santarakita died after a thirteen
years' stay in Bsam-yas deserves to be believed, his death would fall
in the year 788 A. D. , which is quite possible and may be accepted as a
working hypothesis.
Thus we obtain the following dates concerning Santaraita. He
came to Tibet for the first time in about 763, came back a second time
after a short interruption, and lived from 775 till 788 in Bsam-yas.
Since he was at the time of his first call to Tibet no longer a young man
but already a renowned teacher, we may fix his birth as about 725 A. D.
Of his greater works, TattvasaIp.grahah and VipancitartM Vada
nyayatika alone have been published so far 69. Of these the Tattva.
saIp.grahah is the older one, since a reference to it is made in the Vipan
citartha 70. And since the greater part of Santarakita's literary activity
falls in all probability before his first call to Tibet, it may have been
written before 763. We may, therefore, assume that the works quoted
in the TattvasaIp.grahah fall before 760 A. D. 71. More exact data will
possibly be obtained when the other works of Santarakita are published
and his philosophical career is ascertained.
About Kamalasila, the pupil of Santarakita, we are told that he
was called to Tibet after the death of Santarakita, when the Chinese
line of Buddhism in Tibet threatened to gain supremacy over the
ndian trend 72. A great religious debate took place with the chief
representative of the Chinese trend, the Hva-san
68
(upiidhyayaM
MaM-
143
144
10
145
mati with KarJ;lakagomi, and has hence drawn the conclusion that
Sakyamati was dependent on him 82 . Thus KarJ;lakagomi also belongs
to this early period.
More interesting than these commentators of the earlier period
are the authors contemporary with Sii.ntaraita or living immediately
after his time. But before we speak of them, we must still mention
another source which is important for the determination of their dates,
namely the "Catalogue of Translations of Ldan-kal'''.
cog
83.
It is
a list of works which were translated into Tibetan during and immedia
tely after the reign of king Khri-sron-Ide-btsan. The list itself dates
from the year 800 or 812 A. D.
84.
85 :
146
1}.
86.
(IV
87.
Su
147
Oriental
Translation Fund,
New
88 Cf. Arcaalokal:t (Gaekwad's Oriental Series No. U 3), p. 233, 3 and 7 '
8 9 Since, according t o Taranatha ( B 12, p. 166, 20-22 ; Tr = B 1 3, p.
2 1 9, ' - 6 )' Arcata was a native of Kashmir, Dharmottara could only be
come acquainted with him after coming to Kashmir.
148