Ivan Bugarski-On The Janoshida Type Earrings and The Seventh Century Finds From Western Balkans

00.
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THESAURUS AVARORUM
Rgszeti tanulmnyok Garam va tiszteletre

Archaeological Studies in Honour of va Garam
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THESAURUS AVARORUM
Rgszeti tanulmnyok Garam va tiszteletre
Archaeological Studies in Honour of va Garam
Szerkesztette / Edited by
Vida Tivadar
ELTE Blcsszettudomnyi Kar Rgszettudomnyi Intzet

Magyar Nemzeti Mzeum
MTA Blcsszettudomnyi Kutatkzpont Rgszeti Intzet
Budapest 2012
2012.09.05.
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Szerkesztk / Editors
Horvth Eszter Rcz Zsfia Tth Csaba
Fordts / Translation
Albrecht Friedrich, Szenthe Gergely, Kulcsr Valria, Seleanu Magdalena
A ktet a Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia s a Nemzeti Kulturlis Alap tmogatsval kszlt
This volume was supported by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the National Cultural Fund of Hungary
ISBN 978-963-284-281-3
Bortkpek / Front and Back Cover

A dunapataji ruhakapocs / Clasp of Dunapataj
Fot / Photo: B. Bhler (Wien)
Szerzk / Authors, 2012
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TARTALOM / INDEX
Tabula gratulatoria ...........................................................................................................................................
Ad multos annos! .............................................................................................................................................
11
KS ATIK RKSG PAIBA / LATE ATIQUE HERITAGE I PAOIA

ZSIDI PAULA
Begegnung mit der antiken Welt. Nachleben und Neuleben auf den Ruinen von Aquincum ........................
GMRI JNOS
A pannniai rmai kori vaskohszat tovbblsnek krdse. A Sopron-Dek tri, rpd-kori vasolvaszt
mhelyek ...................................................................................................................................................
Die Frage des Weiterlebens der rmerzeitlichen Eisenverhttung in Pannonien. Die Werksttten der Eisenproduktion von Sopron-Dek tr in der rpdenzeit .................................................................................
15
25
35
MLLER RBERT
Lipp Vilmos s Csk rpd temetfeltrsai Fenkpusztn............................................................................
Die Grberfeldausgrabungen von Vilmos Lipp und rpd Csk in Fenkpuszta ...........................................
37
61
VIDA TIVADAR
A zrt kosasras flbevalk eredetnek krdshez ..........................................................................................
Zur Herkunft der Ohrringe mit geschlossenen Krbchenanhngern ...............................................................
63
83
BENDEGUZ TOBIAS
Kampf oder Himmelfahrt? Zur Deutung der Riemenzunge aus Grab 496 von Tiszafred ............................
85
GERMOK A KRPT-MEDECBE / GERMAIC PEOPLES I THE CARPATHIABASI

B. TTH GNES
Gepida srok a mezbernyi Tcsk-halombl (Bks megye) ......................................................................
Gepidische Grber von Tcsk-halom in Mezberny (Komitat Bks)........................................................
93
127
,
...........................................................................................................................
A brooch from Tiszaszentmrton .....................................................................................................................
129
140
NAGY MARGIT
Langobard srok Budapest-buda/Aquincumbl .............................................................................................
Langobardische Grber aus Budapest-buda/Aquincum ................................................................................
141
173
KHLER KITTI
Langobrd kori temetkezsek antropolgiai vizsglata (Budapest, III. Szpvlgyi t s Vlyog utca).........
Die Ergebnisse der anthropologischen Untersuchung langobardenzeitlicher Bestattungen (Budapest, III.
Szpvlgyi t und Vlyog utca) .................................................................................................................
BOCSI ZSFIA
Ordacsehi-Kis-tlts s Zamrdi-Ktvlgyi-dl 56. szzadi telepeinek kermii ......................................
Die Keramik der Siedlungen aus der 5.-6. Jahrhunderts in Ordacsehi-Kistlts s Zamrdi-Ktvlgyi-dl
175
185
187
204
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BIZCI VAGY AVAR / BYZATIE OR AVARIA

DAIM, FALKO BHLER, BIRGIT
Awaren oder Byzanz? Interpretationsprobleme am Beispiel der goldenen Mantelschliee von Dunapataj ...
207
KOMAR, OLEKSII ROMANOVSKA, TETJANA

Byzantine gold bracelet of Constantine ...........................................................................................................
225
BUGARSKI, IVAN
On the Jnoshida type earrings and the seventh century byzantine finds from the western Balkans, with a retrospective view of the Vajska (Vajszka) Cemetery ....................................................................................
233
KISS GBOR
Egy biznci vcsat Debrecen-Onddrl ..........................................................................................................
Eine byzantinische Grtelschnalle von Debrecen-Ondd ...............................................................................
255
268
BALOGH, CSILLA
A Mezszilas type pendant from Grave 14 of the MlyktSnc-dl cemetery ...........................................
269
SZKE BLA MIKLS

Avar kor vgi ni fejdszek ..............................................................................................................................
Kopfschmuck in der endawarischen Frauentracht ...........................................................................................
287
297
H. TTH ELVIRA
A peszradacsi leletek lelhelye...................................................................................................................
Der Fundort der Funde von Peszradacs ......................................................................................................
299
307
MHELY S TECHOLGIA / WORKSHOP AD TECHOLOGY

BLINT CSAND
Az avar kori tvssg technikai s kultrtrtneti aspektusai .........................................................................
HORVTH ESZTER
Egy mediterrn vcsat Rkczifalva-Kastlydombrl. A mhelykrds archeometriai megkzeltse ......
A Mediterranean buckle from Rkczifalva-Kastlydomb. The archaeometrical aspect of the localization
of production area.......................................................................................................................................
BRUDER KATALIN
A tpei kora biznci ezsttl rekonstrukcija ..................................................................................................
Die Rekonstruktion der frhbyzantinischen vergoldeten Silberschale von Tpe ............................................
311
319
342
343
347
AVAR S BIZCI FEGYVEREK / AVARIA AD BYZATIE WEAPOS

QUAST, DIETER
Einige alte und neue Waffenfunde aus dem frhbyzantinischen Reich ...........................................................
351
CSIKY GERGELY
Saxe im awarenzeitlichen Karpatenbecken......................................................................................................
371
LRINCZY GBOR STRAUB PTER

Nhny megjegyzs a Hajddorog-Vroskert ti 1. srrl. Adatok az avar kori sisakokhoz ..........................
Grave 1 from Hajddorog-Vroskert Road. Helmets of the Avar period ........................................................
395
404
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EMBEREK S KERESZTEK / PEOPLE AD CROSSES

RCZ ZSFIA
Emberalakos kistrgyak az avar korbl ...........................................................................................................
Anthropomorphe Kleinfunde aus der Awarenzeit............................................................................................
409
434
S. PERMI GOTA
Keresztmellkletes srok a Lesencetomaj-Piroskereszt temetbl ..................................................................
Grber mit Kreuzbeigaben im Grberfeld von Lesencetomaj-Piroskereszt ....................................................
437
475
PSZTOR ADRIEN
A Lesencetomaj-Piroskereszt avar kori temet 39. srjnak gyngysora ........................................................
Die Perlenkette aus Grab 39 des awarenzeitlichen Grberfeldes von Lesencetomaj-Piroskereszt .................
477
488
SIMON LSZL
Awarenzeitliche Funde unbekannten Fundortes (Hdsg/Oaci /?/) .............................................................
489
KORA AVAR S KZP AVAR / EARLY AVARIA AD MIDDLE AVARIA

TOMKA PTER
A bgyog-gyrhegyi 2. (kora avar kori) sr revzija .....................................................................................
Revision des frhawarenzeitlichen Grabes 2 von Bgyog-Gyrhegy .............................................................
SZENTHE GERGELY
7. szzadi ezstlemezes vgarnitrk. Adatok az ezstlemezbl kszlt, sima fellet vveretek
elterjedshez ............................................................................................................................................
Grtelgarnituren des 7. Jahrhunderts aus Silberblech. Angaben zur Verbreitung der Grtelbeschlge aus
flachem Silberblech....................................................................................................................................
501
519
521
550
BALOGH CSILLAWICKER ERIKA

Avar nemzetsgf srja Petfiszlls hatrbl................................................................................................
APPENDIX (Marcsik Antnia) .......................................................................................................................
Das awarenzeitliche Sippenhuptlingsgrab von Petfiszlls .........................................................................
551
580
581
SOMOGYI PTER
A kzp avar kori lengcsngs flbevalk eredetnek krdshez ...............................................................
583
ZBOJNK, JOZEF
Die mittelawarenzeitliche Grtelgarnitur aus ataj.........................................................................................
597
SROK S TEMETK / GRAVES AD CEMETERIES

HAJNAL ZSUZSANNA
A Klked-feketekapui A s B temetk egyttes rtkelse.........................................................................
Die zusammenfassende Auswertung der Grberfelder A und B von Klked-Feketekapu..........................
BENDE LVIA
Lszerszmos temetkezsek, ldozati llatok s telmellkletek a KrsTiszaMaros kze ks avar kori
temetiben ..................................................................................................................................................
Bestattungen mit Pferdegeschirr, Tieropfer und Speisebeigaben in den sptawarenzeitlichen Grberfeldern
des Gebietes zwischen Kreisch/Krs, Thei/Tisza und Mieresch/Maros ................................................
VRS, ISTVN
Archeozoological investigations of the Early Avar Period cemetery at Pkaszepetk......................................
607
643
645
676
679
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TNASE, DANIELAGLL, ERVIN

Von Kislghi Nagy Gyula bei Dudetii Vechi entdeckte Grber aus der Awarenzeit der Hgel V...................
697
TELEPLSEK S KERMIK / SETTLEMETS AD POTTERY

FODOR ISTVN
Avar kori lakhzak Hajdnnson .................................................................................................................
Awarenzeitliche Grubenhuser in Hajdnns ................................................................................................
709
720
MADARAS LSZL
Avar kori telepls Trkszentmikls hatrban.............................................................................................
Awarenzeitliche Siedlung in der Gemarkung von Trkszentmikls..............................................................
721
731
HEROLD, HAJNALKA
Untersuchungen zur awarenzeitlichen Siedlung und zu den Keramikfunden aus dem awarenzeitlichen Grberfeld von Zillingtal (Burgenland, sterreich).........................................................................................
733
TAKCS MIKLSVADAY ANDREA

A Kompolt-Kistri-tanyai kzzel formlt s utnkorongolt cserpbogrcsok .................................................
Die handgeformten und nachgedrehten Tonkessel von Kompolt-Kistri-tanya ..............................................
743
769
AVAROK S FRAKOK / AVARS AD FRAKS

TTH ENDRE
Die awarische Schatzkammer und die Franken ...............................................................................................
773
FANCSALSZKY GBOR
Forr Lszl Sebestyn s az avar korra vonatkoz karoling kori forrsok gyjtemnye (1936)...................
Lszl Sebestyn Forr und das Corpus der Karolingischer Quellen zur Awarenzeit (1936).........................
783
786
AZ AVAROK UT / AFTER THE AVARS

SCHULZE-DRRLAMM, MECHTHILD
Hochmittelalterliche Pseudomnzfibeln mit dem Bildnis eines gekrnten Herrschers. Zur Deutung der
Emailscheibenfibel aus Grab 9 bei der Burg Bled in Slowenien ..............................................................
High Medieval pseudo coin brooches with the image of a crowned monarch. On the interpretation of an
enamelled disk brooch from grave 9 at the castle of Bled in Slovenia ......................................................
789
801
FUSEK, GABRIEL
Beitrag zur Typologie der S-frmigen Schlfenringe ......................................................................................
803
MESTERHZY KROLY
Fsletlen dolgaink. Honfoglals kori fsk ...................................................................................................
Unsere ungekmmten Sachen. Landnahmezeitliche Kmme ..........................................................................
813
822
FGGELK / APPEDIX
Garam va tudomnyos munki / Bibliography of va Garam (Hajnal Zsuzsanna) ......................................
823
Rvidtsek / Abbreviations (Horvth Eszter) .................................................................................................
827
Szerzk / Authors .............................................................................................................................................
833
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TABULA GRATULATORIA
Aczl Eszter (Budapest)
Anders Alexandra (Budapest)
Baldini-Lippolis, Isabella (Bologna)
Barkczi Lszl (Budapest)
Bnffy Eszter (Budapest)
Bnki Zsuzsanna (Budapest)
Brdos Edith (Kaposvr)
Benk Elek (Budapest)
Bialekov, Darina (Nitra/Nyitra)
Bicz Piroska (Budapest)
Bierbrauer, Volker (Mnchen)
T. Br Katalin (Budapest)
T. Br Mria (Budapest)
Br Sey Katalin (Budapest)
Bollk dm (Budapest/Mainz)
Bondr Mria (Budapest)
Bhme, Horst Wolfgang (Mainz)
ilinsk, Zlata (Koice/Kassa)
Cseh Jnos (Szolnok)
Csorba Lszl (Budapest)
Czajlik Zoltn (Budapest)
Czegldi Ilona (Budapest)
Dabasi Andrs (Budapest)
Dannheimer, Hermann (Hadorf)
Daskalov, Metodi (Szfia)
Dobos Alpr (Cluj/Kolozsvr)
Dobosi Viola (Budapest)
Drauschke, Jrg (Mainz)
Eger, Christoph (Berlin)
Feld Istvn (Budapest)
Fiedler, Uwe (Berlin)
von Freeden, Uta (Frankfurt)
Friedrich, Albrecht (Solymr)
Friesinger, Herwig (Wien)
Flp Gyula (Szkesfehrvr)
Gabler Dnes (Budapest)
Galavics Gza (Budapest)
Gedai Istvn (Budapest)
Gerelyes Ibolya (Budapest)
Grf Pter (Visegrd)
Harhoiu, Radu (Bukarest)
Heinrich-Tamska Orsolya (Leipzig)
Hri Vera (Budapest)
Holl Balzs (Budapest)
Honti Szilvia (Kaposvr)

Hoppl va (Budapest)
Horvth Istvn (Esztergom)
B. Horvth Joln (Budakeszi)
Horvth M. Attila (Budapest)
Istvnovits Eszter (Nyregyhza)
Ivanievi, Vujadin (Belgrad)
Ivanov, Vladimir A. (Ufa)
Jankovich Bsn Dnes (Budapest)
Jerem Erzsbet (Budapest)
Juhsz Irn (Szarvas)
Kalla Gbor (Budapest)
H. Kelemen Mrta (Esztergom)
Kemenczei Tibor (Budapest)
Kiscsatri Marianna (Budapest)
Kiss Erika (Budapest)
Kiss Etele (Budapest)
Kocsis Lszl (Pilissznt)
Kocztur va (Budapest)
Kolba Judit (Budapest)
Kovcs Lszl (Budapest)
Kovcs Tibor (Budapest)
Kovalovszki Jlia (Budapest)
Kovcs S. Tibor (Budapest)
Klt Lszl (Kaposvr)
Krmczi Katalin (Budapest)
Kvri Klra (Vc)
Kulcsr Valria (Szeged)
Krti Bla (Szeged)
Lakatos Attila (Oradea/Nagyvrad)
Laszlovszky Jzsef (Budapest)
Lengyel Beatrix (Budapest)
Lovag Zsuzsa (Budapest)
Lovsz Emese (Miskolc)
Mark Andrs (Budapest)
Marosi Ern (Budapest)
Martin, Max (Basel)
Melis Katalin (Budapest)
Mszros Orsolya (Budapest)
Milinkovi, Mihailo (Belgrad)
Mrv Zsolt (Budapest)
Nagy Erzsbet (Pcs)
Nepper Ibolya (Debrecen)
dor Jnos (Szekszrd)
Palls Lajos (Budapest)

Patay Pl (Budapest)
Pffgen, Bernd (Mnchen)
Peterdi Vera (Budapest)
Peters, Daniel (Berlin)
Pohl, Walter (Wien)
Possenti, Elisa (Trento)
Raczky Pl (Budapest)
Radnti Klra (Budapest)
Rettner, Arno (Mnchen)
Rezi Kat Gbor (Budapest)
Rvsz Lszl (Budapest)
Riener, Ellen (Mainz)
Ritok gnes (Budapest)
Ruttkay, Matej (Nitra/Nyitra)
Schilling Lszl (Budapest)
Schmauder, Michael (Bonn)
Selmeczi Lszl (Budapest)
Simonyi Erika (Budapest)
Skriba Pter (Budapest)
Stadler, Peter (Wien)
Stanciu, Ioan (Cluj/Kolozsvr)
Szab dm (Budapest)
Szab Gbor (Budapest)
Szab Mikls (Budapest)
Szathmri Ildik (Budapest)
Szatmri Imre (Bkscsaba)
Szatmri Sarolta (Budapest)
Szende Lszl (Budapest)
Szentpteri Jzsef (Budapest)
Szilgyi Krisztin (Debrecen)
Stanilov, Stanislav (Szfia)
Tettamanti Sarolta (Vc)
Tomka Gbor (Budapest)
Tompos Lilla (Budapest)
Torbgyi Melinda (Budapest)
Tth Csaba (Budapest)
Trk Lszl (Budapest)
Vagalinski, Lyudmil (Szfia)
Valter Ilona (Budapest)
Varga Mt (Kaposvr)
Vida Istvn (Budapest)
De Vingo, Paolo (Torino)
Wolfram, Herwig (Wien)
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ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS AND THE SEVENTH CENTURY

BYZANTINE FINDS FROM THE WESTERN BALKANS, WITH A
RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF THE VAJSKA (VAJSZKA) CEMETERY
Ivan Bugarski
The publication this article is prepared for makes a suitable framework for the discussion of various aspects of the
relationships between the Avars and Byzantium, one of them being an insight into the consequences of the seventh
century Avar incursions in the Balkans. On this occasion, an attempt was made to supply our knowledge of the Rhomaioi existence in the Balkans at the time with some new interpretations of the traces of their material culture.1
1. GRANULATED EARRINGS AND EARRINGS OF THE JOSHIDA TYPE

The first part of the article is devoted to the latest golden, granulated earrings in Avar use. In the case of such earrings, a small spherical pendant was attached to the ring by a cylindrical or conical ending. Both the pendant and
the ending were decorated by granulation. Earrings of this type are smaller than granulated earrings in previous
Avar use, which is the reason why . Garam defines them descriptively, as earrings with slim spheres of bronze
sheet (... mit dnnen Blechkugeln). At the National Museum in Budapest, such earrings from 12 graves of both sexes
are housed, from different sites, but mostly from Alfld, the Great Hungarian Plain. These earrings are dated to the
middle and the second half of the seventh century,2 just like the corresponding pieces from the Alattyn cemetery
in an older but still important study.3
The results of more recent analyses define this particular type of earrings more precisely. J. Ormndy attributes
such findings to the Jnoshida type, and dates them to 670/680700. The author has collected 25 earrings of this type
that mostly come from Avar graves, mentioning the finds from Slovakia and Eastern Slavonia in present-day Croatia too.4
Meanwhile, some other earrings of the same type that come from the Avar context were published. One of
them comes from grave no. 23 of the Tiszavasvri cemetery, Petfi Str. 49, which was dated to 670/680710/720
as a whole.5 There is also a finding from the big cemetery Klked-Feketekapu B, coming from grave no. 534 of
the group of graves XII/A. This group is dated from ca. 680 to 725.6 We should also mention a finding of such earrings from the Vojka cemetery in Srem, from a horsemans grave no. 107, the inventory of which may be dated from
the last quarter of the seventh century to the opening quarter of the eighth century.7 At first, this pair of earrings
was dated earlier, to the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century.8 These examples speak in favour of the narrowed-down chronology provided by J. Ormndy.
Earrings decorated by granulation do not represent an ethnic indicator by themselves. They are widely present
in Eastern ad Central Europe, particularly in the area between the Danube and the Tisza rivers. The Avars encountered such objects of Byzantine origin on the Caucasus and in the Black Sea region.9
Speaking of granulated earrings in Avar use, the Jnoshida type earrings represent the end of a typological sequence that started towards the end of the sixth century with the earrings with pyramidal pendants. This sequence
was established mostly by reducing the decorative elements.10 . Garam11 considers that the origin of the earrings
with pyramidal pendants was Byzantine, using an important older study: it was Z. Vinski who presented the ge1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
With this paper, I would like to join in the congratulations to Dr. va Garam and to express to her my gratitude for the advice and help I got
while preparing my M. A. thesis. I would also like to point out the useful advice I got from Dr. Marko Popovi, Dr. Vujadin Ivanievi, Dr.
Vesna Biki and Dr. Mihailo Milinkovi during the work on this article. The responsibility for posssible shortcomings is solely mine.
GARAM 1993, 2526.
BHME 1965, 4, 8/33.
ORMNDY 1995, 161162, Abb. 2.810; 3.2,4; 8.
FANCSALSZKY 1999, 114, 141, Abb. 6.231.
KISS 2001, 360, 368, Taf. 88/.B5342,3.
BUGARSKI 2006, 399400, T. XXXIII.10710, 11.
MGB 2005, 64, cat. no. 53: Fig. 1.12.
ORMNDY 1995, 169170.
ORMNDY 1995, 169, Abb. 7, 8.
GARAM 2001, 2829.
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IVAN BUGARSKI
Map 1
Seventh century Byzantine findings from the Western Balkans. 1. Ni (Naissus); 2. obe; 3. Oblaina; 4. Praesidium Pompei; 5. Pepeljevac; 6. Jelica, Gradina; 7. Cariin Grad (Iustiniana Prima); 8. Gamzigrad (Felix Romuliana); 9. Beograd (Singidunum); 10. Ritopek (Castra Tricornia); 11. Kostolac (Viminacium); 12. Ram (Lederata); 13. Karata (Diana); 14. Hajduka Vodenica; 15. Sp; 16.
Prahovo (Aquae); 17. Kovilovo; 18. Korbovo; 19. Salona; 20. Vajska; 21. Vinkovci (Cibalae); 22, Osijek (Mursa); 23. Sotin (Cornacum); 24. Sisak (Siscia); 25. adjavica; 26. Mihaljevii; 27. Pontes; 28. Velika Kladua
nesis of these earrings quite convincingly, from the pre-classical Greek jewelry, to the Black Sea findings from the
Antiquity. In the Early Byzantine period, such earrings were produced by the Rhomaioi artisans or in their workshops,12 but also by the Avar artisans, as evidenced by a model from the well-known grave from Kunszentmrton.13
Stray-finds of the earrings with pyramidal pendants come from Velika Kladua in Bosnia [28] and Ram (Lederata)
in the Serbian Danube region.14 According to contemporary literature, earrings like these are joined to the Szegvr type and dated from 620/630650.15 The position of the sites just mentioned speaks for the possibility that earrings of this type are also Byzantine products. One of the stages of the typological sequence presented by J.
Ormndy are the earrings of the Szentes type, Phipuszta variant, which are dated from ca. 610640.16 The accidental findings of such earrings come from the Serbian Danube region, from Kostolac [11] (Viminacium)17 and Ram
(Lederata) [12], the latter perhaps from the same site where the earring of the Szegvr type was found.18
It is evident, then, that both the typological source and the technique of manufacture of the late granulated earrings in Avar use are of Byzantine origin. Speaking of the Jnoshida type pieces, I will try to explain my impression
that their production itself was Byzantine.
First of all, such earrings come from the Balkan hinterland too. A golden earring, published as a grave finding
from Ni (aissus) [1], has been purchased by the National Museum in Belgrade. It was dated widely to the sixth
and seventh centuries and perhaps courageously tied to the local workshop in aissus that followed the style of
the Byzantine artisans.19 In a second publication, this earring was dated to the (end of the) sixth and the beginning
of the seventh century, up to the year 614/615, when the Avars conquered and ruined the towns of Northern Illyricum. In this publication, it was assessed that the earring was a product of some Byzantine artisan, but in the barbarian, probably Avar (sic!) use.20 In a third place this find has been attributed to the Migration period horizon,
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
VINSKI 1956, 6567.

CSALLNY 1933, 25, T. I.15.
VINSKI 1956, 6364, 76, T. I.1, 2: Fig. 3.1; 6.3.
ORMNDY 1995, 154155, Abb. 1.710; 7; 8.
ORMNDY 1995, 157159, Abb. 2.13; 7; 8.
VINSKI 1958, 1213, T. IV.15: Fig. 6.1.
DIMITRIJEVIKOVAEVIVINSKI 1962, 121.
POPOVI, I. 2001, 101, cat. no. 55.
MAKSIMOVI 2004, 6162, cat. no. 203: Fig. 1.3.
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Oldal 235
ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS
1
Fig. 1
The Jnoshida type earrings, scale 1:1. 12. Vojka; 3. Ni; 4. obe
extending from the sixth to the beginning of the seventh century.21 One shoud doubt the idea of Avar use of this
object, first of all because it was found in Ni, and then because of the notion that it came from tomb,22 i. e. not
from an ordinary grave. Even if this notion was false, the burial in Ni cannot be attributed to the Avars, except
theoretically. It is even less probable when one bears in mind that these earrings are not to be dated before the last
three decades of the seventh century.
It is far more probable that this finding comes from a Byzantine grave. In that case we should consider the possibility that the deceased person, probably female, had been buried with an expensive piece of jewelry. This may
testify that in Ni there were wealthy Rhomaioi still in the late seventh century, some 50 years after the Avar incursions. On the other hand, the prevailing impression of experts in the field of Early Byzantine archaeology is that
the Empire lost its last positions in Dacia Mediterranea, exactly in the triangle formed by Serdica, aissus and Iustiniana Prima around 615,23 when, judging by the monetary circulation, the continuity of the Rhomaioi population of the Balkans was disrupted by a horizon of destruction.24 This view is also based on data in the primary
sources: for example, refugees from aissus and Serdica are mentioned in the context of the great Avar and Slav
siege of Thessalonika around 618.25 All of this, however, does not exclude the possibility that some Rhomaioi remained in Ni, or settled there after these events. A piece of circumstantial evidence, that aissus kept its name,
the modern Ni, has been used recently to show that the city survived in some shape.26
Another important assumption emanating from the Ni find concerns defining the cultural context from which
the Jnoshida type earrings originate. If one accepts the possibility that this piece came from a Byzantine grave,
the idea of the Avar production of such jewelry must almost certainly be excluded. Except for military equipment,
the taking over of fashion and other influences proceeded from the Rhomaioi to the barbarians and not vice
versa.27 Finally, one should take into account the possibility that the Ni tomb noted as the finding place of the object of our interest was in fact later then the earring itself. In that case, which certainly would not be unique in archaeological practice, the discussion on the cultural context that brought these earrings would be much more
complicated.28
A pair of analogous earrings, however, comes from the obe village near Doboj in Bosnia [2]. The context of
the finding is unknown. The earrings were dated to the seventh century and interpreted as one of the confirmations of Avar presence south of the Sava and Danube at the time of their predominance in Pannonia.29 This estimation of J. Kovaevi was not widely accepted.30 Different views are also presented recently.31 It is likely that the
findings from the vicinity of Doboj represent Early Byzantine heritage. One should mention to that effect that in
the north of Bosnia, some 5 km northwest of Doboj, on the multi-layered Crkvina-Makljenovac site, a big sixth
century Early Byzantine fortification has been observed.32
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
MILINKOVI 2006, 260.

POPOVI, I. 2001, 101; MAKSIMOVI 2004, 62.
BAVANTIVANIEVI 2003, 50.
Mir. II 2, 1337 171.
LIEBESCHUETZ 2007, 131.
As an example, a golden granulated earring with spherical pendant, of a type quite common in Avar graves from the first half of the seventh
century, comes from grave no. 72 of the Veliki Gradac cemetery near Donji Milanovac. The cemetery was roughly dated to the period extending from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries (MINI 1969, 243, 247, Sl. 19), or to the second half of the eleventh century and the
first half of the twelfth century (RADIEVI 2007, 89, 96), but in any case much later than the earring itself.
KOVAEVI 1966, 57, 65, n.15, Sl. 7: Fig. 1.4.
cf. POPOVI, V. 1988, n. 78.
BLINT 2003; BUGARSKI 2008.
ALBiH 1988, 6263, Kat. 04. 14; PEHAR 2008, 562564.
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IVAN BUGARSKI
The dating of the Jnoshida type earrings from 670/680700 and the impression that these are Byzantine products enable us to view their findings in Pannonia in the context of the renewed relationships between Byzantium
and the Avars. Those contacts were caused by the arrival of the Bulgars of Asparuch in Thrace and Lower Moesia, i. e in the Danube delta, most likely in 668/669. Taking advantage of the clashes between Byzantium and the
Arabs, especially after 674, Asparuchs Bulgars plundered the Empire.33 The increased interest of Constantinople
in the Avars is most clearly documented by inventories of rich burials of the Middle Avar period from Tpe, Bcsa,
Kunbbony or Ozora, all of them of Byzantine provenance.34
The impression that the Jnoshida type earrings are Byzantine products is here supported with wider and circumstantial evidence. Only two finds from a disputable Byzantine context, as against the far more numerous findings from Avar graves (similar to the Szegvr type earrings), could not possibly by themselves represent a solid
backing for such a claim, the more so as we know very little of the destiny of the Rhomaioi and their material culture in the Balkans during the seventh century. First of all, primary sources are very scarce. In terms of archaeology
and the material culture, researchers of Early Byzantine sites are in many cases related to the results of Avar archaeology. The finds of Byzantine origin and production are, to begin with, more precisely dated in the context of
other, very well studied objects from closed entities Avar-time graves.35 It is well known that, in principle, we
are not to expect rich graves in the Early Byzantine context, because of the Christian burial rites. Until the detailed analyses of the stratigraphy of a few big, well preserved and long and systematically explored Early Byzantine sites, such as Cariin Grad (Iustiniana Prima), are finished and presented, Avar archaeology will remain the
main source of elaborate informations on many Byzantine findings. This remark is valid especially for the most
luxurious objects, which are not likely to be found during excavations of the ruined cities or hillforts.
So it is very important to observe and study Byzantine finds in the Balkans, whose types are clearly dated to
the seventh century in Avar graves. A larger sample of such objects would help us anticipate the framework in
which the Balkan Rhomaioi persisted in the course of this century. It would appear that the insufficient level of research and knowledge of the material culture, caused by objective methodological limitations, created the impression that the undoubtedly hard repercussions of Avar incursions and Slav settling were fatal. The historical
process of the melting of such a great culture had to be more gradual. In addition, it could not affect different local
communities, urban or rural, in the same manner, given the varying levels of protection by fortifications and the
relief itself, of direct damage, of economic power, the power of cohesive social factors within particular communities etc.
2. SEVENTH CENTURY BYZANTINE FINDINGS FROM THE WESTERN BALKANS

HINTERLAND
The following lines are devoted to archaeological indicators of the Rhomaioi survival in the Western Balkans.
Speaking of the territory of present-day Serbia, there are some published findings which may be dated to the midand late seventh century, although they are not numerous. A group of such finds from southern Serbia and the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija stand out. Among those, the numismatic finds may be particularly significant.
From Gornja Vreina near Ni (aissus) comes a light solidus of Emperor Heraclius, minted in Constantinople between 610613, and from Oblaina near Meroina [3] there is a solidus of Emperor Constans II, minted
in Constantinople between 661663.36 In the vicinity of Oblaina, on the Biljeka uka site, there is an Early
Byzantine hillfort.37
From the region of Kosovo and Metohija, there is a corresponding finding of a solidus of Emperor Constans
II, also minted in Constantinople.38 There is no mention of the exact place this solidus was found at, but given the
33
34
35
36
37
38
POPOVI, V. 1986, 119.

DAIM 2003, 483, 517. Perhaps a grave (?) from Stejanovci in Srem is from the same context. The inventory of this grave consists of Byzantine silver jewelry, an amorphous piece of silver and a silver coin minted in 659 for Emperor Constans II. It has been suggested that this ensemble was laid no later than the 680s (MINI 1982). Elsewhere the possibility was left open that the Stejanovci finds in fact came from a
hoard, laid precisely because of the 668/669 Bulgarian incursion (POPOVI, V. 1986, 111; MORRISSONPOPOVIIVANIEVI 2006, 346, cat.
no. 267, Carte 9).
cf. GARAM 1992; GARAM 2001.
ABN 2004, Kat. 306, 307: Fig. 2.1.
I would like to thank Dr. edomir Vasi, who visited the site, for this information.
PEJA 1998, Kat. 352: Fig. 2.2.
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Fig. 2
Findings from southern Serbia, scale 1:1. 1: Oblaina; 2: Kosovo and Metohija, unknown site; 3: Praesidium Pompei; 4: Pepeljevac
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IVAN BUGARSKI
fact that the Museum in Pritina usually did not purchase finds from outside Kosovo and Metohija, it is most likely that the solidus originates from that area. It matches the type 6; 13/Cp/ AV/ 62 variant of solidi minted in
Constantinople for Emperor Constans II.39
The above-mentioned solidus minted for Emperor Heraclius, as well as a slightly later hexagram from the vicinity of the city,40 both of which from the second decade of the seventh century, represent the latest coins of the
regular circulation in aissus and Illyricum. The solidi of Constans II, however, deviate from that picture. Despite the facts that we are not familiar with the conditions of the findings and that the golden money could circulate for a very long period, the question is raised whether these solidi come from local Rhomaioi of the second half
of the seventh century.
We should mention also the finding of a model for the production of small strap-ends from the Praesidium Pompei site in the Aleksinac basin [4], which was dated very early at publication.41 This was already pointed at,42 within the scope of discussion of the matching strap-end from the Early Avar cemetery in Mokrin (Homokrv) in the
Banat region, which was published as a monograph recently.43 This model is in fact a very significant finding,
which backs up the view that the corresponding strap-ends are of Byzantine origin. . Garam comments on the very
similar model from Adony in Pannonia in the same spirit.44 The matching strap-ends from Avar graves are attributed to the type 65 of seriation of the elements of the belt-sets provided by J. Zbojnk, and dated to his phase
MS II, or to 675700.45
A censer from Pepeljevac, on the other hand, is probably not that important in the discussion of the survival of
the Rhomaioi in the region. It was found in a ruined church, to which it was possibly brought from some of the
older churches of the Kurumlija area [5]. At first it was attributed to the Syrian-Palestinian type and dated to the
seventh century.46 Objects like this are relatively numerous and well studied,47 so that O. Ili was able to find some
closer parallels recently, based on which the Pepeljevac find has been defined as an Egyptian copy of the source
model and dated to the late seventh or early eighth century.48 Not disputing this chronology or the possibility that
the censer was brought from some old church from the area of Kurumlija, it is not likely that this finding testifies to the process of Christianization of the local (Slav?) population in the late seventh century. Given the historical circumstances, it is more likely that the censer was used for that purpose as a preserved antique piece in one
of the following centuries.
The few mentioned late seventh century Byzantine finds from the Western Balkans hinterland indicate the possibility that the life of the remaining Rhomaioi went on in locations of the Roman and Early Byzantine tradition,
but it would not be justified to conclude that the Empire ruled there at the time. The offered interpretation of the
finds is to some extent consistent with widely accepted views on how the Rhomaioi persisted in this territory in
the (early) seventh century.
Parts of the Dalmatia province were to all appearances took out from Byzantine rule relatively late. The traditional view of the historians that Salona [19] was destroyed in 614 affected the dating of relatively numerous finds
of the seventh century up to that year. In one of the most complete studies devoted to Salona, Z. Vinski dated the
buckles of the Salona-Histria and Korinth types, findings with the Punkt-Komma decoration etc., precisely up to
that time.49 On the basis of the numismatic finds, however, it was concluded that the fall of Salona and other maritime towns took place in the fourth decade of the seventh century.50 The analyses of particular primary sources,
of the architecture of Salona and of small finds had led to similar conclusions even earlier. The Rhomaioi population of Dalmatia, although sparse and pauperized, persisted there at least up to the middle of the seventh century. It is of particular importance to note that we are here not dealing with mere survival, but with the continuity
of the life, however aggravated, of a population that even then respected the Roman laws.51
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
MORRISSON 1970, 339, Pl. LIII/.AV. 62.

POPOVI, V. 1986, 108, n. 43.
RAKOVI 2007, 224, Sl. 18.1. I wish to express my gratitude to Duan Rakovi for providing me with the illustration (Fig. 2.3).
BUGARSKI 2007, 440.
RANISAVLJEV 2007, 24, Sl. 41.
GARAM 2001, 119124, Taf. 88.6.
ZBOJNK 1991, 234235, 248, Taf. 20.65, Abb.1.
OROVI LJUBINKOVI 1950, 70, 8183.
cf. BYZANZ 2004, Kat. 151, 152; MUSIN 2006, 168, Fig. 2.
ILI 2008, 129130. I would like to thank Olivera Ili, M.A. for providing me with the photograph made by Neboja Bori (Fig. 2.4).
VINSKI 1974.
POPOVI, V. 1986, 108109.
NIKOLAJEVI 1973, 7778.
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1
Fig. 3
Findings from Bosnia, scale 1:1. 1: Velika Kladua; 2: Mihaljevii
With the arrival of the Slavs, Rhomaioi of Dalmatia sought refuge in two ways of migration horizontal and
vertical. A part of the population withdrew to strong, fortified maritime towns and Adriatic islands, at the North
Dalmatian and Istrian seaside, particularly around Buzet (Piquentum),52 and to the south as well.53 Another part of
the Rhomaioi withdrew to less accessible locations to build fortified habitats: speaking of the finds from Bosnia,
i.e. from the eastern part of the Dalmatia province, in addition to the above-mentioned earrings from Velika Kladua and obe, a find of a Byzantine buckle from a ruined grave from the Mihaljevii cemetery near Sarajevo [26]
stands out. The cemetery belonged to an old, local population. Buckles like this one are dated to the seventh century. Z. Vinski proposed the Keszthely-Pcs nomenclature for this type of buckles.54 . Garam, however, joined such
buckles to an equally dated variant of the Schnallen mit Tierfiguren type. The buckle from Mihaljevii mostly resembles an accidental find from Bonyhd.55
This second way of migration was widely applied also in the neighbouring Moesia I province. Isolated settlements of that population were doomed to gradual disappearance,56 which is not surprising since some of those
were errected at a 1500 m and even 1800 m altitude. Generally, the altitudes of such settlements exceed 500 m.57
These populations were the origin of the Vallachians, while those that withdrew to maritime towns were named
Romani and clearly distinguished from the Rhomaioi in De adminstrando imperio.58 Enclaves of the Romani were
connected by the sea, where Byzantine predominance was not jeopardized even in the hardest times.59 From these
strongholds, which exerted a cultural impact on the nearby Slavs, a gradual and partial restoring of the power of
the Empire was going to emerge.60 The fortune of the Vallachians and the other descendants of the Rhomaioi who
withdrew to the less accessible locations was very different. Cut off from the streams of development of the Empire, this population changed to such an extent that the Byzantines, albiet considerably later, considered it an
equally strange and barbarian population as the immigrant Slavs.61
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
VINSKI 1974, 25.

Following the same principle, the population of Greece withdrew before the Slavs to South Italy and to Sicily, the latter having been hellenized to a great extent even before 650 (CHARANIS 1959, 4142).
VINSKI 1974, 3337, T. XXVIII.8: Fig. 3.2.
GARAM 2001, 102108, Taf. 71.5.
PEHAR 2008, 588592.
MILINKOVI 2008, 546547.
FERJANI 1959, n. 3.
IRKOVI 1981, 142.
OSTROGORSKY 1959a, 20. Despite the fact that the Byzantine strongholds were few, the impact of the Empire on the Slavs was not negligible. Just as in the case of Dalmatia, the strongholds in Greece served for the pacification, absorption and eventual helenization of the nearby Slavs (CHARANIS 1959, 41). The Droguviti who lived north of a crucial Byzantine stronghold, Thessalonika, were subjugated to the
Empire already at the time when Kuber arrived in the area in the late seventh century (POPOVI, V. 1986, 115).
IRKOVI 1981, 142.
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IVAN BUGARSKI
In the course of the seventh century the remaining Byzantine towns in the Balkans changed their character, becoming well fortified and completely ruralized agglomerations. Some of those became fortified strongholds of
strategic significance and others became refuges.62 The process of decline of the towns, which began already in Late
Roman times, did not lead to the disappearance of urban life, however.63 Under these conditions, the rest of the urban
population in Dalmatia as well as in the Danube region and in the hinterland of the Balkans, e.g. in Thessalonika,
established contacts with the nearby Slavs based on economic needs, above all in agriculture.64 It has been further
suggested that later, in the course of the seventh and eighth centuries, the contacts between the autochthonous population and the Slavs developed into symbiosis.65
Gradina on the Jelica mountain in Western Serbia [6] provides a rather illustrative case study for such considerations. Given the known framework of Slavic settlement, pottery from that site should not be attributed to the Slavs
or the Serbs, as has been suggested.66 One may rather think of the surviving population of the Rhomaioi, which
we may call Proto-Vallachians, the more so as dishes made on the fast wheel were also present. The latest pottery
from Gradina was dated to the second half of the ninth century or to beginning of the tenth.67 Of the archaeological
material that comes from Gradina and may be dated to the seventh century, with reservations, a bronze buckle of
the Yassi Ada type has been published.68 The dating of such buckles to the early seventh century was enabled by
an analogous find from a shipwreck found near the place Yassi Ada on a Turkish island.69 The crash occured not
prior to 625/626, which is the dating of the latest coin of Emperor Heraclius found in the wreck.70 On the other hand,
a corresponding find of a buckle comes from Svetinja by Viminacium which is dated earlier. It is assessed that life
on the site was terminated between 593 and 596.71 An analogous sixth-century find comes from Singidunum too.72
Finds of the Yassi Ada type buckles come also from Cariin Grad [7].73 The latest published coin from this
very important site was minted for Emperor Phocas (602610),74 but there is also an unpublished hexagram minted in 615, found in the Lower Town, based on which it was concluded that the site ...was abandoned c.615 or
shortly afterwards....75 It is possible that the cessation of monetary circulation does not mark the end of this cen62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
POPOVI, V. 2003, 239. Speaking of the central parts of the Empire, in Greece the withdrawal of the population to secure locations is confirmed by several examples. A few towns resisted the Slavic colonisation of the Illyricum, all of which were episcopates represented at the
680 and 692 councils. Assuming that the bishop of Stobi was just a nominal right reverend, delegates of three provinces Macedonia Prima,
Epirus ova and Hellas were present there (OSTROGORSKY 1959b, 5458; POPOVI, V. 2003, 257). The persistence of the Rhomaioi in one
of these episcopates, Corinth, is confirmed by the well-known graves (DAVIDSON 1937; DAVIDSON WEINBERG 1974), which may be dated to
the seventh century on the basis of their inventories. From Corinth, then, come coins of almost all Byzantine emperors of the seventh century, although in relatively small numbers (SANDERS 2002, 649, Tab. 1). The Athens of the seventh century was fortified on the reduced space
of the antique city and, although a small country town, was a safe refuge and the center of civil, military and ecclesial administration (KAZANAKILAPPA 2002, 639, 641). Some late alterations of the buildings are dated by coins of Emperor Constans II (CURTA 2007, 140142;
MORRISSONPOPOVIIVANIEVI 2006, 227, cat. no. 133, Carte 9). In the case of Macedonia, the already mentioned Stobi were deserted by
the end of the sixth century, supposedly because of the Slavic threat, or due to the plague. For our considerations, however, an observation
of the geologist Robert L. Folk is more interesting, namely that the area of the town was exposed to a the great drought, so that agriculture
could have been practiced only with extensive irrigation (WISEMAN 1984, 310, 312313), which was not possible given the historical circumstances. The extremes of cold and dry weather followed by wind-blown dust storms are also mentioned (CURTA 2007, 134). Those remarks show that certain places, at least in Macedonia, could have been abandoned for practical reasons, and not only for safety. In this
respect, a more general observation of F. Curta needs to be cited: One could further speculate that the survival of urban centres and regular supplies of public corn were intimately connected and that this relation may explain the collapse of Byzantine authority in the Balkans
during the seventh century. At Bargala a church that replaced the ruined episcopal basilica was still in use in the early seventh century, since
two solidi were found, minted for Emperor Phocas. At Philippi too traces of the existence in the early seventh century were observed (CURTA
2007, 135, 138) and at Amphipolis life continued until the time of Constans II (SODINI 2007, 331).
OSTROGORSKY 1959b, 65.
LJUBINKOVI 1978, 18.
VINSKI 1969, 199.
BULI 2004, 162168.
BULI 2004, 166, 174.
MILINKOVI 2002, 87, Abb. 15.3: Fig. 4.1.
WOMER KATZEV 1982, 277, MF 21, Fig. 125.MF 21; 126.MF 21.
FAGERLIE 1982, 145.
POPOVI, M. 1988, 31, Fig. 19.4.
The buckle was already mentioned in the literature (POPOVI, M. 1988, 31, n. 114; MILINKOVI 2002, 87, n. 32) but was not illustrated. This
4.4 cm 2.6 cm buckle of cast bronze was found on the Lower Town plateau of the Belgrade fortress, in a sixth-century archaeological layer
dated by coins to the time of the reign of Emperor Justinus II (IVANIEVI 1987, 9193). The locking pin is uncommonly wound around the
cylindrical element of the frame instead of around the opposite one. The buckle bears the mark C-190. I would like to thank Dr. Vujadin Ivanievi who enabled me to publish this find and familiarized me with its archaeological context, and Dr. Stefan Pop-Lazi for the photographs (Fig. 4.2).
KONDI-POPOVI 1977, 192, T. X.19, 21: Fig. 4.3.
IVANIEVI 1990, 259, Tab. 4.
BAVANT 2007, 337, n. 1.
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4
1
3
2
5
Fig. 4
The Yassi Ada type buckles and the findings from Cariin Grad, scale 1:1. 1: Jelica, Gradina; 2: Beograd; 35: Cariin Grad
ter itself, but there is no clear archaeological documentation to confirm such an option. Apart from the abovementioned buckles, there are some other finds that may be dated to the early seventh century, but also to the late
sixth century. As an illustraton, there is the Salona-Histria type purse buckle found in thermae outside the town.76
Such objects are dated from the end of the sixth century to the end of the first third of the seventh century.77 The
Martynovka type strap-ends are similarly dated.78 One of them also comes from Cariin Grad.79
The famous palace of Emperor Galerius, Felix Romuliana near Gamzigrad [8], was renewed during the reign
of Emperor Justinian, as an important place in . It is positioned in the center of the Dacia Ripensis
province. Felix Romuliana was an important center in the hinterland of the Danube limes and possibly the seat of
ecclesia of the nearby forts. The Rhomaioi continued to live there until some time in the first half of the seventh
century. In archaeological layers dated after the Avar incursion of the end of the sixth century, there are still Byzantine dishes made both on the slow and the fast wheel. An unfinished fibula attributed to the so-called Dalmatian
type was dated to the first half of the seventh century too, as well as a few iron fibulae.80
76
77
78
79
80
BAVANT-IVANIEVI 2003, 75, cat. no. 48: Fig. 4.5.

GARAM 2001, 109.
GARAM 2001, 124128.
KONDI-POPOVI 1977, 194, T. X.29: Fig. 4.4. In an older study, decoration of this strap-end was interpreted as tamga (KOVAEVI 1961).
JANKOVI 1983, 129130, 135, Kat. 197199. sl. 109.24.
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IVAN BUGARSKI
3. SEVENTH CENTURY BYZANTINE FINDINGS FROM THE SERBIAN

DANUBE REGION
Archaeological documentation of the Rhomaioi survival in the Serbian Danube region is also very interesting. As
a whole, that group of findings is a little earlier compared to the previously mentioned group of findings from Southern Serbia.
One should first mention the appearance of Byzantine material, perhaps from the beginning of the seventh century,
at the Migration Period cemetery in Belgrade (Singidunum) [9]. The Byzantine findings, very different from the
others found there, come from a single grave no. 82. They were dated to the late sixth century or the beginning of
the seventh. To the same, latest horizon of the cemetery also belongs a surface finding of a Pcs type small buckle,
evidently from some ruined grave.81 The latest Early Byzantine coin from the area of the town is a follis minted
for Emperor Heraclius in 613/614.82 A little later a Byzantine strategos resided temporarily in the already destroyed
Singidunum.83 According to De administrando imperio, the Serbs addresed him there around 630, wanting the
Emperor to give them some other lands to settle,84 but one may question this report. So it is not clear until when
the Early Byzantine Singidunum survived. If the town avoided destruction at the beginning of the reign of Emperor
Heraclius at all, it is believed that the rule of the Empire most likely could not persist after the raids preceding the
siege of Constantinople in 626.85
From Ritopek (Castra Tricornia) [10] comes a buckle of the Korinth type, dated to the early seventh century
at publication.86 Such buckles are dated predominently to the second and third quarters of that century.87 Among
somewhat later Byzantine findings from the Serbian Danube region, an accidental find of the Balgota type buckle
from Kostolac (Viminacium) [11] also stands out. This buckle was dated to the mid-seventh century,88 which is in
line with the conclusion that such buckles appear in Avar graves dated from 625 to 675, if not even later.89 The find
is a little later than the above-mentioned Szentes type earring from the same town. There is also a battered and perforated solidus minted for Emperor Heraclius in Constantinople between 610 and 613. Since the exact finding
place of this solidus is not known, it does not prove that there was monetary circulation at that time.90 Together with
the two previously mentioned objects, it nevertheless points to a certain presence of the Rhomaioi, or at least of
their material culture, in this strategically important location in the first half of the seventh century, if not even later.
The Yassi Ada type buckle from the nearby Svetinja site has been already noted, which was dated earlier, just like
the corresponding find from Singidunum. From Ram [12], again, there are earrings of the Szegvr and Szentes
types, collectively dated to the first half of the seventh century.
More numerous finds come from the Djerdap part of the limes. It is likely that an unpublished purse buckle of
the Ppa type from Karata (Diana) [13] belongs to the seventh century.91 Such buckles are dated from the end of
the sixth century to the end of the second third of the following century, if not even a little later.92 In another classification these buckles are determined as the D 36 type, with the chronology reduced to the first half of the seventh
century.93 From Diana, Hajduka Vodenica [14] and Sip [15] there are the Salona-Histria type buckles,94 dated from
the end of the sixth century to the end of the first third of the seventh century, as mentioned; from the first two places and Pontes [27] and Prahovo there are also lamps of the Minor Asia type, which could have been in use in the
early seventh century.95 Such a possibility is based again on an analogous find from the shipwreck near Yassi Ada.96
Lamps of this type, on the other hand, were commonly used also in the sixth century. An analoguous find, for
example, comes from Gamzigrad, from a layer formed before Avar incursions at the end of the sixth century.97
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
IVANIEVIKAZANSKI 2002, 127, Pl. VII.82; IX.2: Fig. 5.17.

IVANIEVI 1987, 91.
POPOVI, V. 1986, 107.
BARII 1955b, 1213.
POPOVI, M. 2006, 47.
JANKOVI, M. 1997, 313, Kat. 601: Fig. 6.4.
GARAM 2001, 9799, Taf. 62.4, Tab. 1.
JANKOVI, M.-DJ. 1990, 96, 64.1: Fig. 6.2.
GARAM 2001, 99, Tab.1.
IVANIEVI 1988, 88, Kat. 59.
I would like to thank Perica pehar, M.A. for this information.
GARAM 2001, 111, Tab. 1.
SCHULZE-DRRLAMM 2002, 224226, chronologietab.
PEHAR 2004, 100101, Kat. 4446, T. II.44: Fig. 7.6.
PEHAR 2004, 195, Kat. 651655, T. XXXIX.651655.
Vitelli 1982, 193, L 12, Fig. 93.L12.
JANKOVI 1983, 131, Kat. 172.
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4
Fig. 5
The Singidunum cemetery, Tadeua Kouka Str. grave 82, scale 1:1
From Prahovo [16] there are a few more finds that may be dated to the seventh century: a lyre-shaped buckle,
elements of belt sets of the Martynovka type and of those with Punkt-Komma ornaments. These finds are dated to
the end of the sixth century and the first half of the seventh century,98 which is mainly in line with the more recent
dating provided by . Garam. This author, however, dates the lyre-shaped buckles up to the end of the second
third of the seventh century.99
The observed finds from the Djerdap region may represent a confirmation of a view presented long ago,100 that
that part of the limes fell relatively late, certainly after the reign of Emperor Phocas (602610). P. pehar recently
accepted such a possibility, with the reasonable reservation that the listed finds come from inadequately defined
stratigraphical units....101
The results of archaeological explorations led Dj. Jankovi to draw similar but more definite conclusions. This
author noted that numerous forts from were abandoned in the early seventh century, probably at
the beginning of reign of Emperor Heraclius. However, in refuge near Sip, a fort near Kladovo and in the Grad
site near Kovilovo [17] there were fewer finds of pottery made on the fast wheel that may be dated to the first half
of the seventh century, and from Prahovo and Korbovo [18] we know of metal finds that may be dated up to the
middle of the seventh century. This horizon is very poor and sporadical as a whole and it appears to be most intense in Aquae. Presumably the refugees took shelter in abandoned forts, while in Aquae the old population still
lived, continuing its production based on modified old models. Pottery from some other sites shows, together
with enlarged barbarized fibulae with zigzag ornaments, a continuation of Roman production up to the middle of
the seventh century. There was even a certain revival, reflected in renewed use of the fast wheel by the Roman population, as well as in the enlarged fibulae.102
98
99
100
101
102
JANKOVI 1981, 175176, T. XVII.9, 1315: Fig. 7.35.

GARAM 2001, 107.
BARII 1956.
PEHAR 2004, 239240.
JANKOVI 1980, 194, T. XVI.3, 11: Fig. 7.1, 2. In the same place Dj. Jankovi wrote about parallel presence of the Slavs, on the basis of
the finds of hand-made pottery and so-called Slavic fibulae. J. WERNER (1950) opted for Slavic attribution of such fibulae and was followed by a number of authors, whom it is not necessary to quote here. The same is true of numerous previously published opposite views
that are predominant in recent studies too (cf. VAGALINSKI 1994, 294; VIDAVLLING 2000, 32). Hand-made pottery is not to be considered as an ethnic marker either. Precisely the Djerdap findings D. Buli uses as an analogy for a group of such seventh century dishes from
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4
3
2
Fig. 6
Findings from the Serbian Danube region, scale 1:1. 1: Kostolac; 2: Kostolac; 3: Ram; 4: Ritopek
One actually might think that these findings from the Djerdap limes, as evidence of the existence of the Rhomaioi, partly reflect the population influx in the turbulent opening decades of the seventh century. If this was so,
a part of the Danube limes, relieved of Avar pressure after 626, became the refuge of some of the Balkans Rhomaioi retreating before the advancing groups of Slavs. Such a movement of the Rhomaioi perhaps might be related to the principle of horizontal migration, resembling the movement towards the Adriatic coast. Judging by the
(so far) recognized findings, in this case it could not have been a large migration. The importance of Byzantine forts
on the Danube could not match the significance of a metropolis such was Salona, but given the fact that these
were connected by the river, the Byzantine traditions, though in a very reduced fashion, probably persisted until
the middle of the seventh century. Although J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz recently assumed that The forts in the Iron
Gate seem to have been destroyed in the 590s., it is his next supposition, concerning the wider area of the Lower
Moesia and Dacia Ripensis frontier after 600, that may be applied to some extent precisely to the Djerdap region:
... This region had become a buffer zone, in which a certain number of cities maintained themselves more or less
independently, and defended themselves independently, with the help of what had once been a Roman frontier
garrison. Country life had certainly been severely disrupted by decades of raiding. The population was surely much
reduced....103 Given the fact that the sites in question, in the Djerdap region or in Moesia II, were connected by
the Danube, one may suppose that the model of their survival was not that insular.
Speaking of the Lower Danube region, U. Fiedler lists relatively numerous Early Byzantine sites, in which
Byzantine material from the early seventh century was found.104 It seems that Svishtov (ovae) survived until the
reign of Emperor Heraclius.105 Furthermore, at Krivina (Iatrus) the E phase was observed, covering most of the seventh century, and from Silistra (Durostorum) come a late seventh century hoard and a seal of Emperor Constantine IV.106 In that area a number of settlemets and cemeteries of autochtonous Rhomaioi was discovered, dated to
the fifth-seventh centuries. There are also relatively numerous Byzantine coins from the sixth and the first half of
the seventh century.107
103
104
105
106
107
Gradina on Jelica (BULI 2004, 165166). With all the reservations when comparing objects made by hand alone, if we were to dare to look
for a common context in which such pottery from the Djerdap area and from the Jelica mountain came into being, it may have been produced primarily by the pauperized Rhomaioi, i.e. the Proto-Vallachians. The small number of dishes made on the fast wheel in both the Djerdap area and on Jelica also points to a decrease in pottery trade in that population. The occurrence of hand-made pottery at Cariin Grad
represents a very suitable example of these processes. Such the dishes come from modest retunings of buildings at the site, from the last
phase of the existence of the Rhomaioi, which may be dated to the early seventh century, as discussed (BJELEJAC 1990, 185). From Cariin Grad there are also findings of the so-called Slavic fibulae, recently stressed again (MILINKOVI 2006, 260, Abb. 13).
LIEBESCHUETZ 2007, 128129.
FIEDLER 1992. The interpretation of such findings from that region, however, may be completely opposite to the one I suggest here (cf. MADGEARU 2004).
POULTER 2007, 41.
CURTA 2007, 158, 181, n. 102.
TEODOR 1984, 6667. As regards the wider area of the northeastern parts of the Empire, Thrace was compactly settled by the Slavs in the
course of the seventh century, so that those territories were named by Byzantine chroniclers (RAJKOVI 1955, n. 9). The last
coin found at Carevec, however, was minted for Emperors Constantine IV and Tiberius (659681), although it is believed that this site had
been abandoned by the beginning of the reign of Emperor Heraclius. At the Early Byzantine fort of Karasura the buildings of the last phase
were destroyed by fire some time in the seventh century (CURTA 2007, 128, 165). Both the primary sources and numismatic finds testify to
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4
Fig. 7
Findings from the Djerdap region, scale 1:1. 15: Prahovo; 6: Karata
4. CONCLUSION
From all of the above, of course, one must not conclude that the Empire ruled the Balkans in the course of the seventh century at full capacity. In the context of known models of persistence of the Rhomaioi after 615, Early
Byzantine material coming from the Balkans was analysed that is even later than that date. Though there is no solid
evidence, there is still an impression that the life of the Rhomaioi in some places in former Balkan provinces of
the Empire may be traced up to the end of the seventh century. As it was predictable and for the most part known,
the majority of the seventh century Byzantine findings is concentrated on the border lines i. e. on the Adriatic
and Black Sea shore, and on the Danube shore as well and on hillforts in the Balkans hinterland. Most of these
finds are from the first half of the seventh century, which is not a novelty in archaeological literature. Systematization of these finds was aimed at and a partly new interpretation of the Djerdap findings has been offered.
a certain continuity of Byzantine rule in some parts of present-day Bulgaria. Emperor Constans II successfully waged a war against the Slavs
in 658. Two decades later, as noted by Theophanes, the incursion of the Bulgars of Asparuch exposed Byzantine forts to attacks and ruin
(RAJKOVI 1955, 221222, 224225; OSTROGORSKY 1959a, 5). As a reaction, Emperor Constantinus IV trained his troops on both the mainland and the sea (POPOVI, V. 1986, 109). There are several interesting numismatic finds that most likely reflect these events. A hoard
from Nesebar (Messembria) on the Black Sea shore consists of six solidi of Emperor Constans II and three solidi of Emperor Constantinus IV. A hoard from Constanca in the north of the Black Sea region is dated by the coins of Emperor Constantinus IV, as well as two more
hoards from the very northeast of the Danube limes. A hoard consisting of several solidi, the latest one minted for Emperor Constantinus
IV, comes from the Sofia (Serdica) region too; it was laid around 680 (MORRISSONPOPOVIIVANIEVI 2006, 142, cat. no. 37; 167, cat.
no. 67; 168, cat. no. 68; 180, cat. no. 81; 307, cat. no. 229, Carte 9). A little later, in 688 or 689, Emperor Justinian II launched a huge and
successful offensive on the Bulgars and Sclavines. As one of the results Via Egnatia was put to use again (POPOVI, V. 1986, 123). In the
ninth decade of the seventh century the themes Hellas and Thrace were constituted. The Thrace theme was probably set up in the areas of
the ex-Thrace diocese that were not inhabited by either Bulgars or Slavs, while the Hellas diocese was established in Central Greece. For
a century, no other themes were formed in the Balkans (OSTROGORSKY 1959a, 7).
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It is striking, however, that the latest and most luxurious seventh century Byzantine finds come from the south
of present-day Serbia, the South Morava valley, and AP Kosovo and Metohija, furthermore from evidently less protected places of Roman and Early Byzantine traditions. In that regard the earring from aissus is particularly interesting. Even the place in the vicinity of Doboj in North Bosnia in which the matching earrings were found
gravitates towards a large, accessible Early Byzantine fortification. The context of these findings is not precisely
defined, so that other possibilities are not to be neglected. One should not discard a priori the possibility that the
finds, although of the Byzantine origin, were the possession of non-Rhomaioi, or that these luxurious items were
in prolonged or secondary use. On the other hand, the relative chronological and spatial uniformity of the finds and
some common characteristics of the places they were found at allow the assumption that this group of objects indeed came from wealthy Balkans Rhomaioi of the second half of the seventh century. Surprisingly, if so, these Rhomaioi did not hide in the hardly accessible locations. Perhaps for this reason in the group of finds in question there
are no products of degraded craftsmanship, such as come from the Komani108 or Proto-Vallachian contexts.
If one takes into account such an interpretation, it would be imaginable that part of the Rhomaioi continued an
urban, though certainly restricted way of life in the second half of the seventh century. They could gain a livelihood by trading with the neighbouring Slavs, who were still avoiding life in towns at the time. Both the Byzantine instinct for survival and such a doubtful progress of the Slavs were features that marked the seventh century
history of the Balkans: despite the uncontested breakdown caused by Slavic colonization, the Byzantine rule was
not replaced with an organized Slavic one.109
The adequacy of this interpretation of the Byzantine finds might be proved, or disproved, by new archaeological
researches, first of all of the Ni fortress, where rich archaeological layers have been preserved to a large extent.
5. APPENDIX: A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF THE VAJSKA (VAJSZKA) CEMETERY

The presence of Byzantine traditions south of the Danube is corroborated by some finds from the northern bank
of that river as well. Altough only eight graves were discovered, the damaged Vajska cemetery in southwestern
Baka [20] represents one of the most interesting cemeteries of the Early Avar period. Results of explorations of
that cemetery, dated to the last decades of the sixth century have been published.110 The fact that seven graves
were built of bricks, in the Roman fashion, stands out.111 In a grave with no construction there were no findings,
while in the graves built of bricks finds of Byzantine production prevail to a great extent. Characteristic earrings
with basket-shaped pendant, a ring, the necklace pendants and elements of belt-sets with Punkt-Komma decoration may be dated later than proposed,112 on the basis of recent literature. Such findings are clearly dated to the
end of the sixth century and to the first third of the following century,113 which is close to the first impression of
the researchers, that the cemetery may be dated to the end sixth/ beginning seventh century.114
Some older, ruined Roman necropolis has been proposed as the source of the bricks on which traces of mortar
from previous use were noticed. The present-day Bege (Onagrinum) was mentioned in this context, a castellum
protruding to the left bank of the Danube, some 50 km from Vajska. It is noted, however, that the Vajska necropolis was placed on a multi-layered site, next to the old river-bed of the Danube, where Late Roman finds were
observed as well.115 It is possible, then, that Roman bricks came precisely from Vajska, originating from the confirmed Late Roman horizon there.
Vajska is positioned on the left bank of the Danube river, in a location gravitating towards important antique
towns Vinkovci (Cibalae) [21] and Osijek (Mursa) [22] in present-day Croatia. It is possible that Vajska too
represented an advanced spot of the Roman Empire in Barbaricum. Since there is only circumstantial evidence of
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
It seems that the majority of Early Mediaeval towns in the territory of present-day Albania were built in the protected positions of Late
Roman and Byzantine fortifications. On the foothills of these forts cemeteries of the Komani-Kroja type have been observed. It is an
urban, post-antique, retarded Roman-Byzantine and, most of all, Christian culture. Graves at St. Erasmus on the Ohrid lake were even positioned around a ruined Early Byzantine church and inside it (POPOVI, V. 1988, 230231). Traces of the Komani group were observed on
Corfu, in Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro and in Dalmatia (MILINKOVI 2006, 261, n. 51).
OSTROGORSKY 1959a, 4.
BRUKNER 1982.
BRUKNER 1982, 3335, Pl. VIII, IX: Fig. 8.12.
BRUKNER 1982, Pl. IIIV: Fig. 8.314; 9.
GARAM 2001.
BRUKNERNA 1966, 157. P. Medovi, who discovered this site in the course of his surveyings, dated the graves wider, to the sixth and seventh centuries (MEDOVI 1966, 196).
BRUKNER 1982, 29, 35.
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10
Fig. 8
11
12
13
14
The Vajska cemetery (12: no scale; 314: scale 1:1)
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Fig. 9
248
Findings from Vajska cemetery, scale 1:1
2012.09.05.
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2
3
Fig. 10
Findings from Sisak (Siscia), scale 1:1
Roman architecture, one cannot claim there was a castellum, but one should not exclude the possibility that some
observation, or perhaps trading point was established there. Later, at the end of the sixth century and in the first
third of the seventh, there certainly were no Byzantine troops in Vajska, but some population could have stayed
there, at least theoretically. Judging by the part of the cemmetery that was explored, a wealthy population of the
Rhomaioi was buried there, maintaining its traditional burial rites to some degree. O. Brukner noted the strict westeast orientation of the graves is characteristic of the Early Byzantine Christian population but attributed this pseudo-Roman cemetery, with considerable and justified reservations, to an ethnically mixed population under the
strong influence of Roman provincial culture.116
Chronologically parallel finds of Byzantine manufacture in graves of the Vajska cemetery may be explained,
again in theory, by connections with the Balkan hinterlands, primarily with the nearby centers Cibalae and Mursa.
If this was so, the local Byzantine community, within which there were wealthy persons too, was allowed to stay
in the ex-Roman outpost in Barbaricum. This may have been arranged in some kind of agreement concerning, for
instance, trans-Danube trading. Judging by the dating of grave-finds, such neighbourly relations may have ended
as a consequence of the Constantinople catastrophe in 626.
This possibility, however, is not sufficiently based on either the historical or archaeological knowledge of the
centers in question that we have so far. Justinians efforts in restoring the Empire reflected on Pannonia only incidentally. Cibalae, with some interruptions ruled by the Gepids from the late fifth century, are mentioned only once
in the primary sources of Justinians epoch, in a (perhaps fictitious) document dated to the beginning of the reign
of this Emperor. From the year 567 the Avars are present in the area, and the Slavs together with them,117 who may
have ruled the town as early as 579. Despite the wars the Rhomaioi probably held their town after the Gepids were
defeated,118 but presumably not for long. The last sentence in a book on the urbanization of this town reads as follows: With the arrival of the Avars Cibalae were definitively destroyed, and the ruins were left to time and to inhabitants of the neighbouring settlements to carry off building material and plunder graves.119
116
117
118
119
BRUKNER 1982, 3536, 39, Pl. I.

DIMITRIJEVI 1979, 188189.
DIMITRIJEVI 1966, 3738.
ISKRAJANOI 2001, 162.
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Defeat of the Gepids determined the faith of Mursa as well. As noted in the literature, the Avars settled around
the ruins of the town, to terminate urban life there.120 The latest Byzantine material from the town is represented
by the Suidava type buckle, such as are for good reasons dated to the second half of the sixth century,121 and even
slightly later in the Avar context, up to the end of the first third of the seventh century.122 As regards the eastern
part of the Croatian Danube region, then, no Byzantine finds which could be indisputably dated to the seventh century come from Sotin (Cornacum) [23] either.123
Some finds from places west of that zone, however, need to be mentioned in this review. At Sisak (Siscia) [24]
there is a concentration of finds of interest to us. Z. Vinski thought that the Korinth type buckle got to Siscia from
the provincial-Byzantine zone in the Balkans... as an import, after the destruction of the Roman town Siscia around the year 600.124 Also from Sisak there is an U-shaped part of a buckle that carried figural decoration, dated
to the seventh century.125 We should mention a few more more accidental finds coming from this town, all of which
are Byzantine products of the seventh century. A bronze strap-end with inlays of red glass, supposedly originating
from the Black Sea region, and two models for horse harness decorative elements stand out,126 the latter matching
the model from the already mentioned Kunszentmrton grave.127 We know that a Christian community continued
to live in Siscia in the sixth century, and that the mint was still active, with some interruptions, at that time.128
Luxurious, mostly silver objects, all of Byzantine origin, come from the well-known adjavica grave [25]. An
armed male from this single grave, dated to the beginning of the seventh century, was believed to be a Kutrigur or
a Slav-Ant prince.129 It is important to note that this was not a horsemans burial. . Garam too believes this grave
may be dated around the year 600.130 In another recent review the grave was dated to the first half of the seventh
century.131 Since there are no absolutely reliable data, and anthropological analysis was most likely not conducted, it is not easy to accept the earlier attribution of the grave with no reservations. In light of the above discussion, it does not seem likely that this grave had anything to do with the Rhomaioi either, although the exceptional
warriors graves from Corinth were pointed to. Unlike the graves from Corinth or Vajska, the one from adjavica
by all appearances had no special construction, only simple pithole being mentioned.132 Furthermore, the deceased on the KeszthelyFenkpuszta cemetery were for the most part buried in coffins.133 Even taking into account
the possibility that the grave in adjavica was a Byzantine one, which is impossible to prove in any way, it may
have belonged to some high commander of the troops from Dalmatia that gathered annually in Salona to go to stand
guard on the Danube river. A careless action of these troops led to the fall of Salona,134 which took place sometime in the fourth decade of the seventh century, as already mentioned.
Since traces of Byzantine presence in the course of the seventh century in the immediate Balkan hinterland of
the Vajska area are very sporadical, we may come close to concluding that the population of Vajska could not maintain itself thanks to connections with the centers this place naturally gravitates towards,135 and because of which
Vajska may have been made into an advanced outpost in Late Roman times.
The next possible explanation is for the most part based on written history. Judging by the description of the
above-mentioned siege of Thessalonika around 618, a number of refugees took shelter in the city. Apart from those
who were explicitly specified as new-comers from aissus and Serdica, there is mention of refugees from the Danube
region, Pannonia, Dacia, Dardania and other provinces and cities.136 In that sense, F. Barii concluded that before
618, and most probably from 615 to 617, several Avar or Avar-Slav incursions on the Byzantine Balkans took place.137
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
135
136
137
PINTEROVI 1978, 100101.

VINSKI 1974, 3739, T. XXX.5.
GARAM 2001, 97, Tab. 1.
ILKI 2007, 280.
VINSKI 1974, 26, T. XVIII.7: Fig. 10.1.
VINSKI 1974, 32, XXIV.11: Fig. 10.2.
VINSKI 1958, 17, T. XVII.14: Fig. 10.36.
CSALLNY 1933, Taf. II.2.
LOLI 2003, 143, 149.
VINSKI 1958, 17, 2223, T. XIV, XV: Fig. 11.
GARAM 2001, 49.
ADAM 2002, 87.
VINSKI 1958, 17.
BARKCZI 1968, 267.
DAI 30.
Mrs Anita Rapan Papea, the keeper of the Mediaeval collection of the City Museum in Vinkovci, whom I consulted while preparing this
paper (which I hereby gratefully acknowledge) is of the same oppinion.
Mir. II 2, 1336 169170.
BARII 1955a, n. 22.
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Findings from the adjavica grave, no scale
A chronicler noted elsewhere that as a consequence of these operations the Avars and the Slavs devastated almost
the entire Illyricum, namely its provinces... both Pannoniae, both Daciae, Dardania, Moesia, Praevalitana, Rhodopa
and all the others... Thracia and the area along the Byzantine Long wall and other towns and settlements, and the
whole population (they deported) to the land beyond the Danube, the metropolis of which was once a city called
Sirmium [trans. I. B.].138
Despite miscegenation with the Avars, Bulgars and others, that population maintained its Christianity.139 Following
these data, one may assume that persons buried in Vajska were in fact the dislodged Avar prisoners. On the basis
of archaeological finds from the graves, the deceased could come from the wealthier, urban stratum of the captives,
who had managed to achieve certain privileges and keep some personal possessions, and perhaps even to regain
their freedom soon.
The fact that we are witnessing here the burials of well-dressed persons was recently explained by T. Vida as
follows: It was probably in order to emphasize their own identity in a multicultural context that the Romanized
Christian peoples abandoned the practice of burying their dead with no grave goods in the Avar period. At the same
time, the author doubts that prisoners of war could have been buried lavishly.140
So the population buried at the Vajska cemetery may have belonged to the first generation of the dislodged Avar
captives. The fate of their descendants is, on the other hand, much better known: After some 60 and more years
had passed since the barbarians captured their fathers, they blossomed into a whole new people and most of them
gained freedom [trans. I. B.].141 That population, called , the Avar khagan then submitted to Kuver,
khan of the Bulgars, the fourth son of Kuvrat. After a series of events, under his leadership they crossed the Danube
and settled in Macedonia. It all happened between 678 and 685.142
138
139
140
141
142
Mir. II 5, PG 116, 1361 195.

BARII 1955a, 212.
VIDA 2008, 422.
Mir. II 5, PG 116, 1361 196.
POPOVI, V. 1986, 113119.
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Given the present level of exploration, the second interpretation of the Vajska cemetery offered here, although
more probable, is also strictly theoretical. However, it is interesting that a community of the Rhomaioi existed in
Avar surroundings at the time of ongoing clashes between The Avars, Slavs and Byzantium in the Balkans that resulted in both the destruction of the most important Byzantine towns from around 614 and the permanent settlement of the Slavs.143 The traditions of the population buried in Vajska had certain features in common with those
of the Keszthely population, just as there are striking similarities between the grave finds from the two places.144
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Ivan Bugarski-On The Janoshida Type Earrings and The Seventh Century Finds From Western Balkans

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00.

Rgszeti tanulmnyok Garam va tiszteletre

ELTE Blcsszettudomnyi Kar Rgszettudomnyi Intzet

Bortkpek / Front and Back Cover

Szerzk / Authors, 2012

Ad multos annos! .............................................................................................................................................

KS ATIK RKSG PAIBA / LATE ATIQUE HERITAGE I PAOIA

GERMOK A KRPT-MEDECBE / GERMAIC PEOPLES I THE CARPATHIABASI

BIZCI VAGY AVAR / BYZATIE OR AVARIA

KOMAR, OLEKSII ROMANOVSKA, TETJANA

SZKE BLA MIKLS

MHELY S TECHOLGIA / WORKSHOP AD TECHOLOGY

AVAR S BIZCI FEGYVEREK / AVARIA AD BYZATIE WEAPOS

LRINCZY GBOR STRAUB PTER

EMBEREK S KERESZTEK / PEOPLE AD CROSSES

KORA AVAR S KZP AVAR / EARLY AVARIA AD MIDDLE AVARIA

BALOGH CSILLAWICKER ERIKA

SROK S TEMETK / GRAVES AD CEMETERIES

TNASE, DANIELAGLL, ERVIN

TELEPLSEK S KERMIK / SETTLEMETS AD POTTERY

TAKCS MIKLSVADAY ANDREA

AVAROK S FRAKOK / AVARS AD FRAKS

AZ AVAROK UT / AFTER THE AVARS

Rvidtsek / Abbreviations (Horvth Eszter) .................................................................................................

Szerzk / Authors .............................................................................................................................................

Honti Szilvia (Kaposvr)

Palls Lajos (Budapest)

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS AND THE SEVENTH CENTURY

1. GRANULATED EARRINGS AND EARRINGS OF THE JOSHIDA TYPE

VINSKI 1956, 6567.

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

MILINKOVI 2006, 260.

2. SEVENTH CENTURY BYZANTINE FINDINGS FROM THE WESTERN BALKANS

POPOVI, V. 1986, 119.

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

MORRISSON 1970, 339, Pl. LIII/.AV. 62.

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

Findings from Bosnia, scale 1:1. 1: Velika Kladua; 2: Mihaljevii

VINSKI 1974, 25.

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

BAVANT-IVANIEVI 2003, 75, cat. no. 48: Fig. 4.5.

3. SEVENTH CENTURY BYZANTINE FINDINGS FROM THE SERBIAN

IVANIEVIKAZANSKI 2002, 127, Pl. VII.82; IX.2: Fig. 5.17.

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

JANKOVI 1981, 175176, T. XVII.9, 1315: Fig. 7.35.

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

5. APPENDIX: A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF THE VAJSKA (VAJSZKA) CEMETERY

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

The Vajska cemetery (12: no scale; 314: scale 1:1)

Findings from Vajska cemetery, scale 1:1

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

Findings from Sisak (Siscia), scale 1:1

BRUKNER 1982, 3536, 39, Pl. I.

PINTEROVI 1978, 100101.

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

Findings from the adjavica grave, no scale

Mir. II 5, PG 116, 1361 195.

OSTROGORSKY 1998, 110.

Archologische Denkmler der Awarenzeit in Mitteleuropa. VariaArchHung 13-1. Budapest 2002.

ON THE JOSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

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