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The Nation.
31
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The Nation.
32
overwhelmed those who did not. The expehen it came to politics, however,
rience was exhilarating; more than exhilaRosa and Leo were at one. The
rating, it was clarifying; it centered her, told
all-important source of agreement
her who she was.
between them was that nationalAt 18already on the Warsaw police
ism in all its forms was abhorrent;
blotterRosa was sent to Zurich to study, it was the international working class alone
and never went home again. Although she that was the hope of a socialist future. So
was registered at the university as a student every night throughout the early 1890s, in
in natural sciences, it was at the German so- a furnished room in Zurich, they plotted
cialist clubwith its library, reading room and planned the enlightened uprising of the
and lecture hallthat she got her educa- workers of the world, and within three years
tion. There, in the autumn of 1890, she it was Rosa who was climbing up on a chair
met Leo Jogiches, a Lithuanian Jew three at the Third Congress of the Socialist Interyears her elder and already a
student revolutionary of local
reputation. A self-styled hero of
Russian radical literature, Leo
was brooding, angry, remote,
enamored of Bakunins famous
definition of the revolutionary
as a man who has no interests
of his own, no cause of his own,
no feelings, no habits, no belongings, he does not even have
a name. Everything in him is absorbed by a single, exclusive interest, a single thought, a single
passionthe revolution. Rosa
was enraptured. Leo, in turn,
was aroused by her adoration.
They became lovers in 1891;
but, from the start, theirs was a
misalliance.
From earliest youth, Rosa
had looked upon radical politics
as a means of living life fully. She
wanted everything: marriage
and children, books and music,
walks on a summer evening and
the revolution. Personal happiness and the struggle for social
justice, she said, shouldnt be
mutually exclusive. If people
gave up sex and art while making the revolution, theyd pro- Rosa Luxemburg in 1907
duce a world more heartless than the one national in Zurich, appealing for recognition
they were setting out to replace. Leo, on of the antinationalist Polish Marxist Party,
the other hand, withdrawn and depressed which she and Leo had just founded. In
he hated daylight, sociability and his own 1898 it was decided that Luxemburgwho
sexual needtold her this was nonsense; had Westernized the spelling of her name
all that mattered was the Cause. Yet Rosas would move to Berlin to make her way in
longing for intimacy with him did not the Social Democratic Party of Germany
abate. It held her attention with the same (SPD), then the most powerful socialist
unwavering strength as did the analysis of party in Europe. Jogiches would remain
capital or the general strike. The irony is behind in Switzerland, where he was still
that it was precisely the compelling nature studying for a doctorate and working to
of this frustrating relationship that, over build the Polish party. Never again, except
the next twenty-five years, would make for short periods here and there, would they
her think hard, and yet harder, about what, live in the same city.
Several weeks after her arrival in Berlin,
exactly, this brave new world of theirs could
with the backing of the SPD, Luxemburg
be about.
May 2, 2011
The Nation.
May 2, 2011
33
What we have here are 230 pieces of correspondence, written to forty-six friends,
comrades and lovers, all drawn from the
six-volume German edition, which contains
2,800 letters, postcards and telegrams sent to
more than 150 correspondents. Letter writing was Luxemburgs necessity: she wrote
many each day, and long ones at that.
Depending on whom shes writing to, they
are filled with everyday newswhere shes
living, what shes reading, thinking about,
the weather, the view from her windowor
with politics: events and conferences, headlines and deadlines, party relationships and
problematic positions. Whether the subject
matter is mundane or acute, she addresses it
The Nation.
34
May 2, 2011
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