The Meters of Old Norse Eddic Poetry

Seiichi Suzuki
The Meters of Old Norse Eddic Poetry
Ergnzungsbnde zum
Reallexikon der
Germanischen Altertumskunde
Herausgegeben von
Heinrich Beck Sebastian Brather Dieter Geuenich
Wilhelm Heizmann Steffen Patzold Heiko Steuer
Band 86
Seiichi Suzuki
The Meters
of Old Norse
Eddic Poetry
Common Germanic Inheritance and
North Germanic Innovation
ISSN 1866-7678
ISBN 978-3-11-033500-2
e-ISBN 978-3-11-033677-1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for atthe Library of Congress.
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To Hugo Gering (18471925) and Eduard Sievers (18501932)
Preface
This book is a formal and functional study of the three distinct meters of Old Norse
eddic poetry, fornyrislag old meter, mlahttr speech meter, and ljahttr song
meter, which constitute the North Germanic tradition of Old Germanic alliterative
meter. Drawing on my monographs on the West Germanic metrical traditions (Suzuki
1996, 2004), and building on my earlier research on the Norse meters (Suzuki 2008a,
2009, 2010a, 2010b, 2011a, 2011b, forthcoming), I will provide a systematic account
of these archaic Old Norse meters, both synchronic and diachronic, and from a comparative Germanic perspective; particularly concerned with Norse innovations in
metrical practice, I will be exploring how and why the three distinct Old Norse meters
were shaped in West Scandinavia through divergent reorganization of the Common
Germanic metrical system. The book will constitute the first comprehensive work on
the meters of Old Norse eddic poetry in a single coherent framework; with thorough
data presentation, detailed philological analysis, and sophisticated linguistic explanation, the book will be of enormous interest to Old Germanic philologists, historical
linguists, literary scholars, medievalists, as well as metrists of all persuasions.
A strong methodological advantage of this work, the one that would certainly
count as a unique feature in Old Germanic metrical scholarship in general, is the
extensive use of inferential statistical techniques for giving empirical support to specific analyses and claims being adduced. Another strength of the proposed work is
a cognitive dimension, especially a (re)construction of a prototype-based model of
the metrical system and its overall characterization as an integral part of the poetic
knowledge that governed eddic poets verse-making technique in general.
It may be useful at this point to contextualize the present work in the long and
rich scholarly tradition of Old Germanic metrical studies. The conceptual framework
of this book is largely founded on Sieverss (1893) monumental work on Old Germanic alliterative meters, which was applied to the eddic meters most substantively
by Gering (1902, 1924, 1926). Among the manifold contributions that Sievers made to
Old Germanic metrics, the notion of metrical positions (Glieder) features most prominently. Particularly in relation to a wide-ranging numerical variation of unstressed
syllables occurring in a verse, this abstract notion successfully reduces a rich variety
of attested verses to a limited set of five basic verse types, thereby leading to a host
of generalizations on verse structure that are otherwise unattainable. Without access
to this flexible and abstract unit which is partly coterminous with, and partly more
extensive than, the syllable, Pipping (1903, 1933, 1935, 1937), for example, missed
insight into the organization of Old Germanic verse, despite the admirably meticulous
investigations that he conducted in terms of syllable concatenations.
And yet Sievers himself did not explore in his own theory the inherent variability
of the drop, the weak position, to the fullest extent possible, and accordingly failed
to present insightful accounts and principled explanations in no small measure.
Equipped with this key notion of metrical positions as an indispensable ingredient
VIII
Preface
of the theoretical framework, I will vigorously address the varying manners in which
these underlying positions are aligned to linguistic material in given metrical contexts, and their arrangement and organization in the system on the syntagmatic and
paradigmatic axes. Of further importance, among the configuring metrical positions
constitutive of a verse, drops (weak positions) count as no less significant than lifts
(strong positions) in versification; in this respect, I do not concur with rnason (2006:
158165), for example, who abstracts away from drops in exploring overarching metrical organization in the eddic and Old Germanic meters.
For a further orientation, I may devise an array of parameters for an overall characterization of the previous scholarship: (1) the treatment of rhythm; (2) the meters
relative autonomy from and reducibility to language; (3) the corpus size. The first
parameter bears on how rhythm is conceptualized, more specifically, whether or
not metrists are concerned with exploring ways in which given verses are recited in
temporal terms. Since my research program does not share this set of problematics
which is after all a matter of performance or actualization, as opposed to underlying
mental representation or knowledge metrists such as Heusler (1890, 1956), Boer
(1916), Sievers (1923), and Cook (1959), to name just a few notables, will not figure
conspicuously in this book, unless they are found to be incidentally relevant to my
primary concerns with underlying metrical structure and its alignment to language
material in the abstract.
The second parameter relates to the status of the meter vis--vis language, or in
other words how we conceptualize the meter in relation to linguistic structure. While
no one will deny that a poetic meter is a derivative of a language, metrists may differ
largely in the extent to which they hold the metrical organization to be reducible to its
linguistic basis, and also in which linguistic components they focus on as a significant
interface with the meter. Thus, Russom (1998) constructs a word-foot theory of Old
Germanic meters, in which the foot, the immediate constituent of the verse according
to his theorizing, is a projection of word forms that are available in the lexicon. By
contrast, Wenck (1905), Kuhn (1933), and, most recently, Gade (2002), attach paramount importance to syntactic organization or arrangement of lexico-grammatical
items for versification. My view on the relative reducibility of meter to language is less
radical: as should be clear from my earlier works on the West Germanic metrical traditions (Suzuki 1996, 2004), I grant relatively large autonomy to a meter: while partly
reducible to language structure, the meter constitutes a system of its own, organized
as it is on its own relatively independent terms. I accordingly assume that a meter may
be subject to restructuring, partly induced externally by linguistic change, and partly
motivated internally by purely metrical interests with or without linguistic mediation.
On the third parameter of corpus size, inasmuch as the three eddic meters are
investigated on the basis of all relevant poems, and treated in a unified framework
in a single volume, the comprehensiveness of the dataset covered is unparalleled in
previous works. With a strict reference to fornyrislag, the meter that has been most
intensively researched among the three, however, we may provide a more refined
Preface
IX
overview on previous scholarship. Gering (1924) examined the entire corpus, as did
Pipping (1903) except for Reginsml and Ffnisml, whereas Sievers (1885), Boer
(1916), Ent (1924), and Cook (1959) dealt with small selections of eddic poetry. In
between, Russom (1998) focused on the poems of native content, the group of poems
that Kuhn (1933) delimited on linguistic as well as metrical grounds (see section1.2
below) accounting for about half of the whole corpus. Despite the maximal corpus
size treated, however, Gering presented the results according to individual poems,
and thus failed to provide an overall account of fornyrislag in its entirety. In this
light, Pipping comes closest to the present work in regard to the scope of generalizations targeted as well as the corpus size examined.
This book consists of three parts, which are devoted to the three distinct meters
of eddic poetry, fornyrislag, mlahttr, and ljahttr, respectively. The introduction (chapter1) presents the corpus of each meter with remarks on their textual and
philological bases, provides an overview of their metrical structure, and discusses the
basics of statistical techniques with exemplifications of metrical analysis. Drawing on
my previous books on Beowulf and the Heliand, the grounding hypothesis is submitted and defended, whereby the meter is characterized as a prototype-based cognitive
system of gradient organization.
Part I: Fornyrislag comprises seven chapters. Governed by the principle of four
metrical positions per verse with a strictness approximating to Beowulf, but organized
in distinct fashion, fornyrislag is a North Germanic development in its most archaic
form of Old Germanic alliterative meter. In chapter2, which is concerned with overall
verse structure, I identify verse types and their major realization variants. By examining the two primary parameters for identification, namely, the distinction between
the a-verse and the b-verse (the first and the second half of the line), and that of single
and double alliteration in the a-verse, and by performing statistical analysis such as
Fishers exact test as appropriate, I reduce the whole variety of verses found in the
corpus to the underlying system of verse types (types A1, A2, A3, B, C, D, D*, and E),
determine the range of variation each verse type displays in realization as prototype
effects, and establish the scalar relation among the variants. Particular attention will
be drawn to the emergence of new variants out of inherited types and the consequential reorganization of the traditional system of verse types. Chapters 3 through 6 treat
particular units within the verse and their parametric variability. Chapter3 deals with
anacrusis and catalexis addition and subtraction of a drop which constitute the
two major sources of variation of the drop in fornyrislag. Despite superficial appearances to the contrary, anacrusis is shown to be still regulated competently through
creative reconstitution by Norse poets, rather than being left unattended beyond
control as a relic of earlier metrical practice. Catalexis, on the other hand, can be
characterized as having the verse-final drop unrealized on the surface but retaining the position intact at the underlying level. Chapter 4 addresses resolution and
suspension of resolution, the major sources of variation of the lift. After examining
these two processes in every conceivable context, I propose a thesis, whereby, partly
Preface
influenced by the West Germanic tradition, and no less importantly implementing

creative reorganization of native resources, the Norse poets expanded the scope of
suspension of resolution and made extensive use of short stressed syllables as lifts
on their own. Chapter5 discusses the verse-ending unit, the cadence. In contrast to
the West Germanic tradition, the cadence / plays an increasingly important role in
organizing the verse. Comparative analysis shows that the cadence is being shaped
as a standard verse-ending unit in fornyrislag: a number of metrical changes unique
to the Norse meter can be explained in a unitary way as consequences of the emergence of the cadence as a significant metrical entity. In chapter6, I present a comprehensive account of alliteration a repetition of initial consonants of the metrically
stressed syllables as regards the distinction between single and double alliteration
and varying ways of implementation according to verse types and lexical properties
of lifted words. Chapter7 is concerned with the stanza, the highest metrical unit in
the Norse meter, and unique to the Norse tradition. It is demonstrated that particular
verse types and their realization variants are favored or avoided in specific locations
in the stanza. Of paramount importance is the stanza-initial verse, which is articulated most densely in terms of associations positive or negative with specific verse
forms.
Part II: Mlahttr consists of four chapters, each devoted to a specific poem
that is thought to have been composed in this meter or some transient form between
fornyrislag and mlahttr (i.e., fornyrislag/mlahttr). Mlahttr is distinguished
from fornyrislag by the expansion of verse structure whereby a drop is added either
before the verse-initial lift or after the verse-initial position. To put it in formal terms,
the earlier four-position principle is displaced by the five-position counterpart.
Chapter 8 deals with Atlaml in grnlenzco, the single extant piece composed in
mlahttr in its prototypical form. The following three chapters chapters 9 through
11 in turn are concerned with Atlaqvia in grnlenzca, Hamisml, and Hrbarz
li, respectively. These three poems will be shown to display metrical similarities
to mlahttr (and conversely to retain features of fornyrislag) in their own different
ways; these peripheral meters may thus be characterized as standing at midpoints
between the two polar opposites, fornyrislag and mlahttr, as they are still being
reorganized into an expanded meter that is to take shape eventually as mlahttr (or
the poets responsible for these works would have had an incompetent command of
the new meter designed already).
Part III: Ljahttr is composed of three chapters. This meter differs from the
other two primarily at the following two levels of metrical organization, the verse and
the stanza. In regard to verse structure, ljahttr has at its disposal three distinct
verses, the a-verse, the b-verse, and the c-verse. While the first two roughly correspond to those referred to by the same names in fornyrislag and mlahttr, they are
organized diversely from each other as well as from their correspondents in the other
meters, in terms of verse classes and types, and their realizations, as will be demonstrated fully in chapter 12. On the other hand, the c-verse is an entity unique to
Preface
XI
ljahttr: without being combined with another verse into a line as with the pairing
of the a-verse and the b-verse, it constitutes a poetic line on its own and completes
alliteration accordingly. At the same time, however, this verse/line unit is shorter than
the line that consists of the a- and b-verses, and largely homogeneous at the end by
virtue of the pervasive cadence /, realized as px or P. In chapter13, then, I will propose
a new analysis of the c-verse, and explore its syntagmatic and paradigmatic organization, with particular reference to anacrusis, alliteration, resolution, and the cadence.
The concatenation of these three distinct verses creates a half-stanza, which in turn is
coupled to form a stanza. Chapter14 will examine the organization of the stanza and
explore how it bears on verse composition.
In the concluding chapter, I will present an evolutionary trajectory of the three
eddic meters on Scandinavian soil that derives from common Germanic sources:
Common Germanic meter > fornyrislag > mlahttr > ljahttr. The strict observance
of the four-position principle, as evidenced among others by the rule-governed and
restructured marginality of anacrusis and class D*, indicates that fornyrislag stands
closest to Beowulf and hence is the most archaic of the three Norse meters. Exposed to
the influx of West Germanic heavy verses from the Continent, mlahttr and ljahttr
emerged by innovation in their own ways, whereby the native resources available to
the traditional meter (fornyrislag) were selectively and imaginatively reconfigured
and reorganized to meet the respective metrical needs and challenges. Between the
two innovative meters, however, ljahttr presupposed the novel organization that
was accomplished in mlahttr, such as the privileged association of anacrusis with
the b-verse, the exclusive realization of the cadence / as Px, and the concomitant
disintegration of its earlier triple variants in realization.
The conclusion is then followed by two appendixes, the first one giving a comprehensive catalogue of verses according to verse types, and the second providing a few
remarks on the origins of drttkvtt, the major skaldic meter, in relation to the eddic
counterparts, in particular ljahttr. The index of scansion covers the whole body of
eddic poetry including those verses that are excluded from our corpus.
I did some preliminary work on this project while I was a Fellow in 200607
at the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences (NIAS), where I was primarily engaged with Anglo-Saxon archaeology (Suzuki
2008b). I am thankful to the Institute, particularly to the then rector, Wim Blockmans, for generous support. I drafted chapters on mlahttr in Reykjavk, where I
spent the summer of 2011 through a Snorri Sturluson Icelandic Fellowship awarded
by rni Magnsson Institute for Icelandic Studies. For the intellectual stimulus and
the peaceful research environment that I had the privilege of enjoying enormously,
I extend my deepest appreciation to my host professor, lfar Bragason, as well as to
the Institute. My special thanks go to a group of Icelandic metrists and historical linguists at Reykjavk, notably Kristjn rnason, rhallur Eyrsson, and Haukur rgeirsson, for helpful advice and valuable suggestions. Thanks are also due to Bjarki
M. Karlsson, who generously gave me access to Greinir skldskapar, an annotated
XII
Preface
corpus of Old Icelandic poetry, which proved to be an indispensable research tool for
my research. While I was in Reykjavk, I was honored and privileged by a kind invitation to Bragarml: An International Conference on Germanic and Icelandic Metrics, a
meeting that Kristjn rnason and rhallur Eyrsson among others organized on
my behalf. I wish to express my sincere gratitude to the organizers for their hospitality and the occasion that they created for presenting some of my ideas and receiving
useful feedback. Among the colleague metrists attending the conference, Tonya Kim
Dewey, Klaus Johan Myrvoll, and Haukur rgeirsson deserve particular thanks for
their intriguing questions and challenging remarks.
At an advanced stage of my project, I was timely appointed a Fellow for 201213
(the Barbro Osher Pro Suecia Foundation Fellowship) at the National Humanities
Center (NHC), Research Triangle Park, North Carolina. At the Center, I wrote up an
entire manuscript, revised it extensively as appropriate, and copyedited it for publication with as much concentration, efficiency, and comfort as would hardly be available elsewhere, thanks to the thorough care and assistance offered by the supporting
staff. For their professionalism and friendliness, I am profoundly grateful to all of the
staff members, in particular to Geoffrey Harpham, director of the NHC, Karen Carroll,
copyeditor, and Eliza Robertson, librarian.
I am deeply indebted to Thomas Cable, R. D. Fulk, and Mihhail Lotman, my fellow
metrists, for their interest in my work and their help in making my fruitful stay at the
NHC possible.
Kansai Gaidai University, my home institution, generously granted me a leave
of absence on the above three occasions. For this much needed logistic support and
care, I would like to extend my acknowledgments to Eiko Tanimoto, chair of the Board
of Trustees of the University, and Yoshitaka Tanimoto, president of the University.
Heinrich Beck and Wilhelm Heizmann reviewed a manuscript and agreed to
publish it in their series, Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde: Ergnzungsbnde, for which I am thankful and greatly honored.
Yasuko Suzuki, my wife and fellow linguist, saved me from numerous errors
through her careful checking of a manuscript at a final stage of copyediting.
The following articles of mine were incorporated, in substantially changed form,
into this book. For permission to use these materials for the present publication, I
wish to thank the respective editors and/or publishers as indicated in brackets below:
On the emergent trochaic cadence / in Old Norse fornyrislag meter: Statistical and comparative perspectives. Journal of Germanic Linguistics 20 (2008), 5379.
[Robert W. Murray; Cambridge University Press]
Three-position verses in Old Norse fornyrislag meter: Statistical and comparative perspectives. NOWELE 56 (2009), 340. [Hans Frede Nielsen; John Benjamins]
Suspension of resolution in Old Norse fornyrislag meter: Statistical and comparative perspectives. Interdisciplinary Journal for Germanic Linguistics and Semiotic
Analysis 15 (2010), 151. [Irmengard Rauch]
Preface
XIII
Anacrusis in eddic meters fornyrislag and mlahttr: Reevaluation and reinvigoration. Beitrge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 132 (2010),
159176. [De Gruyter]
Catalexis, suspension of resolution, and the organization of the cadence in eddic
meters. In Mihhail Lotman and Maria-Kristiina Lotman (eds.), Frontiers in compara
tive prosody, 373400. Bern: Lang, 2011. [Peter Lang]
Kaluzas law in the Old Saxon Heliand. Amsterdamer Beitrge zur lteren Ger
manistik 68 (2011), 2752. [Arend Quak; Rodopi]
Toward a formal account of type A3 in fornyrislag. In rhallur Eyrsson,
Kristjn rnason, Ragnar Ingi Aalsteinsson, and Stephen Carey (eds.), Approaches
to Germanic poetics. Reykjavik: Iceland University Press, forthcoming. [rhallur
Eyrsson; Kristjn rnason]
Finally, with love, respect, and gratitude, I offer this book to the memorial tablet
for my father, Keisaku Suzuki (19272011), who always looked forward to seeing my
books in print.
Seiichi Suzuki
May 2013, Research Triangle Park, NC
Contents
DedicationV
PrefaceVII
ContentsXV
List of tablesXXIII
Abbreviations and symbolsXLIII
1 Introduction1
1.1
The corpus of metrical data1
1.2
An overview of verse structure: metrical positions, verse types, and
alliteration9
1.3
The meter as a prototype-based system of gradient organization13
1.4
Statistical analysis15
Part I. Fornyrislag19
Introduction21
2
Verse types and their realizations25
2.1
Type A1 (/ /)25
2.1.1
The first drop25
2.1.2
The second drop31
2.1.3
Marked variants of typeA133
2.1.3.1
The configuration PS#px33
2.1.3.2
The configuration Pxpx36
2.1.3.3
The configurations Pxx#Px and PXx#Px40
2.1.3.4
The configuration PxSx42
2.2
Type A243
2.2.1
Type A2a (/ \ /)43
2.2.2
Type A2b (/ / \ and / \ / \)51
2.3
Type A3 ([/] /)56
2.3.1
The configurations xPx, xPS, and xPP56
2.3.2
The configuration xpx73
2.4
Type A1- (/ / [])75
XVI
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
2.8.1
2.8.2
2.8.3
2.9
2.10
2.10.1
2.10.2
2.10.3
2.10.4
2.11
2.12
2.12.1
2.12.2
2.12.3
2.13
2.13.1
2.13.2
2.13.3
2.13.4
2.13.5
2.14
2.15
Contents
Type A2a- (/ \ / [])80

Type A3- ([/] / [])82
Type B (/ /)85
Type C (/ /)91
The first and second drops91
The second lift: the six major configurations xPPx, xPpx, xPSx, x
Psx, xPXx, and xPxx93
The configuration xpXx101
Type C- (/ / [])105
Type D (/ / )110
Major variants and the status of the heavy drop110
The configuration PPPx: apparent ambiguity of types A2a and D114
The configuration PPpx: apparent ambiguity of typeD and
subtypeA1s116
The configurations PpXx and PsXx119
Type D- (/ / [])121
Type D* (/ / )124
Major variants124
The configurations PxPpx and PxPsx: on resolving ambiguity
between types A2b and D*130
The configuration PxxxP with single alliteration: on resolving
ambiguity between types A1- and D*133
Type E (/ \ /)134
Major variants134
The configurations PSxpx and PXxpx: on resolving ambiguity between
typeE and subtypeA1s141
The configuration PXxP: on resolving ambiguity between types E and
A1-145
The configuration PPxP with double alliteration: on resolving
ambiguity between types E and A1-148
The configuration PPxP with single alliteration: on resolving ambiguity
between types E, D, and A1-150
Two-position verses161
The system of verse types: a first approximation162
3
Anacrusis and catalexis165
3.1 Anacrusis165
3.2 Catalexis185
3.3
The organization of anacrusis and catalexis, and the system of verse
types reconsidered201
Contents
XVII
4 Resolution209
4.1
Resolution and the drop: Auflsung and Verschleifung210
4.2
Resolution according to position and verse type213
4.2.1
The first lift of typeA1213
4.2.2
The first lift of typeB216
4.2.3
The first lift of typeC217
4.2.4
The first lift of typeD223
4.2.5
The first lift of types D*, D/E, and E228
4.2.6
A synchronic account of the varied incidences of resolution according to
verse type229
4.2.7
The second lift of types A1, A2a, and A2b235
4.2.8
The second lift of typeB238
4.2.9
The second lift of types C, D, D*, and E239
4.3
Suspension of resolution241
4.3.1
The configuration xpXx: the first lift of typeC241
4.3.2
The configuration PS#px: the second lift of subtypeA1s244
4.3.3
The configuration Pxpx: the second lift of subtypeA1s247
4.3.4
The configuration xpx: the second lift of typeA3250
4.3.5
The configurations xPpx and xPsx: the second lift of typeC251
4.3.6
The configuration PpXx: the second lift of typeD255
4.3.7
The configuration PxpXx: the second lift of typeD*258
4.3.8
A synchronic account of suspension of resolution258
4.3.9
A diachronic account266
4.4
On Kaluzas law277
4.4.1 Introduction277
4.4.2
On defining short and long disyllables: two competing
accounts278
4.4.3
Kaluzas law in fornyrislag?283
4.4.4
Kaluzas law in the Heliand286
4.4.5
Kaluzas law in fornyrislag revisited303
4.4.6 Conclusion305
5
5.1
5.2
5.2.1
5.2.2
5.2.3
5.2.4
5.3
5.4
5.4.1
The cadence309
Preference for / in verse-final position309
Preference for the cadence / in the b-verse311
Class B (//)311
Class C (/ /)312
Class A (//)316
Class A with anacrusis (//)319
The optimal prosodic form of the cadence /: Px321
Further variants of the cadence /: px and P328
The prosodic form px329
XVIII
5.4.2
5.4.3
5.5
Contents
The prosodic form P330

The three variants of the cadence /: Px, px, and P331
Conclusion: the overall proportion of verses ending in lift +
drop333
6 Alliteration335
6.1
The rules of alliteration335
6.2
The metrical basis of alliteration341
6.2.1
Variation in alliterative pattern within verse types341
6.2.1.1
Type A1342
6.2.1.2
Types A2a and A2b346
6.2.1.3
Type A1-349
6.2.1.4
Type B351
6.2.1.5
Type C353
6.2.1.6
Type D355
6.2.1.7
Type E357
6.2.1.8
Double alliteration and increased prominence: uniformity in
diversity358
6.2.2
Verse classes and alliteration360
6.3
The lexical basis of alliteration371
6.3.1
Type A1372
6.3.2
Type B376
6.3.3
Type C379
6.3.4
Generalizations: a comparative perspective383
7
The stanza389
7.1 Preliminaries389
7.2
Distribution of verse classes, verse types, and their variants in the
stanza392
7.2.1
Types A1, A2, and A3392
7.2.2
Type B399
7.2.3
Type C401
7.2.4
Types D, D*, and E404
7.2.5
Verse classes407
7.3
Anacrusis and catalexis409
7.4
Resolution and alliteration410
7.5
The cadence411
7.6
The metrical organization of the stanza413
Contents
Part II. Mlahttr423

Introduction425
8
The prototype of mlahttr: Atlaml in grnlenzco429
8.1
8.1.1
Type A1* (/ /)429
8.1.2
Type aA1 (/ /)441
8.1.3
Type A2* (/ / \)448
8.1.4
Type A3* ([/] /)451
8.1.5
Type B* ( / /)452
8.1.6
Type C* ( / /)453
8.1.7
Type D (/ / )460
8.1.8
Type D* (/ / )462
8.1.9
Type E (/ \ /)467
8.2
The system of verse types467
8.3
The cadence470
8.4 Resolution472
8.5 Alliteration484
8.6
The stanza493
8.7
A critique of Heuslers (1956) identification of mlahttr with
fornyrislag496
9
9.1
9.1.1
9.1.2
9.1.3
9.1.4
9.1.5
9.1.6
9.1.7
9.1.8
9.1.9
9.2
A peripheral variant of fornyrislag/mlahttr 1: Atlaqvia in

grnlenzca499
Type A1 (/ /)499
Type aA1 (/ /)504
Types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \)507
Type A3 ([/] /)508
Type B (/ /)509
Type C (/ /)511
Type D (/ / )517
Type D* (/ / )518
Type E (/ \ /)520
The system of verse types, the cadence, and resolution521
10
A peripheral variant of fornyrislag/mlahttr 2: Hamisml525
10.1
10.1.1
Type A1 (/ /)525
10.1.2
Type aA1 (/ /)528
10.1.3
Types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \)529
XIX
XX
10.1.4
10.1.5
10.1.6
10.1.7
10.1.8
10.1.9
10.2
Contents
Type A3 ([/] /)530

Type B (/ /)531
Type C (/ /)532
Type D (/ / )534
Type D* (/ / )535
Type E (/ \ /)537
The system of verse types, the cadence, and resolution537
11
A peripheral variant of fornyrislag/mlahttr 3: Hrbarzli541
11.1
11.1.1
Type A1 (/ /)541
11.1.2
Type aA1 (/ /)545
11.1.3
Types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \)550
11.1.4
Type A3 ([/] /)551
11.1.5
Type B (/ /)553
11.1.6
Type C* ( / /)554
11.1.7
Type D* (/ / )561
11.1.8
Type E (/ \ /)563
11.1.9
Overlong verses564
11.2
The system of verse types, the cadence, and anacrusis565
Part III. Ljahttr571
Introduction573
12
The a-verse and the b-verse577
12.1
12.1.1
Type A1 (/ /)577
12.1.2
Type aA1 (/ /)582
12.1.3
Types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \)587
12.1.4
Type A3 ([/] /)590
12.1.5
Type A1- (/ / [])595
12.1.6
Type A2a- (/ \ / [])598
12.1.7
Type A3- ([/] / [])600
12.1.8
Type B (/ /)601
12.1.9
Type C (/ /)609
12.1.10
Type C- (/ / [])621
12.1.11
Type D (/ / )624
12.1.12
Type D- (/ / [])628
12.1.13
Type D* (/ / )631
12.1.14
Type E (/ \ /)637
Contents
12.1.15
Two-position verses and overlong verses642
12.2
The system of verse types and their realizations645
12.3 Alliteration652
12.4
A critique of Gerings (1902) analysis659
13
The c-verse 665
13.1
13.1.1
Type A1 (/ /)666
13.1.2
Type aA1 (/ / /)674
13.1.3
Types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \)679
13.1.4
Type A3 ([/] /)680
13.1.5
Type A1- (/ / [])689
13.1.6
Type A2a- (/ \ / [])694
13.1.7
Type A3- ([/] / [])694
13.1.8
Type B (/ /)697
13.1.9
Type C (/ /)702
13.1.10
Type C- (/ / [])712
13.1.11
Type D (/ / )716
13.1.12
Type D- (/ / [])718
13.1.13
Type D* (/ / )721
13.1.14
Type E (/ \ /)721
13.1.15
Two-position verses722
13.2
The system of verse types and their realizations725
13.3
Anacrusis, alliteration, resolution, and the cadence739
13.3.1 Anacrusis739
13.3.2 Alliteration741
13.3.3 Resolution745
13.3.4
The cadence751
13.4
A critique of Sieverss (1893) and Gerings (1902) analysis757
14
The stanza761
14.1 Preliminaries761
14.2
The a-verse766
14.3
The b-verse769
14.4
The c-verse770
15 Conclusion773
XXI
XXII
Contents
Appendix 1: Catalogue of verse types799

Appendix 2: Drttkvtt and the eddic meters821
References825
Index of scansion831
Index of authors1059
Index of subjects1061
Index of verses1077
List of tables
Table1.1.
Table1.2.
Table1.3.
Table1.4.
Table2.1.
Table2.2.
Table2.3.
Table2.4.
Table2.5.
Table2.6.
Table2.7.
Table2.8.
Table2.9.
Table2.10.
Table2.11.
Table2.12.
Table2.13.
Table2.14.
Table2.15.
Table2.16.
Table2.17.
Table2.18.
Table2.19.
Overview of eddic poetry: sources, meters, and numbers of stanzas

and verses used for metrical analysis2
Use of distinct meters in metrically mixed poems according to the
number of stanzas involved3
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern in fornyrislag15
Alliterative pattern in the b-verse in fornyrislag17
Verse distinction of typeA1 according to size of the first drop26
Verse distinction of typeA1 according to composition of the
monosyllabic first drop27
Verse distinction of typeA1 according to composition of the disyllabic
first drop27
Verse distinction of typeA1 according to composition of the trisyllabic
or longer first drop27
Alliterative pattern of typeA1 in the a-verse according to size of the
first drop28
Alliterative pattern of typeA1 in the a-verse according to composition
of the monosyllabic first drop28
of the disyllabic first drop29
of the trisyllabic or longer first drop29
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PS#px, P#P#px, and
Px#Px34
Occurrences of PS#px and Px#Px in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand35
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of Pxpx, Px#px, PS#px,
PxP, and Px#P37
Size of the first drop of Pxpx, PS#px, PxPx, and PxP39
Long and short syllables in verse-final position of Pxpx and
PxPx39
Occurrences of Pxpx and PxPx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand40
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxSx and Px#Px42
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PS#Px and P#P#Px43
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of P#x#Px according to
varying realizations of the first drop46
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPS, PS#PS/P#P#PS,
PxP#P, and PxP#x52
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPx, xPS, and
xP#P/xP#x59
XXIV
List of tables
Table2.20. Type A3 (xPx and xPS) in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the

Heliand59
Table2.21. Verse distinction of typeA3 according to size of the first
drop60
Table2.22. Size of the first drop of typeA3 in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand63
Table2.23. Size of the first drop in types A3, B, and C in the a-verse66
Table2.24. Occurrences of typeA3 according to location in the stanza68
Table2.25. Occurrences of xpx, xPx, and xP73
Table2.26. Size of the first drop of xpx, xPx, and xP74
Table2.27. Long and short syllables in verse-final position of xpx and
xPx75
Table2.28. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxP (typeA1-) and PxPx
(typeA1)76
Table2.29. Verse distinction of types A1- and A1 according to size of the first
drop77
Table2.30. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of Px#P (typeA1-) and Px#Px
(typeA1) according to size of the first drop78
Table2.31. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PS#P (typeA2a-), PS#Px
(typeA2a), P#P#P (typeA2a-), and P#P#Px (typeA2a)81
Table2.32. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xP (typeA3-) and xPx
(typeA3)83
Table2.33. Size of the first drop of types A3- and A384
Table2.34. Proportions of catalectic to full configurations84
Table2.35. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeB according to size of
the first drop86
Table2.36. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeB according to
composition of the second drop87
Table2.37. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC according to size of
the first drop91
Table2.38. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC according to
composition of the second drop93
Table2.39. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC according to
composition of the second lift94
Table2.40. Size of the first drop of the major variants of typeC in the
a-verse101
Table2.41. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xpXx in comparison with
minimally distinct configurations102
Table2.42. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC- and the analogous
variants of typeC106
Table2.43. Verse distinction of types C- and C according to size of the first
drop109
List of tables
XXV
Table2.44. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD according to

composition of the second lift and/or the heavy drop113
Table2.45. PPPx and its syntactic constituency116
Table2.46. PPpx and its syntactic constituency118
Table2.47. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PpXx, PsXx, Ppxx/Psxx,
PPXx, PSXx, PPxx, and PSxx120
Table2.48. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD- and its
corresponding variants of typeD122
Table2.49. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD*125
Table2.50. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD* according to
composition of the monosyllabic extra drop127
Table2.51. Proportion of typeD* to typeD in fornyrislag and Beowulf according
to stress on the last two positions128
Table2.52. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxP#sx/PxPpx, PxPS/
PS#PS/PxP#P (typeA2b), and PxPSx/PxP#Px (typeD*)131
Table2.53. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeE136
Table2.54. P-values resulting from Fishers exact test concerning verse distinction
(on the left) and alliterative pattern136
Table2.55. Hypothetical typeE variants ending in P and px143
Table2.56. Proportion of PSxP/PSxpx and PXxP/PXxpx143
Table2.57. Composition of the first drop in subtypeA1s (excluding Vkv 4.3, 29.5,
38.1, and Br 5.1)144
Table2.58. Occurrences of PXx#, PSx#, P#P[class1]x#, and P#P[class2]x# before
Px and P154
Table2.59. PP[class1]xP with double alliteration and its syntactic
constituency156
Table2.60. PP[class2]xP and PP[class3]xP with double alliteration and their
syntactic constituency157
Table2.61. PPxP with double alliteration and its syntactic constituency in Beowulf
and the Heliand158
Table2.62. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of the two-word variants of
types D(2b) and E in fornyrislag and Beowulf160
Table2.63. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of the heavy variants of types
D(2b) and E in fornyrislag and Beowulf160
Table2.64. The system of verse types in fornyrislag: a first approximation163
Table3.1. Distribution of verses with anacrusis in individual poems166
Table3.2. Monosyllabic and polysyllabic realizations of anacrusis and the first
drop of types B andC168
Table3.3. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of type aA1 according to size
of anacrusis169
Table3.4. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of verses according to
presence or absence of anacrusis172
XXVI
List of tables
Table3.5.
Table3.6.
Table3.7.
Table3.8.
Table3.9.
Table3.10.
Table3.11.
Table3.12.
Table3.13.
Table3.14.
Table3.15.
Table3.16.
Table3.17.
Table3.18.
Table3.19.
Table3.20.
Table3.21.
Table3.22.
Table3.23.
Table4.1.
Table4.2.
Table4.3.
Table4.4.
Table4.5.
Table4.6.
Occurrences of anacrusis in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the

Heliand172
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of types A1, A2b, D1, D2, D1*,
and D2* combined according to presence or absence of anacrusis in
Beowulf174
Proportion of type aA1 to typeA1 in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand175
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of types aA1 and A1 in
fornyrislag and Beowulf175
Size of the first drop of types aA1 and A1 in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and
the Heliand178
Verse distinction of typeA1 according to size of the first drop in
fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand182
Occurrences of anacrusis in the native and foreign groups of
fornyrislag poetry185
Verse distinction based on the catalectic and full lifts in verse-final
position190
Verse distinction of xPPx and xPpx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and
the Heliand193
Verse distinction of xPP and xPpx in fornyrislag193
Size of the first and second drops in typeA1197
Size of the first drop in typeA1 in Beowulf and the Heliand197
Proportion of catalectic to full verses according to verse class198
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of catalectic and full verse
classes199
Occurrences of the resolved and the long first lift in catalectic and
regular types201
The system of verse types in fornyrislag: a revision203
The system of verse types in Beowulf204
The system of verse types in the Heliand204
Distribution of verse classes and types in fornyrislag206
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to
resolution on the first lift214
Verse distinction of typeA1 according to resolution on the first lift, and
the monosyllabic and the disyllabic first drop214
Resolution on the first lift and the size of the first drop of
typeA1214
Resolution on the first and second lifts in typeA1215
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of subtypeA1s according to
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1- according to
Table4.7.
Table4.8.
Table4.9.
Table4.10.
Table4.11.
Table4.12.
Table4.13.
Table4.14.
Table4.15.
Table4.16.
Table4.17.
Table4.18.
Table4.19.
Table4.20.
Table4.21.
Table4.22.
Table4.23.
Table4.24.
Table4.25.
Table4.26.
Table4.27.
Table4.28.
Table4.29.
Table4.30.
Table4.31.
List of tables
XXVII
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeB according to

Resolution on the first and second lifts in typeB217
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC according to
Resolution on the first and second lifts in typeC219
Verse distinction of typeC according to resolution on the first lift and
stress on the second lift220
Occurrences of xPPx, xpxPx, xPSx, and xpxSx in the foreign
and native groups of fornyrislag poetry221
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC- according to
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD according to
Occurrences of the long and the resolved first lift in major variants of
typeD225
Resolution on the first and second lifts in typeD225
Resolution on the first lift and length of the first drop in typeD226
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD- according to
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of types D* and D/E according
to resolution on the first lift229
Resolution on the first lift according to verse type229
Favorable factors for implementing resolution on the first lift235
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to
resolution on the second lift236
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA2b according to
resolution on the second lift236
Resolution on the second lift of typeA1 and composition of the second
drop237
Resolution on the first lift of typeA1 and composition of the second
drop237
Verse distinction of xPxpx/xPxsx and xPxPx239
Size of the first drop in xPxpx/xPxsx and xPxPx239
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xpXx and its minimally
distinguished configurations242
Occurrences of xpXx, xpxXx, xpxx, xpxxx, xPXx, and xPxx
in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand244
Occurrences of PS#px, PS#pxx, PS#Px, and Px#Px in fornyrislag,
Beowulf, and the Heliand246
Occurrences of Pxpx, Pxpxx, and PxPx in fornyrislag, Beowulf,
and the Heliand249
XXVIII
List of tables
Table4.32. Occurrences of xpx, xpxx, xPx, and xP in fornyrislag, Beowulf,

and the Heliand250
Table4.33. Realization of the first and second lifts of typeC with the primarystressed second lift252
Table4.34. Realization of the first and second lifts of typeC with the secondarystressed second lift252
Table4.35. Realization of the second lift and the second drop of typeC with the
primary-stressed second lift253
Table4.36. Mora count of the verse-final drop according to length of the second lift
of typeC253
Table4.37. Occurrences of xPpx, xPpxx, and xPPx in fornyrislag, Beowulf,
and the Heliand254
Table4.38. Occurrences of xPsx, xPsxx, and xPSx in fornyrislag, Beowulf,
and the Heliand255
Table4.39. Occurrences of PpXx, PpxXx, and PPXx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and
the Heliand256
Table4.40. Occurrences of PsXx, PsxXx, PSXx, and PSxx in fornyrislag, Beowulf,
and the Heliand257
Table4.41. Realization of the first lift and size of the first drop in typeA1263
Table4.42. Realization of the first lift and size of the second drop in typeB263
Table4.43. Occurrences of the eight configurations in the foreign and native
groups of fornyrislag poetry267
Table4.44. P-values of the seven configurations compared on a pair-basis268
Table4.45. Occurrences of long and short syllables in verse-final position of
configurations ending in px271
Table4.46. Verse distinction of PS#Px and Px#Px in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand272
Table4.47. Occurrences of word forms of Sigurr in configurations ending in px
and pXx in the foreign group of fornyrislag poetry273
Table4.48. Occurrences of short and long disyllables in Beowulf according to
Suzuki and Fulk280
Table4.49. Occurrences of short and long disyllables in Beowulf according to
Suzuki and Fulk (excluding those ending in a consonant)280
Table4.50. Occurrences of short and long disyllables in the Heliand, Beowulf, and
late Old English poetry293
Table4.51. Occurrences of open and closed disyllables in the Heliand, Beowulf,
and late Old English poetry295
Table4.52. Occurrences of short/long and open/closed disyllables relative to
implementation/suspension of resolution in the Heliand, Beowulf, and
late Old English poetry298
Table4.53. Occurrences of open and closed disyllables according to verse form in
the foreign and native groups of fornyrislag poetry304
Table5.1.
Table5.2.
Table5.3.
Table5.4.
Table5.5.
Table5.6.
Table5.7.
Table5.8.
Table5.9.
Table5.10.
Table5.11.
Table5.12.
Table5.13.
Table5.14.
Table6.1.
Table6.2.
Table6.3.
Table6.4.
Table6.5.
Table6.6.
Table6.7.
Table6.8.
List of tables
XXIX
Occurrences of the five verse classes in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the

Heliand310
Verse distinction of class B in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand311
Verse distinction of the three variants of class C in fornyrislag,
Verse distinction of Px#Px (typeA1) in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand317
Verse distinction of PxSx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand318
Verse distinction of class A with anacrusis in fornyrislag, Beowulf,
and the Heliand319
Verse distinction of class D with anacrusis in fornyrislag, Beowulf,
and the Heliand321
Mora count of the verse-final drop in types A1 and C in
fornyrislag323
Mora count of the verse-final drop in types A1 and C in Beowulf324
Occurrences of bimoraic and longer nominal forms in types B
and E327
Proportion of subtypeA1s to typeA1 in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand329
The three realization variants of the cadence / in classes A and C in
fornyrislag331
The three cadence variants Px, px, and P according to verse
distinction333
Proportion of verses ending in lift + drop (types A and C) to others in
Size of the polysyllabic first drop of types A1 and A3339
Alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to the monosyllabic
and the polysyllabic first drop in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand342
Alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to the composition of the first
drop in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand343
Alliterative pattern of subtypeA1s and typeA1, with the second
position filled by a word-final syllable344
Alliterative pattern of Px#Px and P#x#Px with or without
anacrusis344
Alliterative pattern of PxPx and xPxPx in Beowulf and the
Heliand346
Alliterative pattern of types A2a and A2b (or their comparable
configurations) in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand349
Alliterative pattern of types A1- and A1 in fornyrislag350
XXX
List of tables
Table6.9.
Table6.10.
Table6.11.
Table6.12.
Table6.13.
Table6.14.
Table6.15.
Table6.16.
Table6.17.
Table6.18.
Table6.19.
Table6.20.
Table6.21.
Table6.22.
Table6.23.
Table6.24.
Table6.25.
Table6.26.
Table6.27.
Table6.28.
Table6.29.
Table6.30.
Table6.31.
Alliterative pattern of typeB according to the monosyllabic and the

polysyllabic first drop in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand351
Alliterative pattern of typeB according to the monosyllabic and
the polysyllabic second drop in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand352
Alliterative pattern of typeB according to resolution in fornyrislag,
Alliterative pattern of typeC according to resolution in fornyrislag,
Alliterative pattern of types C- and C354
Alliterative pattern of typeD355
Alliterative pattern of types D and D-356
Alliterative pattern of the minimal variants of verse classes in
Alliterative pattern of verse classes in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand364
Alliterative pattern of regular variants of classes B and C in
Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeA1372
Word classes in the first lift and monosyllables in the first drop of
typeA1373
Word classes in the second lift and monosyllables in the first drop of
typeA1373
Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with the monosyllabic first drop and the
first lift occupied by class 1374
Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with the first drop occupied by the wordfinal syllable according to the word class of the first lift374
Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with the first drop occupied by the wordfinal syllable according to the word class of the second lift375
Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with the monosyllabic first drop and the
second lift occupied by class 1375
Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeB376
Alliterative pattern of typeB with the second drop occupied by the
word-final syllable according to the word class of the first lift377
Alliterative pattern of typeB with the monosyllabic second drop and
the first lift occupied by class 1377
Alliterative pattern of typeB with the second drop occupied by
the word-final syllable according to the word class of the second
lift378
Alliterative pattern of typeB with the monosyllabic second drop and
the second lift occupied by class 1378
Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeC379
List of tables
XXXI
Table6.32. Word class in the first lift and syllable length in the second lift of
typeC380
Table6.33. Alliterative pattern of typeC with the second lift realized by long
syllables, according to the word class of the first lift381
Table6.34. Alliterative pattern of typeC with the first lift occupied by class 1,
according to the length of the second lift381
Table6.35. Word class and syllable length in the second lift of typeC381
Table6.36. Alliterative pattern of typeC with the second lift occupied by class 1,
according to the length of the second lift382
Table6.37. Alliterative pattern of typeC with the second lift realized by long
syllables, according to the word class of the second lift382
Table6.38. Alliterative pattern of typeC with the second lift realized by short
syllables, according to the word class of the first lift383
Table6.39. Alliterative pattern of typeC with the second lift realized by short
syllables, according to the word class of the second lift383
Table6.40. Scalar distinctions in the likelihood of containing class 1 words in the
first and second lifts of typeC, according to the length of the second
lift383
Table6.41. Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeA1 in Beowulf385
Table6.42. Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeB in Beowulf385
Table6.43. Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeC in Beowulf386
Table7.1.
Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers390
Table7.2. Occurrences of typeA1 in the a-verse according to size of the first drop
and location in the stanza392
Table7.3. Occurrences of typeA1 with the monosyllabic first drop according to
location in the stanza393
Table7.4. Occurrences of typeA1 in the b-verse according to size of the first drop
Table7.5. Occurrences of subtypeA1s according to location in the
stanza395
Table7.6. Occurrences of subtypeA1s with the unstressed, monosyllabic first
drop in the a-verse according to location in the stanza395
Table7.7.
Occurrences of PxSx according to location in the stanza396
Table7.8. Occurrences of typeA1- according to location in the stanza397
Table7.9.
Occurrences of typeA3 according to location in the stanza398
Table7.10. Occurrences of typeA3- according to location in the stanza398
Table7.11. Occurrences of typeA2a according to location in the stanza399
Table7.12. Occurrences of typeA2b according to location in the stanza399
Table7.13. Occurrences of typeB according to location in the stanza400
Table7.14. Occurrences of typeC with the long primary-stressed second lift
(xPPx and xpxPx) according to length of the first lift and location in
the stanza402
XXXII
List of tables
Table7.15.
Table7.16.
Table7.17.
Table7.18.
Table7.19.
Table7.20.
Table7.21.
Table7.22.
Table7.23.
Table7.24.
Table7.25.
Table7.26.
Table7.27.
Table7.28.
Table7.29.
Table7.30.
Table7.31.
Table8.1.
Table8.2.
Table8.3.
Table8.4.
Table8.5.
Table8.6.
Occurrences in the b-verse of typeC with the long secondary-stressed

second lift (xPSx and xpxSx) according to length of the first lift and
Occurrences of typeC with the long first lift and the primary-stressed
second lift (xPPx and xPpx) according to length of the second lift
Occurrences of typeC with the long first lift and the secondarystressed second lift (xPSx and xPsx) according to location in the
stanza403
Occurrences of typeC- according to location in the stanza403
Occurrences of typeD according to location in the stanza405
Occurrences of typeD- according to location in the stanza405
Occurrences of typeD* according to location in the stanza406
Occurrences of types D* and D according to location in the
stanza406
Occurrences of typeE according to location in the stanza407
Occurrences of verse classes according to location in the
stanza408
Occurrences of verses with or without anacrusis (classes A and D)
according to location in the stanza409
Occurrences of catalectic and full verses according to location in the
stanza410
Occurrences of the long and the resolved first lift according to location
in the stanza411
Alliterative pattern of the a-verse according to location in the
stanza411
Occurrences of the cadence / and others according to location in the
stanza412
Metrical features according to location in the stanza415
Characterization of verse classes in terms of verse-initial and versefinal strings / 416
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx in mlahttr and
fornyrislag431
Size of the first drop of PxPx in mlahttr and fornyrislag431
Composition of the monosyllabic first drop of PxPx in mlahttr and
fornyrislag432
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx according to size of
the first drop433
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of Sieverss types A*1
and A*2437
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of -x#x and #x(#)x in the first
drop of typeA1*439
Table8.7.
Table8.8.
Table8.9.
Table8.10.
Table8.11.
Table8.12.
Table8.13.
Table8.14.
Table8.15.
Table8.16.
Table8.17.
Table8.18.
Table8.19.
Table8.20.
Table8.21.
Table8.22.
Table8.23.
Table8.24.
Table8.25.
Table8.26.
Table8.27.
Table8.28.
Table8.29.
Table8.30.
Table8.31.
Table8.32.
List of tables
XXXIII
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of -x#x and #x(#)x in the first
drop of typeA1 in fornyrislag440
Verse distinction of xPxPx according to size of anacrusis in
mlahttr and fornyrislag442
Verse distinction of xPxPx according to size of the first drop in
Resolution on the first lift in typeA1 without anacrusis, typeA1*
without anacrusis, and typeA1 with anacrusis447
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of (x)PxPS and
PxPx449
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of (x)PxPS according to size
of the first drop450
Size of the first drop of xPx in mlahttr and fornyrislag451
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of the configurations in
mlahttr and fornyrislag that could be scanned as typeC454
Size of the first drop of typeC in mlahttr and fornyrislag454
Verse distinction of typeC according to size of the first drop in
Verse distinction of types C and C* according to length of the primarystressed second lift in mlahttr and fornyrislag459
Occurrences of xPPx and xpxPx in mlahttr and
fornyrislag459
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD (with or without
anacrusis) in mlahttr and fornyrislag461
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD* (with or without
anacrusis)463
The system of verse types in mlahttr469
Distribution of verse classes and types/subtypes in mlahttr469
Occurrences of the long and resolved first lifts according to verse types
in mlahttr and fornyrislag472
Alliterative pattern of the a-verse in mlahttr and fornyrislag484
Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of verse types485
Alliterative pattern of verse classes in the a-verse486
Occurrences of verse classes in the a-verse488
Word classes and alliterative pattern in types A1 and A1*, with or
without anacrusis491
Word classes and alliterative pattern in types C and C*492
Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse
numbers493
Occurrences of verse classes according to location in the stanza494
Size of the first drop of types A1 and A1* according to location in the
stanza494
XXXIV
List of tables
Table8.33. Occurrences of the disyllabic first drop in typeA1* according to

Table8.34. Alliterative pattern of the a-verse according to location in the
stanza495
Table9.1. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx in Akv, mlahttr,
and fornyrislag501
Table9.2. Size of the first drop of typeA1 in Akv, mlahttr, and
fornyrislag501
Table9.3. Composition of the monosyllabic first drop of PxPx502
Table9.4. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx according to size of
the first drop502
Table9.5. Occurrences of PxPx, Pxpx, and PxP in Akv, Am, and
fornyrislag504
Table9.6. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPxPx in Akv,
mlahttr, and fornyrislag505
Table9.7. Verse distinction according to size of anacrusis in Akv, mlahttr, and
fornyrislag505
Table9.8. Size of the first drop of xPxPx506
Table9.9. Composition of the monosyllabic first drop of xPxPx506
Table9.10. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of (x)PSPx, PxPS, and Px
Px507
Table9.11. Size of the first drop of xPx in Akv, mlahttr, and
fornyrislag509
Table9.12. Size of the first drop of typeB in Akv and fornyrislag510
Table9.13. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC and its analogs in
Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag511
Table9.14. Size of the first drop of typeC in Akv, mlahttr, and
fornyrislag513
Table9.15. Size of the first drop of typeC and verse distinction in Akv, mlahttr,
and fornyrislag513
Table9.16. Occurrences of typeC (or typeC*) variants according to stress on the
second lift in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag514
Table9.17. Occurrences of xPPx and xPpx in Akv, mlahttr, and
fornyrislag514
Table9.18. Occurrences of xpxPx and xPPx in Akv, mlahttr, and
fornyrislag515
Table9.19. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD in Akv, mlahttr,
and fornyrislag517
Table9.20. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD* in Akv, mlahttr,
and fornyrislag519
Table9.21. The system of verse types in Akv521
Table9.22. Distribution of verse classes and types/subtypes in Akv522
List of tables
XXXV
Table9.23. Resolution on the first lift of PxPx and PxPx in Akv and
mlahttr523
Table10.1. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx according to size of
the first drop526
Table10.2. Verse distinction of PxPx according to composition of the
Table10.3. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPxPx according to size
of the first drop529
Table10.4. Size of anacrusis529
Table10.5. Size of the first drop of xPx530
Table10.6. Size of the first drop of typeB532
Table10.7. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of the configurations in Hm
that correspond to typeC in fornyrislag533
Table10.8. Verse distinction of typeC according to size of the first drop533
Table10.9. Occurrences of typeC variants in Hm, Akv, mlahttr, and
fornyrislag534
Table10.10. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD535
Table10.12. The system of verse types in Hm537
Table10.13. Distribution of verse classes and types/subtypes in Hm538
Table11.1. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx in Hrbl, mlahttr,
Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag542
Table11.2. Size of the first drop of typeA1 in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag542
Table11.3. Verse distinction of PxPx according to size of the first drop543
Table11.4. Occurrences of word-finals and word-initials in the first drop of typeA1
in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag543
Table11.5. Occurrences of PxPx, Pxpx, and PxP in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm,
and fornyrislag545
Table11.6. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPxPx in Hrbl,
mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag546
Table11.7. Size of anacrusis in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag547
Table11.8. Distribution of the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first drop in
types A1 with and without anacrusis in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag548
Table11.9. Distribution of word-initials and word-finals in relation to anacrusis in
Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag549
Table11.10. Size of the first drop of xPx in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag552
Table11.11. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPxP in Hrbl,
mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag553
XXXVI
List of tables
Table11.12. Size of the first drop of typeB in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag554
Table11.13. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC in Hrbl, mlahttr,
Table11.14. Size of the first drop of typeC in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag557
Table11.15. Verse distinction of typeC according to size of the first drop in Hrbl,
mlahttr, and fornyrislag558
Table11.16. Occurrences of typeC variants in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag558
Table11.17. Occurrences of typeC/C* variants according to stress on the second lift
in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag559
Table11.18. Grouping of Hrbl with mlahttr or fornyrislag in regard to typeC on
the basis of its parametric variations561
Table11.19. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD* in Hrbl, mlahttr,
Table11.20. The system of verse types in Hrbl565
Table11.21. Distribution of verse classes and types/subtypes in Hrbl565
Table11.22. P-values calculated from the proportion of anacrustic to regular
verses between any two meters among Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag570
Table12.1. Verse distinction of typeA1 (without anacrusis) according to size of the
first drop in ljahttr and fornyrislag578
Table12.2. Alliterative pattern of typeA1 (without anacrusis) according to size of
the first drop in ljahttr and fornyrislag578
Table12.3. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx according to
composition of the monosyllabic first drop in ljahttr and
fornyrislag580
Table12.4. Verse distinction of types A1 and A1* according to anacrusis in
ljahttr, fornyrislag, and mlahttr583
Table12.5. Alliterative pattern of typeA1 in the a-verse according to anacrusis in
ljahttr and fornyrislag584
Table12.6. Size of the first drop of types A1 with and without anacrusis in
ljahttr, fornyrislag, and mlahttr585
Table12.7. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1 with anacrusis
according to size of the first drop585
Table12.8. Occurrences of anacrusis in typeA1 according to
composition of the monosyllabic first drop in ljahttr and
fornyrislag586
Table12.9. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1 with anacrusis
according to composition of the monosyllabic first drop in ljahttr,
fornyrislag, and mlahttr587
List of tables
XXXVII
Table12.10. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA2a (with or without

anacrusis) in ljahttr and fornyrislag589
Table12.11. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA2b (with or without
anacrusis) in ljahttr and fornyrislag590
Table12.12. Occurrences of typeA3 in ljahttr and fornyrislag591
Table12.13. Size of the first drop in typeA3 in ljahttr, fornyrislag, and
mlahttr592
Table12.14. Size of the first drop and the composition of the second drop of
typeA3594
Table12.15. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1- in ljahttr and
fornyrislag596
Table12.16. Verse distinction of typeA1- according to size of the first drop in
Table12.17. Alliterative pattern of typeA1- according to size of the first drop in
Table12.18. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx, Pxpx, and
PxP598
Table12.19. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PSPx, PSpx, and
PSP599
Table12.20. Occurrences of typeA3- in ljahttr and fornyrislag600
Table12.21. Size of the first drop of typeA3- in ljahttr and fornyrislag601
Table12.22. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPxpx, xPxP
(typeB), and Pxpx (subtypeA1s)602
Table12.23. Size of the initial upbeat in xPxP, xPxpx, and xPxPx603
Table12.24. Size of the second drop in xPxP and xPxpx and of the first drop
in Pxpx604
Table12.25. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPSxP and
xPSxpx605
Table12.26. Size of the initial upbeat in xPSxP/xPSxpx, xPxPx (typeA1
with anacrusis), and xPxP/xPxpx (typeB)606
Table12.27. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeB in ljahttr and
fornyrislag607
Table12.28. Size of the first drop of typeB in ljahttr and fornyrislag608
Table12.29. Verse distinction of typeB according to size of the first and second
drops609
Table12.30. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of the six major variants of
typeC, xPPx, xPpx, xPSx, xPsx, xPXx, and xPxx610
Table12.31. Verse distinction of typeC according to composition of the second
lift613
Table12.32. Layered feature specifications of the short and long disyllables615
Table12.33. Size of the first drop of typeC in ljahttr and fornyrislag, and of
typeC* in mlahttr618
XXXVIII
List of tables
Table12.34. Verse distinction of typeC according to size of the first drop619

Table12.35. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC with the primarystressed second lift according to resolution on the first lift620
Table12.36. Resolution on the first lift and length of the second lift in typeC with
the primary-stressed second lift620
Table12.37. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of types C- and C621
Table12.38. Verse distinction of xPS, xPx (typeA3), and xPP (typeC-)623
Table12.39. Size of the first drop in xPS, xPx (typeA3), and xPP
(typeC-)624
Table12.40. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD627
Table12.41. Verse distinction of typeD according to anacrusis627
Table12.42. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of types D- and D without
anacrusis628
Table12.43. Occurrences of types D- and D in ljahttr, fornyrislag, and
mlahttr629
Table12.45. Verse distinction of typeD* according to length of the penultimate
drop633
Table12.46. Verse distinction of typeD* according to anacrusis in ljahttr,
fornyrislag, and mlahttr635
Table12.47. Verse distinction of types D and D* (including anacrustic variants)
according to varying cadences636
Table12.48. Occurrences of types D and D* in ljahttr, fornyrislag, and
mlahttr636
Table12.49. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeE without
anacrusis638
Table12.50. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeE with
anacrusis638
Table12.51. Verse distinction of typeE according to anacrusis639
Table12.52. Verse distinction of typeE according to anacrusis and the
cadence640
Table12.53. Distribution of verses according to the number of positions
involved643
Table12.54. Organization of basic and expanded verse classes646
Table12.55. The system of verse types and subtypes with special reference to the
cadences and their realizations in ljahttr648
Table12.56. Distribution of verse classes and types in the a-verse and the b-verse of
ljahttr648
Table12.57. Alliterative pattern of the a-verse in ljahttr, fornyrislag, and
mlahttr653
Table12.58. Alliterative pattern of the a-verse according to verse types654
Table12.59. Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeA1656
List of tables
XXXIX
Table12.60. Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeB657

Table12.61. Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeC658
Table13.1. Size of the first drop of typeA1 in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse
(excluding anacrusis)666
Table13.2. Composition of the monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 in the c-verse
and the a-/b-verse667
Table13.3. Composition of the monosyllabic second drop of typeA1668
Table13.4. Size of the first and second drops of typeA1 in the c-verse669
Table13.5. Alliterative pattern of typeA1669
Table13.6. Alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to size of the first drop670
Table13.7. Alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to composition of the
Table13.8. Cadence variants of typeA1671
Table13.9. Size of the first drop and cadence variants in typeA1671
Table13.10. Size of the second drop and cadence variants in typeA1672
Table13.11. Occurrences of px and Px at the end of types A1, A3, and C in the
c-verse and the a-/b-verse673
Table13.12. Size of anacrusis in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse675
Table13.13. Size of the first drop of typeA1 with anacrusis in the c-verse and the
a-/b-verse675
Table13.14. Composition of the monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 with anacrusis in
the c-verse and the a-/b-verse676
Table13.15. Composition of the monosyllabic second drop of typeA1 with
anacrusis677
Table13.16. Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with anacrusis677
Table13.17. Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with anacrusis according to size of the
first drop678
Table13.18. Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with anacrusis according to composition
of the monosyllabic first drop678
Table13.19. Cadence variants of typeA1 with anacrusis679
Table13.20. Size of the first drop of typeA3 in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse680
Table13.21. Size of the first drop and stress on the second drop of typeA3681
Table13.22. Size of the second drop of types A3 (excluding xPS) and A1682
Table13.23. Occurrences of variants of typeA3 and similar configurations in the
c-verse and the a-/b-verse683
Table13.24. Occurrences of typeA3 variants, xPxP, xPxpx, xpxP, and x
pxpx683
Table13.25. Distribution of verses beginning with a lift and those with a
drop688
Table13.26. Cadence variants of types A3 and A1689
Table13.27. Cadence variants of typeA3 according to stress on the second
drop689
XL
List of tables
Table13.28. Size of the first drop of typeA1- in the c-verse and the
a-/b-verse690
Table13.30. Cadence variants of typeA1-693
Table13.31. Size of the first drop of typeA3-695
Table13.33. Cadence variants of typeA3-697
Table13.34. Size of the first drop of typeB in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse697
Table13.35. Size of the second drop of typeB in the c-verse and the
a-/b-verse698
Table13.36. Cadence variants of typeB701
Table13.37. Extra long cadence variants701
Table13.38. Occurrences of cadence variants Px, Sx, PS, and Psx according to verse
types701
Table13.39. Variants of typeC703
Table13.40. Size of the first drop of typeC in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse703
Table13.41. Size of the first drop and variants of typeC in the c-verse704
Table13.42. Size of the first drop and variants of typeC in the a-/b-verse705
Table13.43. Composition of the second drop of typeC705
Table13.44. Verse distinction of typeC according to composition of the second lift
in ljahttr and fornyrislag706
Table13.45. Verse distinction of typeC according to length of the second lift708
Table13.46. Correlation between the first and the second lift in typeC in regard to
their syllable length708
Table13.47. Cadence variants of typeC711
Table13.48. Size of the first drop of typeC- (c-verse and a-/b-verse) and typeC
(c-verse; xPPx)712
Table13.49. Cadence variants of typeC-716
Table13.50. Cadence variants of typeD718
Table13.51. Cadence variants of typeD-720
Table13.52. Cadence variants of two-position verses725
Table13.53. Occurrences of verse classes in the c-verse, the a-/b-verse, and the
a-verse726
Table13.54. Occurrences of class A in the c-verse and the a-verse according to verse
types728
Table13.55. Occurrences of regular and catalectic verse types in the c-verse and the
a-verse731
Table13.56. Size of the first drop of typeB in the c-verse and the a-verse734
Table13.57. Size of the first drop of typeC in the c-verse and the a-verse735
Table13.58. Occurrences of verse types in the c-verse738
Table13.59. Occurrences of anacrusis in the c-verse, the a-verse, and the
b-verse740
List of tables
XLI
Table13.60. Size of anacrusis in the c-verse, the a-verse, and the b-verse741
Table13.61. Alliterative pattern of the c-verse741
Table13.62. Alliterative pattern of the c-verse according to verse types (excluding
types A3 and A3- with the fixed pattern xaa)743
Table13.63. Alliterative pattern of the c-verse and the two major cadence
variants743
Table13.64. Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeA1744
Table13.65. Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeA1-745
Table13.66. Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeB745
Table13.67. Distribution of long monosyllables (P) and resolved short syllables
(px) according to verse and lift distinctions746
Table13.68. Distribution of long monosyllables (P) and resolved short disyllables
(px) according to verse class and lift distinctions in the a-verse748
(px) according to verse class and lift distinctions in the b-verse749
(px) according to verse class and lift distinctions in the c-verse749
Table13.71. Cadence variants in the c-verse752
Table13.72. The cadence in the a-verse in terms of metrical positions753
Table13.73. The cadence in the a-verse in terms of syllables753
Table13.74. The cadence in the b-verse in terms of metrical positions756
Table13.75. The cadence in the b-verse in terms of syllables756
Table14.1. Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers (in
decreasing order of counts)762
Table14.2. Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in
Hav762
Vm763
Grm763
Skm763
Hrbl764
Ls764
Alv764
HHv764
Rm765
XLII
List of tables

Fm765
Sd765
Table14.13. Occurrences of verse classes in verses 1 and 4766
Table14.14. Occurrences of verse types in verses 1 and 4767
Table14.15. Size of the first drop of typeA1 in verses 1 and 4767
Table14.16. The monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 in verses 1 and 4767
Table14.18. Occurrences of anacrusis and its varying size in verses 1 and 4768
Table14.19. Size of the first drop of types B and C in verses 1 and 4768
Table14.20. Alliterative pattern in verses 1 and 4768
Table14.22. Size of the first drop of typeB in verses 2 and 5769
Table14.23. Size of the first drop of typeC in verses 2 and 5770
Table14.24. Length of the second lift of typeC in verses 2 and 5770
Table14.26. Occurrences of verse types in verses 3 and 6771
Table14.27. Alliterative pattern in verses 3 and 6771
Abbreviations and symbols

a
alliterating lift in contrast to x (nonalliterating lift)
acc. accusative
adj. adjective
Beo
Beowulf
b-v b-verse
C consonant
cn
common noun
eOE
early Old English
F
full line
fem. feminine
Hel
Heliand
Hild
Hildebrandslied
ind. indicative
L
long line
lOE
late Old English
neut. neuter
nom. nominative
OE
Old English
OHG
Old High German
OIce.
Old Icelandic
ON
Old Norse
OS
Old Saxon
P
primary-stressed long syllable
p
primary-stressed short syllable
P(=x)
primary-stressed long syllable that is treated as equivalent to an
unstressed one in metrical terms
PGmc. Proto-Germanic
pl. plural
PN Proto-Norse
pn
proper noun
pres. present
pret. preterite
S
secondary-stressed long syllable
s
secondary-stressed short syllable
sg. singular
V vowel
X
unstressed long syllable
x
unstressed short syllable or unstressed syllable in general;
nonalliterating lift in contrast to a (alliterating lift)
x
one or more unstressed syllables
XLIV
#
word boundary
$
syllable boundary
syllable
/ lift
\
heavy drop

normal drop
>
becomes; ranks higher than
<
derives from; ranks lower than

apparently ranks higher than, but lacking statistical support
[ ]
syntactic boundaries, unless otherwise specified
Eddic poems (see section1.2):
Akv
Atlaqvia in grnlenzca
Alv
Alvssml
Am
Atlaml in grnlenzco
Bdr
Baldrs draumar
Br
Brot af Sigurarqvio
Fm
Ffnisml
Ghv
Gurnarhvt
Grm
Grmnisml
Grp
Grpissp
Grt
Grottasngr
Gr I
Gurnarqvia in fyrsta
Gr II
Gurnarqvia nnor
Gr III
Gurnarqvia in riia
Hav
Hvaml
Hdl
Hyndloli
HH
Helgaqvia Hundingsbana in fyrri
HHII
Helgaqvia Hundingsbana nnor
HHv
Helgaqvia Hirvarzsonar
Hlr
Helrei Brynhildar
Hm
Hamisml
Hrbl
Hrbarzli
Hym
Hymisqvia
Ls
Locasenna
Od
Oddrnargrtr
Rm
Reginsml
R
Rgsula
Sd
Sigrdrfoml
Sg
Sigurarqvia in scamma
Skm
For Scrnis
Vkv
Vlundarqvia
Vm
Vsp
rk
Vafrnisml
Vlosp
rymsqvia
XLV
1Introduction
1.1The corpus of metrical data
This book investigates the metrical systems of eddic poetry (or the Poetic Edda or
the Elder Edda, as it is often called) as opposed to skaldic poetry.1 Our overarching
concern is how alliterative verse is composed and organized in the oldest North Germanic metrical tradition both in terms of its distinctions from and commonalities
with its West Germanic cognates.2 Unlike West Germanic alliterative verse, which
is made in a single meter, the Old Norse counterpart is composed in three distinct
meters, fornyrislag, mlahttr, and ljahttr. Accordingly, we will be exploring the
three meters in the corresponding three parts of this book, both on their own terms
and through their mutual and cross-Germanic comparison.
It will be most appropriate here to give an overview of our data in regard to the
textual identities of constituent poems which total thirty-three in all, their size in terms
of verses and stanzas involved, and most important of all, the meters of their composition, along with page references to Neckel and Kuhns (1983) edition, the textual
basis of our study. For orientation, readers are referred to Table1.1, which is partly
based on Gunnell (2005: 9798). The poems listed in the table are arranged in order
of their appearance in Neckel and Kuhn (1983). The first twenty-nine poems up to
Hamisml are preserved in this order in the major manuscript, the Codex Regius of
the Elder Edda (Gammel kongelig samling 2365 4to; lason and Gunnlaugsson 2001;
to be distinguished from the Codex Regius of the Prose Edda); and the remaining four
poems, which are not transmitted in the Codex Regius, are taken from other sources
as noted in the table, and placed in the appendix of Neckel and Kuhns edition. On
the other hand, the further two poems, Hlskvia (Hunnenschlachtlied; Neckel and
Kuhn 1983: 302312) and Hildibrandskvia (Hildibrands sterbelied; Neckel and Kuhn
1983: 313314), while included in Neckel and Kuhns edition, are excluded from our
corpus, as both are usually subsumed under the peripheral group of the Eddica
Minora (Heusler and Ranisch 1903: 112, 5354); these two poems should thus be isolated from the core of eddic poetry proper (see Gunnell 2005: 98), as are fragmentary
sources, that is, several stanzas found in Snorra Edda (Neckel and Kuhn 1983: 315321)
and Vlsunga Saga (Neckel and Kuhn 1983: 321323). In determining the total number
of verses for each poem, we disregard defective ones that are not suitable for metrical
analysis, which will be indicated individually in appropriate places at the beginning
of the three parts devoted to the respective meters.
1For an overview of eddic poetry, see Gunnell (2005), Harris (2005), and Kristjnsson (2007: 2582).
2Accordingly, we will leave largely unexplored the relation between the metrical organization of
eddic poetry and that of skaldic poetry, with the exception of a few speculative remarks given in appendix 2 below.
Introduction
Table1.1.Overview of eddic poetry: sources, meters, and numbers of stanzas and verses used for
metrical analysis
Poem
MS
Neckel and Kuhn (1983) Meter
Vlosp (Vsp)
CR/H
pp.116
Hvaml (Hav)
CR
pp.1744
Vafrnisml (Vm)
CR/A
pp.4555
Grmnisml (Grm)
CR/A
pp.5668
For Scrnis (Skm)
CR/A
pp.6977
Hrbarzli (Hrbl)
CR/A
pp.7887
Hymisqvia (Hym)
Locasenna (Ls)
rymsqvia (rk)
Vlundarqvia (Vkv)
Alvssml (Alv)
Helgaqvia Hundingsbana in fyrri (HH)
CR/A
CR
CR
CR
CR
CR
pp.8895
pp.96110
pp.111115
pp.116123
pp.124129
pp.130139
Helgaqvia Hirvarzsonar (HHv)
CR
pp.140149
Helgaqvia Hundingsbana nnor (HHII)
CR
pp.150161
Grpissp (Grp)
CR
pp.164172
Reginsml (Rm)
CR/F
pp.173179
Ffnisml (Fm)
CR
pp.180188
Sigrdrfoml (Sd)
CR
pp.189197
Brot af Sigurarqvio (Br)

Gurnarqvia in fyrsta (Gr I)
Sigurarqvia in scamma (Sg)
Helrei Brynhildar (Hlr)
Gurnarqvia nnor (Gr II)
Gurnarqvia in riia (Gr III)
Oddrnargrtr (Od)
Atlaqvia in grnlenzca (Akv)
Atlaml in grnlenzco (Am)
Gurnarhvt (Ghv)
CR
CR
CR
CR/L
CR
CR
CR
CR
CR
CR
pp.198201
pp.202206
pp.207218
pp.219222
pp.224231
pp.232233
pp.234239
pp.240247
pp.248263
pp.264268
Hamisml (Hm)
CR
pp.269274
Baldrs draumar (Bdr)

Rgsula (R)
Hyndloli (Hdl)
A
W
F
pp.277279
pp.280287
pp.288296
F
L
F/M
L
L
F/M
L
F/M
L
F
L
F
F
L
F
F
L
F
L
F
L
F
L
F
L
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F/M
M
F
F/M
L
F
F
F
Grottasngr (Grt)
RS
pp.297301
Stanzas
Verses
66
154
10
55
53
1
42
38
12
39
65
32
41
35
56
24.5
18.5
50
1
53
16
10
35
9
32
5
19
27
71
14
44
11
34
43
103
21
30
1
14
47
50
538
1004
70a
329
353
6a
262
166
67
304
394
256
315
210
456
200
118
424
6a
424
96
80
205
72
211
39a
150
216
559
108
349
80
250
348
760
166
214
6a
114
365
390
24
182
a
Not included in the corpus, as will be shown in the text.
Key:
MS: A = AM 748; F = Flateyjarbk; CR = Codex Regius; H = Hauksbk; RS = Codex Regius of the Prose Edda;
W = Codex Wormianus
Meter: F = fornyrislag; F/M = fornyrislag/mlahttr; L = ljahttr; M = mlahttr
The corpus of metrical data
Table1.2.Use of distinct meters in metrically mixed poems according to the number of stanzas
involved
Poem
Hav
Grm
Hrbl
HHv
HHII
Rm
Fm
Sd
Hm
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
24.5
50
10
9
5
56.98
98.04
38.46
20.45
13.51
Fornyrislag/MlahttrLjahttr
Counts
%
Counts
%
10
1
38
6.10
1.85
76.00
30
96.77
154
53
12
18.5
1
16
35
32
1
93.90
98.15
24.00
43.02
1.96
61.54
79.55
86.49
3.23
As can be seen, nine poems are composed in two meters: Hav, Grm, Hrbl, HHv, HHII,
Rm, Fm, Sd, and Hm. The distributions of the concurrent meters are illustrated in
Table1.2, in which the numbers of stanzas composed in one meter, compared to those
in the other, are recorded. Usually, a stanza is composed consistently in the same
meter, but there is a single exception: HHv 12 is a mixed composition, with the first
four verses (two lines) in fornyrislag and the last three verses (two lines) in ljahttr
(for details, see note2, introduction, Part II). The proportion of two constituent meters
varies widely from the preponderance of one meter over the other (like Grm, HHII,
and Hm) to the more or less even distribution of two (like HHv).
Moreover, not all of the logically possible combinations are attested: one of the
two meters is invariably ljahttr, and the other is either fornyrislag or fornyrislag/
mlahttr; there is no single poem that is composed in fornyrislag and mlahttr
to the exclusion of ljahttr. This state of affairs may yield to a credible account by
bringing the formal and evolutionary dimensions to bear on the issue. Mlahttr in
its prototypical form is represented only in a single poem (Am). By contrast, there is a
continuum of meters that may be characterized as fornyrislag/mlahttr, a complex
notion that refers to any transient meter that, while coming close to mlahttr in
varying degrees of expanding verse structure, is still organized by the principle of four
metrical positions, the defining property of fornyrislag (introduction, Part II). These
hybrid meters may accordingly be regarded as those involved in the ongoing process
of metrical reorganization toward the emergence of mlahttr. In formal terms, while
fornyrislag and mlahttr differ in the finer details at the lowest level, verse composition (chapters 8 through 11), ljahttr is sharply distinguished from these two
at the most salient level of organization by its distinctive stanza form, whatever else
is different in other domains. Given such a formal and evolutionary proximity of
fornyrislag and mlahttr, then, it seems to be only natural that these two closeresembling meters do not readily lend themselves to a concurrent use which depends
Introduction
on their sharp and categorical distinguishability on the surface for effective control.
Gradient and fuzzy distinctions between the two meters would have been too subtle
to exercise appreciable poetic effects and thus made their concurrent use hardly
appealing.
As a textual basis for the following study, we follow Neckel and Kuhn (1983),
with some minor alterations made for ease of exposition and sorting, particularly in
regard to verse numberings, as listed in (1) below,3 largely according to See, La Farge,
Picard, Priebe, and Schulz (1997), See, La Farge, Picard, and Schulz (2000), See, La
Farge, Gerhold, Dusse, Picard, and Schulz (2004), See, La Farge, Gerhold, Picard, and
Schulz (2006), See, La Farge, Picard, Schulz, and Teichert (2009), and See, La Farge,
Horst, and Schulz (2012). This change will have some relevance principally for examinations of the stanza in chapter7.
(1)
Fornyrislag: Vsp55 54; 55 H 55; Vkv 26.78 26.56; Gr I 18.310

18.18; Sg 63.38 63.16; R 5.38 5.16; Hdl 23.38 23.16
Mlahttr: Akv 20.58 20.14
Ljahttr: Hav 134.812 134.913; HHv 12.46 12.57
We will not emend the inherited text on metrical grounds,4 in opposition to Sievers,
Leonhardt, Gering, and other early metrists, who practiced extensive emendations
metri causa (Heusler 1956: 126127; see also Zetterholm 1934: 36).5 Our conservative stance largely stems from the prototype-based view of the meter as outlined in
section1.3 below.
At this point, we are required to make justifications for treating as a single sample
the whole variety of eddic poems insofar as they are composed in the same meter,
despite their apparent diversity in content, provenance, and date of composition.6
Taking as a representative case the data of fornyrislag meter for the sake of exposition, let us justify our research strategy based on the assumption of a unitary sample.
3Kuhn retains these numberings despite their conflict with their actual places of occurrence in his
text presumably for the benefit of maintaining consistent reference across previous editions.
4The only exception is the relineation of Od 12.12 that we postulate drawing on See, La Farge,
Picard, Schulz, and Teichert (2009), as shown in section6.1 below.
5It may be appropriate in this connection to cite Heuslers (1956: 224) illuminating remarks as follows: Hier darf man sich freilich nicht den kritischen Ausgaben vor 1903 anvertrauen! Die Zeiten
sind vorber, wo man es fr den Vers ntig fand, die Frwrter zu tilgen Und eine mavolle Textkritik ndert doch nur, wo es ntig, nicht wo es mglich ist!
6In this connection, we must give full credit to Heuslers (1956: 224) remarks as follows: Diese
vierzig Gedichte [of eddic poetry including fragmentary pieces: S. S.] machen eine leidlich einheitliche Gruppe aus. Was sie sondert, ist weniger die Art, wie sie die gelegentlichen Ausnahmen nach
unter oder oben verwenden, als das wechselnde Verhalten zur Silbenzahl der Senkungen und Auftakte.
Much the same argument will apply to the ljahttr corpus, while the study of
mlahttr must be geared to individual poems because of the much less extensive
dataset and the considerable heterogeneity within it.
There are several interrelated methodological grounds for pursuing the proposed
line of investigation. First, our primary concern is the North Germanic development
of Common Germanic alliterative meter particularly on its synchronic dimension, in
distinction from the West Germanic cognates as represented by Beowulf (Fulk, Bjork,
and Niles 2008) and the Heliand (Behaghel and Taeger 1996). Given such a comparative-Germanic perspective and the concomitant panchronic orientation, as well as
our conceptualization of the meter as a prototype-based, overarching system of gradient organization (section1.3), we may naturally prioritize metrical features that are
common to the Norse tradition as a whole over whatever distinctions in fine details
are observed among the individual members, which will figure centrally after we have
successfully established the metrical identity of fornyrislag in its entirety. Second,
while individual eddic poems are relatively short and even fragmentary at times, the
whole collection becomes comparable to Beowulf in length, and is approximately half
the length of the Heliand. Comparing like with like in quantitative terms should keep
to a minimum possible distortions that would contingently arise from a radical difference in sample size. Third and inseparable from the last point, since we perform
statistical analysis as appropriate as a means of checking the empirical adequacy of
our specific claims, too small a corpus size, which would be bound to materialize
by treating the component poems separately, may bring about results that would be
unrevealing and unstable at best, and possibly unreliable and anecdotal.
Our prime standpoint thus founded, however, does not exclude other approaches
to the Norse meter. On the contrary, while exploring the network of distinctive characteristics underlying the fornyrislag tradition in general, we will be careful enough to
uncover features that are limited to single poems or groups thereof in distribution, and
offer plausible explanations (as long as viable) for these local properties as well. To
address these supplementary problematics, we have at our disposal two complementary perspectives to bring to bear on the issues. The first is obviously an examination of
each poem on its own terms. More specifically, where particular poems display notable
deviations from the overall system, we will duly deal with these metrical idiosyncrasies
in their own right, and attempt to relate them to the dominant patterns in meaningful
ways. It is not our intention, however, to make thorough examinations of metrical differences among the constituent poems for establishing a metrical identity for each poem,
and to draw whatever empirical implications for the appreciation of eddic poems, such
as their relative or absolute dating, and their localization. For such a traditionally dominant research orientation with a focus on the metrical individuality of specific pieces of
eddic poetry, see, for example, Sievers (1885), Boer (1916), Ent (1924), and Gering (1924).
A second conceptual framework is the binary grouping of eddic poems in
fornyrislag according to content. As originally propounded by Kuhn ([1933] 1969: 46),
the eddic poetry composed in fornyrislag (or mlahttr, but not ljahttr) falls into
Introduction
two groups,7 foreign and domestic (for a succinct summary and evaluation of Kuhns
thesis, see Fidjestl 1999: 153157, 294317). The foreign group of poems (Fremdstoff
lieder) is distinguished from the rest by subject matter of south German origin, and it
comprises the following twelve poems in our corpus (Fidjestl 1999: 294): Vkv, Grp,
Rm, Fm, Br, Gr I, Sg, Hlr, Gr II, Gr III, Od, Ghv. The remaining ten Vsp, Hym, rk,
HH, HHv, HHII, Bdr, R, Hdl, and Grt belong to the domestic group.8
While this dichotomy is by definition based on sources of subject matter native
versus foreign it is demonstrably associated also with a cluster of linguistic features,
notably the stress and word-order phenomena generally referred to as Kuhns laws
(Kuhn [1933] 1969), and the use of negative particles attached to verbs, -a, -at, -t, -gi,
and ne (Kuhn [1936] 1969). To put it briefly, the primarily syntactic phenomena in
question are generalized by the following set of rules:
(2)
a. Clause particles such as conjunctions, finite verbs, adverbs, and sub

stantive pronouns that is, unstressed or weakly stressed words that
belong to a clause as a whole, rather than to a particular constituent of
that sentence must appear in the first weak position of a clause, either
before or after the first stressed word.
b. The clause-initial unstressed position must be occupied by a clause particle; it may not be filled exclusively by a phrase particle an unstressed
or weakly stressed word that belongs to a particular constituent of the
clause, that is, a phrase.
c. Full finite verbs of bound clauses clauses, whether main or subordinate, that are connected with another clause by overt expressions such as
conjunctions and relatives are stressed, and therefore cannot occupy a
drop; they instead occur for the most part toward the end of the clause.
d. Full finite verbs of independent clauses main clauses that are not bound
to another clause by overt syntactic markers are weakly stressed, and
occur in the first weak position as clause particles normally do.
e. The negative particles -a, -at, -t may be attached to verbs only in independent clauses.
7Since Kuhn makes no distinction between the two meters by subsuming mlahttr under
fornyrislag a view that will be criticized in section8.7 below the grouping also bears on the four
poems Atlaml in grnlenzco (Am) Atlaqvia in grnlenzca (Akv), Hamisml (Hm), and Hrbarz
li (Hrbl) that are composed in mlahttr (or fornyrislag/mlahttr) with varying degrees of strictness (see chapters 8 through 11 below). For our concerns, these four poems are excluded from the
following examination on fornyrislag, and will be treated separately in Part II. Of no less importance,
the thematic division at issue is irrelevant to the poems in ljahttr in Kuhns view (Kuhn [1933] 1969:
49, 100; Fidjestl 1999: 295, 304).
8Russom (1998) deals exclusively with the following native material: Vsp, Hym, rk, HH, HHv, HHII,
Bdr, R, Hdl, and Grt(Russom 1998: 10n37).
f. The negative particles -a, -at, -t may be attached to verbs only when the
resultant complex forms are disyllabic (Px) or trisyllabic (pxx) with the
short initial syllable.
g. Rules e and f may be violated only where the negative particles ne and -gi
are used as independent words.
According to Kuhns findings, the domestic group conforms closely to these rules,
whereas the foreign one makes numerous violations to them. The content-based
dichotomy is thus claimed to have significant correlations to the syntactic dimension.
In this light, Kuhns bipartition seems firmly established beyond reasonable doubt
and well qualified to be built on as an empirically sound conceptual framework for
further study.
In his careful evaluation of Kuhns grouping of eddic poetry, however, Fidjestl
(1999: 298317) takes issue with the alleged associations with syntactic behavior.
Drawing on Kuhn ([1933] 1969; [1936] 1969), Fidjestl (1999: 300301) tabulates all
violations to the above seven rules according to the individual poem and the bipartite
grouping.9 Summarizing Fidjestls results without going into detail here, the domestic group, comprising approximately 3380 lines, gives 75 violations to the rules altogether; by contrast, the foreign group, amounting to 2236 lines in total, contains as
many as 240 breaches (Fidjestl 1999: 302).
While not hesitating to acknowledge the overall difference between the two
groups as impressive, Fidjestl raises doubt on the legitimacy of the division by
concentrating on the distributions of violations to each rule according to individual
poems within the foreign group. As he acutely points out, the violations are far from
evenly distributed across the group; five poems Rm, Fm, Sd, Hild, and fragments in
Vlsunga saga show no examples of violations at all; even when breaches occur,
they are often extremely small in number, one or two per rule and per poem, as shown
by the vast majority of poems.10 The relatively small number of violations and their
concomitant failure to be attested across the entire group, then, leads Fidjestl (1999:
302) to reject as inconclusive Kuhns findings on the correlation between the contentbased grouping and the linguistic properties.11
9Fidjestls table covers the whole body of data falling under the domestic and the foreign group,
including the fragmentary attestations and skaldic poems in fornyrislag that are excluded from our
corpus in this study. His reexamination is therefore of enormous value in accessing the empirical
adequacy of Kuhns findings in their entirety.
10We may add that the three poems in mlahttr or fornyrislag/mlahttr Akv, Am, Hm are all
counted among the minority of poems with relatively heavy concentrations of violations (the others
are Vkvand Sg; compare Fidjestl 1999: 308).
11With this negative evaluation, Fidjestl (1999: 302317) turns to an assessment of Kuhns thesis from a diachronic perspective, drawing thereby on his rejection of Kuhns specific accounts for
the diverse treatment of the syntactic rules in question in the major groups of poems including the
Introduction
Fidjestls wholesale rejection of Kuhns thesis, however, seems to be far-fetched.

The overall distribution of violations to the set of rules is indisputably of statistical significance, with a p-value of less than 0.001. In this respect, Fidjestls initial
impression proves to be tenable. The general picture remains unchanged even when
we narrow down the range of data in accordance with our conceptualization detailed
above and remove from the list the fragmentary examples and, more importantly, the
three poems in mlahttr or fornyrislag/mlahttr, which figure centrally among the
foreign group as major locations of violations, as observed above. After having sorted
out the material that is not included in our corpus, we obtain the following overall
distribution pattern:12 the foreign group gives 48 breaches in the total of 1393 lines,
whereas the domestic one testifies to 21 violations in the collection of 1617 lines. Performing Fishers exact test gives a p-value of less than 0.001; we may therefore be
justified in maintaining that the distribution of the syntactic violations under consideration is significantly associated with the bipartite division of eddic poetry on the
basis of subject matter.
The uneven distribution within the foreign group that led Fidjestl ultimately to
deny the adequacy of Kuhns content-based classification is an independent issue
that needs to be kept strictly separate from the overall, undeniable association. Membership of a group does not necessarily entail that each member should also share
other attributes than the defining feature(s). In this light, Fidjestl is too demanding: his argument seems to be based on the premise that all poems of the foreign
group should display common syntactic features that are unique to the group. While
Fidjestls criticism of Kuhns specific diachronic explanations of the group-internal
difference may be sound, it does not directly detract from the empirical significance
of the distinct distribution pattern of syntactic violations at issue. We may safely conclude, then, that Kuhns dichotomy of eddic poetry in fornyrislag provides a wellfounded conceptual framework that may be employed fruitfully for independent
investigation.
domestic and the foreign. Since Kuhns findings are tenable as we argue immediately below in the
text, it will not be necessary to take the trouble to review in the present context Fidjestls criticism of
Kuhns diachronic analysis.
12Rule (d) (= Fidjestls Rule 4) defies definite treatment, because Kuhn did not give all examples
according to poem. In this light, we can include only the figures clearly given in Fidjestls table,
namely, seven and fourteen violations, respectively, for calculation for the revised range of the foreign
and domestic groups. It is thus conceivable that the numbers of breaches in the two groups are actually larger than the figures presented above.
An overview of verse structure: metrical positions, verse types, and alliteration
1.2An overview of verse structure: metrical positions,

verse types, and alliteration
This section provides an overview of metrical organization in eddic poetry with
reference to fornyrislag as a representative case. There is every reason to focus on
this meter for exposition at this point: for one thing, it seems to be the oldest Norse
variety in diachronic terms, as it is most closely paralleled by West Germanic alliterative meters; for another, in formal and structural terms, the other two meters
are constructed through reorganization and standardization of certain metrical
features inherent in fornyrislag, as will be substantiated in subsequent chapters.
A set of core properties inherent in fornyrislag is thus shared by mlahttr and
ljahttr.
The meters of eddic poetry are organized at three different levels: verse, line,
and stanza. These three levels are hierarchical in construction, with the verse at the
bottom, the stanza at the top, and the line in between in the metrical hierarchy. The
stanza is a unique feature of the Norse meters, unknown to their West Germanic cognates; chapter 7 (fornyrislag), section 8.6 (mlahttr), and chapter 14 (ljahttr)
will be specifically concerned with this highest metrical unit. The exact manner of
composition of the three metrical units, however, differs markedly among the three
individual meters.
Normally, a verse comprises four metrical positions, which are verse constituent elements that are incapable of occurring by themselves and are loaded with
varying prominence value relative to each other within the same verse. Two of these
four constituents count as relatively strong or prominent over the other two; these
two stronger positions are called lifts (/), and the two weaker ones, drops (or \; see
below). Thus, the verse in its prototypical form consists of two lifts and two drops.
Although metrical positions are not grouped into an intermediate entity standing
between metrical position and verse in Old Germanic meter, often referred to as the
foot in the literature,13 fornyrislag diverges from this archaism through an emergent
regularization of a verse final unit, the cadence, in the form of lift + drop (/ ), as
will be shown in detail in chapter 5; and this verse-ending unit becomes increasingly significant as a metrical organizer in the other two meters (sections 8.3 and
13.3.4).
The arrangement of the four metrical positions within a verse varies widely. It
is not the case, however, that any arbitrary ordering is allowed to occur: rather, the
concatenation of lifts and drops is constrained in ways that will be specified in due
course. Moreover, the legitimate patterns are far from equal in metrical status; nor
are they identical in metrical properties such as verse distribution and alliterative
13As argued at length in Suzuki (1996: 3544), we do not postulate the foot as a significant metrical
level between metrical position and verse.
10
Introduction
pattern. At this point, it may suffice for us to assume as a first approximation that the
following configurations of lifts and drops constitute authentic verses in fornyrislag,
which may be called the basic verse types (compare Sievers 1893: 31):
(3)
Type A1 (/ /)
Type A2a (/ \ /)
Type A2b (/ / \)
Type A3 ([/] /)
Type B (/ /)
Type C (/ /)
Type D (/ / )
Type E (/ \ /)
The verse types are subject to variation depending on a cluster of factors. Chapter2
will be devoted to the identification of significant verse types and their major variants
in fornyrislag, with particular reference to their distribution and alliterative pattern,
to their specific linguistic realizations, and to their overall organization in the metrical system; and the corresponding examinations will be conducted in appropriate
sections for the other two meters.
Each metrical position can be occupied by a range of syllables of varying properties. A lift is usually realized by a primary-stressed long syllable; it may also be
filled by a disyllabic sequence of a short primary-stressed syllable and an unstressed
syllable (resolution; sections 4.1 and 4.2); further, it may be linked exclusively to a
short primary-stressed syllable (suspension of resolution; section4.3); it may often be
embodied by a secondary-stressed syllable, long or short, or even by an unstressed
syllable under special conditions; and finally it can occasionally be left unrealized
(realization by zero linguistic material; section2.3).
A drop is occupied by a still wider variety of syllables both in terms of quantity
and quality. The number of syllables involved ranges between zero and more than
two, with a monosyllable being by far the most common; when occupied by a null
syllable, catalectic verses arise (sections 3.2 and 3.3). Occasionally, an extra drop may
be added to the beginning of a verse by anacrusis (sections 3.1 and 3.3); in that case,
the verses involved exceptionally comprise five metrical positions (two lifts and three
drops including an anacrustic one). While a drop is normally realized by unstressed
syllables, it is compatible with a stressed syllable or a string of syllables that contains
a stressed one; some (but not all) instantiations of a drop by a stressed syllable are
designated a heavy drop (\; sections 2.2 and 2.13.1) in distinction from a normal counterpart ().
So far, we have been concerned with the distinction of metrical positions primarily from a paradigmatic perspective. There is a complementary dimension to the
organization of metrical positions, namely, a syntagmatic basis of organization. This
aspect concerns the relation of the positions of the same kind that occur in a verse.
An overview of verse structure: metrical positions, verse types, and alliteration
11
More specifically at issue is the relative ranking in terms of prominence of like positions that are constitutive of the same verse. This relation may be generalized as the
linearity-based prominence scale of metrical positions (Suzuki 1996: 167; 2004: 10) or,
more simply, the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions, as follows:
(4)
Linearity-based (or Syntagmatic) scale of metrical positions:

1
2
3
4
____________________________________
> less prominent
Key: 1, 2, 3, and 4 refer to the metrical positions counted from the beginning
of a verse.
Given any two positions of the same kind, the one that is located closer to the
beginning of a verse counts as more prominent than the other that stands
farther away from it.
Two verses referred to as the a-verse and the b-verse in order of occurrence are combined to form a line, the next higher metrical unit, through alliteration (chapter6). By
alliteration, one of the two lifts normally the first one of each constituent verse
must begin with the identical consonant; while the b-verse strictly limits alliteration
to occur solely on the first of its two constitutive lifts, the a-verse may also implement alliteration on the second lift, in which case double alliteration materializes, as
opposed to single alliteration, whereby only one lift participates in alliteration in the
a-verse (chapter6).
There is nothing particularly notable about the exact manner of implementing
alliteration in fornyrislag: as in the West Germanic tradition, alliteration exclusively
affects word-initial consonants, with the exception of /s/-clusters, /sp/, /st/, and
/sk/, which are treated as units. As a consequence, only word-initial consonants are
repeated by alliteration, except for these three clusters, which alliterate solely with
the same clusters. Since words beginning with a vowel have no initial consonants,
they are free to combine with any other words as long as they also lack initial consonants. For a more precise structural account of alliteration as well as a review of other
explanations, see Suzuki (1996: 292311) and rnason (2007). Moreover, as Hollmrus
(1936) showed at length on statistical grounds, identical vowels tend to be avoided in
alliteration, particularly in the case of single alliteration.
To a large extent, the composition of metrical positions and the selection of alliterative lifts are predicated on the lexical properties of the linguistic material to be used.
Such a lexical basis for materializing metrical positions and alliteration was correctly
recognized already in the mid-nineteenth century at an initial stage of Old Germanic
metrical scholarship (Rieger 1876; Sievers 1893: 4246; Wenck 1905: 5; Heusler 1956:
107108). Lexical categories or parts of speech largely determine qualifications for the
binary-opposed membership of metrical positions lift versus drop and a similar
dichotomy of alliterative versus nonalliterative lifts. For these purposes of linguistic
realizations, the lexical categories are grouped into three classes, 1 through 3, in the
12
Introduction
following way: nominals or substantives, comprising nouns, adjectives (including

numerals), and nominal forms of verbs infinitives and participles are subsumed
under class 1; finite verbs and adverbs belong to class 2; and function words including pronouns, prepositions, and conjunctions are assigned to class 3. Of the three
classes thus identified, class 1 is the most likely to serve as a lift, while class 3 is
furthest removed from class 1 by its minimal likelihood of occupying a lift; and class
2 is situated between these two extremes, given its largely ambivalent eligibility for
filling a lift. No less importantly, the three word classes motivate varying probabilities
of manifesting alliteration: class 1 is distinguished from the other two by its maximal
likelihood of serving as an alliterative element; and class 2 is in turn the more likely to
carry alliteration than class 3, when chosen as lifts.
In addition to the class distinction, a further factor affects alliterative pattern,
namely, the linear order of lexical items in a verse. More specifically, the preceding
less prominent words more often than not may take precedence over the following
more prominent ones in carrying alliteration, as catalogued in Pipping (1935: 4758).
In conjunction with the lexical-based organization, this precedence condition, which
may be viewed as another manifestation of the linearity-based scale mentioned above,
leads to prohibit (or at least marginalize) the pattern whereby a preceding class 1 word
is excluded from alliteration in favor of a following less prominent item. There are a
small number of exceptions to this generalization, however, as listed in Pipping (1935:
4041): class 1 words are occasionally aligned to the first drop of types A1, A3, B, or C.
In determining significant metrical categories and operations, and exploring their
mutual relations, we will use two formal criteria as primary bases for identification: (i)
verse distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse; (ii) single and double alliteration in the a-verse. In this respect, we follow the line of formal investigation established
and pursued vigorously by Bliss (1967: 4) for the Beowulf meter and subsequently practiced by other metrists including Suzuki (1996; 2004). Of the two parameters, the verse
distinction is of overriding importance because of its ubiquitous character: it concerns
the whole set of verses in the corpus by distinguishing between the first and second
halves of all lines. By contrast, alliterative distinction is a more local concern, as it
involves only half of the corpus, the set of a-verses, that is, a subset of the corpus.
The ubiquitous presence entails that the verse distinction has higher cognitive salience
and is accordingly amenable to a greater degree of manipulation for metrical organization. In this light, while taking the two parameters into full account, we give priority to
the verse distinction in making specific decisions on metrical categorization.
Finally, since our primary concerns are the organization of the metrical systems,
and their variation and change, we will not deal with how concrete verses would have
been actualized at the level of performance. Accordingly, the rhythm or the timebased interpretation of verse will not figure at all in this work; and no account will be
taken of the previous work on the rhythm and recitation of eddic poetry (e.g., Sievers
1893: 219239; 1923; Boer 1916; Ent 1924; Heusler 1956; Cook 1959), unless formal and
structural issues are inseparably involved.
The meter as a prototype-based system of gradient organization
13
1.3The meter as a prototype-based system of gradient

organization
As in our previous two works on the meters of Old English (Suzuki 1996) and Old
Saxon (Suzuki 2004), we assume the prototype-based organization of the meter. Justification for this grounding hypothesis may be provided in no small measure by the
concrete results of these empirical studies themselves. In this light, a concise statement will suffice in the following presentation. As argued in detail in Suzuki (1996:
114), according to our conceptualization, the meter constitutes a prototype-based,
cognitive system of rules, constraints, and representations, much as its linguistic
foundations do. In this system, metrical categories and operations are predicated on
prototype, whereby a given category or operation a particular verse type or anacrusis formation, for example is defined more or less rigorously in its core, but
the periphery becomes increasingly fuzzy and subject to variation as its similarity
to the core decreases progressively. The core-periphery distinction itself a matter
of degree and the gradience within the periphery thus give rise to metrical rules
and constraints that are variable, preferentially motivated, and stochastically conditioned, rather than categorical and exceptionless in implementation. In short, the
meter constitutes an open-ended heterogeneous structure that is organized through a
diverse density of integration and systematicity. In this way, while determining metricality as a whole on the basis of probability in gradient terms, the system is far from
rigid and homogeneous in organization: rather than binding performers practice in
full, it is constantly susceptible to reinterpretation and reorganization through abduction by poets and audiences.
In accordance with the prototype-based notion of metricality, scansion or metrical categorization must be characterized as a matter of gradience and preference: a
given metrical category is identified in its maximally transparent form in terms of the
properties of its central members; less typical instances may be subsumed under the
same category on the basis of varying degrees of their shared similarity (family resemblance) to its prototype. Furthermore, acknowledging family resemblance anew may
induce category extension whereby novel cases are accommodated into an existing
category as its noncentral members on the basis of perceived similarity. Metrical categories and constructs are thus less than clear-cut at their boundary zones, where they
may become indistinguishable from each other and result in categorial indeterminacy.
And by virtue of prototype effects, scansion applies to prototypical instantiations of
a metrical category with maximal facility, while progressively removed instances may
incur increasing difficulty in metrical identification and lead ultimately to insoluble
ambiguity in scansion.
Given the inherent variability and the stochastic nature of the meter as conceptualized above in synchronic terms, the metrical tradition that builds on it and constitutes a diachronic and panchronic extension of it can be viewed as analogously
constructed in its essentials: the metrical tradition shapes, and in turn is reshaped
14
Introduction
by, individual practices of versification; hence, it may be conceptualized as inherently most susceptible to variation through potential realization. Since our corpus of
poems as a whole was not produced at a single point in time and space, but came into
being during an extended period of time and in different locations, it represents a rich
variety of the meter, rather than the unitary instantiation of it. On another dimension,
however, the tradition is a norm and as such constrains every single versification to a
considerable extent. Accordingly, despite whatever individual and idiosyncratic features are detectable, the poems belonging to our corpus are all composed in the same
meter, fornyrislag. The meter that is realized in the corpus may therefore be conceptualized as doubly variational with its varied instantiations of the inherently variable
and flexible construct.
Meanwhile, it can be reasonably assumed that the extant corpus does not make
a comprehensive collection of verses in fornyrislag that were ever composed in the
past. There must have been other poems that simply failed to come down to us for
reasons of pure chance or deliberate abandonment. In this sense, our corpus should
be characterized as a sample of the once-existing, but no longer recoverable population of fornyrislag verses, including oral performances. This is the sample, more
over, that was forced upon us, rather than the one we are at liberty to construct on a
random basis.14
Inasmuch as our primary interest is directed to the metrical tradition of fornyris
lag, rather than its particular manifestations in individual works of poetry, we must
go beyond the latters descriptions and delve into the underlying generative basis of
versification for full inquiry. Our clues for this abstract construct, however, cannot
be accessible elsewhere than in the existing corpus. We must make sure, therefore,
that whatever information we may claim to have at our disposal in regard to the metrical tradition is not a matter of coincidence an accidental result of random sampling but that there is every reason to attribute it to the population as a whole lying
behind the data. At this point, inferential statistics presents itself as a useful checking
device.
The foregoing discussion, then, converges to show that statistical reasoning is
an indispensable research strategy on two fronts. First, on the more immediate level,
the meter itself is a stochastic organizing system with varying realizations, as it is
prototype-based, cognitively open, and subject to variation depending on a wealth of
preference conditions, themselves tendentious in nature. A proper understanding of
the metrical mechanism requires a statistics-based conceptual framework. Second,
on the more removed front, the metrical tradition, the overarching panchronic entity
that lies behind its concrete manifestations in individual works, is accessible to us
14Of course, we are free to make a smaller sample, a subset, out of the existing corpus. The point being made here, however, is that we are incapable of making a sampling independent of the inherited
corpus.
Statistical analysis
15
only through the extant corpus of historical contingency. Inferential statistical techniques provide an empirically solid basis for inferring by generalization that specific
properties observed in the corpus would have obtained correspondingly in the underlying metrical tradition at large.
1.4Statistical analysis
The last section highlighted the importance of statistical thinking. In this section, we
introduce in an informal way the minimal basics of inferential statistical analysis that
will be presupposed throughout the following exploration. Suppose we have a sample
of data, a corpus of eddic verses in fornyrislag, for example. And suppose further we
cross-classify the data according to two different parameters each with two distinct
values: for example, the distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse on the one
hand, and that between single and double alliteration on the other, the two familiar
variables that will figure centrally in the rest of this book. The results of this two-way
classification are represented in a two-by-two contingency table (cross tabulation),
as follows:
Table1.3.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern in fornyrislag
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
A-verse
B-verse
2144 (71.44%)
2989 (99.73%)
857 (28.56%)
8 (0.27%)
3001 (100%)
2997 (100%)
Total
5133 (85.58%)
865 (14.42%)
5998 (100%)
Fishers exact test (or simply Fisher test) is designed to determine whether two given
categorical variables (or parameters; each usually ranging between two discrete
values) are independent of each other (assumed as the null hypothesis). In other
words, the test confirms or rejects the null hypothesis that there is no association
between the two variables that are represented in the rows and columns of a twoby-two contingency table. Returning to our example, the null hypothesis in this
case is that there is no correlation between verse distinction and alliterative pattern;
more specifically, the selection of alliterative pattern is unaffected by the difference
between the a-verse and the b-verse, and vice versa.
We may then pose the following question: How high is the probability of obtaining the distribution as given in the above table? If it is sufficiently high (to put it in
vague terms), we will be led to conclude that the actual pattern is within the range
of expected variation that is, a matter of chance due to a random sampling and
is therefore not worthy of further inquiry. According to Fisher, the exact probability
of obtaining a particular distribution given in a contingency table is calculated by a
16
Introduction
specific formula based on the hypergeometric distribution.15 What concerns us most,

however, is the sum probability of the actual distribution and others that are more
uneven than this in patterning: we wish to view the observed distribution pattern as
the least extreme instantiation of all conceivable uneven patterns. Thus, the test adds
up all relevant probabilities for these more extreme cases to reach the cumulative
p-value with which the observed distribution in the cells of the contingency table and
all others more extreme than this are likely to be obtained. When the p-value is below
0.05, we may be justified in rejecting the null hypothesis of independent variation and
conclude alternatively that the given sets of variables are significantly associated with
each other: a correlation which should not be confused with a causal relation, of
course is thus demonstrably established between the two parameters.
Back to our example, the p-value that we get is less than 0.001. This means that
the distribution of verse and alliteration that is represented in Table1.3 and others
more extreme than this have a probability of occurrence lower than 0.001. Since this
figure is far below the threshold of 0.05, we are justified in rejecting at a significance
level of 0.05 (or at a confidence level of 95%) the null hypothesis that verse distinction
and alliterative pattern are determined independently. On the contrary, the two variables are significantly correlated. The a-verse and the b-verse display distinct alliterative patterns; more specifically, while the a-verse allows for double alliteration, the
b-verse virtually excludes it.
The previous example exemplifies a typical application of Fishers exact test,
whereby a cross tabulation by two binary-valued parameters observed in the data is
demonstrated to be of statistical significance and leads to the conclusion that there
is a correlation between the two variables in question. There is a further use of the
statistical test, the kind of application that appears less obvious, but embodies nonetheless the same logic as the earlier example.
Returning to Table 1.3, let us focus on the alliterative pattern in the b-verse,
2989 counts of single alliteration versus 8 counts of double alliteration. We may be
reminded that this pattern is significantly different from that displayed by the a-verse
(p<0.001). What we are concerned with here is the significance (or lack thereof) of
this distribution, not in comparison with that of the a-verse, but on its own terms.
More specifically, we are interested to see whether the rare realizations of double alliteration in the b-verse are negligibly small enough to be equated with total absence. It
may be recalled in this connection that double alliteration is disallowed in the b-verse
in contrast to the a-verse, as remarked in section 1.2 above. If the stated rule were
strictly categorical and exception-free, there should be no instance of double alliteration whatsoever in the b-verse. How should we make sense out of this discrepancy?
15Computational bases of calculation need not concern us here. For details, see Agresti (2013), for
example.
Statistical analysis
17
The contingency table that is at stake here is represented as Table1.4. While the
alliterative patterns are properties of the same sample in the last example, we are now
comparing the two corresponding instantiations of single and double alliteration in
two different samples, one actual and the other virtual. Running Fishers exact test,
we obtain a p-value of 0.008: the difference in distribution at issue proves to be of
statistical significance. We are not justified in assuming that the two distribution patterns are simply two different samples of the same population; on the contrary, they
must be attributed to differing populations. The eight examples of double alliteration
thus cannot be reduced to the total absence of double alliteration; they cannot be
explained away as occurrences by pure chance. In other words, the actually observed
pattern belongs to the population in which the constraint against double alliteration
is far from exceptionless. We might accordingly be induced to conclude that a part of
alliteration rules, which are generally held to be highly strict, allows as a matter of
fact for a range of exception, however small it may be.
Table1.4.Alliterative pattern in the b-verse in fornyrislag
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
B-verse (observed)
B-verse (expected)
2989 (99.73%)
2997 (100%)
8 (0.27%)
0 (0%)
2997 (100%)
2997 (100%)
Total
5986 (99.87%)
8 (0.13%)
5994 (100%)
Part I.Fornyrislag
Introduction
Introduction
Among the body of eddic poetry as delimited in section 1.1 above, the following
twenty poems constitute the corpus for our study of fornyrislag meter (on two other
pieces to be included, see further below; Sievers 1893: 6364; Neckel and Kuhn 1983):
Vlosp (Vsp), Hymisqvia (Hym), rymsqvia (rk), Vlundarqvia (Vkv), Helgaqvia
Hundingsbana in fyrri (HH), Helgaqvia Hirvarzsonar (HHv; excluding 12.5 through
30), Helgaqvia Hundingsbana nnor (HHII), Grpissp (Grp), Brot af Sigurarqvio
(Br), Gurnarqvia in fyrsta (Gr I), Sigurarqvia in scamma (Sg), Helrei Brynhildar
(Hlr), Gurnarqvia nnor (Gr II), Gurnarqvia in riia (Gr III), Oddrnargrtr
(Od), Gurnarhvt (Ghv), Baldrs draumar (Bdr), Rgsula (R), Hyndloli (Hdl), and
Grottasngr (Grt). We will treat this body of data as a unitary sample of fornyrislag
verse, and on this empirical basis provide comprehensive descriptions and explanatory accounts of the metrical system at large.
On the other hand, the following eddic materials in fornyrislag need empirical
justification for being included in our corpus, because they are embedded in their
own different ways into the larger wholes that do not constitute fornyrislag compositions in themselves. Being short in length and lacking self-contained status, these
more or less fragmentary pieces possibly would not have been amenable to full metrical organization otherwise due, and vulnerable on the contrary to extraneous forces
noise and interference owing to a shifting of meters as a code-switching that may
have denied them effective metrical control. There are three such poems of mixed
composition in which fornyrislag verses are apparently in the minority against the
background of dominant ljahttr compositions (see Table 1.2, section 1.1 above):
Reginsml (Rm; stanzas 5, 11, 1318, 23, 26), Ffnisml (Fm; stanzas 3233, 3536,
4044), and Sigrdrfoml (Sd; stanzas 1, 5, 1517).
Of these three pieces, Sd seems to be extremely doubtful concerning its reliability as a genuine instantiation of fornyrislag: in addition to the smallest presence of
fornyrislag, there are in fact empirical grounds to conclude that the part of Sd supposedly composed in fornyrislag which amounts to thirty-nine verses1 does not
follow the meter as strictly as would normally be expected; rather, it displays several
features characteristic of ljahttr, three of which deserve specific discussion in the
following.
First, typeA1 is predominantly accompanied by anacrusis: as many as 11 (73.33%)
out of a total of 15 typeA1 verses are anacrustic.2 By contrast, anacrusis is only exceptionally found in other fornyrislag poems: we count 26 (1.23%) typeA1 verses with
1See the index of scansion. The remaining one verse, Sd15.5, is disregarded because of lack of alliteration.
2Type A1 without anacrusis: Sd1.4, 1.6, 5.3, 5.7; typeA1 with anacrusis: Sd1.2, 15.1, 15.7, 16.1, 16.5, 16.7,
17.1, 17.2, 17.3, 17.5, 17.7.
22
Introduction
anacrusis in a total of 2118 typeA1 verses. The distributions involved differ significantly, of course (p<0.001); for details, see section3.1 below.
Second, and related to the first point, 29 (74.36%) verses out of a total of 39 begin
with unstressed material, either with anacrusis as we have just seen a representative case of above or with the first drop of types B, C, or C-.3 In all other poems in
fornyrislag, on the other hand, we count 44 anacrustic verses and 1871 instances of
types B, C, and C- (31.93%) in the corpus of 5998 verses. Being thus a reversal of each
other in the proportions of drop-initial to lift-initial verses, the two patterns are significantly different, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
Third, types B and C seem to be associated more closely with the b-verse than
with the a-verse in Sd, contrary to the largely even distribution in fornyrislag. There
are 12 examples of types B and C in Sd 1 typeB verse and 11 typeC ones of which
as many as 10 (83.33%) occur in the b-verse (see note3). By contrast, we witness 863
a-verses (48.10%) and 931 b-verses (51.90%) of these two types in fornyrislag. Accordingly, Sds uneven distribution proves to be significantly different from the unbiased
pattern obtained in fornyrislag (p=0.040).
The above three properties that uniquely distinguish Sd from the corpus of other
fornyrislag poems share a notable characteristic: they are all found to be highly reminiscent of ljahttr, particularly its b-verse. First, of the total of 55 type A1 verses
occurring in the b-verse of this meter (Table12.4, section12.1.2), 40 (72.73%) are prefixed with anacrusis, the proportion that is statistically indistinguishable from the
corresponding one observed in Sd (p=1). Second, in ljahttr the verses beginning
with an unstressed syllable or a string of such weak syllables constitute the majority
by accounting for 899 (84.25%) in the total of 1067 b-verses (Table12.56, section12.2).
In Sd, we find 16 examples beginning with unstressed material and 4 with a verse-initial stress in the b-verse. As it turns out, the two distributions are hardly distinguishable, given p=0.542. These two patterns in turn are diametrically opposed to the situation in fornyrislag, in which the verses beginning with unstressed syllables are in
the minority (977 vs. 2020). Significantly distinguished from fornyrislag accordingly
(p<0.001), Sd is demonstrably grouped with ljahttr. Third, types B and C occur
predominantly in the b-verse in ljahttr, too (sections 12.1.8 and 12.1.9): we count
141 (14.89%) a-verses as against 806 (85.11%) b-verses (Table12.56, section12.2). In
light of a p-value of 0.697, Sd and ljahttr must be regarded as equivalent on this
parameter as well.
Since Sd is framed by ljahttr in its overall composition (see Table 1.2,
section1.1), the clustering of the above three features characteristic of this meter in
the peripheral part of this poem may reasonably be ascribed to transference from the
3In addition to the eleven instances of typeA1 with anacrusis, the following eighteen verses begin
with unstressed syllables: type aA1s: Sd15.2, 16.4, 16.8; type aA2a: Sd15.4; type aA2b: Sd15.3; typeB:
Sd1.3; typeC: Sd1.1, 5.4, 5.6, 5.8, 15.6, 15.8, 16.2, 16.6, 17.4, 17.6, 17.8; typeC-: Sd16.3.
Introduction
23
dominant meter to the minor one by analogical extension. This supposition in turn
prompts us to ask why the b-verse, rather than the a-verse, of ljahttr profoundly
shapes the alleged composition in fornyrislag. Of the two verses, it will be the b-verse
that figures more prominently in terms of salience, partly because of its line-terminating function and partly because of its determining role in alliteration. Moreover, given
that the a-verse and the b-verse are categorically distinct in ljahttr in terms of verse
types represented (section12.1), while they are largely commensurate in fornyrislag,
it may follow as a matter of course that whichever verse is chosen for modeling comes
to permeate the whole line in fornyrislag, rather than being limited to its original
constituent. Accordingly, once singled out as a basis for analogical extension owing
to its inherent greater perceptibility, the ljahttr b-verse reshapes the part of Sd in
its entirety that should have been intended as a composition in fornyrislag.
This, then, is the essence of the metrical interference that may be held responsible for the outstanding deviations in Sd from the standard of fornyrislag, which may
thus justify us in excluding Sd from the corpus of fornyrislag poems. On the other
hand, inasmuch as Rm and Fm do not display comparable aberrancies that are attributable to metrical interference, we may safely include them in the dataset, which then
comprises twenty-two poems altogether and 5998 verses in total after deducing the
defective ones as given in the following paragraph.
Since alliteration crucially determines the identity of verse types, the verses that
do not display alliteration must be excluded from examination. In addition, a number
of verses are assumed to be missing in terms of line and stanza formation. These
defective verses in the broadest sense, twenty-six in total, are listed below (unless
otherwise noted, the verses are preserved in full, but without alliteration):
List of defective fornyrislag verses not included in the corpus:
rk28.56, Vkv 9.4, 26.12 (26.2 lacking), Sg 6.34, 13.12, 39.2 (lacking), 50.12,
Gr II 17.4 (lacking), Ghv 5.12, 13.34, 14.78 (14.7 lacking), 18.12 (18.2 lacking),
20.78 (20.7 imperfect), R 8.6 (lacking), 47.78 (47.7 lacking)
2Verse types and their realizations

In this chapter, we will identify significant verse types at the underlying level of metrical representation, determine their manifold variations at the surface level of realization, and explore the formal and functional organization of these verse types and
tokens largely on a stochastic basis. While the number and kinds of metrical positions
and their linear sequencing determine a restricted set of verse types, a broad latitude of alignment of these invariant metrical positions to diverse language materials
results in a wide-ranging variation of verse types on the surface.
Major sources of variation in realization are twofold depending on the kinds of
positions involved, namely, the lift and the drop. Realizations of the strong position
are predicated on two parameters, stress degrees primary (P/p), secondary (S/s),
and weak (X/x) and syllable length long monosyllables (P/S/X), short monosyllables (p/s/x), short disyllables (px), and null syllables (zero realization). The alignment of a lift to a short disyllable is implemented by resolution, which will be treated
separately in chapter4. On the other hand, the drop varies depending primarily on
two parameters, the number of syllables including zero and, in the case of monosyllables, their location relative to a word boundary, more specifically word-initial versus
word-final. Occasionally, stress degrees may assume limited relevance in the organization of drops. The role and ranking of these parameters and the ways in which they
interact, however, vary from type to type largely because of the underlying metrical
structures involved, as will be detailed in the following.
2.1Type A1 (/ /)
2.1.1The first drop
Constituting by far the most common verse type (see section3.3 below), typeA1 is
characterized by the regular modulation of lifts and drops in this order, namely, a
trochaic pattern, as exemplified below:1
(1)
Vsp1.2 helgar kindir [Px#Px]

Hym9.7 glggr vi gesti [P#x#Px]
HH11.6 iofri at gialda [Px#x#Px]
rk1.5 scegg nam at hrista [P#x#x#Px]
Grp 44.4mr segu, Grpir [P#xx#Px]
Gr II 41.1 Huga ec mr af hendi [Px#x#x#x#Px] (also Gr II 42.1)
1For a catalogue of verses, see appendix 1. Compare Sievers (1885: 9, 1516; 1893: 6566), Gering
(1924: 23, 9, 13, 17, 20, 24, 2930, 36, 40, 45, 176177, 181, 183, 185, 188189, 192193, 199, 202, 206207,
209210, 214, 217218), and Russom (1998: 3839, 7071, 8788).
26
Verse types and their realizations
As should be clear, the first drop of typeA1 may be occupied by a varying number of
unstressed syllables, ranging between one and five, as indicated in Table2.1.2 While
the vast majority (74.55%) of typeA1 verses in general have a monosyllable for the
first drop, the b-verse shows a stronger preference for this minimal number. The
notably higher presence of the b-verse in the minimal variant of typeA1 is sharply
contrasted by the reverse pattern of distribution whereby the a-verse is represented
more strongly when the first drop is filled by more than a single syllable. This diametrical pattern proves to be of statistical significance, as a p-value of less than 0.001
is obtained by a Fishers exact test performed on the two-by-two contingency table
that is divided by the parameter of the verse distinction and that of the mono- versus
polysyllables.
A casual observation may further lead us to detect an apparently neat correlation
between the a-verse/b-verse distinction and the differing number of syllables in the
first drop. That is, the greater the number of syllables involved, the higher the proportion of the a-verse represented. On closer analysis, however, the observed differences
among the polysyllables are not supported by inferential statistics, with none of the
relevant p-values obtained being smaller than 0.05.3
Table2.1.Verse distinction of typeA1 according to size of the first drop
Syllables
A-verse
B-verse
Total
1
2
3
4
5
429 (28.28%) 1088 (71.72%)

264 (60.83%)
170 (39.17%)
53 (68.83%)
24 (31.17%)
5 (83.33%)
1 (16.67%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1517 (100%)
434 (100%)
77 (100%)
6 (100%)
1 (100%)
Total
752 (36.95%) 1283 (63.05%)
2035 (100%)
While occurring dominantly in the b-verse in overall terms, the variant of typeA1 with
the monosyllabic first drop is subject to a finer differentiation that is predicated on
the morphological status of the monosyllables involved. Specifically, the degrees of
association with the b-verse vary depending on whether the monosyllables are wordinitial or final, as represented in Table2.2. With p-values of less than 0.001 obtained
by Fishers exact test, the word-final (-x#) syllable displays a significantly stronger
2Verses with anacrusis, which will be treated separately in section 3.1 below, are excluded from
consideration.
3In Beowulf, a significant distinction is in evidence between disyllables and trisyllables (p<0.001),
much as between monosyllables and polysyllables (p<0.001; compare Suzuki 1996: 155). The Heliand
goes so far as to make a comparable distinction between trisyllables (450 a-verses and 72 b-verses)
and quadrisyllables (316 a-verses and 18 b-verses) with a p-value of less than 0.001.

Type A1 (/ /)

27
association with the b-verse than the word-initial counterpart (#x#), that is, the
monosyllabic independent word for the most part. We may accordingly generalize
that monosyllables that are bound to the preceding stressed syllables in morphological (rather than syntactic) terms are characterized by the maximal preference for the
b-verse.
Table2.2.Verse distinction of typeA1 according to composition of the monosyllabic first drop
Monosyllabic
A-verse
B-verse
Total
-x#
#x#a
236 (21.95%)
19 3 (43.67%)
839 (78.05%)
249 (56.33%)
1075 (100%)
442 (100%)
Two instances of #x- (both b-verses) are included.
A similar distinction obtains when the first drop is realized by disyllables (Table2.3).
While the disyllabic first drop shows a stronger preference for the a-verse than the
monosyllabic counterpart, as pointed out above, the disyllable beginning with the
word-final (-x#) occurs more frequently in the b-verse than the one starting with
the word-initial (#x), with a statistical significance (p=0.001). No significant difference, however, is recognizable between the two sequences beginning with the wordinitial, namely, #x#x# and #xx# (p = 0.275; 117 vs. 39 for the a-verse; 52 vs. 25 for
the b-verse). In this light, the differing degrees of morphological boundedness of the
initial syllable to the preceding lift can be held primarily responsible for the differential distribution pattern in question.
Table2.3.Verse distinction of typeA1 according to composition of the disyllabic first drop
Disyllabic
-x
#x
-S
A-verse
B-verse
96 (51.34%)
156 (66.95%)
5 (83.33%)
91 (48.66%)
77 (33.05%)
1 (16.67%)
Total
187 (100%)
233 (100%)
6 (100%)
When more than two syllables are involved (Table 2.4), however, the distinction
between the word-final and the word-initial is immaterial, given a p-value of 1. This
lack of distinction among the larger numbers of syllables can be regarded as analogous to that among the polysyllables mentioned above.
Table2.4.Verse distinction of typeA1 according to composition of the trisyllabic or longer first drop
Trisyllabic or longer
-x
#x
A-verse
39 (69.64%)
20 (71.43%)
B-verse
17 (30.36%)
8 (28.57%)
Total
56 (100%)
28 (100%)
28
Another parametric distinction that may possibly be correlated to the varying size
of the first drop of typeA1 concerns the opposition between single and double alliteration in the a-verse. Table2.5 shows the distribution of single and double alliteration in relation to the numbers of syllables that realize the first drop of typeA1. As
it turns out, only when the position in question is filled by monosyllables, does the
distribution pattern significantly differ. More specifically, with p-values of 0.010 and
0.003, respectively, monosyllables display a stronger preference for single alliteration than disyllables on the one hand, and all polysyllabic sequences on the other.
No significant distinction is in evidence among the polysyllables, as would be
expected in light of the comparable phenomena referred to above in regard to verse
distribution.
Table2.5.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 in the a-verse according to size of the first drop
Syllables
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
1
2
3
4
5
245 (57.11%)
124 (46.97%)
27 (50.94%)
2 (40.00%)
1 (100%)
184 (42.89%)
140 (53.03%)
26 (49.06%)
3 (60.00%)
0 (0%)
429 (100%)
264 (100%)
53 (100%)
5 (100%)
1 (100%)
Total
399 (53.06%)
353 (46.94%)
752 (100%)
We may now examine whether the morphological status of the initial syllable of the
first drop has comparable effects on the distinction between single and double alliteration in the a-verse. As Table2.6 makes evident, with the monosyllabic first drop,
word-finals prefer single alliteration whereas word-initials favor double alliteration, a
diametrically opposite distribution that is of statistical significance (p<0.001).
Table2.6.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 in the a-verse according to composition of the monosyllabic
first drop
Monosyllabic
-x#
#x#
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
173 (73.31%)
72 (37.31%)
63 (26.69%)
121 (62.69%)
236 (100%)
193 (100%)
When disyllables or more are involved, however, no significant correlation is discerned between word-finals/word-initials and single/double alliteration, given
p = 0.437 for disyllables (Table 2.7) and p = 0.589 for trisyllables or longer syllable
strings (Table2.8).

Type A1 (/ /)

29
Table2.7.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 in the a-verse according to composition of the disyllabic

first drop
Disyllabic
-x
#x
-S
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
41 (42.71%)
75 (48.08%)
3 (60.00%)
55 (57.29%)
81 (51.92%)
2 (40.00%)
Total
96 (100%)
156 (100%)
5 (100%)
Table2.8.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 in the a-verse according to composition of the trisyllabic or

longer first drop
Trisyllabic or longer
-x
#x
Single alliteration
21 (53.85%)
9 (45.00%)
Double alliteration
18 (46.15%)
11 (55.00%)
Total
39 (100%)
20 (100%)
At this point, it is worth examining in detail the sequence PSPx (PS#x#Px or

PSx#Px), referred to in Tables 2.3 and 2.7 without discussion. There are six examples in
the corpus.4 Remarkably, all these instances contain a compound proper noun for the
initial word PS(x): myrcvi (Vkv 1.2),5 Hlagur (Vkv 15.1), Guthormr (Grp 50.3), Gurno
(Sg 2.3), Brynhildr (Od 17.1), Vegtamr (Bdr 6.1). Put another way, no definitive instance of
PSPx is known in which the first drop is realized by the second member of a true compound and an additional syllable (-S#x or -Sx#), as pointed out by Sievers (1893: 69n2;
compare Kuhn [1939] 1969: 511513). As expected from the small sample size involved,
the configuration PS#x#Px/PSx#Px displays no significant difference from the corresponding sequences of unstressed syllables in terms of verse distinction (p=0.220
against -x and p=0.667 against #x) and alliterative pattern in the a-verse (p=0.657
against -x and p=0.674 against #x). The lack of significant difference then confirms
Sieverss identification of the configuration PSx#Px as a regular verse with four positions, rather than an expanded variant (typeA*) with five metrical positions.
Noteworthy further is the extreme rarity of the sequence PSx#Px (one example;
Sg 2.3 Gurno ungo) in comparison with PS#x#Px (five examples). Seen in this light,
the configuration PSxPx is differentiated by the combination of the two parameters,
one of PSx# versus PS#x and the other of true compounds versus proper names. The
four variants are then ranked in terms of their occurrence, as follows:
4A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): Grp50.3, Sg2.3, Bdr6.1; a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Vkv15.1, Od17.1; b-verse (1 example): Vkv1.2.
5Although myrcvi dark forest in Vkv1.2 is treated as a common noun in Neckel and Kuhn (1983),
an alternative reading as a proper noun is no less plausible as noted in La Farge and Tucker (1992:
186). See also Dronke (1997: 302), as well as Hollanders (1962: 160) and Larringtons (1996: 103) translations as a place name.
30
(2)
PS#x#Px (proper names) > PSx#Px (proper names) > PS#x#Px/PSx#Px

(truecompounds)
Thus, the configuration PS#x#Px (proper names) occurs with the highest frequency,
the sequence PSx#Px (proper names) then follows, and the remaining two are totally
unattested in the corpus.
Finally, we should draw attention to the idiosyncrasy of the following eight
verses, in which the first drop is exceptionally realized by a class 1 word (nominal;
represented as P(=x), a primary-stressed syllable that would otherwise serve as a
lift but is actually being treated as equivalent to an unstressed one in metrical terms),
usually in conjunction with the following unstressed syllable:
(3)
Vkv 7.7 siau hundru allra [P#P(=x)x#Px]

rk2.8 ss er stolinn hamri [P#x#p(=x)x#Px]
Sg 33.1 Frra mar r engi, Gunnar [Px#P(=x)#x#xx#Px]
Sg 43.3lta mann sic letia [Px#P(=x)#x#Px]
Sg 45.3 Letia mar hna [Px#P(=x)#Px]
Gr III 5.4 riggia tega manna [Px#p(=x)x#Px]
Gr III 7.1 Siau hundru manna [P#P(=x)x#Px]
Od 12.5 slcs dmi qvaattu [P#P(=x)x#pxx]
The above verses must all be scanned as type A1, because the illegitimate forms
would otherwise arise on postulation of a metrical stress on the initial syllables of the
words in question: two of the resulting sequences PPxPx (Vkv 7.7, Gr III 7.1, and Od
12.5) and PxPxPx (Sg 33.1 and 43.3) with five and six metrical positions, respectively,
would defy scansion by any means. Therefore, we must demote the lexical stress on
the second lexical words and accordingly equate them to members of classes 2 and
3. Stress demotion seems to be all the more plausible, given the nature of the words
involved. They are for the most part marginal members of substantives: numerals and
mar, which is close to being a pronoun. Furthermore, given the comparably peripheral nature of the words involved (mar, tega, a numeral, and stolinn, a participle),
the remaining three verses rk2.8, Sg 45.3, and Gr III 5.4 may be scanned analogously as typeA1, although they could be categorized as typeD* in the absence of an
unstressed syllable in the immediately following position (sections 2.12.1 and 2.12.2).
The improbable resolution on the second lift that would otherwise have to be postulated for tega and stolinn lends further support to the proposed scansion as typeA1.
Somewhat similar to these eight verses is Sg 2.3 Gurno ungo (PSx#Px; treated
in this section above), in which the first drop is occupied by the disyllabic second
element of a compound proper name. In this case, however, the entity involved obviously carries a lesser stress, and the demotion of stress and the consequent identification with Pxx would seem to be more natural. Similarly and uniquely, Gr I 6.2 Hna
lanz drtning (PxS#Px) has its first drop aligned to a disyllabic string that contains a

Type A1 (/ /)

31
secondary-stressed syllable, but in reverse order. Again, we may invoke a demotion of

lexical stress to treat the sequence involved as unstressed as a whole.
As pointed out by Kuhn ([1939] 1969: 512) from a different perspective,6 the above
ten verses of type A1 in which the first drop is exceptionally occupied by a lexical
stress are concentrated in the group of poems of foreign (South German) content
(section1.1): all but one (rk2.8) belong to this group. Of further interest, disregarding
the four verses that Kuhn did not take into consideration (see note6), the remaining
six verses are all restricted to the foreign group. In either case, the uneven distributions observed are of statistical significance, when we compare them with the minimally distinct variant of typeA1, namely, PxxPx, which occurs in total (including
the examples at issue) 224 times and 294 times in the foreign and the native group,
respectively. The results of statistical analysis are p=0.003 in regard to the first distribution including rk2.8, Sg 33.1, 43.3, and 45.3, and p=0.006 in regard to the second
case excluding these four verses. Thus, Kuhns original observation has been verified
as statistically tenable on either count. The idiosyncratic use of the syllable sequences
carrying a lexical stress in the first drop of typeA1 must therefore be characterized as
a peripheral feature of the meter that is delimited largely in terms of poetic content:
it is a highly marked metrical trait characteristic of the poems of South German
content.7
2.1.2The second drop

In contrast to the first drop, which may be realized by a varying number of syllables,
the second drop is absolutely limited to a single syllable for realization. Furthermore,
this position is normally filled by the word-final -x#. There are, however, thirty-three
exceptions to this generalization, in which the verse-final drop is occupied by an
independent word (#x#),8 as exemplified in (4):9
6Conceptualizing according to Heuslers tact-based metrical framework, Kuhn was concerned with
the configurations in which the first lift of typeA1 is followed by a stressed metrically, rather than
lexically syllable that occurs in the same (first) measure. Presumably for this reason, Kuhn did not
deal with rk2.8, Sg33.1, 43.3, and 45.3. On the other hand, Kuhn ([1939] 1969: 511521) took account
of the configurations PXx#Px and Pxx#Px as well. On these configurations without a lexical stress on
the medial syllable, see section2.1.3.3 below.
7For a literary-historical account of this limited use, see Kuhn ([1939] 1969: 514521).
8Excluding nouns and adjectives that are qualified to form a heavy drop by virtue of their inherent
stressability, which will be treated in section2.2.2 as a variant of typeA2b.
9A-verse with single alliteration (7 examples): rk 15.5, 19.1, Vkv 17.7, HH II 13.1, Br 14.5, Od 12.1,
Hdl13.1; a-verse with double alliteration (24 examples): Vsp49.1, 58.1, Hym34.5, rk15.3, GrII 33.5,
Hdl13.7, 16.9, 17.5, 17.7, 18.3, 18.9, 20.1, 20.9, 21.7, 23.7, 24.9, 26.7, 27.9, 28.11, 29.9, 31.3, 34.3, 36.3, 39.3; bverse (2 examples): Vkv31.6, HHII 42.8. Compare Vkv32.3, which is accompanied by anacrusis.
32
(4)
rk15.5 Bindo vr r [Px#x#P#x]

Hdl 16.9 alt er at tt n [P#x#x#P#x] (also Hdl 17.5, 20.9, 21.7, 23.7, 24.9, 26.7,
27.9, 28.11, 29.9)
Vkv 31.6 kld ero mr r n [P#xx#x#P#x]
There are several notable features about this configuration. First, the vast majority of
these exceptional verses, 20 out of 33 (60.61%), are attested in Hdl, which accounts for
no more than 6.50% of all eddic verses in fornyrislag. Second, a number of verses are
used recurrently. There are 10 tokens of alt er at tt n, as indicated in (4) above. We
find 4 instances of vromz, at viti sv at Hdl 31.3, 34.3, 36.3, and 39.3. Similar to these
instances is the verse varar, at viti sv, which occurs twice at Hdl 17.7 and 18.9. Furthermore, rk15.5 Bindo vr r and rk19.1 Bundo eir r are all but identical to
each other. Third, all the examples but two (93.94%) occur in the a-verse. By contrast,
nearly two-thirds (63.99%) of all typeA1 verses (excluding the variant under consideration) appear in the b-verse. This difference is of statistical significance (p<0.001):
the preponderance of this exceptional verse form in the a-verse is thereby confirmed.
Fourth, of the 31 a-verses, as many as 24 instances (77.42%) manifest double alliteration. As far as typeA1 verses in general (excluding the variant under consideration)
are concerned, however, double alliteration is attested for less than half (45.63%).
This difference in distribution can be regarded as significant in light of a p-value of
0.001. The clustering of these metrical irregularities may lead us to suspect that the
configuration in question constitutes a highly idiosyncratic verse of a formulaic character and as such is located on the periphery of the metrical system.
At this point, a brief look at the West Germanic meters will be instructive. Beowulf
gives only a single example of the configuration, namely, Beo 274b sceaona ic nt
hwylc. In the Heliand, on the other hand, we find 14 such examples: a-verse with
single alliteration (1 example): 2109a uualdand fr mn; a-verse with double alliteration (4 examples): 3832a selliad, that thar sn ist, 4618a, 5104a, 5191a; b-verse (9 examples): 46b n uuas iro thuo noh than, 490b, 971b, 1522b, 2836b, 3281b, 4765b, 4861b,
5017b (Suzuki 2004: 68). Most striking about these West Germanic verses is that they
occur predominantly in the b-verse, in sharp contrast to the eddic ones, which go
so far as to display a marked preference for double alliteration. The North and West
Germanic pieces are thus diametrically opposed in verse distribution and alliterative
pattern. No less importantly, the Norse meter is distinguished from the West Germanic
ones by the relatively high proportion of the configuration at issue to other varieties of typeA1: 33 to 2059 (fornyrislag); 1 to 2153 (Beowulf); 14 to 2987 (Heliand). The
resultant p-values are less than 0.001 between fornyrislag and either of the West
Germanic meters. We must therefore conclude that, unparalleled in the West Germanic traditions both quantitatively and qualitatively, the configuration PxP#x in
fornyrislag is a highly idiosyncratic verse form of limited currency (further on this
configuration in connection with its apparent similarity to typeA2b, see section2.2.2
below).

Type A1 (/ /)

33
2.1.3Marked variants of typeA1

2.1.3.1The configuration PS#px
This is a marked variant of typeA1 in which the first drop is typically occupied by the
second constituent of a compound and the second lift is realized by a short stressed
syllable on its own through suspension of resolution, as exemplified in (5).10 This
is subtypeA1s (Suzuki 1996: 84), corresponding to Sieverss (1893: 33) typeA2k and
Heuslers (1956: 223) 2V.2s. The realization of the second lift by a short stressed
syllable motivates by compensation a reallocation of the otherwise expected, stressbearing second mora to the preceding drop, resulting thereby in its bimoraic stressed
realization (-S; Suzuki 1996: 8486; compare Boer [1916: 24], who regarded the relatively heavy weight of the first drop as a compensation for the reduced second lift).11
(5)
Hym4.7 str mikit [PS#px]

Gr II 41.7 sorgms sefa [PS#px]
Bdr 9.2 hrrbarm inig [PS#px]
10A-verse with single alliteration (26 examples): Vsp 37.7, 42.7, 43.7, Hym 4.7, 19.3, 22.7, 30.3, 30.7,
HH11.7, 25.5, 30.7, 37.3, 38.7, HHv33.3, HHII 39.3, Grp14.3, 23.7, Rm16.5, Fm35.3, Br19.3, GrI 14.7, GrII
31.11, Od21.7, Ghv8.5, Hdl9.7, 30.9; a-verse with double alliteration (21 examples): Vsp52.5, Hym5.3,
8.7, 10.3, 20.3, 23.7, 25.1, 35.7, HH8.7, Grp42.7, Rm17.7, 23.7, Fm43.7, Br11.7, Hlr2.3, GrII 23.5, 29.7, 30.7,
41.7, Od29.9, Grt19.3; b-verse (76 examples): Vsp32.8, 34.2, 45.6, 56.6, Hym1.8, 2.2, 8.8, 10.8, 18.4, 18.8,
23.6, 27.8, 29.4, 31.6, 33.4, 37.4, rk6.4, 18.6, 20.4, 26.2, 28.2, Vkv4.2, 8.6, HH7.8, 21.2, 36.12, 43.2, 50.12,
53.10, 54.2, 54.6, HHv10.2, HHII 3.4, 12.8, 16.8, 26.2, 40.8, 41.8, 44.8, 45.4, 46.6, 48.2, 49.4, 49.6, 49.8,
Grp4.4, 21.6, 28.8, 48.6, 49.4, Fm43.2, Br12.4, GrI 4.6, 12.6, 26.4, Sg18.6, 31.4, 37.8, 41.2, 44.8, 51.2,
56.6, 59.4, 64.4, Hlr6.2, GrII 12.2, 29.8, Od13.2, Bdr4.6, 9.2, 11.4, R38.2, Hdl5.6, 15.8, 41.4, 49.4. In
addition, Hdl3.4 is expanded with anacrusis. Compare Pipping (1903: 3235, 71; 1933: 67, 74), Gering
(1924: 2, 8, 12, 17, 20, 2324, 29, 36, 39, 44, 176, 181, 183, 185, 188, 192, 199, 201, 206, 209, 213214, 217),
and Russom (1998: 105106). Gering (1924: 183) objects to Wencks (1905: 172) scansion whereby two
closely paralleled verses, Fm32.1 ar sitr Sigurr and Fm33.1 ar liggr Reginn, are identified as types
C and A3, respectively (notice that Gering scans these two verses as typeA2k (= our subtypeA1s) with
alliteration solely on the second lift, the scansion we reject as a matter of principle; see sections 2.3,
3.1, and 6.1 below). Given the ambivalence of finite verbs in their alignment to metrical positions, and
the determining role that alliteration assumes for metrical categorization, Wencks scansion seems to
be fully justified.
11Mora is a phonological unit that determines the length or weight of a syllable. Generally, a short
vowel contains one mora, while a long one consists of two moras. Furthermore, a coda consonant,
as opposed to one located in the onset, is assigned a mora. Accordingly, a long or heavy syllable,
whether of the form -VV$ or -VC$, is characterized as bimoraic (that is, measured as having two moras), whereas a short syllable -V$ counts as monomoraic in non-word-final position. In word-final position, however, monomoraic and bimoraic syllables are grouped together in distinction from longer
ones, as will be shown in Craigies law (section5.3).
34
As shown in Table2.9, this configuration significantly differs from a minimally different variant of typeA1 with the monosyllabic word-final first drop (Px#Px) in regard
to the distribution of the a-verse and b-verse (p<0.001) and also if not as outstandingly of single and double alliteration (p=0.022). SubtypeA1s is thus distinguished
by lesser degrees of association with the b-verse and single alliteration.
Table2.9.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PS#px, P#P#px, and Px#Px
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
PS#px
47 (38.21%)
26 (55.32%)
21 (44.68%)
76 (61.79%)
123 (100%)
PS#px (PS=
proper noun)
10 (28.57%)
6 (60.00%)
4 (40.00%)
25 (71.43%)
35 (100%)
9 (20.93%)
34 (79.07%)
43 (100%)
839 (78.05%)
1075 (100%)
P#P#px
Px#Px
3 (33.33%)
6 (66.67%)
236 (21.95%)
173 (73.31%)
63 (26.69%)
A further variant of subtypeA1s has its first drop filled by the second member of compound proper nouns, as shown in (6).12
(6)
HHII 25.3 Hbroddr konungr [PS#px]

Gr II 7.7 Gothorms bani [PS#px]
Hdl 32.4 Hiorvarr fair [PS#px]
This variant displays no significant difference from the prototypical instance of

subtypeA1s in terms of the a-verse and b-verse distinction (p=0.325) as well as of
single and double alliteration (p=1; Table2.9). In the absence of distributional differences, then, we may safely categorize this configuration as subtypeA1s.
The metrical equivalence of ordinary compounds and compound proper nouns
that underlies their common identification as subtypeA1s is not a self-evident convention that is regularly conformed to. In Beowulf, for example, the two word categories in question are kept strictly separate: carefully distinguished from true compounds, compound proper names are treated the same way as simplex words for
metrical purposes (Suzuki 1996: 7374). In fornyrislag, however, there is further evi-
12A-verse with single alliteration (6 examples): HHII 25.3, Sg55.5, GrII 7.7, 19.1, 19.3, Hdl24.3; a-verse
with double alliteration (4 examples): Vsp13.7, 66.7, HH1.7, GrII 19.7; b-verse (25 examples): Vsp11.4,
12.2, 15.4, HH18.4, 18.6, 30.2, 46.2, HHv1.6, 5.6, 38.2, 43.6, HHII 24.2, 25.8, 27.2, 27.4, 36.8, GrII 25.6,
Ghv1.8, Hdl21.2, 28.8, 32.4, 40.8, 46.8, 47.8, Grt1.6. Compare Pipping (1903: 3235).

Type A1 (/ /)

35
dence for equating compound proper nouns with true compounds, as will be shown
in section2.2 below.
A still further variant of subtype A1s is obtained when the second position is
occupied by a content word (class 1), as exemplified in (7).13
(7)
Gr II 9.7 v lnd yfir [P#P#px]

Vsp1.7 forn spioll fira [P#P#px]
Hym24.4 fold ll saman [P#P#px]
While double alliteration definitely argues for scansion as subtypeA1s as with Vsp1.7,
single alliteration results in apparent ambiguity in categorization: we may identify
relevant verses as subtype A1s, with the third word serving as the second lift, or
typeD (/ / ), with the second one characterized as the second lift. Compare Gr II
9.7 above with Gr II 10.3 traur gs hugar (typeD), and Hym24.4 above with Hym2.8
opt sumbl gora (typeD). This issue will be treated in depth in section2.10.3 below.
Meanwhile, the tabulation given above tacitly assumes the well-motivated differentiation between the two types in advance of the arguments adduced later on.
From a comparative Germanic perspective, the configuration PS#px has a significantly larger presence in fornyrislag than in the West Germanic meters: the proportions of this configuration to the primary variant of typeA1, Px#Px, differ radically among the three meters concerned, as represented in Table2.10. The relevant
p-values obtained are as follows: p = 0.001 (between fornyrislag and Beowulf);
p<0.001 (between fornyrislag and the Heliand); p=0.001 (between Beowulf and the
Heliand). This relatively heightened profile of the configuration PS#px in fornyrislag
has important implications for the sequence Pxpx, which is almost unique to the
Norse meter, as will be discussed briefly in the following section, and more fully in
section4.3.3 below.
Table2.10.Occurrences of PS#px and Px#Px in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Configuration
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
PS#px
Px#Px
123
59
39
1075
877
1211
13A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): HH6.3, 16.7, GrII 9.7; a-verse with double alliteration (6 examples): Vsp1.7, 66.3, Hym2.3, Vkv2.3, GrII 23.7, Ghv1.3; b-verse (34 examples): Hym15.8,
16.8, 24.4, 33.8, rk24.10, HH7.4, 29.2, 42.6, HHv40.4, HHII 7.8, 9.4, Grp9.4, 10.6, 41.8, Rm11.8, Fm33.6,
Sg2.6, 65.4, 68.6, Hlr2.8, GrII 13.2, 22.2, 23.2, 35.2, 35.6, 35.10, GrIII 8.6, Od19.6, R6.2, 20.2, 33.6,
Hdl48.4, 50.8, Grt7.6. Compare Pipping (1903: 3235; 1933: 67).
36
2.1.3.2The configuration Pxpx

As with the sequence PS#px treated in the preceding section, this configuration has its
second lift realized by a short stressed syllable alone, as shown in (8). Unlike PS#px,
however, the first drop is occupied by an unstressed syllable or a string thereof. There
are eighty-three examples of the configuration Pxpx.14 They are widely distributed,
as is attested in twenty of the twenty-two works HHv and Gr III being exceptions
that constitute the corpus of verses composed strictly in fornyrislag.
(8)
HHII 11.6 hildings synir [Px#px]

Grp 12.5 lei at huga [P#x#px]
Hdl 1.6 ra vi scolom [Px#x#px]
Postulating secondary-stress also on the word-final long syllable of the simplex word
PX such as flungr, dglingr (Sievers 1885: 8), Sievers (1885: 27, 30, 39, 42) identified
the sequence PXpx (where PX is not a compound) as A2k (equivalent to subtypeA1s
in our terms). When it comes to the configuration P#xpx, where x makes (part of) a
separate word, Sieverss treatment was varied. Where the words concerned end in a
consonant such as oc and, he scanned as typeA2k, as with Vsp12.3 eccr oc orinn
(Sievers 1885: 19). Yet, for Vsp62.4 Baldr mun koma, Sievers emended it to man Baldr
koma (typeC), apparently for metrical reasons but without argument (Sievers 1885:
29). Where x constitutes a word of its own ending in a vowel (Hym34.2 fecc remi),
Sievers (1885: 44) left scansion unspecified by adding the sign ?. Where a string of
syllables is involved as in rk11.3 rymr hefir inn hamar, Sievers (1885: 34) silently
restored the sequence P#x#px, rymr hefr [inn] hamar, and scanned it accordingly as typeA2k. Where a single word constitutes the configuration PXxx (Hym28.7
krpturligan), Sievers (1885: 43) went no farther than making a tentative scansion as
A2k?. Although Sieverss (1885) limited scope of investigation makes it impossible
to recover his treatment in its entirety, it seems hard to resist rejecting Sieverss scan-
14A-verse with single alliteration (25 examples and another 2 with anacrusis): rk5.1, 9.1, 30.3, 30.7,
Vkv4.3, 29.5, 38.1, 40.3, 41.3, HH27.7, HHII 10.3, Grp12.5, 18.1, 18.5, 19.5, 21.3, Fm40.1, 41.7 (with anacrusis), Br8.5, Hlr11.7, Od34.5, Ghv10.5, 18.3, 19.1, R16.1, Hdl19.3 (with anacrusis), Grt21.1; a-verse
with double alliteration (16 examples and one other with anacrusis): Vsp11.1, 12.3, 54.3, 65.3, Vkv4.7,
29.1, 37.3 (with anacrusis), HHII 21.3, Br5.1, 7.3, GrI 18.1, Sg3.3, GrII 2.1, 42.7, Ghv10.3, R8.5, 41.3;
b-verse (42 examples and another 4 with anacrusis): Vsp13.4, 15.6, 62.4, Hym5.6, 8.4, 21.2, 34.2, 38.8,
rk24.4, Vkv18.8 (with anacrusis), 18.10 (with anacrusis), 37.6 (with anacrusis), HH7.2, 10.6, 11.4, 14.6,
20.2, 53.6, HHII 1.8, 3.2, 11.6, 14.2, 28.6, Grp4.8, 9.6, 23.4, 23.8, 46.2, Rm15.2, GrI 22.4, Sg13.14, 63.2,
69.6, GrII 17.2, 34.4, Bdr14.8, R6.6, 20.6, 33.10, Hdl1.6, 8.2, 19.8, 20.4, 25.6 (with anacrusis), 41.8,
Grt17.6. Compare Pipping (1903: 3235, 66, 69; 1933: 6770, 74) and Russom (1998: 107). Vkv4.3 Slagfir
oc Egill, Vkv29.5 and 38.1 Hliandi Vlundr, and Br5.1 Soltinn var Sigurr, appear to be subject to
two alternative scansions, subtypeA1s and typeE (as scanned by Gering [1924: 33, 186], for example).
These four verses, too, are scanned here as subtypeA1s, as will be argued in section2.13.2 below.

Type A1 (/ /)

37
sions as ad hoc and lacking in consistency and empirical adequacy, particularly in

regard to his underlying identification of word-finals, word-medials, and function
words obviously all without lexical stress with the second constituents of compounds that have the privilege of carrying a lexically assigned stress.
While correctly refusing to postulate stress on function words like oc, Gering
(1924: 2) categorically denied the configuration Pxpx a metrically legitimate status.
Pipping (1933: 76, 78), on the other hand, was more liberal: while acknowledging the
usual presence of secondary stress on the second syllable (PS#px), he regarded the
deviant configuration Pxpx as metrically acceptable.
Table2.11 compares the distribution of the configuration Px#px with that of PS#px
(subtypeA1s). The a-verse/b-verse distribution of this configuration does not differ from
that of PS#px, with a p-value of 0.436. Nor does the single/double alliterative pattern
assume statistical significance, with a p-value of 1. When we compare the entire group of
the configuration Pxpx with PS#px, we obtain a p-value of 0.117 for verse distribution
and that of 0.667 for alliterative pattern. This apparent discrepancy in the two distributions with regard to verse distinction, in contrast to the robustness of alliterative pattern,
should hardly be surprising, when we are reminded that the configuration Pxpx is characterized by a relatively low proportion of the minimal first drop, -x#, which is maximally
associated with the b-verse: only thirty-seven verses out of a total of eighty-three have their
first drop minimally realized (Px#px). Considering this distributional bias, we should
better compare the minimally distinct pair of Px#px on the one hand and PS#px on the
other to draw whatever plausible inferences on metrical identity. In any event, the lack of
significant difference along the two parameters between the two minimal pairs of configurations may justify us in identifying the configuration Px#px as a variant of subtypeA1s,
and the whole variety of Pxpx may by implication be subsumed under the same
subtype.
Table2.11.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of Pxpx, Px#px, PS#px, PxP, and Px#P
Configuration
Pxpx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
41 (49.40%)
25 (60.98%)
16 (39.02%)
42 (50.60%)
83 (100%)
11 (29.73%)
5 (45.45%)
26 (70.27%)
37 (100%)
PS#px
47 (38.21%)
26 (55.32%)
21 (44.68%)
76 (61.79%)
123 (100%)
PxP
160 (59.70%)
126 (78.75%)
34 (21.25%)
19 (32.20%)
17 (89.47%)
2 (10.53%)
108 (40.30%)
268 (100%)
40 (67.80%)
59 (100%)
Px#px
Px#P
6 (54.55%)
38
Things are rather different in regard to the other configuration to be compared with,
namely, PxP, which is characterized as typeA1- (/ / []), a catalectic counterpart of
typeA1. As will be fully treated in section2.4 below, this type lacks on the surface the
verse-final drop constitutive of typeA1 and is accordingly composed of three metrical positions in their manifest form. Given this catalectic type, the configuration Px
px can be regarded as its variant realization in which the second lift is occupied by a
short disyllable through resolution, as scanned by Gering (1924: 2122, 26).
This alternative scansion, however, must be rejected as hardly feasible on
empirical grounds as follows.15 First, while the verse distribution is indistinguishable (p=0.825 for the minimal variants Px#px and Px#P, and p=0.101 for the whole
variety Pxpx and PxP), the single/double alliteration in the a-verse makes a significant distinction between the two sequences (p=0.068 for the minimal variants,
and p=0.026 for the entire group): the configuration Pxpx does not share the conspicuous presence of single alliteration that is characteristic of the catalectic form
PxP.
Second, the relative magnitude of the first drop argues against identifying the
configuration Pxpx as PxP, and instead supports its characterization as coterminous with PxPx (and by implication PS#px). Table2.12 shows the varying size
of the first drop in the three configurations with the variable first drop, as measured in terms of the numbers of syllables that realize the position in question. As
it turns out, the proportions of the monosyllabic drop, which constitutes the vast
majority for all of the configurations except for PxP, vary significantly between
Pxpx and PxP (p<0.001) as well as between PxPx and PxP (p<0.001); by
contrast, the configurations Pxpx and PxPx do not differ significantly on this
score (p=0.700). Moreover, the proportions involved are ranked in a scalar manner
in decreasing order of percentage as follows: PS#px > Pxpx > PxPx > PxP. Of
paramount importance here is the location that the configuration Pxpx occupies
relative to the others: it stands between PS#px and PxPx. This relative ranking
may be interpreted as indicative of the strings structural proximity to the immediately adjacent ones: the configuration may therefore be characterized as related to
PS#px on the one hand and PxPx on the other, and correspondingly as situated
far removed from the catalectic form PxP. In other words, the configuration Pxpx
should best be grouped with PS#px and PxPx as variants of typeA1, and sharply
demarcated from typeA1-.
15Russom (1998: 107) dismisses the equation with the configuration PxP through a deductive reasoning on the basis of his word-foot theory: since resolution is not allowed to occur on the second lift
in fornyrislag, the verse form Pxpx cannot possibly be identified with the sequence PxP.

Type A1 (/ /)

39
Table2.12.Size of the first drop of Pxpx, PS#px, PxPx, and PxP

Syllables
Pxpx
Counts %
PSpx
PxPx
Counts % Counts %
PxP
Counts %
1
2
3
4
5
64
19
0
0
0
77.11
22.89
0
0
0
158
0
0
0
0
100
0
0
0
0
1517
434
77
6
1
74.55
21.33
3.78
0.29
0.05
81
143
28
15
1
30.22
53.36
10.45
5.60
0.37
Total
83
100
158
100
2035
100
268
100
Another notable feature of the configuration Pxpx is that it ends in a long syllable
(-X#; or to put it more precisely in terms of mora count, the configuration at issue ends
in a syllable that contains more than two moras; this distinction between bimoraic
and more than bimoraic serves as a structural basis for Craigies law, as treated in
section5.3 below; see also section4.3.8 below) with a higher frequency than would be
expected on the basis of the overwhelming presence in general of the short syllable
(-x) as opposed to the long one (-X), as can be seen in the configuration PxPx. The
distribution pattern of these minimally distinct verse forms is shown in Table2.13. The
distinction proves to be of statistical significance, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
The relatively large presence of long syllables in verse-final position in the configuration Pxpx can be related to the opposition between the existing string pXx and its
minimally distinct, nonexistent one, pxx, as seen in the opposition between xpXx
and *xpxx. On this issue, see section4.4 below.
Table2.13.Long and short syllables in verse-final position of Pxpx and PxPx
Configuration
Pxpx
PxPx
Long syllable
Short syllable
26 (31.33%)
99 (4.86%)
57 (68.67%)
1936 (95.14%)
Total
83 (100%)
2035 (100%)
On a comparative dimension, the configuration Pxpx is extremely rare, to say

the least in the West Germanic cognate meters. While it is totally unattested in the
Heliand, it occurs in Beowulf in extremely small numbers and in a limited shape: for
the most part, it is of the form PX#px with the first drop realized by a long syllable
(e.g., Beo 2457b rdend swefa), whereas no examples are known of the polysyllabic
first drop, corresponding to Hdl 1.6 ra vi scolom, for instance. The distribution
pattern of the two minimally distinct configurations, Pxpx and PxPx, in the three
cognate meters, are indicated in Table2.14. The differences are all significant between
any two of the three meters, with p-values of less than 0.001.
40
Table2.14.Occurrences of Pxpx and PxPx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand

Configuration
Pxpx
PxPx
Total
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
83 (3.92%)
8 (0.42%)
0 (0%)
2035 (96.08%)
1908 (99.58%)
2923 (100%)
2118 (100%)
1916 (100%)
2923 (100%)
Thus, fornyrislag stands out among the three meters not only by the high frequency,
but also by the wide variety, of the configuration Pxpx. In this connection, we may
be reminded that the Norse meter is distinguished from the West Germanic cognates
by the larger presence of the related configuration, PS#px (section2.1.3.1). Since the
two verse forms are subsumed under the same metrical category (subtype A1s), it
would be a short step to assuming that the two phenomena are causally related: more
specifically, the central and original member of subtypeA1s, commonly attested in
the three meters, would have been used with greater vigor in fornyrislag, and this
privileged treatment would in turn have motivated an expanded use of this subtype
by category extension, so much so that the condition on the immediately preceding
stressed syllable was no longer held to be vital for derivation.
2.1.3.3The configurations Pxx#Px and PXx#Px

When more than one syllable fills the first drop of type A1 and no word boundary
intervenes between the preceding lifted syllable and the following unstressed syllable
(the sequence P#xx() is accordingly dismissed here), normally only the first member
of the syllable sequences involved belongs to the same word as the lifted syllable.
In other words, the configurations PX#x() and Px#x() are far more frequent than
PXx#() and Pxx#(). The latter two marked sequences are instantiated by no more
than 14 instances, as against 241 examples of PX#x()Px and Px#x()Px. Specifically,
there are 4 examples of the configuration PXx#Px: HHII 28.5 vantattu vgi, Bdr 8.1,
10.1, 12.1 egiattu, vlva. Another 4 examples with the same constituent PXx# end in a
compound proper name (PS): Vkv 29.7 grtandi Bvildr, Gr II 32.1 Grtandi Grmildr,
Ghv 7.1 Hliandi Gurn, Bdr 13.1 Ertattu Vegtamr.16 The configuration Pxx#() with
a short medial syllable is counted 5 times: Grp 35.5 Gunnari til handa, Br 12.5 sofnoo
allir, Gr II 7.1 Hnipnai Gunnarr, Gr II 28.1 Hirau hlom, Gr III 8.2 kalliga ec
Hgna. Another example ends in a compound name (Pxx#PS): Sg 25.5 Grtau,
Gurn. Remarkably, all 9 instances of PXx#()Px and Pxx#()Px but one (Gr III 8.2)
16According to Sievers (1893: 68), the configuration PXx#Px (along with some varieties of PX#x#Px
and P#x#x#Px) may be regarded as an expanded variant of typeA2 (/ \ /) or typeA* in his terms.
As he pointed out, however, it is next to impossible to make a definitive distinction between typeA*
and relatively heavy realizations of typeA1 with the polysyllabic first drop.

Type A1 (/ /)

41
appear in the a-verse,17 whereas the sequence Px#x(#)Px is distributed more or less
evenly in the two verses (131 a-verses and 106 b-verses). As it turns out, however, the
observed difference cannot be regarded as of statistical significance, given p=0.082.
According to Kuhn ([1939] 1969: 511521), the configurations PXx#Px and Pxx#Px
are distinctive of the group of poems of nonnative origin, as are the forms PSx#Px and
PxS#Px (see section2.1.1 above). While the identification of the latter group has been
confirmed on a statistical basis (section2.1.1), the same cannot hold true of the current
group lacking a lexical stress. Of the 9 instances in question, 5 (Grp 35.5, Br 12.5, Gr
II 7.1, 28.1, Gr III 8.2) belong to the foreign group. The proportion of 5 (foreign) to 4
(native), however, does not make significant difference from the distribution of the
configuration Px#xPx in 114 (foreign) and 123 (native), given p=0.743. Accordingly,
Kuhns ([1939] 1969: 512) grouping of the configurations PXx#Px and Pxx#Px with
P#Px#Px and PSx#Px (see section2.1.1 above) proves to be untenable: the former two
configurations cannot be attributed to the group of poems of South German content.18
Of greater interest from a comparative Germanic perspective, the one that Kuhn
vigorously pursued, the proportion of the configuration PXx#()Px with a long
medial syllable to its minimally distinct one Px#x(#)Px is notably high in fornyris
lag although very rare in occurrence in absolute terms compared with that in
Beowulf: 4 to 237 in fornyrislag as opposed to 0 to 580 in Beowulf. With p=0.007
between the two meters, fornyrislag is significantly distinguished from Beowulf by
acceptance of the configuration PXx#Px, however marginal it counts. In this respect,
fornyrislag stands closer to the Heliand; with a somewhat comparable proportion of
45 to 1091, the Old Saxon poem does not differ conspicuously from fornyrislag with a
p-value of 0.086, although it can still be maintained that the configuration at issue is
represented more strongly in the Heliand at a significance level of 0.10.
While not outstanding in its own right, the presence of the configuration PXx#Px
in fornyrislag assumes added importance when we observe that the more prominent
form PSx#Px is exceptionally attested in fornyrislag (section2.1.1), whereas it is not
demonstrably known in Beowulf (Suzuki 1996: 76, 404n16; 2004: 3132). Of further
interest, the apparently larger presence of PXx#()Px in the Heliand than in fornyris
lag corresponds neatly to the relatively frequent occurrence of the heavy counterpart
PSx#()Px there (Suzuki 2004: 3135).
17As will be shown in section2.2.2 below, the configuration ending in compounds (PS) including
compound proper nouns is biased toward the a-verse on account of the verse-final, stressed drop. For
this reason, the configurations PXx#PS and Pxx#PS are excluded from counting.
18The situation would hardly differ, if the configurations ending in PS (typeA2b) were also taken
into account: the 14 configurations beginning with PXx# or Pxx# would be divided into 9 (the foreign
group) and 5 (the domestic group), while the other concatenations would amount to 121 (the foreign
group) and 129 (the domestic group). The two distributions would be lacking in statistical significance, with a p-value of 0.282.
42
2.1.3.4The configuration PxSx

This configuration arises when a verse is composed solely by a single compound word
of the form PxSx, whereby the second lift is occupied by a secondary-stressed syllable.
We have a total of fifty-six such verses in the corpus,19 of which forty-four are constituted by common nouns and the other twelve, by proper nouns, as exemplified in (9).
The distribution of this configuration (with the two variants) is indicated in Table2.15.
(9)
Vsp13.8 Eikinscialdi [PxSx]

Vsp59.4 iiagrna [PxSx]
R 13.3 cqvinklfa [PxSx]
R 43.3 vinrnar [PxSx]
Grt 12.7hfgahalli [PxSx]
Table2.15.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxSx and Px#Px

Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
PxSx
14 (25.00%)
13 (92.86%)
1 (7.14%)
42 (75.00%)
56 (100%)
PxSx (= common noun)
11 (25.00%)
10 (90.91%)
1 (9.09%)
33 (75.00%)
44 (100%)
3 (25.00%)
9 (75.00%)
12 (100%)
PxSx (= proper noun)

Px#Px
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
236 (21.95%)
173 (73.31%)
63 (26.69%)
839 (78.05%) 1075 (100%)
No significant difference is found between the two variants of the configuration PxSx
in terms of verse distribution and alliterative patterning. Therefore, we should best
leave the configuration undivided as a unitary configuration. This sequence as a
whole is in turn indistinguishable from the configuration Px#Px, a variant of typeA1
in which the first drop is realized exclusively by a word-final syllable, as regards verse
distribution (p=0.620) as well as alliteration (p=0.125).
19A-verse with single alliteration (13 examples): Vkv36.7, HH43.7, Sg18.11, Hlr5.7, GrII.5.3, R13.3,
13.7, 23.3, 36.9, 43.3, Hdl7.7, 28.3, Grt16.3; a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): Grt12.7; b-verse
(42 examples): Vsp13.8, 16.2, 17.8, 19.4, 39.6, 43.2, 46.4, 59.4, Hym2.4, 5.2, Vkv25.2, 28.8, 35.6, HH3.2,
40.2, HHv36.4, HHII 22.6, Grp6.6, 24.8, Rm14.8, Fm42.2, Sg1.8, 26.2, 62.8, Hlr10.2, GrII 31.2, GrIII
5.8, 9.4, Ghv5.6, 9.6, 14.6, 20.2, R2.10, 10.2, 13.6, 23.2, 24.6, 36.8, Hdl7.6, 18.2, Grt4.2, 12.6. In addition,
there is a verse PxxSx, Vkv12.3 bestibyrsma.
Type A2
43
The first drop is monosyllabic, with the exception of Vkv12.3 bestibyrsma as

noted above, in which a disyllable occurs instead. As the manuscript reading is hardly
intelligible as it stands, this verse is often emended to bestisma bast rope (Jnsson
1888: 83; Sijmons and Gering 1931: 13; La Farge and Tucker 1992: 22; See, La Farge,
Picard, and Schulz 2000: 177179; see also Dronke 1997: 312). This emendation also
results in a metrically regular form.
2.2Type A2
2.2.1Type A2a (/ \ /)
Formally distinguishable from the minimal variant of typeA1 (Px#Px) on the one hand
and subtypeA1s (PS#px) on the other is the configuration PS#Px (corresponding to
Heuslers [1956: 223] 2V.k) in which the second position is filled by the second member
of compounds, as exemplified in (10). While differentiated from the sequence Px#Px
by the secondary stress on the first drop, this configuration also stands in contrast to
subtypeA1s by virtue of the greater length or weight of the second lift that is realized
by a long stressed syllable (P) rather than the unresolved short counterpart (p). Altogether forty-one examples are found in the corpus.20 The distribution pattern of this
configuration is represented in Table2.16.
(10)
Sg 61.3 frumver snom [PS#Px]

Vsp35.3lgiarn lki [PS#Px]
rk5.2 fiarhamr duni [PS#Px]
Table2.16.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PS#Px and P#P#Px

Configuration
PS#Px
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
18 (43.90%)
2 (11.11%)
16 (88.89%)
23 (56.10%)
Total
41 (100%)
20A-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Sg 61.3, Hdl 22.3; a-verse with double alliteration
(16 examples): Vsp2.7, 32.3, 35.3, 48.7, 63.5, Hym9.1, Vkv1.3, 3.9, 10.7, HH5.7, 55.3, HHII 25.7, 42.7, 45.7,
Sg69.3, Grt8.3; b-verse (23 examples): Vsp20.12, 23.6, 31.4, 56.8, 63.2, rk5.2, 9.2, 23.8, Vkv1.4, 3.10,
HH10.4, Br7.2, GrI 8.4, Sg17.2, 38.2, 40.8, 45.2, 50.4, 71.4, GrII 22.8, Od3.2, 8.2, Bdr3.6. In addition,
Vkv38.3 enn ktr Nur is accompanied by anacrusis. Compare Gering (1924: 12, 8, 12, 17, 20, 23, 29,
36, 39, 44, 176, 181, 184185, 188, 192, 201, 209, 213, 217) and Russom (1998: 77).
44
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
PS#Px (PS=
proper noun)
3 (50.00%)
2 (66.67%)
1 (33.33%)
3 (50.00%)
6 (100%)
P#P#Px
8 (66.67%)
3 (37.50%)
5 (62.50%)
4 (33.33%)
12 (100%)
The configuration PS#Px differs significantly from the variant of type A1, Px#Px
(Table 2.2), both in terms of verse distinction (p = 0.002) and alliterative pattern
(p<0.001). It fails to display the marked preference for the b-verse and single alliteration characteristic of typeA1 in its minimal form (Px#Px). Most outstanding seems to
be the strong predilection of PS#Px for double alliteration, a pattern that is contrary
to the configuration Px#Px.
In comparison, no significant difference can be found between the configurations PS#Px and PS#px as far as the verse distinction is concerned (p=0.582). In this
respect, Sieverss (1885: 13) generalization that typeA2a and subtypeA1s are favored
complementarily in the a-verse and the b-verse, respectively, proves to be insubstantial in statistical terms. As regards the alliterative pattern, however, the two configurations are distinguished (p=0.002): the conspicuous preference for double alliteration
proves to be a privilege of the sequence PS#Px.
As with subtypeA1s, there is a further variant of PS#Px in which the first word PS
is constituted by a compound proper noun, as follows:21
(11)
Hym24.1 Hreinglcn hlumo [PS#Px]

Vkv 10.6 Hlvs dttir [PS#Px]
Od 6.1 Vilmundr heitir [PS#Px]
As shown in Table2.16, the two varieties of PS#Px are indistinguishable from each
other in regard to the distribution of the a-verse and the b-verse (p=1) as well as to
the use of single and double alliteration in the a-verse (p=0.080). It may therefore be
warranted to conclude that the two configurations are reducible to the identical metrical type, typeA2a. When the first lifted-word involved is a complex noun, whether
common or proper in lexical category, a distinct verse type, typeA2a, arises in differentiation from typeA1: while the occurrence of a true compound is strongly associated with double alliteration, precisely the opposite appears to obtain when a compound proper noun is used instead. With the p-value of 0.080 by Fishers exact test
as given above, however, this contrast can hardly be regarded as well proven, largely
21A-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Od 1.7, 6.1; a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): Hym24.1; b-verse (3 examples): Vsp50.8, Vkv10.6, Hdl13.4. Three further examples contain
anacrusis: Grp45.5, Od18.4, 20.4.
Type A2
45
due to the small sample concerned. Accordingly, with respect to verse distinction and
alliterative pattern, the configuration PS#Px (PS = proper noun) may be characterized as no different from the sequence PS#Px (PS= common noun) regardless of the
category of the first word PS.
In addition to the host of typeA2a variants with the second position filled by a
secondary-stressed syllable, there are a small number of examples in which the same
position is realized by an independent content word, as follows:22
(12)
Vsp19.3hr bamr, ausinn [P#P#Px]

HH49.7gfuct li gylfa [px#P#Px]
Vkv 1.8 drt ln spunno [P#P#Px]
Particularly remarkable about this configuration is that, unless double alliteration

occurs, it can alternatively be scanned as typeD, subtypeDa (/ / \ ; section2.10) on
purely formal grounds: the second words involved constitute the second lift, rather
than the first drop (heavy drop). As far as the distribution of the a-verse and the
b-verse is concerned (Table2.16), the configuration P#P#Px is of no significant difference from PS#Px: p=0.202 when PS is a common compound; p=0.627 when PS is a
proper name; and p=0.209 when both classes are combined. In similar fashion, the
configuration in question does not differ significantly from PS#Px in terms of alliterative pattern in the a-verse: p=0.281 when PS is a common compound; p=0.545 when
PS is a proper name; and p=0.357 when both classes are combined. Given the lack
of significant distinction on the two major distributional parameters, identifying the
sequence P#P#Px as typeA2a seems to be most plausible.
Also scanned as typeA2a (typeA2l in their terms) by Sievers (1885: 1011, 17, 23,
24, 26, 27, 28, 36, 39, 40, 41, 43; 1893: 61) and Gering (1924: 2, 8, 12, 17, 20, 29, 44, 188,
192) is the configuration P#x#Px (or P#P#Px with the assumption of metrical prominence on the second word) in which the first drop (#x# or #P#) is realized by a monosyllabic verb, as exemplified in (13):23
(13)
Vsp4.5 sl scein sunnan [P#x#Px] or [P#P#Px]

HHv 6.5 rn gl rla [P#x#Px] or [P#P#Px]
R 21.4 kona sveip ripti [px#x#Px] or [px#P#Px]
As mentioned in section2.1.1 above, however, we recognized no difference between

these verses and other comparable configurations in which the first drop is occupied
by monosyllabic function words such as conjunctions (e.g., Vsp6.5 ntt oc niiom) and
22A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): Vsp19.3, Od6.5, 14.7; a-verse with double alliteration
(5 examples): Vsp26.1, 26.7, 30.7, HH49.7, R25.3; b-verse (4 examples): Vsp25.8, Vkv1.8, 9.2, Br10.2.
23Heusler (1956: 223224), too, seems to be in favor of this scansion.
46
prepositions (e.g., Hym9.7 glggr vi gesti): they are all identified as typeA1. It should
be borne in mind in this connection that Sievers and Gering carefully distinguished
between ordinary verbs (such as those given above) and weakly stressed verbs (auxiliaries) such as vera be (e.g., Hym31.5 heill var karli) and munu will (e.g., Vsp44.3
festr mun slitna), and regarded the latter group as incapable of constituting a heavy
drop and hence as indistinguishable from other function words like prepositions.
At first sight, Sieverss and Gerings scansion might appear credible on metrical
grounds: a clear distinction in verse distribution is in evidence depending on whether
the first drop is realized by verbs or other function words, as substantiated in the first
two rows of Table2.17.24
Table2.17.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of P#x#Px according to varying realizations of
the first drop
First drop
A-verse
Single alliteration Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
Verbs
(excluding auxiliaries)
45 (90.00%)
14 (31.11%)
31 (68.89%)
5 (10.00%)
50 (100%)
Auxiliaries and other

function words
148 (37.95%)
58 (39.19%)
90 (60.81%)
Auxiliaries
22 (78.57%)
10 (45.45%)
12 (54.55%)
Function words other than

verbs and auxiliaries
126 (34.81%)
48 (38.10%)
78 (61.90%)
242 (62.05%) 390 (100%)

6 (21.43%)
28 (100%)
236 (65.19%) 362 (100%)
The observed difference is of statistical significance, given p<0.001 by Fisher test.

Thus, the configuration with the first drop occupied by monosyllabic verbs occurs
in the a-verse with a significantly higher incidence than the one with other function words (including auxiliaries) appearing in the same position. Since typeA2a is
distinguished from typeA1 by a significant increase in the incidence of the a-verse,
one might be tempted to conclude that the configuration at issue is fully qualified
for a characterization as type A2a in distinction from type A1, as did Sievers and
Gering.
On closer examination, however, the above characterization becomes increasingly suspicious. First, the distinction that Sievers and Gering made between the two
classes of verbs, ordinary verbs on the one hand and auxiliaries on the other, proves
to be inconclusive on metrical grounds. As Table2.17 makes evident, full verbs and
auxiliaries are treated quite analogously as realizations of the first drop of the config-
24Neither Sievers nor Gering provided a specific argument for their scansion.
Type A2
47
uration P#x#Px (or P#P#Px): the use of auxiliaries leads to a conspicuous increase of
the a-verse that is highly comparable to the situation arising from the use of ordinary
verbs. In fact, the distribution of the a-verse and the b-verse does not differ significantly between the two classes of verbs, with a p-value of 0.188 by Fishers exact test.
Hardly more distinguishable is the alliterative pattern in the a-verse, given a p-value
of 0.286 by the same test. The lack of metrical significance thus throws doubt on the
categorical distinction that Sievers and Gering made between the two classes of verbs
as far as the first drop of the configuration P#x#Px is concerned.
In the absence of further argument for the differential treatment at issue, we are
led to isolate the configuration P#x#Px with the first drop realized by verbs in general
as a unitary entity that is characterized by a marked preference for the a-verse. Now
that the weakly stressed verbs like vera has been determined as a legitimate constituent of this special variant of the configuration P#x#Px (or P#P#Px, where #x# and #P#
= verb; hereafter P#x[verb]#Px or P#P[verb]#Px), it seems hardly feasible to ascribe
the metrical property in question to a high degree of prominence on the first drop: it
is scarcely conceivable that the auxiliaries are sharply differentiated from other function words on account of prosodic salience. In this light, it does not seem to be conclusive at all to characterize the marked variant at issue primarily in terms of metrical
prominence and hence to identify it as typeA2a.
To identify the configuration under consideration with type A2a raises further
suspicion. As uncovered earlier in this section, typeA2a (PS#Px) is differentiated from
typeA1 by lack of a marked preference for the b-verse, rather than the dominance of
the a-verse as with the configuration under discussion. In actuality, the verse distribution of PS#Px whether the first compound word PS is a common or proper noun
significantly differs from that of P#x[verb]#Px: with a p-value of less than 0.001, the
configuration P#x[verb]#Px occurs in the a-verse with a significantly higher frequency
than PS#Px. The same significant difference obtains when we include for comparison
the other variant of typeA2a in which the first drop is occupied by an independent
word, a noun or adjective (P#P[noun]#Px): as shown in Tables 2.16 and 2.17, the configuration P#x[verb]#Px occurs in the a-verse more frequently than typeA2a with all
its manifestations combined, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
Furthermore, when comparing the representative configuration of each group
with the highest incidence in the a-verse P#P[noun]#Px on the one hand and
P#x[full verb]#Px on the other we obtain a p-value of 0.062, which would moderately suggest that the configuration with the first drop aligned to a verb is more likely
to appear in the a-verse. Yet, in Old Germanic meter in general, nouns and adjectives
are regarded as more qualified to form a lift and hence are characterized as inherently
more prominent in prosodic terms than finite verbs (section1.2). Given this overarching characterization and under the general assumption that a closer association with
the a-verse is due to a higher degree of prominence on a given verse, we would counterfactually expect that the configuration with the first drop filled by a noun or adjective (P#P[noun]#Px) is more likely to occur in the a-verse than the verbal counterpart
48
P#x[verb]#Px. The contrary pattern of distribution actually obtained would therefore

suggest that the conspicuous concentration of the configuration P#x[verb]#Px in the
a-verse be attributed to anything other than its metrical categorization as typeA2a
and the entailed grouping with the configuration P#P[noun]#Px: otherwise, one
would be forced to identify the configuration P#x[verb]#Px (P#P[verb]#Px) as a maximally heavy variant of type A2a in defiance of the lesser degree of prominence on
verbs as observed elsewhere.
Another difficulty that arises from the scansion of P#x[verb]#Px (P#P[verb]#Px)
as typeA2a concerns the configuration P#xx#Px (or P#P/px#Px) in which #xx# (or
#Px#/#px#) is filled by a disyllabic finite verb (P#xx[verb]#Px or P#Px[verb]#Px/
P#px[verb]#Px). There are fifty-three such verses in the corpus,25 exemplified in (14).
This group includes auxiliaries as well as ordinary verbs as disyllabic realizations of
the first drop, given the common treatment of these two categories of verbs in regard
to the monosyllabic counterpart P#x[verb]#Px as shown above.
(14)
Vsp26.5 genguz eiar [P#xx#Px] or [P#Px#Px]; typeA2l (Sievers 1885: 22;

Gering 1924: 2); typeA* (Sievers 1893: 68)
Vkv 4.4 sali fundo aua [px#xx#Px] or [px#Px#Px]; typeE*1 (/ \ / ;
Gering 1924: 33)
Hdl 10.7 tri ttarr [P#xx#Px] or [P#Px#Px]; typeE1* [sic] (Gering 1924: 26)
Rather than the dichotomy of true verbs versus auxiliaries, this group of the configuration P#xx[verb]#Px (P#Px[verb]#Px/P#px[verb]#Px) may more meaningfully be
divided into two subgroups according to the length of the first syllable involved, long
#Xx# or #Px#) versus short (#xx# or #px#).26 On identifying P#x[verb]#Px as typeA2a,
the first variant configuration P#Xx[verb]#Px (P#Px[verb]#Px) would most likely be
identified as a five-position verse: because a heavy drop (\) is generally filled by a
long stressed syllable alone, the following unstressed syllable (-x#) must be assigned
25A-verse with single alliteration (15 examples): Vsp30.9, HHv40.1, HHII 2.1, 34.1, Br8.3, 12.7, Sg2.1,
Gr II 26.5, Ghv 4.7, R 13.9, Hdl 7.1, 11.1, 18.1, Grt 5.1, 24.3; a-verse with double alliteration (18 examples): Vsp 20.5, 26.5, 45.1, Hym 14.5, HH 36.1, Grp 9.1, 31.1, 37.1, Rm 13.5, 15.1, Br 11.5, Gr I 12.3,
R34.7, Hdl6.1, 10.7, 13.7, Grt17.1, 18.1; b-verse (20 examples): Vsp51.2, Hym39.6, Vkv4.4, HH6.8, 25.6,
HHv31.2, 33.2, 40.2, HHII 25.6, Grp11.8, 18.2, 31.4, 38.2, 38.8, 42.4, 42.8, 44.4, 50.8, Sg34.2, R34.4.
Compare Heusler (1956: 222) and Kuhn ([1939] 1969: 511).
26P#Xx(verb)#Px (or P#Px[verb]#Px; 27 examples), a-verse with single alliteration (8 examples):
HHv 40.1, HH II 34.1, Br 12.7, Gr II 26.5, Ghv 4.7, Hdl 7.1, 11.1, 18.1; a-verse with double alliteration
(10 examples): Vsp20.5, 26.5, Hym14.5, HH36.1, Grp9.1, GrI 12.3, R34.7, Hdl6.1, 10.7, 13.7; b-verse
(9 examples): Vkv4.4, HHv31.2, 40.2, Grp38.8, 42.4, 44.4, 50.8, Sg34.2, R34.4.

P#xx(verb)#Px (or P#px[verb]#Px; 26 examples), a-verse with single alliteration (7 examples):
Vsp 30.9, HH II 2.1, Br 8.3, Sg 2.1, R 13.9, Grt 5.1, 24.3; a-verse with double alliteration (8 examples): Vsp45.1, Grp31.1, 37.1, Rm13.5, 15.1, Br11.5, Grt17.1, 18.1; b-verse (11 examples):
Vsp51.2, Hym39.6, HH6.8, 25.6, HHv33.2, HHII 25.6, Grp11.8, 18.2, 31.4, 38.2, 42.8.
Type A2
49
to a separate metrical position, a normal drop (). The resulting verse accordingly
contains five positions altogether, which may be called typeA* (Sievers 1893: 68) or
typeE* (Gering 1924: 2).27 An analogous scansion as typeA* or typeE* would have to
be implemented on the longer configuration P#Xx[verb]#x#Px in which the disyllabic
verb (Xx[verb]) is followed by another function word, as with HHII 18.7 tt ttu, in
ga and Ghv 10.1 ri vissa ec elda.
Whatever the proper labeling of this five-position verse, its existence as an independent metrical type is extremely doubtful. First, as noted by Sievers (1893: 69n2)
himself and discussed at greater length in section2.1.1 above, there is no instance of
the configuration PSx#Px (PSx = true compound noun), the expected prototypical
realization of the expanded type at issue if it should really be in existence. Second,
also virtually unknown is a closely related configuration P#Px#Px in which the
second word #Px# is embodied by a noun or adjective proper in contrast to the presence of its four-position counterpart, P#P[noun]#Px that is severely limited to the
foreign group as mentioned above.28 Finally, there are isolated examples of the configurations PXx#()Px and PXx#()PS (section2.1.3.3), as are the short counterparts
Pxx#()Px and Pxx#()PS. This contrastive treatment between -Sx# (disallowed)
and -Xx# (marginally allowed) seems to suggest that the first drop of typeA1 may be
aligned to posttonic syllables as long as they lack lexical stress. This generalization
would in turn prove to be most compatible with the scansion whereby the long disyllabic verbs in question are treated as equivalent to medial syllables lacking lexical
stress (-Xx#) that are most amenable to serving as a drop, rather than to class 1 words
(#Px#) that are most likely to constitute a lift.29
In the absence of these realization variants that are predicted to be more typical
and hence more numerous in occurrence, one might contend, elaborating on Sieverss
(1893: 69n2) observation, that the peripheral variant P#Px[verb]#Px is permitted to
occur to the exclusion of more central ones precisely because of its greater deviation
from the prototype that violates in a maximal way the principle of four positions per
verse. This reasoning, however, would entail that the disyllabic verb #Px# is deviant
on account of its lesser prominence than the nominal counterpart. The postulation of
a lesser degree of prominence on the disyllabic verb #Px#, however, utterly contra-
27Sieverss (1893: 6869) view on this issue is less than categorical: while recognizing some difference between the configuration P#Xx#Px under discussion and typeA1 with relatively heavy realizations of the first drop, he hesitates to draw a sharp distinction between the two and consequently
takes exception with the wholesale identification of P#Xx#Px as a five-position verse. Sieverss (1885)
earlier analysis of P#Xx#Px as typeA2a (a four-position verse) also witnesses his reluctance to equate
the configuration with typeA*.
28On the rare existence of the configuration PPxPx, see the remark toward the end of section2.1.1
above.
29See also Kuhn ([1939] 1969: 511), who regarded these verbs as proclitic (thus unstressed) to the
following measure.
50
dicts the situation for the monosyllabic verb: as observed above, the maximal preference for the a-verse displayed by the configuration P#x[verb]#Px (or P#P[verb]#Px) in
distinction from P#P[noun]#Px seems to be at variance with the suggested postulation of a weaker stress on #Px[verb]# than on #Px[noun]#.
The second configuration group, P#xx[verb]#Px (or P#px[verb]#Px), poses
another difficulty. Scanning this configuration as typeA2a (/ \ / ) means that the
second position (the first drop) is resolved through realization of a short disyllable
(px). The resolution of a heavy drop, however, is unattested elsewhere in fornyrislag
poetry. No example can be found in the corpus in which the first drop of typeA2a is
realized by a short disyllabic nominal form -sx# or #px#. Moreover, the metrical type
that constitutes a mirror image of typeA2a, namely, typeA2b (/ / \), does not allow
resolution on the final drop, a heavy drop, either (see section2.12.2 below). The characterization of P#px[verb]#Px as typeA2a would therefore have to legitimate composition of the otherwise excluded configuration.
Furthermore, the identification of the configuration in question as a resolved
variant of type A2a would have to treat it as equivalent to the configuration
P#P[verb]#Px, the unresolved counterpart. Given the allegedly same identity as
type A2a, we would expect its two variants, resolved and unresolved, to behave
analogously in the absence of independently motivated conditions that are conducive to their differential treatment. As it is, the two configurations are sharply differentiated in terms of verse distribution: only slightly more than half the resolved
variant (15 out of a total of 26, 57.69%; see note26 above) occur in the a-verse, whereas
as many as 67 out of a total of 78 instances of the unresolved variant, 85.90% (see
Table2.17 above) appear in the a-verse. The observed difference is of statistical significance, given a p-value of 0.005. Since there seem to be no specific reasons for
preventing the resolved variant from being used dominantly in the a-verse parallel
to the unresolved one, this distributional discrepancy argues against the reduction
of the two configurations to the identical metrical type, typeA2a.
Rather, the form P#px[verb]#Px should alternatively be equated with the configuration P#Px[verb]#Px, the first group of verses treated above. The verse distribution
of these two configurations P#Px[verb]#Px and P#px[verb]#Px is hardly distinguishable. More specifically, 18 out of a total of 27 examples of P#Px[verb]#Px, 66.67% (see
note26 above), occur in the a-verse, a pattern which does not differ significantly from
that of P#px[verb]#Px given above, with a p-value of 0.577. The indistinguishability
of these two configurations thus demonstrates that these two varieties of disyllabic
verbs, #px# and #Px#, are metrically equivalent, thereby entailing as a consequence
that the short disyllabic verb #px# is metrically distinct from the monosyllabic one
#P#. This equation with the long disyllable #Px# accordingly shows that the short
disyllabic verb is immune to resolution.
Therefore, as far as metrical prominence is postulated, with Sievers and Gering,
on the short disyllabic verb, the configuration P#px[verb]#Px along with its equivalent longer one, P#Px[verb]#Px only yields to the scansion as a five-position verse,
Type A2
51
typeA* or typeE*, rather than typeA2a. This leads to a further proliferation of the
expanded metrical type that lacks empirical justification. In this way, the identification of the configuration P#x[verb]#Px as typeA2a brings about the serious consequence of having to create a large number of the ill-founded metrical type with five
metrical positions in violation of the otherwise very general principle of four positions per verse.
To conclude, the configuration P#x#Px with the first drop filled by a finite verb
must be scanned as typeA1, as opposed to typeA2a; similarly, when the position in
question is realized by a disyllabic verb, the configuration concerned has to be identified as typeA1, rather than types A2a, A*, or E*. Sieverss (1885; 1893) and Gerings
(1924) alternative scansions must therefore be rejected. At this point, the conspicuous
occurrence of the type A1 variant P#x[verb]#Px in the a-verse may be explained in
metrical terms. The Norse meter is distinguished from its West Germanic cognates by
the leveling of the originally sharp distinction between the lift and the drop due to
the radical reduction of unstressed syllables in North Germanic. Consequently, the
class of maximally prominent words substantives is allowed to occupy a drop
more frequently, as will be shown in subsequent sections. Seen in this light, it may
be small wonder that the less prominent words those belonging to class 2 should
be more likely to occur in the same position than does class 1, and that this phenomenon should occur with a higher incidence in the Norse meter than its West Germanic counterparts. Furthermore, given the greater prominence of class 2 words than
those belonging to class 3, which constitute prototypical realizations of the drop, the
alignment of finite verbs to the first drop of typeA1 must be characterized as marked
relative to the prototypical instantiation, Px#Px. Because of this less typical status
of the configuration that is equipped with a relatively larger amount of prominence,
the sequence P#x[verb]#Px is associated strongly with the a-verse, rather than the
unmarked b-verse.
2.2.2Type A2b (/ / \ and / \ / \)
Another configuration that is minimally distinguished from typeA1 (PxPx) is the
sequence PxPS in which the verse-final drop is realized by the second constituent of
a compound. There are eleven such examples, as given below:30
30A-verse with double alliteration (10 examples): Vsp24.5, 34.3, 41.5, Vkv21.3, 23.7, 41.5, GrI 24.3,
Sg4.3, Hdl14.5, Grt23.5; b-verse (1 example): R8.8. Compare Gering (1924: 2, 8, 12, 17, 20, 24, 29, 36,
39, 45, 176, 181, 185, 188, 192, 199, 202, 206, 209, 214, 217) and Russom (1998: 74).
52
(15)
Vsp41.5 svort vera slscin [P#xx#PS]

Vkv 21.3 opin var ill [px#x#PS]
Sg 4.3mki mlfn [Px#PS]
In addition, we have five instances of the configuration PS#PS and one instance of
P#P#PS, both of which scan as typeA2a as well as typeA2b, as exemplified in (16):31
(16)
Vsp41.7 ver ll vlynd [P#P#PS]

Vsp45.7 sceggld, sclmld [PS#PS]
The verse distribution and alliterative pattern of these two configurations are represented in Table2.18.
Table2.18.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPS, PS#PS/P#P#PS, PxP#P, and
PxP#x
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
PxPS
10 (90.91%)
0 (0%)
PS#PS/P#P#PS
PxP#P
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
Total
1 (9.09%)
11 (100%)
0 (0%)
6 (100%)
0 (0%)
5 (100%)
10 (100%)
6 (100%)
5 (100%)
6 (100%)
5 (100%)
PxP#x
31 (93.94%)
7 (22.58%)
24 (77.42%)
2 (6.06%)
33 (100%)
PxPS (PS=
proper noun)
41 (95.35%)
16 (39.02%)
25 (60.98%)
2 (4.65%)
43 (100%)
The two configurations do not differ significantly along either parameter (p=1 both
for the a-verse versus the b-verse and for single versus double alliteration). It is accordingly justified to reduce the two sequences to the identical type, typeA2b.
At this point, it will be of interest to compare typeA2b with its minor-image configuration, typeA2a, with the PS sequence realized by a true compound (section2.2.1).
As may be recalled, this type displays a strong preference for double alliteration
(Table 2.16). Indeed, these two configurations are indistinguishable as far as their
conspicuous predilection for double alliteration within the a-verse is concerned
31A-verse with double alliteration (6 examples): Vsp41.7, 45.7, 45.9, HH50.7, HHII 45.11, GrII 15.7.
Compare Gering (1924; see note30 above), Heusler (1956: 224), and Russom (1998: 80).
Type A2
53
(p=0.524). In regard to the distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse, however,
they differ significantly, with a p-value of 0.007 by Fishers exact test: while typeA2a
occurs more or less evenly in the a-verse and the b-verse, typeA2b is virtually limited
to the a-verse. The maximal preference for the a-verse and double alliteration thus
constitutes a distinguishing property of typeA2b. Furthermore, since the configuration PS#PS/P#P#PS shares with the configuration PxPS the marked preference for
the a-verse as observed above, it must be identified as typeA2b, rather than typeA2a,
which lacks this property.
The final drop may exceptionally be realized by an independent word that is
best qualified to carry alliteration (i.e., nouns and adjectives; class 1), as exemplified
in(17). Altogether, five examples are found in the corpus.32 This variant fully manifests the distinctive property of being associated with the a-verse and double alliteration, as shown in Table2.18 above.
(17)
Br 7.5 gnapir grr ir [px#x#P#P]
In section 2.1.2 above, we mentioned the configuration PxP#x in which the final
drop is filled by an independent word other than a noun or an adjective. The verse
distribution and alliterative pattern of this sequence is indicated in Table2.18. As it
turns out, this configuration displays no significant difference from the one treated
in the paragraph above, namely, PxP#P, along these two parameters (p=1 for the
distinction of the a-verse and the b-verse, and p=0.559 for that of single and double
alliteration in the a-verse). In this light, we might be tempted to regard the configuration PxP#x as no different from PxP#P and therefore identify it as another variant
of typeA2b, rather than typeA1. Verse-final independent words, regardless of their
lexical category, appear to be capable of constituting a heavy drop. Indeed, this analysis is apparently confirmed by a comparison with the whole set of typeA2b variants
so far identified, namely, PxPS, PS#PS, P#P#PS, and PxP#P, with a p-value of 1 for
verse distribution. As for alliterative pattern, however, the configuration PxP#x does
not share the exclusive association with double alliteration that the other three configurations display as a whole, given a p-value of 0.034.33 At the same time, however,
32Vsp20.3, 31.7, Br7.5, Sg66.3, Hdl14.7.

33The partial metrical equivalence of the two configurations PxP#P and PxP#x in fornyrislag
stands in opposition to the situation in the Heliand (Suzuki 2004: 6670). In it, the configuration Px
P#x does not share the maximal association with the a-verse that characterizes PxP#P (p=0.001),
although it prefers double to single alliteration in the a-verse (p=0.312); thus, fornyrislag and the He
liand form opposite patterns of similarity between the two configurations in question. Since the property of verse distinction is regarded as more inclusive than that of alliterative pattern (section1.2), we
may infer that the sequence PxP#x is less distant from the prototype of typeA2b in fornyrislag than
from that of typeA1.
54
this configuration differs from the representative variant of typeA1, PxPx, on the
same parameter with a p-value of 0.001 (see Table2.5).
A further variety seems to arise when the verse-final drop is filled by the second
element of a compound proper name, as given in (18). With a total of forty-three examples found in the corpus,34 this configuration is distributed as indicated in Table2.18
above. While indistinguishable from type A2b with the final drop occupied by the
second element of a compound (PxPS) as far as the distinction between the a-verse
and the b-verse is concerned (p=0.502; compare Heusler 1956: 223224), this configuration appears to lack the strong association with double alliteration that is distinctively characteristic of the core set of typeA2b comprising the configurations PxPS,
PS#PS, P#P#PS, and PxP#P. This casual observation is statistically supported, given
a p-value of 0.001 by Fishers exact test. In fact, the alliterative pattern displayed
by this configuration proves to be hardly distinguishable from that of the sequence
treated immediately above, PxP#x, with a p-value of 0.202. Nor does it differ significantly from typeA1, given p=0.107. Thus, the distinguishability of alliterative pattern
places the configuration PxPS (PS= proper name) between typeA1 and the configuration PxP#x, the two ends that are distinguished from each other.
(18)
Vsp46.5htt blss Heimdallr [P#x#PS]

Sg 15.1 Ein er mr Brynhildr [P#x#x#PS]
Gr II 25.1 Gef ec r, Gurn [P#x#x#PS]
In summary, the configurations PxP#x and PxPS with compound proper names
fail to display in slightly different ways the clustering of properties that are prototypical of typeA2b. By and large, then, they might be located between types A1 and A2b,
but at different points: displaying also a distinct alliterative pattern from typeA1, the
configuration PxP#x appears to be closer to the prototype of typeA2b. Furthermore,
in view of the greater significance of the a-verse versus b-verse distinction for identification of metrical types that they share with typeA2b in distinction from typeA1,
one might be tempted to assign these two configurations to typeA2b and characterize
them as less typical, peripheral variants of this type.
On closer examination, however, the analysis suggested above proves to be
scarcely convincing. First, the allegedly closer association of the configuration
PxP#x with double alliteration in comparison with the sequence PxPS (PS =
proper name) by no means stems from its inherent property; rather, it should be
34A-verse with single alliteration (16 examples): Vsp12.1, Vkv15.3, 29.7, HH41.1, GrI 14.1, Sg15.1,
24.1, 27.7, 54.1, 61.1, GrII 21.1, GrIII 11.7, Od4.7, 7.5, Ghv7.1, Bdr13.1; a-verse with double alliteration
(25 examples): Vsp1.5, 12.5, 12.7, 46.5, HH8.3, 8.5, 14.3, 14.5, HHv1.1, HHII 14.1, 20.1, Sg25.5, GrII
16.7, 25.1, 28.7, 32.1, 33.3, Od11.1, Ghv15.5, R13.5, Hdl15.1, 15.5, 18.7, 21.1, 32.5; b-verse (2 examples):
Grp51.8; Od7.6.
Type A2
55
regarded as a contingent consequence of the preponderance of the polysyllabic first

drop there. Specifically, of the 33 instances of the configuration PxP#x, 24 have the
first drop realized by a disyllable (20 examples) or a trisyllable (4 examples). Note
in passing that the multiple use of the set phrases alt er at tt n and vromz, at
viti sv are largely responsible for the predominance of the polysyllabic first drop. By
contrast, in the configuration PxPS (PS= proper name) the monosyllabic first drop
(24 examples) predominates over the 19 polysyllabic ones (15 disyllables and 4 trisyllables). With a p-value of 0.019, the sequence PxP#x is thus accompanied by the
polysyllabic first drop with a significantly higher frequency than the configuration
PxPS. As demonstrated in section2.1.1 above, the polysyllabic first drop of typeA1 is
more closely associated with double alliteration than the monosyllabic one is. Given
this correlation, and given that there are no more intrinsic reasons for the configuration PxP#x to prefer the polysyllabic first drop than for other verse compositions,
we should ascribe the high incidence of double alliteration at issue to the dominant
but coincidental polysyllabicity of the first drop involved in it. Correspondingly, it
would hardly be warranted to characterize the verse form PxP#x as more similar
to typeA2b in its inherent metrical terms than the configuration PxPS (PS= proper
noun).
Second, further on the predominance of the polysyllabic first drop in the configuration PxP#x, it should also be pointed out that this verse form is accompanied
by polysyllables in the first drop with a significantly higher incidence than typeA1
(p = 0.001; compare Table 2.5). In comparison, the proportion of monosyllables to
polysyllables in the first drop does not differ between the configuration PxPS (PS=
proper name) and typeA1 (p=0.875). In this light, the higher frequency of the a-verse
and double alliteration observed in the configuration PxP#x cannot compel us to
categorize it as a marked variant of type A2b in opposition to type A1. Rather, the
configuration in question would be no less compatible with its subsumption under
typeA1 as a peripheral variant.
Finally, the monosyllabic first drop in the configuration PxP#x is constituted by
a word-initial syllable seven times out of the eight occurrences in the a-verse (Vsp49.1,
58.1, Od 12.1, Hdl 31.3, 34.3, 36.3, 39.3 vs. Vkv 17.7). Such an overwhelming occurrence
of word-initial syllables is in contrast to the normal composition of typeA1, for which
the converse distribution obtains (Table2.2; p=0.026). Since the word-initial monosyllable in the first drop of typeA1 displays a closer association with the a-verse than
the word-final one (section2.1.1), its predominance in the monosyllabic first drop can
plausibly be held responsible, along with its dominant polysyllabicity, for the marked
concentration of this configuration in the a-verse.
All of these points convergently lead us to reaffirm the view presented in
section 2.1.2 above that the configuration PxP#x scans as a marked variant of
typeA1. This identification is furthermore in keeping with the comparable phenomena that are observed in West Germanic (section2.1.2), in which the configuration in
question is characterized as nothing but typeA1. Moreover, the dearth of typeA2b in
56
the Norse meter would have been unlikely to promote a novel use by analogical extension, contrary to the implication that the scansion as a peripheral variant of typeA2
would entail.
2.3Type A3 ([/] /)
2.3.1The configurations xPx, xPS, and xPP
This type is characterized by the absence of the first lift in its explicit form; the verse
accordingly contains only one lift on the surface, which is located in penultimate
position and is preceded normally by a sequence of unstressed syllables.35
With regard to the cadence, the prototypical configuration is xPx, in which the
last two positions are realized by a simplex word, as exemplified in (19). There are
592 examples in the corpus, which are distributed as indicated in Table2.19.36 While
occurring overwhelmingly in the a-verse with 555 examples (93.75%), this type is
attested in the b-verse as well with 37 instances (6.25%).
(19)
Vsp19.5 aan koma dggvar [xx#xx#Px]

HH6.1 Stendr brynio [x#x#Px]
Sg 35.4 riot at gari [xx#x#Px]
By comparison, this configuration is strictly limited to the a-verse in Beowulf (a total

of 289 instances) and the Heliand (a total of 388 instances). The observed difference
between Norse and West Germanic meters is significant, with p-values of less than
0.001 in both cases. The relaxation of the categorical prohibition against occurrence
in the b-verse in fornyrislag can feasibly be ascribed to the novel underlying struc-
35Among the collection of verses that we identify as typeA3 (see below) are a small number of instances that must be acknowledged to be ambivalent in scansion: depending on whether we regard
as alliterative the weakly stressed words that precede the penultimate lift, they may be scanned as
typeA3 (our scansion) or alternatively as types A1 or C. Relevant examples are as follows: Hym35.5
s hann r hreysom (type aA1 according to Lehmann and Dillard 1954); Vkv25.1 and 35.5 enn r augom
(typeA1 according to Lehmann and Dillard 1954; typeC according to Karlsson, Eyrsson, and rnason 2012); HHII 4.9 r hann Helgi (typeA3 according to Lehmann and Dillard 1954; typeC according
to Karlsson, Eyrsson, and rnason 2012); Sg65.7 at undir oss llom (typeA1 according to Lehmann
and Dillard 1954; type aA1 according to Karlsson, Eyrsson, and rnason 2012); Ghv15.7 sem vri
smleitr (typeA2b according to Lehmann and Dillard 1954; typeA3 according to Karlsson, Eyrsson,
and rnason 2012); Ghv17.1 Enn s srastr (typeC according to Lehmann and Dillard 1954 and Karlsson, Eyrsson, and rnason 2012).
36For a list of verses, see appendix 1. Compare Ranisch (1888: 65), Pipping (1903: 110), Wenck (1905:
127), Gering (1924: 7, 11, 16, 19, 23, 28, 35, 39, 43, 49, 180, 182, 184, 187, 191, 197, 200, 206, 208209, 213,
216, 220), and Russom (1998: 5051).

Type A3 ([/] /)

57
ture (/) / as opposed to / , as will be substantiated below: with the retention

of the first lift by the Norse innovation, the metrical representation involved conforms
to the requirement that the b-verse must have two lifts and two drops, the unmarked
composition in conformity to the principle of four metrical positions per verse; therefore, this verse form is no longer excluded categorically from the b-verse (for details
in relation to alliterative pattern, see section6.1 below).
What would appear to be a heavy variant of typeA3 arises when the verse-final
drop is occupied by the second constituent of a compound, whether a true compound
or compound proper name, as shown in (20)37 and (21),38 respectively.
(20)
Vsp24.3 at var enn flcvg [x#x#x#PS]

rk29.3 hin er brfir [x#x#PS]
Ghv 21.5 at etta tregrf [x#xx#PS]
(21)
Br 3.1 ic hefir Brynhildr [x#xx#PS]

Gr I 6.1 qva at Herborg [x#x#x#PS]
Bdr 6.2 sonr em ec Valtams [P(=x)#x#x#PS]
While indistinguishable from each other (p=1) in verse distribution, these two configurations xPS (PS= common or proper noun) can no more be distinguished from
that of the prototypical form of typeA3 (xPx), with p-values of 1 in both cases. We
may be led to conclude that the two configurations at issue constitute variants of
typeA3, rather than distinct metrical types.39
Comparing, then, the two configurations ending in a secondary-stressed syllable (xPS) as a whole with the sequence xPx, one might be struck by the relatively lower incidence of the b-verse in the heavier variant (4.65%) than in the lighter
one (6.25%). One might thereupon be tempted to interpret this apparent difference
in verse distribution as comparable to the opposition between types A1 and A2b. As
may be recalled, the occurrence of the second element of compounds in the versefinal position of the metrical form / / (typeA1) creates a distinct metrical type,
typeA2b (/ / \; section2.2.2). This type is characterized by a conspicuous preference
for the a-verse. In analogous fashion, the use of the same constituent at the end of
37A-verse (25 examples): Vsp4.3, 21.1, 24.3, rk26.7, 28.7, 29.3, 32.3, Vkv30.5, HH33.5, 41.5, 48.7, 50.1,
HHII 38.5, Grp21.7, Br5.7, GrI 18.5, 24.11, Sg14.5, Hlr14.1, GrII 4.5, Od16.3, 28.7, Ghv15.7, 21.5, Hdl4.5;
b-verse (1 example): Rm17.2. Compare Russom (1998: 82).
38A-verse (57 examples): Vsp29.1, 39.7, rk1.1, 15.1, Vkv2.5, 36.5, 39.1, HH35.1, 48.5, 54.5, HHv3.1, 4.5,
10.1, HHII 21.5, 22.1, 25.1, 42.1, 45.1, Grp35.1, Br3.1, 6.1, 8.1, 10.1, 11.1, 14.1, GrI 1.1, 2.5, 4.1, 5.1, 6.1, 11.1,
12.1, 17.1, 23.1, 23.5, 24.1, 25.1, Sg7.3, 8.5, 20.1, 22.5, 30.1, 60.7, Hlr4.1, 13.1, GrII 10.5, 17.1, 29.1, 38.5, GrIII
2.1, 2.5, 5.1, Od2.1, 4.5, Hdl26.3, 27.5, 37.5; b-verse (3 examples): Vsp64.4, Vkv15.2, Bdr6.2.
39Accordingly, Gerings (1924: 208) scansion of GrIII 2.5 at it irecr, for example, as typeC- (F3
in his terms) must be rejected.
58
type A3 appears to be associated more strongly with the a-verse. However appealing the alleged correlation may look, the difference in distribution at issue turns out
to be more apparent than real: by Fisher test, we obtain a p-value of 0.808, which
requires us to maintain the null hypothesis that the two patterns are independent;
what is involved in the observed difference is a random variation without statistical
significance.
A further possible variant is obtained when the verse-final drop is realized by
an independent word, regardless of its word-class identity. There are seventy-seven
examples of such configurations (xP#P or xP#x),40 as exemplified in (22):
(22)
Hym22.6 s er go fi [x#x#P#P]
HHII 2.3 era at karls tt [xx#x#P#P]
Hdl 7.3 er qver ver minn [x#x#x#P#P]
The configuration xP#P (or xP#x) displays a far weaker degree of association
with the a-verse than do xPx and xPS (Table 2.19), and the observed difference
proves to be of statistical significance (p<0.001 as against xPx). The distribution
pattern, therefore, does not support the identification of these configurations as
typeA3. Moreover, the use of the most salient word class, the nominals, for the least
prominent position, the verse-final drop, does not seem to be a feasible operation of
linguistic-metrical alignment, whereby the more comparable entities are more likely
to be associated with each other (Suzuki 1996: 379381).41 Therefore, the verse-final
relatively prominent words involved should better be characterized as constituting
an analogously prominent metrical position, notably, a lift. Furthermore, on identifying the final words as a drop in accordance with the scansion as typeA3, the seven
instances of apparent alliteration on the last words would have to be discarded as
purely accidental. On statistical grounds, however, the observed cases of double alliteration are too frequent to be dismissed (p=0.013). In section2.9, then, we will argue
for their alternative scansion as typeC- (/ /), a catalectic variant of typeC.
40A-verse with single alliteration (47 examples): Vsp6.1, 9.1, 23.1, 23.7, 25.1, 25.5, Hym9.5, rk4.1, 12.7,
20.5, Vkv5.3, 14.7, 21.7, HH50.3, HHII 1.5, 2.3, 9.1, 9.3, 18.5, 40.1, 41.1, Grp3.3, 32.5, 42.5, Rm5.7, 13.7,
14.7, Fm35.7, 44.1, GrI 18.5, Sg69.7, Hlr2.5, 10.1, 10.5, GrII 2.3, 5.5, GrIII 3.1, Ghv8.3, R43.1, 45.1,
46.1, 47.3, Hdl5.1, 5.5, 6.5, 7.3, 10.3; a-verse with double alliteration (7 examples): Vsp21.5, HHII 8.1,
Rm11.5, GrII 13.3, Hdl5.7, Grt2.3, 5.3; b-verse (23 examples): Hym1.6, 22.6, Vkv4.6, 17.2, 20.6, 21.4,
23.4, HH20.4, HHv10.4, HHII 11.2, 18.8, Grp22.6, 28.2, 29.8, 39.8, GrI 12.4, 13.4, 19.4, Sg28.2, 31.10,
GrII 39.8, Ghv17.2, R28.2.
41Of related interest, the primary condition for treating class 1 words exceptionally as drops the
syntactic integrity with the following finite verb, vera in particular does not obtain here, in contrast
to the verse-initial position of typeA3, argued below.

Type A3 ([/] /)

59
Table2.19.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPx, xPS, and xP#P/xP#x

Configuration
A-verse
B-verse
Total
xPx
555 (93.75%)
555 (100%)
0 (0%)
37 (6.25%)
592 (100%)
xPS (PS= common noun)
25 (96.15%)
25 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (3.85%)
26 (100%)
xPS (PS= proper noun)
57 (95.00%)
57 (100%)
0 (0%)
3 (5.00%)
60 (100%)
23 (29.87%)
77 (100%)
xP#P/xP#x
54 (70.13%)
47 (87.04%)
7 (12.96%)
As shown above, there are altogether at least 678 examples of the configurations x
Px and xPS (PS= common or proper noun) in the corpus of fornyrislag poems.42 In
comparison, Beowulf and the Heliand offer 307 and 397 instances, respectively. Given
the corpus sizes of 5998 verses (fornyrislag), 6334 verses (Beowulf), and 11143 verses
(Heliand) as indicated in Table2.20,43 fornyrislag is distinguished from the West Germanic meters by the significantly higher occurrence of typeA3 (p<0.001; compare
Russom 1998: 39).
Table2.20.Type A3 (xPx and xPS) in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
Representation
(/) /
/
/
Counts (%)
Total verses
678 (11.30%)
307 (4.85%)
397 (3.56%)
5998 (100%)
6334 (100%)
11143 (100%)
We now examine whether the realization of the initial upbeat may differ between the
a-verse and the b-verse, as with the first drop of typeA1. Elaborating on Table2.19,
Table2.21 shows the varying numbers of syllables involved along the parameter of
the a-/b-verse distinction. As it turns out, the monosyllabic first upbeat occurs less
frequently in the a-verse than the polysyllabic one, given p=0.006. We thus recognize
that the minimal first drop tends to be dissociated from the a-verse in typeA3, much
as in typeA1.
42In addition, the configuration xpx, totaling twenty-seven examples, also scans as typeA3, a variant unique to the Norse meter, as will be shown in the following section.
43We ignore hypermetric verses (Beowulf and the Heliand) and the verses containing biblical names
(the Heliand; Suzuki 2004: 27), the classes of verses that have no comparable examples in fornyrislag.
60
Table2.21.Verse distinction of typeA3 according to size of the first drop

Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
6
A-verse
4 (57.14%)
227 (94.58%)
340 (94.44%)
57 (91.94%)
8 (100%)
1 (100%)
B-verse
3 (42.86%)
13 (5.42%)
20 (5.56%)
5 (8.06%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
Total
7 (100%)
240 (100%)
360 (100%)
62 (100%)
8 (100%)
1 (100%)
In Beowulf and the Heliand, these weak elements are aligned to two drops; the initial
lift is demoted to a drop in the absence of a word most likely to constitute a lift (Suzuki
1996: 4759). In accordance with the succession of two drops in the West Germanic
meters, type A3 requires at least two unstressed syllables before the lift, each corresponding to a separate drop; and there are in fact no examples of the configuration
xPx in Beowulf or the Heliand.
The obligatory sequencing of at least two unstressed syllables in typeA3 stands
in contrast to the other types that start with a drop followed by a lift (/), such as
types B and C. The doubling of drops in typeA3 is primarily evidenced by its significantly greater size than the initial upbeat in types B and C, which has only a single
drop before the lift (Suzuki 2004: 7779), as well as the complete absence of the configuration xPx in Beowulf and the Heliand, pointed out above.
Things are different in the Norse meter, however: there are seven examples of the
configurations xPx and xPS in the corpus, as follows (on the configuration xPS, see
also section2.9 below):
(23)
Vsp64.4 Giml [x#PS]

Vkv 9.1 Gecc brnni [x#Px]
Rm 17.2 strim [x#PS]
Gr I 24.11 oc vinspell [x#PS]
Sg 62.7 til Inacrs [x#Px]
Od 4.2 foldo [x#Px]
Hdl 26.3 oc Hiords [x#PS]
The existence of the minimal configuration xPx in fornyrislag strongly suggests that
typeA3 should be identified as containing only a single drop, rather than a sequence of
two as in the West Germanic meters; we might accordingly be tempted to postulate /
as opposed to / as underlying typeA3. This representation, however, would
contravene the fundamental principle of four metrical positions per verse. Given that the
principle is observed in fornyrislag nearly as closely as in Beowulf, the more feasible
structure to be posited would be (/) / comprising four positions, where the first lift
([/]) is left unrealized on the surface. More specifically, the initial lift is demoted to a drop

Type A3 ([/] /)

61
by metrical suppression in the West Germanic tradition, as observed above. By contrast,

in the Norse meter, the same position does not undergo demotion, but is left vacant and
immaterialized instead, in the absence of proper linguistic material to be matched with.
Correspondingly, the minimal manifestation of this underlying form is the trisyllabic
sequence xPx (or xPS) with the monosyllabic realization of the initial drop.
In order to appreciate the significance of the admittedly small number of supporting examples, we need to place them in the whole context of typeA3. There are
671 instances of typeA3 with the polysyllabic upbeat. If we continued to postulate
the underlying form / for typeA3 in fornyrislag much as in the West Germanic
meters, we would expect to get the distribution of zero monosyllabic realizations and
678 polysyllabic ones (namely, the total of typeA3 verses attested in the corpus). The
question arising then is whether a statistical significance is attached to the difference
in these proportions, observed as against expected. Performing Fishers exact test
on the distributional difference, we obtain a p-value of 0.015, which means that the
difference concerned is of statistical significance. In other words, we cannot dismiss
these rare verses simply as random exceptions. We may therefore warrantedly conclude that the apparently few attestations of monosyllables in the upbeat of typeA3
in fornyrislag lend empirical support to our postulation of a single drop, rather than
two, in its underlying representation, as presented above.
Nonetheless, the occurrence of monosyllables does seem underrepresented. We
must make sense of the extremely low profile of such minimal configurations. As we
see it, there is a strong motivation for minimizing occurrence of the least salient form
xPx (or xPS): essentially the same mechanism of compensation is set to work, as in
the composition of type A3 in the West Germanic tradition. In it, the suppression
of the otherwise expected realization of the first lift by prominent language material demands more substantial materialization of the resultant succession of two
drops than their bare minimum: their minimal disyllabic realization is thus strongly
deterred, as shown in Table 2.22. Similarly and more urgently, the missing first lift
must be compensated for in terms of linguistic materialization in fornyrislag: while
the initial position yields to direct materialization in whatever weakened form in West
Germanic through alignment to some concrete expression, the same position is totally
disallowed of any material support in North Germanic. The maximal degree of suppression thus achieved requires a fuller compensation. Such a greater demand for
compensation, then, would have placed a still heavier pressure to avoid the minimal
verse form in fornyrislag than in Beowulf and the Heliand.
The more urgent necessity of compensation in fornyrislag in turn may provide a
credible account for the less salient presence of the minimal form there than would be
statistically expected. At stake here is the lack of statistical significance between the
presence of the configurations xPx and xPS in the Norse meter and their absence in
the West Germanic counterparts. Specifically, the distribution in fornyrislag of these
7 verses with the monosyllabic initial drop as against the occurrences of 671 typeA3
instances with the polysyllabic counterpart does not differ significantly from the West
62
Germanic situations in which the configurations xPx and xPS are absolutely unknown
in the populations of 307 (Beowulf) and 397 (Heliand) instances of the configuration x
Px, with p-values of 0.106 and 0.051, respectively. The occurrence in fornyrislag of the
verse xPx (or xPS) would thus appear too infrequent to be able to claim its structural
legitimacy from a comparative perspective rather than on its own inherent terms as
substantiated above particularly with reference to Beowulf. This stands in contrast to,
for example, the catalectic form of typeA3, typeA3- (xP; section2.6), which occurs
with such a high frequency that its presence in fornyrislag makes a significant difference from its absence in the West Germanic meters with a p-value of less than 0.001.
In light of the functionally motivated, greater demand for avoiding the minimal
realization in fornyrislag, however, the underrepresentation of the configurations
xPx and xPS, which is responsible for the lack of statistical significance at issue, turns
out to be subject to a principled account. Therefore, the lack of statistical significance
in this respect does not prevent us from attaching crucial importance to the extremely
rare configurations xPx and xPS in fornyrislag and adducing them as evidence for
the postulation of the metrical representation (/) / .
Another way of comparing the status of the minimal forms of typeA3 is to examine
their occurrences relative to the remaining variants of the same verse type in the three
respective meters, as represented in Table2.22. As it turns out, the proportions of the respective minimal configurations xPx (or xPS) in fornyrislag and xxPx (or xxPS) in Beowulf
and the Heliand do not differ between fornyrislag and Beowulf (p=0.088), between
fornyrislag and the Heliand (p=0.404), and between Beowulf and the Heliand (p=0.446).
Thus, the status of the monosyllabic upbeat in fornyrislag may be characterized as hardly
different from that of the disyllabic counterpart in the West Germanic meters.
Moreover, even for fornyrislag and Beowulf, which could be regarded as differing
moderately in the relative frequency of their minimal variants of typeA3 (at a confidence level of 90%), the rarity of the monosyllabic and disyllabic upbeats in typeA3
proves to be analogous on another dimension. Specifically, the two meters display
isomorphic spectrums of variation in the size of the initial upbeat. At issue are the
general profiles of distribution in regard to the number of initial unstressed syllables
involved in the variation of typeA3. This overall property of distribution is measured
and compared in terms of rankings of the varying syllable numbers constitutive of
typeA3 in the two meters. Since we claim that the minimal number of syllables is one
for fornyrislag and two for Beowulf, and since the range of an ordinal category the
numbers of syllables must be kept identical for statistical analysis, we select for
comparative measurement the range of one to six syllables for fornyrislag and two to
seven syllables for Beowulf. In other words, the range of verse-initial syllables to be
examined is the first six counted from the attested minimums.
In both poems, exactly the same ranking obtains in terms of observed counts: 5-21-3-4-6 (in order of increasing syllable numbers; Table2.22). In order to determine the
significance of this correspondence, we must perform statistical analysis; the appropriate statistical tests for our purposes are based on the Spearman rank correlation coef-

Type A3 ([/] /)

63
ficient (Spearman rho, ) or the Kendall rank correlation coefficient (Kendall tau, ).
Both are statistics for measuring the correlation between two ordinal variables in terms
of ranking. With the maximum scores of 1 for both coefficients because of the perfect
match in ranking between the two poems, we obtain p-values well below 0.05: p=0.025
(Spearman) and p=0.009 (Kendall). We are accordingly justified in rejecting the null
hypothesis that the two distributions are independent; hence, we may be allowed to
interpret this result as constituting support for the claim that the distributions of varying
syllable numbers in the upbeat of typeA3 in fornyrislag and Beowulf are reducible to the
same pattern in terms of their general profiles.44 Specifically, the monosyllabic first drop
of typeA3 in fornyrislag may be viewed as isomorphic to the disyllabic one in Beowulf.
Bringing the foregoing arguments all together, then, we may be warranted in concluding that, as the minimal variant of typeA3, the configuration xPx occupies much
the same status in fornyrislag as does xxPx in the West Germanic meters. Since this
minimal realization has only one unstressed syllable before the lift, no more than
a single drop ought to be involved in the corresponding metrical representation in
fornyrislag, just as the minimum of two syllables at the beginning of a verse requires
us to posit two drops in the West Germanic meters. We may accordingly be justified
in reaffirming our postulation of the metrical representation (/) / for this type in
the Norse meter.
Table2.22.Size of the first drop of typeA3 in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Syllables
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
Rank
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
7
240
360
62
8
1
1.03
35.40
53.10
9.14
1.18
0.15
Total
678
100
5
2
1
3
4
6
Counts
Beowulf
%
Rank
Counts
Heliand
%
7
25
134
108
75
32
11
5
1.76
6.30
33.75
27.20
18.89
8.06
2.77
1.26
7
5
1
2
3
4
6
8
100
8
108
131
49
11
2.61
35.18
42.67
15.96
3.58
5
2
1
3
4
6
307
100
397
Rank
44Needless to say, when comparing the two spectrums directly without adjustment (i.e., without
shifting the fornyrislags column upward by one syllable), the distribution patterns cannot be regarded as isomorphic: the resultant Kendall tau is 0.333 a very weak correlation and the p-value
is 0.452. We cannot reject the null hypothesis of there being no ranking correlation between the two
sets at issue. The point of the exercise in manipulating the distributions is to show that the minimal
variants of typeA3 in the two meters are loaded with the same structural value in purely formal terms.
64
Now that typeA3 demonstrably contains one drop before the manifest lift, we turn
to offer empirical motivations for positing before that drop an unrealized position
in general and an unrealized lift in particular (rather than an unrealized drop). The
postulation of a zero realization of the verse-initial lift gains in plausibility when
we take into account catalexis, an analogous zero realization of the final drop that
constitutes a mirror-image process unique to fornyrislag (sections 2.42.6, 2.11, and
3.2). Just as the verse-final drop may be left immaterialized in the catalectic variant
of typeA1 typeA1- (and some other verse types as well) its polar opposite both in
terms of structure and location, namely, the verse-initial lift, may remain unaligned
to concrete language material in a light variant of typeA1, that is, typeA3. Moreover,
catalexis induces compensatory lengthening of the first drop, resulting in a longer
sequencing of unstressed syllables in it; quite analogously, typeA3 is characterized
by a longer concatenation of weak elements in the first drop, as examined in detail
below. Brought all together, unique to fornyrislag, typeA1 (/ /) has two light variants that are derived through a zero realization of a metrical position: typeA1- with
the zero final drop on the one hand (/ / []), and typeA3 with the zero first lift on
the other ([/] / ). The characterization of typeA3 as a variant of typeA1 with the
unrealized first lift is thus formally supported by the isomorphic composition of the
catalectic variant of typeA1.
Beyond the formal isomorphism, a substantive parallelism to catalexis can be
ascertained as serving as a common metrical basis for null realization, that is, the
diminished prominence of metrical positions. The drop in its minimal shape, which
must be realized by a single unstressed syllable in West Germanic, is allowed to
be unrealized in catalexis in the Norse meter. By the same token, the lift becomes
increasingly less pronounced by its greater susceptibility to suspension of resolution
in fornyrislag (section4.3). With respect to the derivation of typeA3 from typeA1, the
first lift is demoted to a drop in the West Germanic meters, as pointed out above. This
partial suppression of the lift goes furthest in the North Germanic meter in the form of
complete suppression: following the fuller implementation of metrical weakening in
general in fornyrislag, the initial lift, too, undergoes comparably more radical treatment, namely, zero realization.
Moreover, the mechanism of promotion, the converse of demotion, is almost out
of function in fornyrislag, in which the heavy drop resulting from promotion of a
drop is virtually dysfunctional, with the sole exception of typeA2. By contrast, promotion and demotion constitute productive mirror-image processes of metrical derivation, notably in Beowulf. Corresponding to the virtual demise of promotion, the
demotion of a lift to a drop would have lost much of its structural support in the Norse
tradition, and this would accordingly have exposed derivation of typeA3 to a greater
chance of reanalysis.
Inasmuch as the initial upbeat of typeA3 is constituted by a single drop on the
surface, it must be no different from types B and C, which also start with a drop.
Since typeA3 is virtually limited to the a-verse, it will be most appropriate to bring

Type A3 ([/] /)

65
in for comparison types B and C with exclusive reference to their occurrences in the
a-verse. Table2.23 gives an overview of the varying realizations of the initial drops
in the a-verse of types A3, B, and C in terms of the number of syllables involved. As
it turns out, these initial drops are treated divergently in their alignment to differing
numbers of syllables. As indicated in Table2.23, the verse-initial drop is realized most
frequently by disyllables for both types B and C, thus accounting for approximately
half of all occurrences: no significant difference is in evidence between these two
types (p=0.780). By contrast, the proportion of disyllables for typeA3 is much lower,
with a statistical significance of p<0.001. Instead, it is trisyllables that figure most
prominently in this type: indeed, the occurrence of trisyllables in typeA3 does not
differ from those of disyllables in the other two types (p=0.418 against typeB and
p=0.196 against typeC). And the remaining syllables are all different in their ranking
in occurrences between typeA3 on the one hand and types B and C on the other.
This outstanding difference in the distribution of varying syllable numbers in the
initial upbeat between typeA3 on the one hand and types B and C on the other, as
epitomized by the significant difference in the proportion of disyllables, can be attributed to the distinct underlying compositions of metrical positions involved. While
types B and C start with a single drop, typeA3 contains a succession of a lift and a
drop at the beginning. The significantly lower incidence of disyllables at the head of
typeA3 may thus be regarded as a consequence of the greater magnitude of the initial
portion of this metrical configuration. In other words, the larger size of the initial
upbeat may be ascribed to a compensation process whereby the unrealized first lift is
materialized indirectly by extra language material that is aligned to the first drop, the
mechanism that is essentially the same as the one involved in catalexis. In essence,
the language material that would normally occupy the first two positions / (or occasionally /) is aligned en bloc to the drop, as with Vkv 21.5 fiol var ar menia and Sg
12.1 Ltom son fara (see further below).
Because the lift is prototypically realized by a single long syllable, its realignment
to the following drop is most likely to involve one syllable. As a consequence, the
realigned syllable is expected to increase the size of the following drop by one syllable most frequently, which is exactly what is being observed here. As will be shown
in the following paragraph, readjusting the beginning of the columns assigned to
types B and C upward from the row of monosyllables to disyllables makes an almost
perfect match with typeA3 in terms of ranking correlation. This difference in syllable
numbers is thus subject to a principled account by identifying the underlying initial
lift unique to typeA3 to be responsible for the surface increment in size.45
45The existence of the latent first lift in typeA3 uniquely determines the composition of the first
drop not only in quantitative terms as shown in the foregoing discussion, but also in qualitative terms
by making more extensive use of class 1 words in the position in question than elsewhere, as will be
discussed at the end of this section.
66
Despite the discrepancies in rankings of individual syllable numbers, however,

the overall ranking pattern turns out to be the same in the three types. This comes
to light when we take a wider perspective of adding the value of zero syllables in
the representation of the distribution of types B and C: since the first drop of these
types always materializes, the corresponding counts have to be null. Thus, the substance of the distribution pattern remains unaffected by this purely formal adjustment. Equipped with the slightly adjusted representation, we now perform a Kendall
rank correlation test to confirm that the patterns are indistinguishable in the three
types. We obtain the following results: (Kendall tau) = 0.966; p=0.013. That is, the
rank correlation between types A3 and B and that between types A3 and C are almost
perfect; and the chance probability of getting this virtually maximal scale of correlation is less than 0.05; therefore, we must reject the null hypothesis of there being no
association between the verse types concerned. In other words, the identity of the
distribution patterns involved in terms of ranking is proven on statistical grounds.
Notwithstanding the surface appearance to the contrary, the underlying invariance of
distribution pattern of the initial upbeat enhances the plausibility of our claim that
typeA3 contains only one drop, much as do types B and C.
In this way, the dual nature of the initial upbeat of typeA3 is provided a unitary
explanatory account by the postulation of the metrical representation (/) / for
this verse type: the isomorphism to types B and C in terms of the variation pattern of
the first drop on the one hand, and its greater size in terms of syllable numbers realized on the surface on the other, are thus reduced to the unique sequence (/) in the
underlying representation of typeA3 as proposed.
Table2.23.Size of the first drop in types A3, B, and C in the a-verse
Syllables
Type A3 ([/] /)
Counts
%
Rank
Type B (/ /)
Counts
%
Rank
Type C (/ /)
Counts
%
Rank
1
2
3
4
5
6
4
227
340
57
8
1
0.63
35.64
53.38
8.95
1.26
0.16
5
2
1
3
4
6
150
169
13
2
0
0
44.91
50.60
3.89
0.60
0
0
2
1
3
4
5
5
223
262
43
1
0
0
42.16
49.53
8.13
0.19
0
0
2
1
3
4
5
5
Total
637
100
334
100
529
100
There are three additional properties of type A3 that are unique to fornyrislag, as
opposed to the West Germanic cognates: (i) its occasional occurrences in the b-verse;
(ii) the virtual absence of resolution; (iii) its strong preference for the stanza-initial
verse (i.e., verse 1). These novel features all yield to explanation and lend support
to our proposal that type A3 begins with an unrealized lift (rather than an unrealized drop). First, while occurring overwhelmingly in the a-verse with 637 examples

Type A3 ([/] /)

67
(93.95%), typeA3 is attested in the b-verse as well with 41 instances (6.05%). By comparison, this configuration is strictly limited to the a-verse in Beowulf (307 instances
in total) and the Heliand (397 instances in total). The observed difference between
Norse and West Germanic meters is significant, with p-values of less than 0.001 in
both cases. The relaxation of the categorical prohibition against occurrence in the
b-verse in fornyrislag can feasibly be ascribed to the novel underlying structure (/)
/ as opposed to () / . With the retention of the first lift by the Norse innovation, the metrical representation involved conforms to the requirement that the
b-verse must comprise two lifts and two drops; therefore, this verse form is no longer
excluded categorically from the b-verse (for details, see section6.1 below).
A second notable feature of typeA3 in fornyrislag is the absence of resolution on
the lift. With the exception of two examples (Sg 14.5 at fr konungdm [x#x#pxS]; Gr
II 4.5 ll vro suldr [x#xx#pxS]), resolution is generally inapplicable to typeA3. The
extreme rarity of resolution in typeA3 (0.30%) is in sharp contrast to the West Germanic
practice: in Beowulf, there are 23 typeA3 verses with resolution out of a total of 307
instances (10.75%); and in the Heliand 45 out of a total of 397 typeA3 verses are resolved
(11.35%). Of related interest, these two exceptional verses in fornyrislag are of the configuration xpxS, with a secondary stress falling on the final drop, rather than the prototypical one xpxx ending in an unstressed syllable: not a single example is known of
the configuration xpxx in the Norse corpus (see section2.8.3 below).
The vanishing rarity of resolution in typeA3 in fornyrislag might be attributed
to the generally diminished implementation of resolution in this meter (section4.2).
A more substantive account, however, needs to be explored in more specific terms,
given that the first lift is far from immune to resolution; and that it is significantly
more likely to be resolved than the second, which is almost immune to the process.
At this point, the underlying representation of type A3 that was proposed earlier
seems to settle the issue: because the overt lift of typeA3 constitutes the second one
in abstract metrical terms, it follows as a matter of course that it almost categorically
evades resolution, much as does the second lift that is preceded by the first one realized on the surface, as in typeA1 (Pxpxx; section4.2.7).
Let us turn to the third novel property of typeA3 in fornyrislag. As far as we differentiate a-verses according to their placement in the stanza, typeA3 is favored most of
all by the stanza-initial verse or verse 1 in the stanza: this type is more closely associated with the stanza-initial location than anywhere else, as represented in Table2.24
(for details, see section 7.2 below).46 More specifically, we obtain the following
p-values: p<0.001 between verses 1 and 3; p=0.025 between verses 1 and 5; p<0.001
46As before, the marked variant of typeA3, xpx (section2.3.2), is not included, but this exclusion
will not affect the overall pattern. Compare Table7.9, section7.2.1 below, which includes the configuration xpx. We focus on the prototypical stanzas that consist of eight verses (for details, see section7.1
below).
68
between verses 1 and 7. On the same parameter, verse 5 is in turn distinguished from
the other two, in view of p<0.001 between verses 5 and 3, and between verses 5 and 7.
Verses 3 and 7, however, do not differ significantly, as we obtain a p-value of 0.447. The
use of typeA3 in the a-verse is thus organized on the basis of the three-way distinction in preference, whereby the four verses involved are ranked in order of weakening
association with this type, as follows: verse 1 > verse 5 > verses 3 and 7.
Table2.24.Occurrences of typeA3 according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
176
69
143
60
39.29
15.40
31.92
13.39
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
9
10
5
3
33.33
37.04
18.52
11.11
Total
448
100
Total
27
100
In broad terms (for details, see section7.6 below), the close association with verse 1
is shared by typeA1, typeA1- (the catalectic variant of typeA1), typeD*, and typeA3.
By contrast, types B, D, and E tend to be avoided by verse 1 (negative association with
the a-verse), while typeC seems neutral in regard to occurrence in verse 1 (no significant association with either verse). Disregarding typeA3 for the moment, this varied
pattern of accommodation by verse 1 may be formally explained by generalizing that
the initial sequence / constitutes a structural condition that promotes occurrence
in verse 1. The presence versus absence of this concatenation makes the binary distinction of the verse configurations concerned as is actually found: typeA1, typeA1-,
and typeD* exclusively share the initial unit in question. Of paramount interest is the
implication that this formal division entails for the structure of type A3. Insofar as
this configuration is treated along with the three others explicitly beginning with the
sequence / , it is most likely that this type, too, is structured in the same way. The
common metrical behavior in regard to the association with verse 1, therefore, corroborates our analysis whereby typeA3 has the underlying representation (/) / .47
The initial class 1 words, which would normally serve as the first lift of typeA1
(occasionally of typeC when they are immediately followed by the second lift, as in
Hym20.8 below), may be treated occasionally as equivalent to members of the less
prominent word classes, and accordingly occupy the first drop in realization. Put
another way, a sequence of words containing a class 1 word is aligned en bloc to the
47Drawing heavily on Popes (1942) theory on the recitation of Beowulf, Cook (1959: 102114) posited
an initial rest in the first measure, which also contains the upbeat of typeA3 after the rest. The unrealized first lift that we postulate on purely structural grounds, however, should not be identified with
Cooks notion of rest, which has to do with the level of actualizing verse as a performed event.

Type A3 ([/] /)

69
first drop, as proposed above. These exceptional verses number thirty-eight (including four instances with the short lift, xpx), as listed below (compare Wenck 1905:
5152; Pipping 1935: 3847):
(24)
Vsp14.1 Ml er, dverga [P(=x)#x#Px]

Hym20.8 at ra lengra [x#p(=x)x#Px]
Hym28.5 qvaat mann ramman [xx#P(=x)#Px]
rk1.1 Reir var Vingrr [P(=x)#x#x#PS]
rk13.1 Rei var Freyia [P(=x)#x#x#Px]
Vkv 2.5 nnor var Svanhvt [P(=x)x#x#PS]
Vkv 15.2 borin var Hlv [p(=x)x#x#PS]
Vkv 21.5 fiol var ar menia [P(=x)#x#x#Px]
HH7.5 silfr gecc vsi [P(=x)#x#Px]
HH14.7 farit hafi hann allri [p(=x)x#xx#x#Px]
HH24.3 seint qva at telia [P(=x)#x#x#Px]
HH29.1 Draga ba Helgi [p(=x)x#x#Px]
HH55.1 Heill scaltu, vsi [P(=x)#xx#Px]
HH56.5 heill scaltu, bulungr [P(=x)#xx#Px]
HHII 6.1 Hamall ltr flita [p(=x)x#x#Px]
HHII 11.5 margir ro hvassir [P(=x)x#x#Px]
HHII 21.5ml er, Hbroddr [P(=x)#x#PS]
HHII 25.5 liin er vi [p(=x)x#x#Px]
HHII 42.6 kominn er Helgi [p(=x)x#x#Px]
HHII 44.7 allr er vsi [P(=x)#x#Px]
HHII 45.1 Ein veldr , Sigrn [P(=x)#x#x#PS]
HHII 49.1 Ml er mr at ra [P(=x) #x#x#x#Px]
Grp 4.3 Hr er mar ti [x#x#P(=x)#Px]
Grp 31.5 veri hefir Gica [p(=x)x#xx#x#Px]
Gr I 8.3 silf scylda ec hndla [P(=x)#xx#x#Px]
Sg 6.5 Hafa scal ec Sigur [p(=x)x#x#x#px]
Sg 7.3 qvn er hans Gurn [P(=x)#x#x#PS]
Sg 12.1 Ltom son fara [xx#P(=x)#px]
Sg 16.3 gott er at ra [P(=x)#x#x#Px]
Sg 21.1 Dlt var at eggia [P(=x)#x#x#Px]
Sg 51.5 Vilcat ec mann trauan [xx#x#P(=x)#Px]
Sg 69.8 aumlig vera [P(=x)x#px]
Gr II 4.5 ll vro suldr [P(=x)#xx#pxS]
Gr II 35.4 hafit vagna [p(=x)x#x#Px]
Bdr 6.2 sonr em ec Valtams [P(=x)#x#x#Px]
R 32.2 scutla fulla [P(=x)x#Px]
Hdl 30.3 Freyr tti Geri [P(=x)#xx#Px]
Hdl 41.5 var Loptr qviugr [x#P(=x)#px]
70
A vast majority of the above examples would scan as typeA1, if the initial nominals
realized the first lift as is normally the case. In the remaining few instances (i.e.,
Hym20.8, 28.5, Grp 4.3, Sg 12.1, 51.5, Hdl 41.5),48 the otherwise resulting verses would
constitute typeC, as the corresponding words are preceded by an unstressed word
and immediately followed by the second lift.49
These exceptional verses, however, are largely characterized as sharing the same
syntactic structure: the initial substantives involved are immediately followed by
finite verbs, vera be for the most part, and form complex predicates in combination with the latter; in other words, these nominals are treated as integral to the following class 2 words (finite verbs), and by virtue of this syntactic integrity they may
be blocked from constituting a separate position on their own, namely, the first lift
(compare Sievers 1893: 43; Wenck 1905: 5657). Although far from absolutely binding,
this constraint broadly regulates the marked practice of allocating class 1 words to the
first drop by making them equivalent to items of lesser prominence for metrical realization. Furthermore, several words such as annar another, mar man, and silfr
self come close to being pronouns, and they may thus be regarded as less than full
substantives (Pipping 1935: 4143). By the same token, infinitives (e.g., ra row) and
past participles (e.g., kominn come) are rather peripheral members of class 1 due to
their verbal characters retained.
Of vital importance, however, is that no other drops are as likely as the initial
upbeat of typeA3 to accommodate these relatively prominent words that may broadly
be characterized as being closest to substantives. At stake here are the following three
positions, namely, the first drop of types A1, B, and C. These three positions are minimally differentiated from the upbeat of typeA3 by the presence or absence of the preceding first lift. The first drop of typeA1 is distinguished from that of typeA3 by the
manifest realization of the preceding lift, whereas types B and C differ from typeA3
by the absence of the lift in verse-initial position at the underlying level of metrical
representation.
The first drops located in these distinct contexts differ in the extent to which they
allow relatively prominent words to occur. As treated at the end of section2.1.1 above,
48Sg 12.1 might be characterized as embodying chiastic or transverse alliteration (see section 6.1
below) in conjunction with the following verse: Sg12.12 Ltom son fara / fer sinni (Lehmann and
Dillard 1954: 38, 167; See, La Farge, Picard, Schulz, and Teichert 2009: 339). If so, the a-verse involved
would be scanned as typeC without invoking the downgrading of a class 1 word to one of a less prominent class. Inasmuch as the so-called chiastic alliteration necessarily requires alliteration on a drop,
we do not regard this mode of alliteration as legitimate (section6.1).
49Of related interest, Hdl5.5 Seinn er gltr inn similarly aligns the first nominal (together with the
second word er) to the first drop; the following disyllables, however, are realized by two separate
words (gltr inn), each occupying the two lifts (/ /), rather than a single word (Px or px) embodying
a lift and a drop (/ ); consequently, the resultant verse is an instance of typeC- (/ /; section2.9),
rather than typeC (/ /).

Type A3 ([/] /)

71
we find 8 verses of typeA1 (as given under [2] above) out of a total of 2092 examples
(without anacrusis) in which the first drop is realized by a class 1 word. In regard to
the other two types, there is only one comparable example in a total of 451 type B
verses on the one hand (HHII 35.3 ll Vandilsv), and 11 analogous instances out of a
total of 1343 typeC verses on the other (Vkv 8.7 Vlundr, landi, 39.4 meyna brhvto,
39.5 ganga fagrvari, Grp 3.6 borinn Sigmundi, Br 4.1 Sumir lf svio, 4.2 sumir orm
snio, 4.3 sumir Gothormi, Ghv 4.9 ronar vers dreyra, 4.10 flgnar valbli, Hdl 12.2
borinn Innsteini, 28.2 borinn Hrreki). As it turns out, with p-values of less than 0.001
as against all of the three types, typeA3 is distinguished from the other three by a
significantly higher probability for containing a class 1 word in the first drop. By contrast, the latter three types in turn are indistinguishable from each other in their likelihood of aligning the first drop to the most prominent class of words: p=1 between
types A1 and B; p=0.103 between types A1 and C; p=0.315 between types B and C.
The significantly larger presence of class 1 words in the first drop of typeA3 than
in the minimally distinct, corresponding positions in types A1, B, and C readily yields
to a principled explanation, given the formal account of type A3 proposed above,
particularly the mechanism of compensation for the absence on the surface of the
underlying first lift. While the first drop of the other three types may be aligned to a
varying number of syllables as is normally the case, their maximal size is determined
as an upper limit imposed on the extension of a single drop on its own, whatever its
precise value may turn out to be. In other words, the maximal prominence allowed
for the first drop of types A1, B, and C is fully predicated on their internal properties
without outer conditioning. The situation is radically different, however, for the corresponding position of typeA3. The first drop involved is concurrently subject to an
external factor in its alignment to language material. This is exactly where the compensation for the missing first lift comes into play. The unrealized lift requires its own
proper prominence to be manifested alternatively on the following drop, the mechanism of compensation that is itself reducible to the principle of four positions per
verse (chapter15). Exclusively privileged in this way for an extra alignment, the first
drop of typeA3 is inherently equipped with a greater potential for prominence than
is accessible to the corresponding drops of the three types in question. This luxus of
prominence that is uniquely granted to the first drop of typeA3, therefore, renders it
maximally capable of accommodating the most prominent word class in it.
Of further interest are the spatial and diachronic implications of this uniquely
high potential for prominence that inheres in the first drop of typeA3. The marked
prominence of typeA3 is correlated to a distinctive distribution pattern that sharply
differentiates this type from types A1, B, and C. As may be recalled, the occurrence
of class 1 words in the first drop of typeA1 heavily concentrates in the foreign group
(section 2.1.1). Much the same is true of type C. Of the 11 instances listed above
in which a class 1 word appears in the first drop, as many as 9 are attested in the
foreign group (i.e., Vkv, Grp, Br, and Ghv in distinction from Hdl). This proportion
of 9 (foreign) to 2 (native) constitutes a significant difference from the rate of 608
72
(foreign) to 724 (native) for the remaining configurations of typeC, with a p-value of
0.029. Accordingly, the poems of South German content are more likely to use class 1
words in the first drop of typeC, precisely as in typeA1. Concerning typeB, however,
a comparable inference cannot be made simply because only a single example is
attested in the corpus, although it is found in a foreign group poem (HHII): the proportion of 1 (foreign) to 0 (native), as against 223 (foreign) to 227 (native) for the rest
of typeB, gives a p-value of 0.497. Disregarding typeB owing to its minimal sample
size, then, we may generalize that the use of class 1 words in the first drop constitutes
a distinctive feature of the foreign group. It may therefore plausibly be inferred that
this metrical practice would have been a consequence of the contact with the Continental tradition that is also held responsible for other developments in the Norse
meter (sections 4.3.9 and 4.4.5).
In sharp contrast to the distribution pattern of types A1 and C, the occurrence
of class 1 words in the first drop of type A3 fails to be associated with the foreign
group. Specifically, the 38 cases of the alignment of class 1 words to the initial upbeat
of typeA3, as listed above, consist of 15 and 23 examples in the foreign and native
groups, respectively. On the other hand, the remaining variants of typeA3 totaling
667 are evenly distributed in the two groups, 334 (foreign) and 333 (native). These two
patterns do not differ significantly, with a p-value of 0.244. Therefore, the use of class
1 words in the first drop of typeA3 cannot be characterized as a privilege of the foreign
group as opposed to that of types A1 and C: rather, it is widely practiced throughout
eddic poetry regardless of its content-based division.
The lack of concentration on the foreign group that distinguishes typeA3 from
the others would in turn suggest that, unlike types A1 and C, the relatively frequent
occurrence of class 1 words in the initial upbeat of typeA3 would have been an indigenous development or, as seems less likely, that upon influx from the Continent it
would have received widespread acceptance promptly going beyond the original focal
area of influence. In any event, the distinctly favorable treatment that the first drop of
typeA3, rather than the other types, found in its alignment to class 1 words requires a
principled explanation. We may readily provide a formal basis for the differentiation
by reference to the unique metrical structure involved: the first drop does not occur in
verse-initial position as in typeC; nor is it preceded by the first lift in manifest form
as in typeA1; rather, it follows the unrealized lift that exists only in underlying representation. Corresponding to the size of two positions at the beginning of a verse, then,
this unique configuration (/) motivates, not only in formal-structural, but also in
spatiotemporal-distributional, terms, the highest likelihood of typeA3 accommodating class 1 words in the first drop.

Type A3 ([/] /)

73
2.3.2The configuration xpx

The virtual absence of resolution on the lift of the configuration xPx prompts us in
turn to examine the configuration xpx, exemplified in (25). We find twenty-seven
examples of the configuration xpx. They are attested in thirteen poems and heavily
concentrated in Sg.50
(25)
HHII 43.1 N em ec sv fegin [x#x#x#x#px]

Br 2.1 Mr hefir Sigurr [x#xx#px]
Sg 37.3 hvrt ec scylda vega [x#x#xx#px]
This configuration is amenable to two competing scansions. First, it can be scanned

as type A3, with the sole lift suspended from resolution, as assumed by Russom
(1998: 102). Alternatively, it can be viewed as type A3- ( /; section 2.6) with the
resolved lift. The verse distribution pattern of the configuration under consideration
proves to be no different from that of xPx, the prototypical realization of typeA3, on
the one hand, and that of xxP, typeA3-, on the other (Table2.25): we obtain p-values
of 0.685 and 0.236, respectively, resulting from Fishers exact test. Given the statistically indistinguishable verse distribution, it would seem no less plausible to identify
the sequence xpx as a marked variant of typeA3 than as one of typeA3-.
Table2.25.Occurrences of xpx, xPx, and xP
Configuration
xpx
xPx
xP
A-verse
25 (92.59%)
555 (93.75%)
28 (100%)
B-verse
Total
2 (7.41%)
37 (6.25%)
0 (0%)
27 (100%)
592 (100%)
28 (100%)
The empirical evaluation of the above two conflicting scansions require a broadened
perspective. At this point, a minimally distinct configuration Pxpx comes into the
picture. As substantiated in section2.1.3.2 above, this configuration is determined on
metrical grounds as equivalent to PSpx, subtype A1s, and more generally, PxPx,
typeA1. It therefore follows that the short disyllable (px) has the identical metrical
value with px in the configuration PSpx on the one hand and Px in the configuration PxPx on the other. That is, all these strings count as a concatenation of a lift
and a drop. This measurement means that the sequence px involved in the configuration Pxpx constitutes an unresolved disyllable. Given this metrical treatment, it
50A-verse (25 examples): rk 18.1, 20.1, Vkv 13.3, 32.1, HH II 43.1, Grp 5.5, Br 1.1, 2.1, 6.5, Rm 17.1,
Fm33.1, GrI 22.3, Sg1.1, 4.5, 6.5, 8.7, 11.7, 12.1, 13.13, 37.3, GrII 3.7, 4.3, 8.1, Ghv2.1, Hdl41.5; b-verse
(2examples): Sg69.8, GrIII 11.2.
74
would seem most plausible to equate by extrapolation the same string involved in the
configuration xpx with a sequence of two metrical positions through suspension of
resolution. Hence we are led to scan the configuration in question as typeA3 with the
lift realized by the short syllable (p) alone, rather than as typeA3- with the lift corresponding to the disyllable (px).
The proposed scansion receives further support from the distinct realization
patterns of the verse-initial upbeat characterized by the varying numbers of syllables involved in the three structurally similar configurations, namely, xpx, xPx
(typeA3; section2.3.1), and xP (typeA3-; section2.6), as represented in Table2.26.
For the sake of statistical analysis, it will be feasible to make a three-way categorization of syllable numbers, (i) 1 or 2, (ii) 3, and (iii) 4 or higher, and compare the
configuration xpx with each of the other two on the basis of the resulting two-bythree contingency tables. The relevant p-values obtained are 0.501 for the pair of x
px and xPx and 0.013 for that of xpx and xP. Thus, the upbeat of the configuration xpx is composed in a way analogous to that of xPx; by contrast, the same
portion of the verse is significantly shorter than that of the configuration xP. It may
therefore be more plausible to identify the configuration xpx as a variant of typeA3
along with the sequence xPx than to group it with the sequence xP as a variant of
typeA3-.
Table2.26.Size of the first drop of xpx, xPx, and xP
Syllables
Counts
xpx
Counts
xPx
Counts
xP
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
1
8
13
5
0
0
0
3.70
29.63
48.15
18.52
0
0
0
3
211
312
57
8
1
0
0.51
35.64
52.70
9.63
1.35
0.17
0
0
2
12
13
0
0
1
0
7.14
42.86
46.43
0
0
3.57
Total
27
100
592
100
28
100
In conclusion, the configuration xpx has been established as a shortened, marked

variant of typeA3, alongside the full, unmarked form xPx.
A further property characteristic of the sequence xpx is the overwhelming presence of a long syllable in final position (-X#) or a trimoraic or longer syllable to characterize it by means of mora count (see section2.1.3.1 above). Table2.27 illustrates
the varying proportion with which the final unstressed syllable is realized in terms
of syllable length. With a p-value of less than 0.001 obtained, the configuration x
px is significantly differentiated from xPx by virtue of the dominant occurrences of
long syllables in verse-final position. Given that short (or mono- and bimoraic) syl-

Type A1- (/ /[])

75
lables are by far the more frequent, the contrary pattern unique to the sequence xpx
requires explanation. Solving this issue, however, must await detailed examination of
suspension of resolution (section4.3.9) and of Kaluzas law (section4.4.5).
Table2.27.Long and short syllables in verse-final position of xpx and xPx
Configuration
xpx
xPx
Long syllable
Short syllable
Total
18 (66.67%)
48 (8.11%)
9 (33.33%)
544 (91.89%)
27 (100%)
592 (100%)
2.4Type A1- (/ / [])

Comprising only three metrical positions on the surface, this type (/ /) may be characterized by subtraction of the verse-final drop from typeA1 (/ /).51 While Sievers
(1893: 68n1) and Brate (1898: 19) suggested the labeling Fa for this configuration,52
we will use a more transparent reference, typeA1- (read A1-minus). Realized in the
form PxP as exemplified in (26), altogether 267 verses are found in the corpus.53
51In section 3.2 below, we will elaborate on this view by proposing that the verse-final drop is
aligned to zero linguistic material on the surface and consequently that the position remains intact at
the underlying metrical representation. Since our immediate issues here are varied manifestations of
this catalectic type, we need not be concerned with the formal basis of catalexis at this point.
52Sievers (1885: 63) referred to three-position verses in general as typeF. Elaborating on this practice, Sievers (1893: 78n1) added lower-case letters corresponding to types A, C, and D (and Arabic
numbers as subtype denominators where necessary) to distinguish relevant varieties of three-position
verses. Gering (1924) referred to typeA1- (Sieverss and Brates typeFa) inconsistently and confusingly
as typeF1 (Gering 1924: 21) and typeF2 (Gering 1924: 26, 190, 196, 208, 215), as opposed to typeD- (/ /
; Sieverss and Brates typeFd1; see section2.11 below), which he labeled with a comparable inconsistency as typeF2 (Gering 1924: 21, 215) and typeF1 (Gering 1924: 26, 190).
53A-verse with single alliteration (126 examples): Hym10.5, 13.5, 15.1, 18.1, 19.5, 31.1, rk9.7, Vkv5.7,
14.3, 31.3, 31.7, HH2.1, 7.1, 16.3, 27.5, 39.1, 43.1, 44.1, 53.1, HHv33.1, 33.9, 35.3, 39.3, 42.1, HHII 10.1,
18.1, 30.7, 32.5, 33.1, 33.11, 36.3, 50.1, Grp21.5, 24.1, 24.5, 25.7, 37.7, 38.1, 40.1, 53.5, Rm5.3, Fm32.5,
35.1, 35.5, 41.3, 44.7, Br13.7, 15.3, 18.3, GrI 9.7, 17.9, 18.7, Sg7.1, 17.3, 23.1, 24.3, 31.3, 41.3, 62.1, 63.5,
65.1, 66.1, 71.1, 71.5, Hlr1.5, 3.1, 11.5, GrII 12.1, 19.5, 20.1, 27.1, 27.5, 33.1, 34.5, Od10.1, 21.5, Ghv3.5,
4.3, 9.7, 18.7, Bdr11.5, R2.7, 3.1, 3.3, 5.1, 5.3, 12.1, 13.1, 14.7, 15.1, 16.3, 17.1, 19.5, 23.1, 23.7, 24.1, 25.1,
27.1, 27.3, 29.1, 30.1, 30.3, 31.5, 32.1, 33.1, 34.5, 37.3, 39.5, 40.5, 41.9, 43.5, 47.5, Hdl7.9, 17.3, 20.5, 22.1,
25.9, 29.3, 31.1, 34.1, 35.5, 36.1, 39.1, 40.5, 44.5, Grt7.3; a-verse with double alliteration (34 examples):
Hym12.3, rk17.1, 18.3, 22.1, 25.1, 30.1, Vkv19.3, 31.1, 33.1, 37.1, HHII 32.1, 36.1, Grp29.5, GrI 17.3,
23.3, 27.1, Sg27.3, 28.1, 30.7, 37.7, 39.1, 44.11, GrIII 9.1, Ghv14.5, R6.1, 11.7, 20.1, 21.3, 23.5, 33.5, 41.7,
Hdl14.1, Grt17.3; b-verse (108 examples): Vsp27.8, 28.14, 29.2, 31.8, 33.8, 35.8, 36.4, 38.4, 39.10, 41.8,
48.8, 62.8, 63.6, Hym3.4, 6.4, 7.2, 9.2, 11.10, 14.2, 21.8, 34.4, 38.2, rk8.8, 11.8, 17.2, 22.6, Vkv11.4, 31.2,
HH5.2, 26.8, 33.2, 50.2, HHv43.2, HHII 4.14, 13.8, 47.4, Grp10.2, 32.2, 48.2, Fm33.2, 36.2, Br12.8, GrI
76
Of these instances, 150 are apparently susceptible to alternative scansions as types D,

D*, or E, but should most plausibly be identified as typeA1-, as argued at length in
sections 2.12.3, 2.13.3, 2.13.4, and 2.13.5 below. The distribution of this type is shown in
Table2.28, as is that of typeA1 for the sake of comparison.
(26)
Vkv 19.3 bca ec ess bt [Px#x#x#P]

Sg 6.2 aptan dags [Px#P]
R 13.1 Dtr vro r [P#xx#P]
Table2.28.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxP (typeA1-) and PxPx (typeA1)
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
PxP
160 (59.70%)
126 (78.75%)
34 (21.25%)
108 (40.30%)
268 (100%)
PxPx
752 (36.95%)
399 (53.06%)
353 (46.94%)
1283 (63.05%)
2035 (100%)
Overall, typeA1- is distinguished from typeA1 by the significantly higher proportion

of the a-verse (p<0.001) and of single alliteration within the a-verse (p<0.001).
Confronted with these two distinguishing features of type A1-, one may be
inclined, as we were (Suzuki 2009), to ascribe the increased occurrence of the a-verse
to the marked status of the a-verse that is recurrently manifested by a spectrum of
specific phenomena (e.g., sections 2.1.1, 2.1.2, 2.2.2, 2.3). Since catalectic verses must
be characterized as marked by the more deviant property of lacking the otherwise
expected drop at the end, it would be a natural consequence that these marked
verses tend to occur more frequently in the marked location of the line, namely, the
a-verse.
A closer examination at the level of realization variants, however, brings another
dimension to the overall pattern, inviting therewith a more precise line of explanation: as indicated in Table2.29, the first drop of typeA1- as a whole is occupied by a
6.6, 7.2, 7.4, 15.6, 24.12, 25.6, Sg5.4, 6.2, 7.2, 8.2, 8.4, 8.6, 13.8, 13.10, 14.4, 23.6, 24.6, 25.2, 25.4, 26.6,
28.4, 29.6, 32.6, 36.8, 37.2, 39.6, 43.2, 51.4, 56.10, 60.8, 61.6, 64.2, GrII 3.2, 4.4, GrIII 8.4, Od4.4,
Ghv4.6, 20.6, Bdr2.2, 13.4, 14.4, R4.2, 4.8, 4.10, 7.4, 8.4, 10.6, 11.2, 11.8, 12.14, 16.2, 16.10, 26.4, 27.2,
31.2, 31.4, 32.4, 37.2, 37.6, 38.8, 41.4, 41.8, Hdl7.2, 46.2, Grt23.8. In addition, HHv2.7 is accompanied
by anacrusis. Compare Sievers (1893: 68), Pipping (1903: 911, 4144, 72, 91), Gering (1924: 5, 15, 18,
21, 26, 42, 186, 190, 196, 204, 208, 21112, 215), and Russom (1998: 3436). It should be noted that,
while singly Rfigures most prominently in Russoms corpus limited to the poems of native content,
Sgturns out to be nearly as favorable to typeA1- in our expanded dataset. Of no less importance,
despite the heavy concentration in these two poems, typeA1- is attested in every single piece of eddic poetry composed in fornyrislag.

Type A1- (/ /[])

77
disyllable with the greatest frequency (53.36%), in sharp contrast to that of typeA1,
which is realized overwhelmingly by a monosyllable (74.55%). Correspondingly, the
relative presence of the monosyllabic drop is significantly lower in typeA1- (81 monosyllables vs. 187 polysyllables) than in type A1 (1517 monosyllables vs. 518 polysyllables), with a p-value of less than 0.001.54 As demonstrated in section2.1.1 above,
the smaller the first drop of typeA1, the more likely it is to occur in the b-verse, with
the monosyllabic drop maximally associated with the b-verse. In view of this correlation, the larger presence of the a-verse in typeA1- than in typeA1 may be directly
attributed to the increased proportion of the polysyllabic first drop in the former type.
This explanation would in turn imply that the apparently closer association between
typeA1- and the a-verse can be localized in specific terms in the preference of this
type for the larger size of the first drop, rather than being conceptualized broadly as a
reflection of its overall property of being marked at the type level.
Table2.29.Verse distinction of types A1- and A1 according to size of the first drop
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
Total
A-verse
Type A1B-verse
29 (18.13%) 52 (48.15%)
Total
81 (30.22%)
101 (63.13%) 42 (38.89%) 143 (53.36%)

24 (15.00%)
4 (3.70%) 28 (10.45%)
5 (3.13%) 10 (9.26%)
15 (5.60%)
1 (0.63%)
0 (0%)
1 (0.37%)
160 (100%) 108 (100%)
268 (100%)
A-verse
Type A1
B-verse
Total
429 (57.05%) 1088 (84.80%) 1517 (74.55%)

264 (35.11%)
53 (7.05%)
5 (0.66%)
1 (0.13%)
170 (13.25%)
24 (1.87%)
1 (0.08%)
0 (0%)
434 (21.33%)
77 (3.78%)
6 (0.29%)
1 (0.05%)
752 (100%)
1283 (100%)
2035 (100%)
The more specific account suggested above is open to verification through an examination of the treatment of the variants of types A1- and A1 in which the first drop
is composed exactly in the same form. If the closer association of typeA1- with the
a-verse should stem primarily from the larger proportion of the polysyllabic variants
of the first drop in this type, we would be led to expect that the catalectic type and
the full counterpart do not differ significantly in their verse distribution, insofar as
we compare the two types by strictly controlling the composition of the first drop
involved. As may be recalled, the varying realizations of the first drop of type A1
constitute a major factor for determining verse distribution, whereby the larger its
size, the higher the proportion of the a-verse; furthermore, when monosyllables are
exclusively at issue, the word-final one is the least likely to occur in the a-verse; in
other words, the configuration Px#Px displays a maximal preference for the b-verse
(section2.1.1). Given these correlations between the composition of the first drop and
54This reduced occurrence of the monosyllabic first drop is shared by typeC- as shown in section2.9,
where a fuller account will be explored.
78
verse distribution, it is necessary to examine whether the verse distribution differs

significantly between the two types with analogous compositions of their first drop.
Table2.30 represents the verse distribution of the two types according to the varying
ways in which their first drop is realized.
Performing Fishers test on the relevant contingency tables (Table2.30), we obtain
p-values for the pairs of corresponding configurations, as follows: p=0.077 (for Px#P
and Px#Px); p = 0.635 (for P#x#P and P#x#Px); p = 0.036 (for PxxP and PxxPx);
p=0.133 (for PxxxP and PxxxPx); p=0.063 (for PxxxxP and PxxxxPx); p=0.060 (for
the sum of variants with the polysyllabic first drop, i.e., PxxP and PxxPx).55 As
it turns out, on the whole the two types do not differ significantly in terms of verse
distribution at the level of their realization variants. More specifically, the catalectic
type fails to consistently display a demonstrably closer association with the a-verse
than its full counterpart under the condition of the identical first drop in terms of its
size in realization. With the empirical implication thus vindicated, we are justified
in concluding that the apparently stronger preference for the a-verse displayed by
typeA1- as a whole is caused specifically by the greater size of its first drop on average
than is the case with typeA1; in other words, it cannot be claimed that typeA1- is
correlated to the a-verse independent of its relatively greater size of the first drop.
This specific account, however, does not gainsay in the least the marked character of
typeA1- at large: on the contrary, it should in the final analysis be held responsible for
the heavy representation of the polysyllabic first drop in typeA1-, as will be claimed
in section2.6 below.
Table2.30.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of Px#P (typeA1-) and Px#Px (typeA1) accord
ing to size of the first drop
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
Px#P
19 (32.20%)
17 (89.47%)
2 (10.53%)
40 (67.80%)
59 (100%)
Px#Px
236 (21.95%)
173 (73.31%)
63 (26.69%)
839 (78.05%)
1075 (100%)
9 (50.00%)
18 (100%)
247 (56.14%)
440 (100%)
P#x#P
P#x#Px
6 (66.67%)
9 (50.00%)
3 (33.33%)
193 (43.86%)
72 (37.31%)
121 (62.69%)
55Given that the polysyllables remain immune to further differentiation among themselves (section2.1.1), treating the polysyllabic first drop all together seems to be a meaningful calculation.

Type A1- (/ /[])

79
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
PxxP
101 (70.63%)
82 (81.19%)
19 (18.81%)
42 (29.37%)
143 (100%)
PxxPx
264 (60.83%)
124 (46.97%)
140 (53.03%)
170 (39.17%)
434 (100%)
PxxxP
24 (85.71%)
17 (70.83%)
7 (29.17%)
4 (14.29%)
28 (100%)
PxxxPx
53 (68.83%)
27 (50.94%)
26 (49.06%)
24 (31.17%)
77 (100%)
5 (33.33%)
10 (66.67%)
15 (100%)
1 (16.67%)
6 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
PxxxxP
PxxxxPx
PxxxxxP
PxxxxxPx
2 (40.00%)
2 (40.00%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
5 (83.33%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
3 (60.00%)
3 (60.00%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
Total
By contrast, the greater incidence of single alliteration that is significantly associated

with type A1- defies the kind of explanation that has been adduced for the overall
association of type A1- with the a-verse. In light of the familiar generalization that
the polysyllabic first drop is more likely to involve double alliteration (section2.1.1),
we can reasonably predict that the predominance of polysyllables in the first drop of
typeA1- (Table2.29) would give rise to a higher proportion of double alliteration in the
catalectic type than in the full one. This prediction proves to be contradictory to the
facts, however. Especially problematic are the following findings that result from an
examination of alliterative patterns in finer detail: while the two types do not differ
significantly when the first drop is realized by monosyllables (p=0.171 for Px#P and
Px#Px; p=0.091 for P#x#P and P#x#Px), typeA1- with the polysyllabic first drop displays a conspicuously stronger preference for single alliteration than the corresponding variants of typeA1, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
Therefore, a different line of thinking needs to be explored. Of particular interest here is the generalization that double alliteration is favored by configurations
with relatively greater prominence, such as typeA1 variants with the longer first drop
(section2.1.1) or types A2a and A2b with the heavy first or second drop as opposed
to typeA1 (section2.2) with the normal one. Following Suzuki (2009), we may bring
this generalization to bear on our current issue: since typeA1- lacks the verse-final
drop on the surface and consists accordingly of only three positions as opposed to the
canonical four, it is loaded with a lower degree of prominence, which in turn results
in a weaker association with double alliteration compared with the canonical type.
80
The lesser prominence attendant on typeA1- is obviously due to the correspondingly

marked nature of this type having no more than three positions on the surface as
opposed to its canonical counterpart with four positions.
Thus, the contradictory role of the predominance of the polysyllabic first drop
in typeA1- is more apparent than real: while it is held immediately responsible for
the increased presence of the a-verse,56 its possible effect on alliterative pattern is
preempted by the competing, overarching consideration of prominence on a verse as
a whole, which motivates the opposite pattern of correlation. Since the greater prominence of the first drop in typeA1- than in typeA1 derives from the missing verse-final
drop by compensation, it does not lead to an increase in the overall prominence of
a verse: in contrast to its correspondingly heavy first drop of typeA1, the catalectic
counterpart does not count as an independent surplus of prominence that is correlated to double alliteration.
2.5Type A2a- (/ \ / [])

Corresponding to typeA2a, we may postulate a catalectic variant, typeA2a-, which
has its first drop realized by the second constituent of compounds (common and
proper nouns). This catalectic type falls into two variants, PS#P and P#P#P. Altogether, there are sixteen occurrences in the corpus,57 exemplified in (27) and distributed as in Table2.31.
(27)
HH52.8 virnm f [PS#P]

Gr II 22.5 lyngfiscr langr [PS#P]
Sg 22.7 kynbirt irn [PS#P]
56The close association between the a-verse and the polysyllabicity of the first drop in typeA1- will
be shown to be a derivative property of catalectic metrical types in general in section2.6 below.
57For PS#P, a-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Sg22.7, 70.5; a-verse with double alliteration (3 examples): Sg34.7, 68.3, GrII 22.5; b-verse (9 examples): Hym23.2, rk3.6, HH12.4, 26.6, 52.8,
HHII 43.8, Sg26.8, 65.8, Hdl6.8. For P#P#P, a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): GrII 25.3;
b-verse (1 example): Hym21.4.

Type A2a- (/ \ /[])

81
Table2.31.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PS#P (typeA2a-), PS#Px (typeA2a), P#P#P
(typeA2a-), and P#P#Px (typeA2a)
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
PS#P
PS#Px
P#P#P
P#P#Px
2 (40.00%)
4 (19.05%)
0 (0%)
3 (37.50%)
B-verse
Total
Double alliteration
5 (35.71%)
21 (44.68%)
1 (50.00%)
8 (66.67%)
3 (60.00%)
17 (80.95%)
1 (100%)
5 (62.50%)
9 (64.29%)
14 (100%)
26 (55.32%)
47 (100%)
1 (50.00%)
2 (100%)
4 (33.33%)
12 (100%)
At first glance, the major variant of typeA2a-, PS#P, appears to be differentiated from
that of typeA2a, in a way that would contradict the pattern of distinction between
typeA1- and typeA1: while typeA2a appears to be more or less evenly distributed
between the two verses, typeA2a- seems to be favored in the b-verse; by contrast, as
far as the pair of types A1- and A1 is concerned, it is the catalectic type, typeA1-, that
tends to be avoided in the b-verse. This apparently reversed pattern of verse distribution, however, proves to be insignificant: the p-value of 0.759 resulting from Fishers
test requires us to retain the null hypothesis that the two variables concerned types
A2a- and A2a on the one hand and the a-verse and the b-verse on the other are independent of each other. Put another way, typeA2a- displays no significant difference
from typeA2a with respect to verse distribution. Much the same applies to the pair of
heavy variants (P#P#P; p=1), and also to the sum of variants (p=0.573).
Similarly, typeA2a- is apparently distinguished from typeA2a by an increased
proportion of single alliteration in the a-verse in a way that is somewhat comparable
to the opposition between types A1- and A1. Again, the difference turns out to be a
matter of contingent observation: Fishers exact test gives a p-value of 0.558, which
means there is no significant difference involved here, either.
In conclusion, while on the surface typeA2a- appears to be differentiated from
typeA2a, the observed distinctions between types A2a- and A2a lack statistical significance on closer analysis.
82
2.6Type A3- ([/] / [])

This type is a catalectic counterpart of type A3: it lacks the verse-final drop of the
latter type on the surface. Twenty-eight instances of the configuration xP, as exemplified in (28), are found in the corpus.58
(28)
Vkv 22.3 ycr lt ec at gull [x#x#x#x#P]

HHII 48.9 oc ertu qvic [x#xx#P]
Od 4.1 Hvat er frgst [x#x#P]
Only two of these twenty-eight verses, namely, Rm 5.1 and Od 4.1, have two syllables
in the verse-initial upbeat and can therefore be identified unequivocally as typeA3-.
By contrast, the other instances, such as Vkv 22.3 and HHII 48.9 given above, contain
more than two syllables instead and yield accordingly to an alternative scansion as
typeB3 ( /; Wenck 1905: 129; see further Suzuki 2004: 111113): the trisyllabic or
longer sequences involved can be regarded as occupants of the first three positions of
this type through demotion of the otherwise expected first lift.
Since typeB3 is no less restricted to the a-verse, a meter-internal consideration
based on distribution pattern would be unlikely to provide a definite evaluation of the
competing scansions. A revealing picture is available, however, when we add a comparative dimension to the issue. In West Germanic verse, typeB3 is an extremely rare
type: Beowulf offers only 5 examples (779a, 1514a, 1728a, 3027a, 3056a h is manna
gehyld) as against 1038 counts of typeB1 (/ /), which constitutes the derivational
basis for typeB3; and the Heliand contains 9 examples of typeB3 (235a Th nam he
thia bk an hand, 573a, 1533a, 2367a, 2756a, 3693a, 3962a, 4038a, 5745a; Suzuki 2004:
111113) as against 3142 counts of typeB1. In other words, in both works far less than
1% of all the class B types (under which types B1 and B3 are subsumed) are typeB3.
In this light, eddic poetry should prove to be uniquely rich in typeB3, that is, if we
were to scan the sequence xP as typeB3. This peculiarity would be compounded
by the fact that typeB1 is notably underrepresented in eddic poetry. As pointed out
by Sievers (1893: 66) and discussed more fully in section5.2.1 below (see also Suzuki
2008: 5557), typeB1 occurs far less frequently in fornyrislag than in its West Germanic cognates to the point where this type (and class B in general) has come closest
to the originally marked classes D and E in terms of frequency (section3.3; see also
Suzuki 2008). If the view were taken that the configuration xP constitutes typeB3,
fornyrislag would contain 28 examples of typeB3 as against 451 instances of typeB1,
that is, a disproportionately large number of the marked variant (typeB3) of class B
58A-verse (28 examples): Vsp33.1, Vkv7.5, 16.5, 20.3, 22.3, 37.5, HH16.5, HHII 11.1, 19.5, 33.5, 48.9,
Rm5.1, 11.3, Fm36.1, 42.1, Br9.1, 17.5, GrI 26.1, 26.5, Sg34.5, GrII 17.9, GrIII 11.5, Od4.1, Ghv14.1,
19.3, R26.3, Hdl25.3, Grt15.1. Compare Pipping (1933: 2930).

Type A3- ([/] /[])

83
which accounts for more than 5% of the whole B class. The resultant difference would
indeed be of statistical significance as against either West Germanic meter (p<0.001).
One would therefore have to provide a credible account for this anomaly as an independent phenomenon. In contrast, by identifying the sequences xP as typeA3-, we
can explain their conspicuous presence as a natural consequence of the introduction of the new type at issue, which in turn is viewed as integral to the wholesale
emergence of catalectic verses through alignment of the final drop to null linguistic
material in fornyrislag in general. The configuration xP should therefore be characterized as typeA3-.59
As represented in Table2.32, this type is absolutely limited to the a-verse, unlike
its normal counterpart, typeA3, which occurs occasionally in the b-verse as well. In
statistical terms, however, typeA3- differs no more significantly from typeA3 in this
respect (p=0.401) than along the parameter of alliterative pattern, which invariably
instantiates single alliteration (p=1).
Table2.32.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xP (typeA3-) and xPx (typeA3)
Configuration
xP
xPx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
28 (100%)
0 (0%)
28 (100%)
37 (6.25%)
592 (100%)
28 (100%)
0 (0%)
555 (93.75%)
555 (100%)
0 (0%)
Total
Table2.33 compares the varying numbers of syllables that occur in the verse-initial
drop of types A3- and A3 (including all its variants). Of particular importance is the
greater magnitude of the catalectic type: for typeA3- the quadrisyllable occurs most
frequently, followed by the trisyllable, whereas for typeA3 the trisyllable is typical
and the disyllable comes next in frequency. What is common to the two types is that
the two most frequent sequences (tri- and quadrisyllabic for typeA3- and di- and trisyllabic for typeA3) account for by far the vast majority of almost 90%. In fact, the
relative proportions of the respective strings involved are indistinguishable on statistical grounds (p=1). It may therefore follow that typeA3- is significantly longer than
typeA3 as far as the initial upbeat is concerned.
The larger size of typeA3- thus uncovered seems to be analogous to what obtains
between types A1- and A1: as pointed out in section2.4 above, the catalectic variant is
59The absence of typeB3 as a distinct verse type in fornyrislag removes the motivation for referring
to the configuration / / as typeB1, the label that makes sense only in opposition to typeB3. Therefore, we will simply designate it as typeB, as with typeC, for example.
84
distinguished from the normal counterpart by the significantly higher proportion of

the disyllabic first drop. We may therefore be justified in generalizing that catalectic
verses tend to be longer in the drop than their normal counterparts. This difference
may be attributed to the absence of the verse-final drop in catalectic types. In other
words, the greater length of the sole drop available can be regarded as a compensation for the missing one at the end of a verse.
Table2.33.Size of the first drop of types A3- and A3
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Total
Counts
Type A3%
Type A3
Counts
%
0
2
12
13
0
0
1
0
7.14
42.86
46.43
0
0
3.57
8
248
373
67
8
1
0
1.13
35.18
52.91
9.50
1.13
0.14
0
28
100
705
100
While the three relevant types of class A (i.e., types A1, A2a, and A3) are subject to
catalectic formation, they undergo the process with varying probabilities: the proportion of the catalectic configurations to the normal counterparts differs markedly from
type to type, as shown in Table2.34. Specifically, typeA2a is most susceptible to, and
typeA3 least affected by, catalexis. The observed differences are in fact of statistical
significance between any two of the three pairs: p=0.017 for A1-/A1 and A2a-/A2a;
p < 0.001 for A2a-/A2a and A3-/A3; and p < 0.001 for A1-/A1 and A3-/A3. Thus, the
three full types are ranked in order of decreasing likelihood of receiving catalectic
formation, as follows: typeA2a > typeA1 > typeA3.
Table2.34.Proportions of catalectic to full configurations
Verse type
Catalectic
Full
Total
A1-/A1
A2a-/A2a
A3-/A3
268 (11.64%)
16 (21.33%)
28 (3.82%)
2035 (88.36%)
59 (78.67%)
705 (96.18%)
2303 (100%)
75 (100%)
733 (100%)
At this point, this graded susceptibility to catalectic formation necessitates an explanatory account. Is there any independently recognized property that is distributed with
a comparable gradation among the three types concerned and can accordingly be
regarded as an attribute correlative to the scalar distinction in question? Most probably at stake here is the differing status of the first two metrical positions involved: lift

Type B ( //)

85
+ drop (/ ; typeA1); lift + heavy drop (/ \; typeA2a); (lift) + drop ([/] ; typeA3; [/]
remains unrealized; section2.3.1). By nature, a lift is of stronger metrical strength or
prominence than a drop; likewise, a heavy drop is more prominent than an ordinary
one. These relative distinctions in metrical strength, then, give the following ranking
in order of decreasing prominence, typeA2a > typeA1 > typeA3, precisely the same
gradation that is in force for the scalar distinction in the probability for undergoing
catalectic formation, as pointed out above.
We are therefore led to generalize that the more prominent a given type is, the
more likely it is to be amenable to catalexis. In other words, catalexis depends largely
on the relative amount of prominence inhered in the underlying configurations: the
greater degrees of prominence available favor catalectic formation. The proposed
causal relation has its credibility enhanced when we are reminded that types A1- and
A3- have the first drop composed with a significantly greater magnitude than do their
full counterparts (sections 2.4 and 2.6). This phenomenon indicates that the loss of
the verse-final drop in catalexis requires for compensation reinforcement of the existing comparable position, namely, the first drop. In this light, the varying susceptibility to catalexis that is conditioned by the relative prominence of the entire verse may
be viewed as a preventive constraint that is predicated on the same motivating force
that underlies the remedial treatment by compensation: catalexis requires the level
of prominence that should be satisfied stochastically either by input configurations
or by output ones. Either way, the overall prominence that falls on the existing three
positions conditions in statistical terms the likelihood of being accepted as metrically
catalectic.
2.7Type B (/ /)
As exemplified in (29), this type is distinguished from typeA1 by the reverse arrangement of lifts and drops, namely, an iambic pattern. The corpus gives 451 examples,
of which 334 (74.06%) occur in the a-verse and 117 (25.94%) in the b-verse.60 This
distribution constitutes more or less a reverse of that of typeA1 (see Table2.1 above).
(29)
Vsp49.7 um ragna rc [x#Px#P]

Fm 35.8 er ec eyro sc [x#x#Px#P]
Grp 28.7 vat ll um sr [xx#x#P#x#P]
HHII 44.11 hv scal ec r, bulungr, ess [x#x#x#x#Px#P]
60See appendix 1. Compare Sievers (1885: 9, 1415; 1893: 65, 66), Gering (1924: 3, 9, 1314, 18, 20,
2425, 3031, 37, 4041, 4546, 177178, 181, 183, 185, 189, 193194, 199, 202203, 207, 210, 214, 218),
and Russom (1998: 8283).
86
As with other types, the first drop of this type may be aligned to a varying number of
syllables, which ranges from one to four. The distribution of these varieties is indicated in Table 2.35. A comparison with the first drop of type A1 reveals two distinguishing properties of typeB. First, regardless of the syllable size that embodies the
first drop, typeB appears in the a-verse with a consistently greater frequency than in
the b-verse. Despite this unchanged overall pattern, however, the opposition between
monosyllables and polysyllables seems to have some bearing on the verse distribution, with a p-value of 0.053: the polysyllabic first drop is suggestively associated with
a greater concentration of the a-verse, a pattern that is attested much more conspicuously for typeC (section2.8.1). Second, a significantly higher proportion of the polysyllabic first drop occurs in typeB than in typeA1, with a p-value of less than 0.001:
there are 1517 examples of the monosyllabic first drop and 518 of the polysyllabic
one in type A1, whereas there are 215 monosyllabic and 236 polysyllabic instances
in typeB (compare Tables 2.1 and 2.35). Thus, the first drop of typeB is characterized
by a greater amount of prominence than that of typeA1. As regards the distribution
of single and double alliteration, the size of the first drop has no consequences: the
apparently proportional association between the increasing numbers of syllables and
the corresponding increase in the incidence of double alliteration lacks statistical significance in light of all relevant p-values being well over 0.05.
Table2.35.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeB according to size of the first drop
Syllables
Single alliteration
A-verse
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
150 (69.77%)
118 (78.67%)
32 (21.33%)
65 (30.23%)
215 (100%)
169 (78.24%)
137 (81.07%)
32 (18.93%)
47 (21.76%)
216 (100%)
13 (72.22%)
5 (27.78%)
18 (100%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
117 (25.94%)
451 (100%)
3
4
Total
13 (100%)
2 (100%)
2 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
334 (74.06%)
270 (80.84%)
64 (19.16%)
A greater latitude of variation is in force for the second drop of typeB in comparison with the first one. It varies not only numerically in terms of the number of syllables involved as with the first drop of the same metrical type, but also on the phonological and morphological bases much as with the first drop of type A1. Largely
corresponding to typeA1, the major variants of the second drop of typeB are postulated as follows and exemplified in (30): (i) word-final unstressed syllables (-x#); (ii)

Type B ( //)

87
word-medial unstressed syllables (-x-);61 (iii) word-initial unstressed syllables, that is,
monosyllabic function words (#x#); (iv) secondary-stressed syllables (-S#);62 (v) disyllables in general (-x#x#, #xx#, #x#x#).63 The distribution of the varying realizations of
the second drop is represented in Table2.36.
(30)
Grp 39.5 mundu fastna r [xx#Px#P]

HH32.5 oc hann feicnali [x#x#PxS]
R 2.1 Gecc hann meirr at at [x#x#P#x#P]64
Gr III 3.5 at ec vi imars son [x#x#x#PS#P]
Br 17.3 er it bli spor [x#x#Px#x#P]
Table2.36.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeB according to composition of the

second drop
Second drop
-x#
-x#x#
-S#
Disyllable
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
233 (69.55%)
194 (83.26%)
39 (16.74%)
16 (100%)
16 (80.00%)
0 (0%)
65 (86.67%)
48 (73.85%)
17 (26.15%)
5 (83.33%)
7 (50.00%)
6 (100%)
1 (16.67%)
14 (93.33%)
7 (50.00%)
B-verse
Total
102 (30.45%)
335 (100%)
4 (20.00%)
20 (100%)
10 (13.33%)
75 (100%)
0 (0%)
6 (100%)
1 (6.67%)
15 (100%)
61A-verse with single alliteration (16 examples): Vsp50.3, 60.7, Hym16.7, HH24.7, 29.5, 32.5, HHII
32.3, 35.3, Grp4.5, Sg23.5, 64.3, Ghv2.5, Hdl2.1, 17.1, 45.1, 45.7; b-verse (4 examples): Vsp43.4, HHII
3.8, Od1.4, Hdl9.4.
62A-verse with single alliteration (5 examples): HHv11.1, Grp3.7, GrIII 3.5, Hdl12.3, 28.7; a-verse
with double alliteration (1 example): Hdl15.3. It is noteworthy that the sequence of the first lift and
the second drop is invariably embodied by a compound proper name, rather than a common noun.
63A-verse with single alliteration (7 examples): Vsp19.7, HH12.3, Grp6.5, Br2.5, 17.3, Sg61.7, GrII
18.5; a-verse with double alliteration (7 examples): Vsp29.5, HH21.3, 28.5, HHII 51.1, Grp35.7, Hlr13.5,
Hdl24.7; b-verse (1 example): Grp50.6.
64Rcontains the largest number (fourteen in all) of typeB verses with the second drop realized by
an independent word. Twelve of these share the last two positions (at at after that), nine of which
also have in common the first lift (meirr more). In other words, these nine verses in Rend in meirr at
at. A highly formulaic character of the configuration in question is thus in evidence.
88
The distribution of these variants would appear to be neatly patterned with the
graded preferences for the a-verse, largely analogous to the pattern obtained for the
first drop of typeA1 (Table2.1). The distinctions observed, however, prove to be only
partly of statistical significance: word-finals and word-initials are definitely differentiated (p=0.002). The word-initial, second drop of typeB is associated more closely
with the a-verse, just as is the comparably realized, first drop of typeA1 (section2.1.1).
The remaining differences, however, are more apparent than real: given the limited
occurrences of relevant examples, it is not warranted to assume that the observed
gradations are anything but coincidental. Nonetheless, the outstandingly high incidences of the a-verse for the secondary-stressed drop (-S#) and the disyllabic one
would tempt us to conjecture that these differences should be real in accordance with
the significant distinctions for types A1 and A2a (sections 2.1.1 and 2.2.1).
As far as the parameter of single/double alliteration in the a-verse is concerned,65
word-finals (-x#) differ significantly from disyllables (p=0.006): disyllables display
a weaker association with single alliteration. The apparently comparable distinction
between word-finals and word-initials, characterized by the latters lower frequency
of single alliteration, lacks statistical significance, however (p=0.105).
At this point, Hdl 3.4 oc manvit firom [x#PS#px] deserves a specific commentary.
As it is, this verse appears to be amenable to two competing scansions, typeB on the
one hand and subtype A1s with anacrusis on the other. If identified as type B, the
verse in question would be grouped with the six others listed in note62. This scansion, however, proves to be questionable on the following grounds and must therefore
be rejected in favor of the alternative. First, while typeB with the stressed second drop
(-S#) is limited to the a-verse, the instance under consideration occurs in the b-verse.
Second, Hdl 3.4 displays a unique property of having an ordinary compound as an
occupant of the sequence lift + drop, whereas the stressed second drop in all of the
six examples is constituted by the second element of a proper name. Third, the scansion of the verse at issue as typeB entails that the second lift is resolved. Resolution,
however, is unknown to the definite cases of xPSP (see note62): there is no example
of xPSpx in which the sequence PS is embodied by a proper name. Moreover, as will
be shown below, resolution is categorically ruled out from the verse-final position in
fornyrislag: the seven examples that might appear to be affected by resolution on
the final lift and could accordingly be scanned as typeB should more plausibly be
identified as subtypeA1s with anacrusis. Fourth and closely related to the last point,
there is no instance of xPSP in which the string PS is realized by a true compound.
65The maximal incidence of single alliteration for word-medials (-x-) would require no specific account, as it follows from the fact that the second elements of compounds, bound morphemes as they
are, are hardly accessible to a full potential for alliteration that independent words are capable of.
In this light, the significant difference between word-medials and word-initials (p=0.017) and also
between word-medials and disyllables (p=0.001) may be left unexplored any further.

Type B ( //)

89
Given the rarity of resolution in contrast to the default long stressed syllable, one
would duly expect more of such occurrences. The clustering of these unprecedented
or highly exceptional features that the scansion as typeB would have to incur should
accordingly make the analysis concerned look implausible in the extreme.
By contrast, the alternative scansion as subtypeA1s with anacrusis suffers none
of the difficulties mentioned above. First, as will be demonstrated in section 3.1
below, anacrusis does not alter the verse distribution pattern of the basic configurations without anacrusis. Since subtypeA1s occurs more frequently in the b-verse as
shown in section2.1.3.1 above, the occurrence of Hdl 3.4 in the b-verse fits the expected
pattern. Second, in view of the prototypical status of ordinary compounds as exponents of subtypeA1s (section2.1.3.1), the appearance of one in the anacrustic variant
of subtypeA1s again accords with the expectation. Third, the scansion as subtypeA1s
claims that the second lift is unresolved: it is realized by a short stressed syllable on
its own. Furthermore, the suspension of resolution thus assumed is a regular phenomenon that is conditioned by the immediately preceding stressed syllable, which
the verse in question actually instantiates. Fourth, while the configuration xPSpx
must be regarded as a marked (i.e., resolved) variant of the sequence xPSP on the
view that Hdl 3.4 is a typeB verse, the alternative scansion as subtypeA1s does not
postulate such a derivational relation between the two configurations. Therefore, the
total absence of the sequence xPSP (PS= true compound) in contrast to the occurrence of xPSpx (PS = true compound) poses no real problem: they belong to two
separate, unrelated verse types.
In fairness, we should mention here a possible argument for scanning the verse
at issue as typeB. As shown in note62, of the six examples of the configuration x
PSP, three come from Hdl (12.3 enn Innsteinn var; 15.3 enn hann Sigtrygg sl; 28.7 enn
Rbarr var). The concentration on this poem is thus striking. One might accordingly be tempted to adduce this poems apparent favor of the secondary-stressed drop
as support for identifying Hdl 3.4, too, as the same variant of typeB. Taken as it is,
the argument might sound convincing, to be sure. A look at anacrusis from a similar
perspective, however, shows that Hdl displays a no less outstanding preference for
anacrusis. As will become evident in section 3.1 below, anacrusis occurs most frequently in Hdl. On this ground, the scansion of Hdl 3.4 as subtypeA1s with anacrusis
can claim no less (if not more) credibility than the alternative analysis as typeB.
What remains to be solved is the question of why only the configuration xPSP
(PS= proper name) is allowed to occur as a realization of typeB, at the expense of
the configuration xPSP (PS = true compound). Notice that this issue arises independently of whether one adopts the scansion of Hdl 3.4 as subtypeA1s (as we do) or
as typeB. The minimal distinction between these two highly similar configurations
with common or proper compounds is reflected in their ambivalent treatment in the
meter: while they are treated together for some metrical purposes, they are differentiated for others. The two varieties of compounds common and proper nouns are
treated indiscriminately for the composition of typeA2a and subtypeA1s: the second
90
constituents of common as well as proper compounds are equally qualified to occupy

the first drop of these metrical configurations (sections 2.1.3.1 and 2.2.1). By contrast,
as far as typeA2b is concerned, the two kinds of compounds behave differently. The
compound proper names do not share the full capacity for constituting this metrical type that the common counterparts are loaded with (section2.2.2): the otherwise
expected maximal association with double alliteration does not materialize. Since
typeA2b has a heavy drop as opposed to a normal one as its distinguishing property,
and since the heavy drop is distinguished from the normal counterpart by a greater
amount of prominence accorded to it, the failure to constitute the prototypical variant
of this heavy type may be ascribed to the lesser amount of prominence that attends on
the second element of compound proper nouns.
In comparison, the second drop of type B is a normal drop, and there are no
meter-internal grounds for postulating a heavy variant of this type, which might be
called hypothetically typeB2 (/ \ /). Given this metrical constraint and on the basis
of the reasoning explored in the above paragraph, we may assume that a relatively
higher prominence on the second element of common compounds than on that of
proper names is deemed as too much to be accepted as a tolerable realization of the
position in question (a normal drop).
As mentioned above, there are seven verses that could be scanned as typeB with
the resolved second lift. They are instantiated by two configurations, xPxpx (Vkv
18.8 fiarri borinn, 18.10 til smiio borinn, 37.3 n ec ic vilia, Vlundr, 37.6 at ic af
hesti taki, Fm 41.7 mundu, Sigurr), and xPxsx (Hdl 19.3 var hann murfair, 25.6
fr Iormunreki). Given that no examples are attested in the corpus in which resolution
demonstrably applies to a secondary-stressed syllable, the last two verses cannot be
scanned as typeB; rather, they must be identified as subtypeA1s with anacrusis, in
which the penultimate secondary-stressed syllable constitutes the second lift on its
own through suspension of resolution. We are then left with the five instances of the
configuration xPxpx. No definite evidence seems to be available, however, either
for or against scanning them as typeB. In the absence of evidence to the contrary,
then, we may be justified in characterizing them as subtypeA1s with anacrusis, by
extrapolating from the two similar configurations, xPSpx and xPxsx, which must
demonstrably be subsumed under the subtype in question. On this issue, see further
sections 4.2.8 and 4.3.8 below.

Type C ( / /)

91
2.8Type C (/ /)
2.8.1The first and second drops
Characteristic of this type in arrangement of metrical positions is that the two lifts
appear in succession in the middle of a verse, and the two drops occur at the ends.66
As with type B (section 2.7), the numbers of syllables that occupy the first drop of
typeC range between one and four, as exemplified below:
(31)
Vsp3.8 enn gras hvergi [x#P#Px]

Hym26.3 at heim hvali [x#x#P#px]
Ghv 4.10 flgnar valbli [xx#x#PSx]
Hdl 16.1 aan ero Scioldungar [xx#xx#PSx]67
In comparison with type B, however, the distinction between the a-verse and the
b-verse is demarcated far more conspicuously by the size of syllables that realize the
first drop: with a p-value of less than 0.001, the a-verse displays a stronger association
with the disyllabic or longer first drop, whereas the b-verse is closely associated with
the monosyllabic first drop (Table2.37). Hardly less outstandingly, the magnitude of
the first drop is also correlated to the distinction between single and double alliteration in the a-verse: the disyllabic or larger first drop shows a stronger preference for
single alliteration (p=0.008).68
Table2.37.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC according to size of the first drop
Syllables
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
223 (27.20%)
154 (69.06%)
69 (30.94%)
597 (72.80%)
820 (100%)
262 (57.21%)
207 (79.01%)
55 (20.99%)
196 (42.79%)
458 (100%)
66For a list of verses, see appendix 1. Compare Sievers (1885: 9, 1415, 1744; 1893: 65), Gering (1924:
34, 910, 14, 18, 2021, 25, 3132, 3738, 4142, 4647, 178179, 181, 183, 186, 189, 194195, 199200,
203204, 207, 210211, 214215, 218219), and Russom (1998: 40, 83, 111113).
67The other example of typeC with the quadrisyllabic first drop is the immediately following, almost
identical verse, Hdl16.2 aan ero Scilfingar.
68On the occurrence of class 1 words in the first drop of type C, see section 2.3.1 above and section8.1.6 below, where fornyrislag and mlahttr are compared in regard to the size of the position
in question.
92
Syllables
3
4
Total
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
35 (81.40%)
1 (100%)
43 (68.25%)
8 (18.60%)
1 (50.0%)
0 (0%)
529 (39.39%)
B-verse
Total
20 (31.75%)
63 (100%)
1 (50.0%)
2 (100%)
814 (60.61%)
1343 (100%)
While the second drop is normally realized by an unstressed word-final syllable as

illustrated in (31) above, it is occasionally occupied by a stressed one, secondarystressed (-S#) for the most part,69 but exceptionally primary-stressed (#P#) as well.70
(32)
Vsp24.7 kntto vanir vgsp [xx#px#PS]

Vkv 19.1 N berr Bvildr [x#P#PS]
HHII 50.9 oc drfr drtt ll [x#P#P#P]
The distribution of these three varieties of the second drop is indicated in Table2.38.
As it turns out, the presence of stress on this position is significantly correlated to
the a-verse and double alliteration, with p-values of less than 0.001 for both associations: the stressed second drop displays a marked preference for the a-verse and
double alliteration. The distinction between primary and secondary stress, however,
is immaterial for either parameter (p=1). The overall pattern of the verse-final drop
of typeC is analogous to what we found in the manifestation of the corresponding
position of types A1 and A2b (section2.2.2). Given such a conspicuous distinction, it
would hardly be justified to reduce these relatively heavy verses to the regular configuration ending in an unstressed syllable, namely, xPPx, the analysis that Russom
(1998: 95) proposes. Nor would it be more plausible to postulate a distinct verse type,
typeC2 (/ / \) in analogous to typeA2b (/ / \), given that the configurations concerned occur with a far lower incidence, and that the larger-scale distinction involving the second lift (section2.8.2) remains a variation within the same verse type. In
this light, the configurations xPPS and xPPP should best be characterized as a
variant of typeC, rather than an autonomous verse type. For an explanatory account
of this variants concentration in the a-verse, see section2.8.2 below.
69A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): Vkv40.1, GrI 15.1, Hdl27.3; a-verse with double alliteration (12 examples): Vsp24.7, 27.7, 28.13, 48.3, 50.7, 52.7, Vkv4.9, 19.1, GrI 1.3, 16.1, GrII 2.5, 2.7.
Compare Sievers (1893: 65), Gering (1924: 4, 25, 31, 203), and Russom (1998: 9495). Eight of these
instances (Vsp27.7, 28.13, Vkv4.9, 19.1, 40.1, GrI 15.1, 16.1, Hdl27.3) contain a compound proper name.
70A-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): HHII 50.9, GrII 26.3. Compare Gering (1924: 46,
203).

Type C ( / /)

93
Table2.38.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC according to composition of the

second drop
Second drop
-x#
-S#
#P#
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
512 (38.61%)
394 (76.95%)
118 (23.05%)
814 (61.39%)
1326 (100%)
0 (0%)
15 (100%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
3 (20.00%)
0 (0%)
15 (100%)
2 (100%)
12 (80.00%)
2 (100%)
2.8.2The second lift: the six major configurations xPPx, xPpx, xPSx, xPsx,
xPXx, and xPxx
Another dimension along which typeC varies no less significantly is the differing prosodic properties of the second lift.71 Six major varieties can be distinguished depending on
stress degrees and syllable length of the position at issue, as illustrated in (33):72 (i) long
primary-stressed syllables (P); (ii) short primary-stressed syllables (p); (iii) long secondary-stressed syllables (S); (iv) short secondary-stressed syllables (s); (v) long unstressed
syllables (X), that is, long medial syllables of simplex words; (vi) short unstressed syllables (x). In light of the subtle distinctions we have seen at work above, the secondary
stress can further be subdivided into two variants, the one falling on the second constituent of a common compound and the other on that of a compound proper name. These
altogether eight variants of typeC that are predicated on the variation of the second lift are
distributed in terms of verse distinction and alliterative pattern, as shown in Table2.39.
(33)
Gr II 5.6 drap gras hfi [x#x#P#Px]

Grp 25.5 mundo vst vita [xx#P#px]
Vsp30.1 S hon valkyrior [x#x#PSx]
HHII 42.9 at srdropa [x#x#Psx]
HH37.8 nema Sinfiotla [xx#PSx]
Vkv 5.2 sat lfdlom [x#x#Psx]
HH2.3 r er lingi [x#x#PXx]
rk1.2 er hann vacnai [x#x#Pxx]
71In this section, we concentrate on the composition of the second lift. As we will see in sections
4.2.3 and 5.2.2 below, however, it is correlated in no small measure to the realization of the first lift
through resolution, namely, the contrast between long monosyllables and short disyllables.
72Compare Sievers (1885: 11; 1893: 67).
94
Table2.39.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC according to composition of the

second lift
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
B-verse
Total
Double alliteration
xPPx
117 (21.51%)
53 (45.30%)
64 (54.70%)
427 (78.49%)
544 (100%)
xPpx
165 (58.93%)
109 (66.06%)
56 (33.94%)
115 (41.07%)
280 (100%)
xPSx
37 (35.92%)
35 (94.59%)
2 (5.41%)
66 (64.08%)
103 (100%)
xPsx
64 (64.00%)
56 (87.50%)
8 (12.50%)
36 (36.00%)
100 (100%)
xPSx (PS/sx =
proper name)
40 (33.06%)
40 (100%)
0 (0%)
81 (66.94%)
121 (100%)
xPsx (PS/sx =
proper name)
10 (30.30%)
10 (100%)
0 (0%)
23 (69.70%)
33 (100%)
xPXx
46 (61.33%)
46 (100%)
0 (0%)
29 (38.67%)
75 (100%)
xPxx
40 (68.97%)
39 (97.50%)
1 (2.50%)
18 (31.03%)
58 (100%)
Of paramount interest is the overall distinction between long and short syllables in
regard to the verse distribution. When the three-way stress distinction is assumed
without making further differentiation of secondary stress, long syllables seem more
likely to occur in the b-verse than short counterparts of the same degree of stress:
p<0.001 between xPPx and xPpx; p<0.001 between xPSx and xPsx; p=0.465
between xPXx and xPxx. The apparently comparable difference in terms of percentage between the weak-stressed configurations (xPXx and xPxx), however, is
not significant on statistical grounds.
Of no less importance is a gradation pattern whereby the incidence of the b-verse
is differentiated in proportion to the three-way distinctions of stress in a scalar manner,
as follows: as far as the second lift is aligned to a long syllable, the more prominent
the second lift is in terms of stress, the more likely it is to occur in the b-verse. Specifically, the configuration xPPx has a greater likelihood of appearance in the b-verse
than the configuration xPSx (p<0.001; more precisely, p=0.002 and p=0.009 as
against the one with an ordinary compound and the one with a proper name, respectively); and the configuration xPSx is in turn more likely to occur in the b-verse than
the sequence xPXx (p<0.001; more precisely p=0.001 and p<0.001 as against the
one with an ordinary compound and the one with a proper name, respectively). The

Type C ( / /)

95
status of the second constituents of compounds that carry secondary stress, however,
is of no consequence for verse distribution (p=0.674): the common and proper compounds are thus indistinguishable in this regard, much as for the composition of
subtypeA1s (section2.1.3.1) and typeA2a (section2.2.1), for example.
By contrast, when the second lift is realized by a short syllable, the verse distribution remains unchanged, regardless of the three-way stress distinctions involved:
p=0.594 between the configurations xPpx and xPsx; p=0.109 between the configurations xPsx and xPxx. When we differentiate between common and proper compounds, however, the overall picture differs conspicuously. The configuration xPsx
in which the string Psx is instantiated by a proper name is distinguished significantly
from each of the other three configurations (xPpx, xPsx, xPxx), with a p-value of
0.003 against xPpx, of 0.001 against xPsx (Psx = common noun), and of less than
0.001 against xPxx. Correspondingly, the configurations xPsx (with a common
noun) and xPxx become more similar in their distribution profile (p = 0.603). In
this light, we are inclined to generalize that the variants of typeC with the second lift
occupied by a short syllable are insensitive in general terms to the stress distinctions
in sharp contrast to the long counterparts, and assume concomitantly that, when
taken in isolation, the string xPsx with a proper noun deviates for some reason from
the general pattern of verse distribution for the short syllable.73 By far the smallest
number of occurrences of this configuration in the corpus might possibly be held
responsible in part for its apparently anomalous behavior.
In summary, on the basis of the three-way distinction of stress, the variation of
the second lift in typeC finds a rule-governed articulation in scalar preferences for
the b-verse along two different dimensions. First, within the same degree of stress
long syllables favor the b-verse more strongly than short counterparts. Correspondingly, we have the following three ranked pairs of metrical configurations that are
distinguished in terms of relative preferences for the b-verse: (i) xPPx > xPpx;
(ii) xPSx > xPsx; (iii) xPXx > xPxx. The distinction is significant on statistical
grounds for the first two pairs, while the last one remains as a contingent observation,
lacking statistical significance. Second, insofar as long syllables are concerned, the
more prominent stress selects the b-verse more vigorously than the lesser one. The
three configurations concerned are accordingly ranked in decreasing order of preference for the b-verse, as follows: xPPx > xPSx > xPXx. By contrast, no comparable
distinction is in evidence on statistical grounds for the series of shorter variants (i.e.,
xPpx, xPsx, and xPxx), although they are apparently involved in a similar (if
less sharply articulated) ranking, xPpx > xPsx > xPxx, whereby stronger stresses
would appear to be more likely to occur in the b-verse.
73At any rate, because of this exceptionally strong preference for the b-verse, we will leave out this
variant from consideration in the following.
96
Given the above established scales of preference for the b-verse, we may generalize that the configuration xPPx constitutes the optimal form for the b-verse. A
question arising then concerns the ranking of the two configurations xPSx and x
Ppx relative to each other. These two forms can be regarded as closest to the prototype in their own different ways: their second lifts deviate minimally from the canon
of the long primary-stressed syllable. As it turns out, however, Fishers test shows
that the two sequences differ significantly in distribution, with a p-value of less than
0.001 (Table2.39). That is, the configuration xPSx outranks xPpx in its association
with the b-verse. This ranking confirms that syllable length (long vs. short) outweighs
stress difference (primary vs. secondary) in its capacity for determining verse distinction.
This prompts us then to explore the status of the weakly stressed configuration
xPXx in relation to the two stressed counterparts xPpx and xPsx (with a common
compound). Fishers exact test gives p-values of 0.791 and 0.753 for the pairs of x
PXx/xPpx and of xPXx/xPsx, respectively. These results demonstrate that whatever difference observed on the surface lacks statistical significance, and lead us therefore to conclude that short stressed syllables (por s) are hardly more capable of inducing occurrence of b-verses than long syllables without a lexical-based stress (-X-).
The foregoing examination has thus uncovered how the two dimensions of the
scaled preferences for the b-verse intersect with each other, and determined the relative importance of the parameters involved. We are next required to provide a unitary
structural account for the patterned variation in its entirety. The maximal preference
for the configuration xPPx in the b-verse may lend initial plausibility to the view
that the string Px constitutes the optimal ending for typeC in the b-verse. In other
words, the prototype of typeC in the b-verse ends in the disyllabic sequence consisting of a long primary-stressed syllable and an unstressed one.74 Any other concatenations that deviate from this prototypical form are regarded as less than central in their
different ways. The canonical cadence Px is characterized by the clustering of two
distinguishing properties inherent in the penultimate syllable: it is long in quantity
and most prominent in terms of word-based accentuation. On the basis of these two
parameters, the long disyllable Sx is evaluated as closer to the norm than the short
primary-stressed one px: while the short disyllable px categorically lacks one of the
two distinctive features of the long counterpart Px, the sequence Sx, long and stressed
as it is, partakes of both, although the degree of stress involved is less prominent as
the constituent concerned is subordinated to the immediately preceding syllable by
virtue of its morphologically bounded status. The greater resemblance of the string
Sx to the prototypical form Px thus accounts for the higher likelihood of the configuration xPSx occurring in the b-verse than xPpx. By contrast, the unstressed
74In chapter5 below, the string Px will be shown to be the optimal ending of the b-verse in general
in fornyrislag.

Type C ( / /)

97
long disyllable Xx deviates from the prototype as much as the short stressed disyllable: incapable of occurring in isolation as an autonomous lexical item and therefore
incompatible with lexical-based stressability, it fails to share one of the distinguishing properties of the canon. Hence, the string xPXx is no more qualified to induce
larger occurrences of the b-verse than the configurations xPpx and xPsx, which
lack the other feature constitutive of the prototype. Finally, the short unstressed disyllable xx is diametrically opposed to the long stressed disyllable Px: being neither long
nor stressed, it is maximally removed from the prototype. This categorical divergence
provides a credible account of why the configuration xPxx appears to be least likely
to occur in the b-verse.
A further consequence of the canonical status of the long disyllable Px as a
cadence of typeC in the b-verse is the total absence in the b-verse of the marked variants of typeC that end in a stressed syllable, primary and secondary alike. At issue
are the configurations xPPP and xPPS, treated at the end of the preceding section.
All of the seventeen examples occur in the a-verse (Table2.38). And we can readily
explain the strict restriction of these two configurations to the a-verse. Ending in a
stressed syllable as they do, the two strings involved in these marked variants are
doubly contradictory to the prototypical cadence form Px in regard to the prosodic
properties of the verse-final syllable: it is stressed and long, whereas the corresponding element of the canonical cadence is unstressed and neutral for syllable length
(that is, syllable length is immaterial, but short mono- or bimoraic is unmarked).
Moreover, in contrast to the use of the short syllable without inherent lexical stress
(x) as a realization of the second lift (xPxx, the maximally marked variant in the six
major configurations), which is made feasible by the independently motivated suspension of resolution, the occurrence of the long stressed syllable at the very end of
a verse may incur a more severe violation: the verse-final drop counts as the least
prominent of all metrical positions and the appearance of a heavy drop (\) at the end
of typeC is not legitimated. Given these additional constraints, it would seem to be
extremely unlikely that a stressed syllable should be allowed to occur in the position
in question in defiance of the norm to the contrary.
The variation of the second lift has less outstanding effects on the distribution
of single and double alliteration in the a-verse. Of statistical significance are only
the opposition between primary and lesser stresses and that between long and short
syllables. Specifically, the second lift realized by a primary-stressed syllable displays a weaker preference for single alliteration (p<0.001 between xPPx and x
PSx; p=0.001 between xPpx and xPsx). Furthermore, the long primary-stressed
syllable is distinguished from the short one in a comparable way (p=0.001). More
precisely, xPPx is the only configuration that is not biased toward single alliteration: the other configurations prefer single alliteration to varying extents. No significant difference, however, is ascertained between secondary and weak stresses
on the one hand and between long and short syllables of the same degree of stress
on the other.
98
The predominance of single alliteration in all of the configurations with the

nonprimary-stressed second lift can be readily explained: the morphological subordination at work and the resultant relative fixity of expression deprive the constituents concerned of a full range of lexical choice that would otherwise make double
alliteration available. We are then confronted with the following question: Why does
the configuration xPPx lack preference of whatever degree for single alliteration,
in contrast to the short counterpart xPpx, which tends to favor it? Worth particular
notice in this regard is the contrary pattern of the configuration xPpx. Unlike the
remaining configurations, this one has the second lift occupied by an autonomous
word and should accordingly have full access to an array of lexical items that would
materialize double alliteration. We would thus expect the configuration xPpx to be
no less amenable to double alliteration than to single alliteration, contrary to the fact.
Following such a line of reasoning, it ought to be the configuration xPpx that needs
explanation: Why is it biased toward single alliteration or why is it resistant to double
alliteration rather than neutral at the least as would be theoretically expected?
The fact in itself that the two configurations are differentiated in terms of alliterative
pattern as well may be regarded as anything but unexpected. Sharply distinguished on
the criterion of verse distribution, it is no wonder that they should be subject to differentiation on further dimensions. A clustering of distinguishing features will certainly
be of functional advantage for the purpose of maintaining the configurational distinction at issue. Since the configurations concerned are the two most numerous variants
of typeC, it is hardly surprising that they are most susceptible to a high density of metrical organization and become articulated through multiple, complementary means of
control. Furthermore, given that the contrast of single and double alliteration in the
a-verse is one of the two major attributes of verse configuration alongside the a-verse
and b-verse opposition, this particular property stands out above any other features as
an optimal covariant marker of the structural difference in question.
Having understood the additional desirability for encoding the structural opposition by alliteration, we now explore the issue of why the particular association arose
whereby the shorter configuration xPpx is biased toward single alliteration while
the longer one remains neutral to the verse distinction. This problem may be divided
into two questions, which are addressed in turn. The first one has to do with the exclusion of double alliteration as a distinguishing feature for either configuration: Why
does neither variant favor double alliteration? The second concerns the closer association of single alliteration with the configuration xPpx as opposed to xPPx.
As pointed out above and further below, double alliteration is positively correlated to a marked increase of prominence on metrical configurations, notably a
replacement of a normal drop by a heavy one as in types A2a and A2b. Neither the
configuration xPPx nor the configuration xPpx satisfies this inducing condition
for an enhanced incidence of double alliteration. This structural incongruence can
therefore be adduced as an account for the lack of association of both configurations
with double alliteration.

Type C ( / /)

99
We now turn to the second question: Why is the short configuration xPpx associated with single alliteration more strongly than the long counterpart, rather than
the other way around? To resolve the question requires a structural perspective to be
taken into consideration. Most important of all is the overall state of affairs in which
the opposition of syllable length is of central significance for the second lift, and
the remaining short configurations xPsx and xPxx are both biased toward single
alliteration (Table2.39). In this light, association of the sequence xPpx with single
alliteration should be rated as optimal as it fully conforms to this general pattern. By
contrast, loading the long configuration with a marked preference for single alliteration would lead to a structural contradiction in which the less similar configurations
(xPPx, xPsx, and xPxx) are grouped together by distancing the more similar one
(xPpx) from the group. Second and more generally, the alternative association of the
configuration xPPx with single alliteration at the expense of the short counterpart
would violate the generalization that, given a pair of related configurations, the more
prominent one tends to realize double alliteration more frequently than the lesser one.
We have yet to mention the significant difference in the extent to which single
alliteration occurs on the primary-stressed configuration xPpx on the one hand and
the nonprimary ones xPsx/xPxx on the other: with p-values of 0.001 or less than
0.001, the configuration xPpx is less likely to realize single alliteration than those
with the nonprimary-stressed second lift. A plausible answer to this weaker degree of
association between xPpx and single alliteration has already been hinted at: having
the privilege of free lexical choice for the last two positions (/ ), this configuration
has access to a greater potential for double alliteration, which is denied the others in
which bound morphemes occupy the metrical positions in question.
In accounting for the structural basis of the correlation between alliterative
pattern and the two major variants of typeC xPPx and xPpx we started with
the assumption that the distinction of these two configurations is of such a privileged
status as to be supported materially by a complex of covariant markers. In fact, there
is a further dimension of distinction to the structural opposition under discussion.
At issue is the relative size of the first drop that is measured in terms of the number
of syllables involved in the major variants of type C in the a-verse, as represented
in Table2.40, exactly in the same metrical context as we have been concerned with
in regard to alliterative patterning. Focusing on the binary opposition between one
and more than one syllables with the aim of obtaining the most reliable results, we
perform Fishers exact test. As it turns out, the configuration xPPx is differentiated
from the short counterpart xPpx by a significantly larger proportion of the monosyllabic first drop (p=0.015). Thus, the distinction between these two configurations in
the a-verse is marked not only by their varying preference for single alliteration but
also by their differing size of the first drop.
In a comparable manner but in the opposite direction, the configuration xPSx
occurs with the monosyllabic first drop with a significantly lower frequency than the
short one xPsx (p=0.032); by contrast, the pair of variants with the weakly stressed
100
second lift is indistinguishable (p=1). On closer inspection, however, the configurations xPSx and xPsx prove to be patterned differently according to the nature of
the compounds involved, common nouns or proper names. While the two variants
remain undifferentiated when the second lift is realized by the second constituent of
common nouns (p=0.535), the corresponding ones with proper nouns are subject to
a radical distinction, whereby the long variant displays a suggestive preference for
the disyllabic or larger sequences (p=0.056). We may as well be reminded here that
only the configuration xPsx (where Psx = proper name) does not follow the generalization that typeC variants with the short second lift are immune to difference in
stress. In this light, we may be justified in stating in general terms that only the pair
of configurations with the primary-stressed second lift xPPx and xPpx has the
privilege of being subject to a significant distinction in regard to the magnitude of the
first drop, and that compound proper names again deviate from the overall pattern.
In conclusion, the size of the first drop can be characterized as a covariant marker of
the opposition of syllable length that differentiates between the two primary variants
of typeC, namely, the configurations xPPx and xPpx.
The question then arises: Why does the larger proportion of the monosyllabic first
drop correlate to the sequence xPPx rather than to xPpx in the a-verse? This necessitates our taking into consideration a comparable if less outstanding association
that obtains in the b-verse: for the configuration xPPx, 293 examples begin with the
monosyllabic drop, and 134, with the polysyllabic one; by contrast, for the sequence
xPpx, there are 68 examples with the monosyllabic drop, and 47 with the polysyllabic one. The p-value involved in this difference in the proportions of monosyllabic
and polysyllabic realizations of the first drop is calculated to be 0.059. Although not
definitive at a confidence level of 95%, it would be difficult to deny some tendential
relation in force here. We might presume accordingly that the sharper distinction in
evidence for the a-verse would have resulted from a reinforcement of the analogous
relation found in the b-verse: the greater implementation of distinction was presumably motivated by a stronger demand for differentiation between the two configurations in relation to the opposition between single and double alliteration, as reasoned
above. As should be recalled, the optimal configuration xPPx in the b-verse occurs
overwhelmingly there, whereas the shorter one xPpx is not loaded with a comparably outstanding association with the a-verse (Table2.39). From a functional perspective, then, the configuration xPpx may require additional distinguishability in the
a-verse, in which the distinction in the cadence (Px vs. px) does not figure prominently as a differentiating feature. At this point, the clustering of the two parameters,
that is, alliterative pattern and size of the first drop, meets the extra demand for differentiation between the two major variants in the a-verse.
We in turn find ourselves confronted with a more fundamental question on organization of the second parameter: What is the metrical basis for associating the most
prominent second lift (P) with the least amount of prominence on the first drop as
embodied by a monosyllable, the association that obtains apparently in the less con-

Type C ( / /)

101
spicuous shape in the b-verse, but becomes articulated more fully in the a-verse. In
order to provide an explanatory account for this correlation, however, we must await
investigation into suspension of resolution and its effects on the verse-final drop in
typeC, as will be explored in section4.3.5 below.
Table2.40.Size of the first drop of the major variants of typeC in the a-verse
Syllables
xPPx
xPpx
xPSx
xPsx
xPSxa
xPsxa
xPSxb
xPsxb
xPXx
xPxx
a
b
65 (55.56%)
67 (40.61%)
25 (32.47%)
37 (50.00%)
15 (40.54%)
31 (48.44%)
10 (25.00%)
6 (60.00%)
14 (30.43%)
12 (30.00%)
46 (39.32%)
85 (51.52%)
45 (58.44%)
36 (48.65%)
19 (51.35%)
32 (50.00%)
26 (65.00%)
4 (40.00%)
25 (54.35%)
19 (47.50%)
3
6 (5.13%)
13 (7.88%)
7 (9.09%)
1 (1.35%)
3 (8.11%)
1 (1.56%)
4 (10.00%)
0 (0%)
6 (13.04%)
9 (22.50%)
4
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (2.17%)
0 (0%)
Total
117 (100%)
165 (100%)
77 (100%)
74 (100%)
37 (100%)
64 (100%)
40 (100%)
10 (100%)
46 (100%)
40 (100%)
PSx/Psx = common noun

PSx/Psx = proper noun
2.8.3The configuration xpXx

This configuration, exemplified in (34), has the distinguishing property of having
its sole lexical stress realized by a short stressed syllable, followed by a disyllabic
sequence of a long syllable and another one (long or short), both lacking a lexically
assigned stress (-Xx).75 There are twenty-eight examples altogether in the corpus.76
(34)
Gr I 21.9 er Siguri [x#x#pXx]

Gr II 34.2 af konungom [x#pXx]
Sg 70.6 oc faerni [x#pXx]
75Sievers (1885: 34) does not acknowledge this configurations metrical authenticity: he identifies
rk10.1 Hefir erindi and 11.2 oc rindi the only examples of xpXx that happen to be attested
in his limited corpus of study as xPXx by reading the stem vowels concerned as long (fr rendi
[=rindi] verlangt der Vers 10, 2 [= 11.2] sicher Lnge der Wurzelsilbe Sievers 1885: 34n8).
76A-verse with single alliteration (9 examples): rk 10.1, Vkv 3.5, Grp 6.7, 25.1, Fm 40.3 Gr I 21.9,
Sg16.5, Hlr13.3, GrII 7.3; b-verse (19 examples): rk11.2, Vkv9.6, HHv5.2, GrI 1.4, 13.2, 17.10, 20.2,
27.8, Sg24.2, 24.4, 54.4, 63.6, 65.10, 70.6, GrII 4.8, 11.10, 12.4, 34.2, Od19.8. Compare Sievers (1893: 61)
and Pipping (1933: 35).
102
The presence of a long syllable in penultimate position is no less vital to the identity of this configuration than the antepenultimate short stressed syllable (compare
Sievers 1893: 65; Brate 1898: 39). There is no definite instance of a minimally distinct
sequence xpxx in the corpus,77 as noted in section2.3.1 above and generalized by
Pipping (1933: 22).78 The distribution of this configuration is shown in Table 2.41,
along with those of several sequences that are minimally differentiated from it.
Table2.41.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xpXx in comparison with minimally distinct
configurations
Configuration
xpXx
xpXx
xxpXx
xpxx
xxPx
xPx
xPXx
xPXx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
9 (32.14%)
19 (67.86%)
28 (100%)
14 (87.50%)
16 (100%)
5 (41.67%)
12 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
36 (6.11%)
589 (100%)
1 (33.33%)
3 (100%)
29 (38.67%)
75 (100%)
24 (63.16%)
38 (100%)
9 (100%)
2 (100%)
7 (100%)
0 (0%)
2 (12.50%)
7 (58.33%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
553 (93.89%)
553 (100%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
46 (100%)
14 (100%)
2 (66.67%)
46 (61.33%)
14 (36.84%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
77Following Pippings (1933: 22) scansion, rk13.2 oc fnasai would constitute a prima facie example
of the typeC variant xpxx. The monosyllabic first drop may reduce the plausibility of scanning this
verse as typeA3 (not critically, though; see section2.3.1 above and the text below), as can its occurrence in the b-verse. This would therefore count as a credible probabilistic piece of evidence for the
metricality of xpxx as typeC, alongside xpXx. The length of the stem vowel involved, however, is
ambivalent: it may be regarded as long (Sievers 1885: 35; Gering 1903: 280; Neckel and Kuhn 1983: 113)
or short (Vries 1962: 136), with indistinguishable plausibility, as both interpretations are equally supported by dual cognates, such as OE fnst, fnosan, MHG phnsen on the one hand, and OE fnesan,
fns, and MHG phnasen on the other. In the absence of compelling evidence, we may be justified in
maintaining the generalization that the sequence xpxx is nonexistent in the corpus.
78Frbindelsen av tv korta ictusdalar i en och samma halvvers undvikes sorgflligt (Pipping
1933: 22). See also Pipping (1903: 101103).

Type C ( / /)

Configuration
xxPXx
103
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
32 (86.49%)
5 (13.51%)
37 (100%)
32 (100%)
0 (0%)
xPxx
40 (68.97%)
39 (97.50%)
1 (2.50%)
18 (31.03%)
58 (100%)
xPxx
12 (50.00%)
11 (91.67%)
1 (8.33%)
12 (50.00%)
24 (100%)
6 (17.65%)
34 (100%)
xxPxx
28 (100%)
28 (82.35%)
0 (0%)
At first glance, this configuration seems to be amenable to two alternative scansions,

typeA3 with the resolved lift on the one hand and typeC with the first lift suspended
from resolution on the other.79 However, the dominant presence of a minimal string
xpXx,80 sixteen (57.14%) out of a total of twenty-eight (Table2.41), will make the identification with typeA3 suspicious: on scansion as typeA3, we would obtain too short
a verse whose first drop is realized only monosyllabically. Although these overshort
verses are attested (Table2.41; for details, see section2.3.1 above), they are extremely
small in number: no more than three are of the configuration xPx, as against 589
instances of xxPx. The difference in the proportions between xpXx and xxpXx on
the one hand, and between xPx and xxPx on the other, is statistically significant
(p<0.001). We may therefore be led to conclude that the two groups in question are
mutually irreducible in terms of metrical categorization. Specifically, it may be warranted not to subsume the group of xpXx/xxpXx under the same verse type that the
other group of xPx/xxPx instantiates. Since the configuration xPx is identified as
typeA3, the one under consideration, xpXx, defies this scansion categorically.
Therefore, the alternative scansion prevails: the configuration xpXx must therefore be regarded as a marked variant of typeC in which the first lift is realized by a
short stressed syllable alone and the second lift by a medial long syllable without
a lexical stress. This characterization is corroborated by a lack of significant difference between the configuration xpXx and each of the minimally distinct variants
of type C, xPXx and xPxx, in regard to the proportions of the minimal variants
(xpXx, xPXx, xPxx) to the others (xxpXx, xxPXx, xxPxx; Table2.41), the property
that sharply distinguishes the configuration in question from type A3, as we have
just seen. The resultant p-values are 0.659 for xpXx and xPXx, and 0.249 for x
pXx and xPxx. This parallelism in distribution to the variants of type C that are
79Gering (1924: 178, 189, 194, 203, 210) correctly identified these verses as typeC, but without argument.
80rk11.2, Vkv9.6, GrI 13.2, 27.8, Sg16.5, 24.2, 24.4, 54.4, 63.6, 65.10, 70.6, GrII 4.8, 7.3, 11.10, 34.2,
Od19.8.
104
composed comparably with a single lexical stress thus substantiates the proposed
identification of the configurations xpXx as typeC in distinction from typeA3.
A further outstanding parallelism is in evidence that characterizes the three
configurations at issue: the minimal variants are more likely to occur in the b-verse
than the longer ones. Specifically, the configurations xpXx, xPXx, and xPxx display
stronger associations with the b-verse than their corresponding longer sequences,
xxpXx, xxPXx, and xxPxx, with p-values of 0.017, less than 0.001, and 0.011,
respectively (Table 2.41). In comparison, type A3 fails to share this distinguishing
feature, as it is not involved in a comparable distinction in verse distribution between
the configurations xxPx and xPx (p=0.176).
Although the grouping of the configuration xpXx with typeC seems thus firmly
grounded, we have yet to face the fact squarely that it differs significantly from the
minimally distinct variants xPXx (p=0.014) and xPxx (p=0.002) in terms of verse
distribution (Table 2.41):81 the sequence xpXx occurs in the b-verse with a comparably high incidence as do xPXx and xPxx in the a-verse. On closer analysis,
however, the apparent difference turns out to be less outstanding. When we compare
the three configurations at issue by dividing each of them into two groups as we did
earlier on the basis of the distinction between monosyllables and polysyllables in
the first drop, we find that the configuration xpXx is distinguished from the two
others only partially and also in complementary ways. While the minimal variant
xpXx differs from the one with the short second lift (p=0.020) by the strong association with the b-verse, it does not differ significantly from the other one with the long
second lift (p=0.106). By contrast, the longer variant xxpXx differs from xxPXx by
failing to share the close association with the a-verse that is characteristic of the latter
(p=0.050), whereas no comparably significant difference is evidenced between the
configurations xxpXx and xxPxx (p=0.124). Thus, displaying mixed characters
of the long and short variants of typeC with a single lexical stress, the configuration
xpXx articulates with both forms in a complementary manner; in other words, the
string xpXx stands between xPXx and xPxx.
This intermediary status yields to a credible account. In terms of the composition
of the two lifts, the configuration in question can be characterized as intersecting with
the other two. On the one hand, the long second lift (X) groups it with the sequence
xPXx. On the other, the two lifts combined together (pX) link it with the shorter
one xPxx (Px): while the longer one (PX) amounts to at least four moras two for
each lift the other two variants (pX and Px) match each other fully by virtue of the
three moras commonly involved that are assigned to the two segments in opposite
directions. In this light, overlapping partially with the other two in complementary
81Of related interest, the configuration xPx, to which the sequence xpXx should reduce according to the alternative scansion as typeA3, differs as conspicuously from the latter on the same parameter, with a p-value of less than 0.001.

Type C- ( / / [])

105
ways, the configuration xpXx constitutes a hybrid variant standing in between. It is

no wonder, then, that this structurally ambivalent sequence is capable of embodying
properties of both proximate configurations in mixed manners, while resisting wholesale reduction to either.
2.9Type C- (/ / [])
Subject to catalectic formation, this type lacks the verse-final drop constitutive of
type C on the surface. The configuration xPP, as exemplified in (35), is the sole
realization variant of this catalectic type. There are seventy-seven examples in the
corpus.82
(35)
Vkv 4.6 oc um sz [x#P#P]

Grt 5.3mlom fiol fir [xx#P#P]
HHII 2.3 era at karls tt [xx#x#P#P]
In formal terms, the configuration xPP seems to be open to two alternative scansions, typeC- on the one hand and typeA3 on the other (section2.3.1; compare Wenck
1905: 85). The scansion as typeA3, however, is less inclusive in scope: with the final
position serving as a drop, type A3 can accommodate only single alliteration. The
realization with double alliteration such as Grt 5.3 given in (35) above is thus compatible exclusively with the scansion as typeC-. Sticking to the analysis as typeA3,
we would accordingly have no other choice but to acknowledge divided scansions
depending on the alliterative pattern: while the configuration with single alliteration scans as typeA3, the same sequence with double alliteration must be identified
as typeC-. Providing two distinct scansions to the identical form would strike us as
extremely suspicious.
Even when disregarding the rare, seven occurrences with double alliteration,
the remaining vast majority with single alliteration turns out to differ significantly
from typeA3 in verse distribution (section2.3.1): accounting for forty-seven a-verses
and twenty-three b-verses, the configuration at issue does not occur in the a-verse
in overwhelming numbers as does typeA3 (p<0.001). Such a significant difference
82A-verse with single alliteration (47 examples): Vsp 6.1, 9.1, 23.1, 23.7, 25.1, 25.5, Hym 9.5, rk 4.1,
12.7, 20.5, Vkv5.3, 14.7, 21.7, HH50.3, HHII 1.5, 2.3, 9.1, 9.3, 18.5, 40.1, 41.1, Grp3.3, 32.5, 42.5, Rm5.7, 13.7,
14.7, Fm35.7, 44.1, GrI 18.5, Sg69.7, Hlr2.5, 10.1, 10.5, GrII 2.3, 5.5, GrIII 3.1, Ghv8.3, R43.1, 45.1,
46.1, 47.3, Hdl5.1, 5.5, 6.5, 7.3, 10.3; a-verse with double alliteration (7 examples): Vsp21.5, HHII 8.1,
Rm11.5, GrII 13.3, Hdl5.7, Grt2.3, 5.3; b-verse (23 examples): Hym1.6, 22.6, Vkv4.6, 17.2, 20.6, 21.4,
23.4, HH20.4, HHv10.4, HHII 11.2, 18.8, Grp22.6, 28.2, 29.8, 39.8, GrI 12.4, 13.4, 19.6, Sg28.2, 31.10,
GrII 39.8, Ghv17.2, R28.2. Compare Sievers (1893: 68), Pipping (1903: 11), and Gering (1924: 21, 26,
190, 196, 208, 215).
106
in distribution would detract from the plausibility of identifying this configuration

as typeA3, which has the distinguishing property of a vastly heavy concentration in
the a-verse.
Another objection to the subsumption under typeA3 is the differing proportions
of the monosyllabic first drop between typeA3 and the configuration under consideration. As examined in section2.3.1 above, the monosyllabic first drop occurs exceptionally in type A3 (3 examples out of a total of 592 for the variant xPx; 0.51%; 7
examples out of a total of 678 comprising the variants xPx and xPS; 1.03%); by
contrast, as many as 16 occurrences with the monosyllabic first drop are counted, as
against a total of 77 (20.78%); and the difference involved proves to be of statistical
significance with a p-value of less than 0.001.
Further, the alternative scansion as typeA3 has the added disadvantage of filling
the least prominent position (the verse-final drop) with the most salient word class
(nominals), as remarked in section2.3.1 above. The characterization as typeA3 would
lead to acknowledging such otherwise dubious realizations not simply as exceptionally acceptable, but as composed in fairly large numbers, in violation of the general
principle that governs linguistic-metrical alignment.
Altogether, then, the scansion of the configuration xPP as type A3 is fraught
with insurmountable difficulties and must therefore be rejected as most implausible.
On the other hand, the alternative identification as typeC- is free from such objections, namely, the relatively larger presence of the b-verse and of the monosyllabic
first drop, the differentiated treatment contingent on difference in alliterative pattern,
and the frequent realization of the final drop by the most salient word class.
Table2.42.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC- and the analogous variants of typeC
Configuration
xPP
xPP
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
54 (70.13%)
47 (87.04%)
7 (12.96%)
23 (29.87%)
77 (100%)
6 (37.50%)
10 (62.50%)
16 (100%)
5 (83.33%)
1 (16.67%)
xxPP
48 (78.69%)
42 (87.50%)
6 (12.50%)
13 (21.31%)
61 (100%)
xPPx
117 (21.51%)
53 (45.30%)
64 (54.70%)
427 (78.49%)
544 (100%)
xPPx
65 (18.16%)
30 (46.15%)
35 (53.85%)
293 (81.84%)
358 (100%)
xxPPx
52 (27.96%)
23 (44.23%)
29 (55.77%)
134 (72.04%)
186 (100%)

Type C- ( / / [])

107
With the range of variation thus delimited, type C- is distributed as represented in

Table 2.42. As should be immediately clear, this configuration occurs more frequently in the a-verse than its full counterpart xPPx, with a statistical significance
(p < 0.001). This conspicuous preference for the a-verse, which is reminiscent of
typeA1- (section2.4), is derived in general terms from the interaction of the marked
status of catalectic verses containing fewer metrical positions on the surface than is
normally prescribed and the analogous status of the a-verse in general as opposed to
the unmarked b-verse.
Of further interest, typeC- displays a radical contrast in verse distribution depending on the size of the first drop (Table2.43): with the monosyllabic drop, the b-verse
predominates, whereas the contrary pattern holds with the polysyllabic one, whereby
the a-verse constitutes the vast majority. Such a reversal in distributional pattern is
unknown to typeC, for which the b-verse remains dominant regardless of the varying
magnitude of the first drop.
On closer analysis, however, the two apparently contrastive patterns at issue
prove to be far from incompatibly contradictory. Type C in general (see Table 2.37,
section 2.8.1 above) and the variant xPPx in particular that is minimally distinct
from typeC-, as well as typeC-, occur in the b-verse with a significantly higher incidence when it starts with a monosyllabic drop (Table2.43): we obtain p-values of less
than 0.001 (for typeC in general), 0.011 (for the configuration xPPx), and 0.004 for
typeC- by applying Fishers exact test to the relevant contingency tables according
to the parameters of monosyllabic versus polysyllabic first drops and of the a-verse
versus the b-verse.
What requires explanation is therefore the far-reaching increase of the a-verse
for typeC- in comparison with typeC when the first drop is realized polysyllabically:
Why does typeC- favor the a-verse overwhelmingly when it begins with more than one
unstressed syllable? At this point, we are reminded of a similar pattern that is in force
for typeA1- in distinction from typeA1 (section2.4): while the monosyllabic drop is
dominant in the b-verse, the polysyllabic one prevails in the a-verse, with a significant
difference (p<0.001; Table2.29). In fact, the distribution pattern of the monosyllabic
and polysyllabic first drops proves to be of no significant difference between types
A1- and C-, with p-values of 1 for the monosyllable and 0.249 for the polysyllable. In
this light, the contrastive proportions of the a-verse and the b-verse for typeC- that are
correlated to the distinction between the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first drop
should be characterized as a general property of catalectic verse types, rather than an
idiosyncratic feature of this type.
A further distinguishing property of typeC- as opposed to typeC is the prevailing occurrence of single alliteration in the a-verse: almost 90% of typeC- a-verses
manifest single alliteration, whereas less than half of typeC counterparts display the
same metrical feature. Also characteristic of typeA1-, as shown in section2.4 above,
this dominance of single alliteration is attributed to the structural incongruence
between double alliteration and a relatively weak prominence of verses. Lacking the
108
verse-final drop on the surface, catalectic types in general count as less prominent
to a corresponding extent, and are accordingly disqualified for carrying double alliteration.
Another dimension on which typeC- differs significantly from typeC is the size of
the first drop. The proportion of the minimal size (monosyllable) is markedly lower in
the catalectic type than in the full counterpart the minimally distinct configuration
xPPx and typeC in general as shown in Table2.43. The relative proportions of the
monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first drop are of significant difference between the
configurations xPP and xPPx (p<0.001 for the a-verse; p=0.020 for the b-verse;
p<0.001 for the a-verse and the b-verse combined) and also between typeC- (xPP)
and typeC in general (p<0.001 for the a-verse; p=0.003 for the b-verse; p<0.001 for
the two verses combined). Type C- is thus sharply distinguished from typeC by the
low incidence of monosyllables as a realization of the first drop. We may therefore be
allowed to conclude that typeC- definitely prefers the polysyllabic first drop at the
expense of the monosyllabic one.
The avoidance of the monosyllabic drop in typeC- can be understood as a compensation for the absence of a fourth metrical position, the verse-final drop, that is
otherwise required to occur. The minimum quantity of syllables that occupy the threeposition configuration arising from catalexis may be assessed as of insufficient prominence in light of the fundamental principle of four positions per verse. In other words,
the unrealized missing position requires corresponding material support elsewhere.
Since the missing position is a drop, it may naturally be expected that the resulting
lack of prominence should be taken care of by the drop still available, namely, the
first drop: the missing final drop is accordingly realized indirectly by the first one
through displacement of language material. The monosyllabic realization of the first
drop obviously falls short of providing any compensation due, since the monosyllable is exactly the minimal language material for a single drop. Therefore, the only
drop available to the catalectic verse must be filled by a string of syllables longer
than a monosyllable. Underlying all of this compensatory mechanism may ultimately
be postulated a functional motivation to make the otherwise unacceptably short and
light verses less deviant from the canonical four-position configuration in terms of
overall metrical prominence manifested on the surface.
The functionally motivated avoidance of the monosyllabic first drop for typeCoffers a credible account of the problem raised above of why the a-verse with the polysyllabic first drop far outnumbers the corresponding b-verse in typeC- in contrast to
typeC. As pointed out above, the monosyllabic first drop is a privilege of the b-verse,
since it occurs with a significantly greater incidence there than in the a-verse in both
types C and C-. The close association between the b-verse and the monosyllabic first
drop is thus firmly in place. The catalectic type, contrary to the full counterpart, avoids
a monosyllabic realization of the first drop, as demonstrated earlier. The avoidance
of monosyllables induces in turn a similar negative treatment of the b-verse by virtue
of their close linkage in the meter. As a consequence, just as the polysyllabic drop

Type C- ( / / [])

109
Table2.43.Verse distinction of types C- and C according to size of the first drop

xPP (typeC-)
A-verse B-verse
Total
xPPx (typeC)
A-verse B-verse
Total
Type C in general
A-verse
B-verse
Total
6
10
16
11.11% 43.48% 20.78%
65
55.56%
293
358
68.62% 65.81%
223
42.16%
597
73.34%
820
61.06%
16
9
25
29.63% 39.13% 32.47%
46
39.32%
123
169
28.81% 31.07%
262
49.53%
196
24.08%
458
34.10%
24
3
27
44.44% 13.04% 35.06%
6
5.13%
11
2.58%
17
3.13%
43
8.13%
20
2.46%
63
4.69%
8
14.81%
1
4.35%
9
11.69%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
1
0.19%
1
0.12%
2
0.15%
54
100%
23
100%
77
100%
117
100%
427
100%
544
100%
529
100%
814
100%
1343
100%
Total
is favored at the expense of the monosyllabic one, so the a-verse is privileged to the
detriment of the b-verse; the a-verse thus serves as a major vehicle for typeC- with the
polysyllabic first drop. This avoidance of the b-verse constitutes a specific reason for
the preponderance of the a-verse in typeC-, in addition to the marked status of the
a-verse (against the b-verse) and the catalectic verse types (against the regular ones)
in general, as observed above.
Finally, a few remarks may be appropriate on the configurations xPx and x
PS, which both belong to typeA3, as detailed in section2.3 above. There can be no
doubt about the identification of the first sequence as typeA3. An alternative scansion as typeC- would be most implausible: the resultant second lift constitutive of
typeC- would be filled by the least salient syllable, namely, the word-final unstressed
syllable, which is most unlikely to serve as a lift.
The second sequence, xPS, however, would appear to be qualified for scansion
as typeC- in light of a lexical stress on the verse-final syllable: there is indeed a comparable variant of typeC, xPSx (section2.8.2). However, the verse distributions of
the configuration at issue on the one hand (82 a-verses and 4 b-verses; Table 2.19,
section2.3.1) and of the variant of typeC with the second lift realized by the second
constituents of compounds on the other (77 a-verses and 147 b-verses; Table 2.39,
section2.8.2) differ so conspicuously (p<0.001) that they are least likely to be reduced
to the same verse class, with the sole difference in the verse-final drop.
No less radically different is the composition of the first drop in terms of varying
numbers of syllables: while there are only 4 examples of the monosyllabic first drop
in the total of 86 instances of the configuration xPS (4.65%), no fewer than 162 out
of a total of 224 examples of the configuration xPSx (72.32%) begin with a monosyllable. This enormous difference (p < 0.001) raises objection to the subsumption of
these two configurations under the same verse class. At stake here, however, is not the
110
significant difference in itself between the configurations xPS and xPSx in the proportions of monosyllables, because catalectic variants display a marked preference
for polysyllables in the first drop, as evidenced among others by the pair of xPP and
xPPx just shown. Of paramount importance is rather the virtual absence of monosyllables in the configuration xPS in contrast to their small but firm presence in the
allegedly related xPP (Table2.43): with a p-value of 0.002, the configuration xPS
is far less likely to begin with monosyllables than xPP. This radical difference in the
composition of the first drop may therefore disconfirm the identification of the two
configurations. Thus, the sequence xPS should be strictly separated from typeC-,
and categorized alternatively as typeA3 as cogently as is the configuration xPx.
2.10Type D (/ / )
2.10.1Major variants and the status of the heavy drop
Type D is characterized by a succession of two lifts at the beginning of a verse. The
remaining last two positions constitute drops, which may differ from each other by
relative degrees of prominence on them, as exemplified in (36). For the sake of practical reference, we may tentatively distinguish two varieties, subtypeDa (/ / \ ) and
subtypeDb (/ / \), according to which of the two consecutive drops at the end counts
as relatively more prominent. Whether these varied realizations should be acknowledged as distinct verse types in the metrical system, however, is an empirical issue to
be settled in due course. The occurrences of these two variants are extremely uneven:
there are 303 examples of subtypeDa in the corpus, but only 19 of subtypeDb.83
(36)
Sg 31.2 gramr haucstalda [P#PSx]

HHII 11.3 snt svinnhugu [P#Psx]
Od 34.8 grtr Oddrnnar [P#PSx]
Hym37.3 hafr Hlrria [P#Psx]
Sg 8.10 qvn fri sna [P#P#Px]
rk10.4lng tindi [P#PXx]
Vkv 10.4 eins sacnai [P#Pxx]
Gr II 23.3 urt allz viar [P#P#px]
Grt 3.2 gnhorfinnar [PSXx]
Grp 39.6 framlundaa [PSxx]
Vsp41.3 rr ragna siot [P#Px#P]
Hdl 28.1 Haraldr hilditnn [px#PxS]
83See appendix 1. Compare Gering (1924: 45, 10, 14, 18, 21, 2526, 32, 38, 42, 47, 179, 181182, 184,
186, 189, 195, 200, 204, 207208, 211, 215, 219) and Russom (1998: 4041, 71, 7576, 108110).

Type D (/ / )

111
SubtypeDa can be divided into several variants along the two parameters bearing on
the penultimate position that motivate the analogous grouping of typeC (section2.8),
one being of syllable length and the other of stress degrees. Altogether we obtain six
variants of subtype Da, as given in (36) above: PPSx, PPsx, PPPx, PPpx, PPXx, and
PPxx. The configurations PPSx and PPsx may be further subdivided into two, respectively, on the basis of whether the secondary-stressed syllable involved constitutes part
of a common or proper noun. Thus, subject to a comparable variation in the penultimate position, subtypeDa corresponds closely to typeC in its structural composition.
The distribution of these variants and subvariants is represented in Table2.44.
As it turns out, however, the variation of the penultimate drop corresponding
to that of the second lift in typeC lacks statistical significance. Neither verse distinction nor alliterative pattern in the a-verse shows significant correlation to the differences in syllable length, stress degrees, and compounding, as follows: (i) syllable
length with respect to the distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse: p=0.168
between PPSx and PPsx (common and proper nouns combined); p=1 between PPPx
and PPpx; p=0.268 between PPXx and PPxx; (ii) syllable length with respect to alliterative patterning in the a-verse: p = 0.388 between PPSx and PPsx (common and
proper nouns combined); p=0.455 between PPPx and PPpx; p=0.427 between PPXx
and PPxx; (iii) stress degrees with respect to the distinction between the a-verse and
the b-verse: p=1 between PPSx (common and proper nouns combined) and PPPx;
p=0.270 between PPSx (common and proper nouns combined) and PPXx; p=0.442
between PPPx and PPXx; p=0.642 between PPsx (common and proper nouns combined) and PPpx; p=0.157 between PPsx (common and proper nouns combined) and
PPxx; p=0.621 between PPpx and PPxx; (iv) stress degrees with respect to alliterative
patterning in the a-verse: p=0.417 between PPSx (common and proper nouns combined) and PPPx; p=0.243 between PPSx (common and proper nouns combined) and
PPXx; p=1 between PPPx and PPXx; p=0.449 between PPsx (common and proper
nouns combined) and PPpx; p = 0.246 between PPsx (common and proper nouns
combined) and PPxx; p=1 between PPpx and PPxx; (v) common versus proper nouns
with respect to the distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse: p = 1 between
PPSx (common nouns) and PPSx (proper nouns); p=0.332 between PPsx (common
nouns) and PPsx (proper nouns); (vi) common versus proper nouns with respect to
alliterative patterning in the a-verse: p=1 between PPSx (common nouns) and PPSx
(proper nouns); p=0.348 between PPsx (common nouns) and PPsx (proper nouns).
The total absence of significant difference among the array of variants of subtypeDa
stands in sharp contrast to the wide range of significant distinctions that obtains for the
corresponding varieties of typeC. This contrast seems to be all the more remarkable
when we recall that the parametric variations involved in the two types are largely analogous in structural terms: the identical parameters (syllable length and stress degrees)
are in effect; the metrical positions that are subject to the parametric variation in question are located in exactly the same place, that is, the penult of a verse; and the same set
of trisyllabic sequences are involved, namely, PPx, Ppx, PSx, Psx, PXx, and Pxx.
112
The sole difference between the two types concerns the metrical status of the penultimate positions at stake, the lift (typeC) on the one hand and the drop (subtypeDa)
on the other. That is, the (second) lift is sensitive to the parametric variation, whereas
the (first) drop remains immune to it. The sensitivity of the lift as opposed to the immunity of the drop is reasonably attributed to the greater prominence of the position in
question: the more perceptible position yields to the greater degrees of control and
manipulation, and is accordingly capable of making more extensive use of linguistic
resources for metrical purposes. This generalization finds corroboration in a host of
metrical phenomena. The first lift is more likely to be affected by resolution than the
second one, which is in turn more susceptible to it than the (heavy) drop (section4.2).
The first lift serves as an obligatory carrier of alliteration, while the second one participates in it only optionally in the a-verse; by contrast, the drop is totally excluded from
the device. And the first drop is subject to a larger extent of variation than the second
in terms of its magnitude of linguistic realization.
Occasionally, a single word constitutes a subtypeDa verse on its own, as exemplified in (36) above. Two variant configurations may be recognized, PSXx and PSxx,
according to the syllable length of the penultimate drop, as with the other variants
treated so far. We have twenty-six such verses in the corpus. Their distributions are
indistinguishable from those of their closely related configurations, PPXx and PPxx,
respectively: between PSXx and PPXx, p=0.482 for verse distinction and p=1 for alliterative pattern; between PSxx and PPxx, p=0.347 for verse distinction and p=0.385
for alliterative pattern. This total lack of distinguishability reminds us of a similar
situation of typeA1: the configuration PxSx is fully reducible to its regular counterpart PxPx in its distribution patterning (section2.1.3.4).
As indicated in Table2.44, there is only one example of the configuration / / \
in which the last three positions (/ \) are realized by a single compound (PPxS; Hdl
28.1 Haraldr hilditnn); the remaining eighteen instances of the same configuration
have their final position filled by an independent word. This stands in sharp contrast
to subtypeDa, for which the configurations PPSx and PPsx together constitute the
majority among the range of variants of this configuration (Table2.44).
The extremely low presence of the configuration PPxS in subtypeDb 1 vs. 18
may largely be ascribed to that of compounds of the form PxS in itself. This hypothesis
seems to be verified by the occurrence of comparable words in typeB as occupants of
the last three positions (/ /). As shown in Table2.36 (section2.7), 20 out of a total of
451 typeB verses have their last three positions filled by a trisyllabic compound. By
means of Fishers exact test, the proportions of the secondary stress to the primary
one at the end of typeB and subtypeDb prove to be indistinguishable in statistical
terms, given p=0.588. In other words, the excessive rarity of the subtypeDb variant
PPxS is significantly comparable to the underrepresentation of the typeB variant x
PxS. In light of this common feature that recurs across metrical type boundaries, we
are led to assume that the phenomenon at issue has to do not so much with the inherent structural properties of subtypeDb as with the availability of language material.

Type D (/ / )

113
To be noted about this type is rather that the number of its heavy variant, namely,
P#Px#P, is far from small compared with that of subtypeDa (Table2.44). The relatively large presence of the heavy otherwise marked variant of subtypeDb may
reasonably be viewed as testimony that this variant is no less firmly established in
the metrical system as its kindred, subtypeDa: the existence of a derivative variant
(P#Px#P) presupposes that of a basic one (P#PxS) in the system.
Table2.44.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD according to composition of the

second lift and/or the heavy drop
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
PPSx (PSx =
common noun)
17 (35.42%)
7 (41.18%)
10 (58.82%)
31 (64.58%)
48 (100%)
PPsx (Psx =
common noun)
27 (45.00%)
6 (22.22%)
21 (77.78%)
33 (55.00%)
60 (100%)
PPSx (PSx =
proper name)
2 (33.33%)
6 (37.50%)
4 (66.67%)
10 (62.50%)
16 (100%)
PPsx (Psx =
proper name)
3 (42.86%)
7 (63.64%)
4 (57.14%)
4 (36.36%)
11 (100%)
1 (50.00%)
1 (50.00%)
2 (100%)
10 (45.45%)
4 (40.00%)
6 (60.00%)
12 (54.55%)
22 (100%)
9 (23.68%)
3 (33.33%)
29 (76.32%)
38 (100%)
21 (35.00%)
9 (42.86%)
12 (57.14%)
39 (65.00%)
60 (100%)
2 (13.33%)
13 (86.67%)
15 (100%)
6 (50.00%)
12 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
NAa
18 (100%)
178 (58.75%)
303 (100%)
PPPx
PPpx
PPXx
PPxx
PSSx/PSXx/PXxx
PSxx/PSsx
PPxS
PPxP
1 (100%)
6 (66.67%)
2 (100%)
4 (66.67%)
0 (0%)
NA
Total
a
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
6 (50.00%)
2 (33.33%)
1 (100%)
18 (100%)
1 (100%)
18 (100%)
125 (41.25%)
44 (35.20%)
81 (64.80%)
NA = nonapplicable; for details, see section2.13.5 below.
114
The metrical indistinguishability of the varied configurations subsumed under typeD

in fornyrislag constitutes a sharp contrast with the situation in Beowulf. In it, a
significant distinction is in effect between the presence and absence of a lexically
assigned stress on the penultimate position. Specifically, the configurations PPPx,
PPpx, PPSx, and PPsx are differentiated from the corresponding ones without stress,
namely, PPXx and PPxx, in terms of verse distribution and alliterative pattern: while
the former group occurs predominantly in the a-verse with double alliteration, the
latter is characterized by the contrary property of being favored in the b-verse (Suzuki
1996: 98102). This provided an empirical justification for postulating two distinct
verse types for Beowulf meter, typeD1 (/ / ; e.g., Beo 847b brim weallende) and
typeD2, which is in turn divided into two variants, typeD2a (/ / \ ; e.g., Beo 1927a
ws wlungen) and typeD2b (/ / \; e.g., Beo 2183a hold hildedor; Suzuki 1996: 102,
135). The significant distinction in terms of stress properties is thus ascribed to the
opposition between normal and heavy drops in the underlying metrical representations.
In the absence of analogous distinctions in fornyrislag between the strings Px,
px, Sx, and sx on the one hand, and Xx and xx on the other, we are compelled to
reduce the varieties involved to a single common verse type, typeD / / . Furthermore, the low presence of the configurations PPxS and PPxP, particularly of its transparent form PPxS, as well as the formal ambiguity inherent in its heavy variant PPxP
(section2.13.5), precludes us from giving an independent status to these configurations as manifestations of a separate type / / \, as opposed to / / . Consequently,
it seems to be most plausible to conclude that a single verse type, type D / / ,
underlies all configurations with their first two positions functioning as lifts; accordingly, the opposition between normal and heavy drops has no role to play in the composition of this type.
2.10.2The configuration PPPx: apparent ambiguity of types A2a and D

The configuration PPPx with single alliteration on the first P appears to be ambiguous in scansion: it can be scanned as typeA2a (with the third P serving as the second
lift) as well as typeD (with the second P serving as the second lift). These apparently
ambiguous verses are counted three a-verses and five b-verses, as follows (bracketing in terms of syntactic constituency and type identification may be ignored at this
point):
(37)
Vsp19.3 [hr bamr], ausinn [P#P#Px]; typeA2a

Vsp25.8 [s mey] gefna [P#P#Px]; typeA2a
Vkv 1.8 [drt ln] spunno [P#P#Px]; typeA2a
Vkv 9.2 [bero hold] steikia [px#P#Px]; typeA2a
Br 10.2 [br allr] duni [P#P#Px]; typeA2a

Type D (/ / )

115
Sg 8.10 qvn [fri] sna [P#P#Px]; typeD

Od 6.5 [fimm vetr] alla [P#P#Px]; typeA2a
Od 14.7 [fimm vetr] eina [P#P#Px]; typeA2a
On the other hand, double alliteration disambiguates scansion: there are five typeA2a
examples, as given below:
(38)
Vsp26.1 [rr einn] ar v [P#P#P#x]

Vsp26.7 [ml ll] meginlig [P#P#pxx]
Vsp30.7 Gunnr, Hildr, Gndul [P#P#Px]
HH49.7 [gfuct li] gylfa [px#P#Px]
R 25.3 Snt, Brr, Svanni [P#P#Px]
In addition, there are two instances of typeD of the same configuration PPPx, which
is accompanied by anacrusis:
(39)
HHII 3.1 N hefir [hr dmi] [x#px#P#Px]

Gr I 8.7 sv at mr [mar engi] [x#x#P#P#Px]
A comparison of these typeA2a and D heavy verses with double alliteration indicates
that constituent structure plays a vital role in scansion (Sievers 1893: 43). Type A2a
arises when the first two Ps form a syntactic constituent (schematically represented
[[AB]C]), as evidenced by Vsp26.1, 26.7, and HH49.7. By contrast, typeD results when
the last two Ps are incorporated into a single constituent (schematically represented
[A[BC]]), as shown by the two typeD verses with anacrusis. The remaining instances
of typeA2a heavy verse, namely, Vsp30.7 and R 25.3, belong to neither of these two
groups, however: the three words, simply conjoined together, are of equal syntactic standing that is immune to immediate constituent analysis (schematically represented [[A][B][C]]).
Equipped with the above insight, we are now capable of categorizing the remaining examples of PPPx given under (37). Apart from Sg 8.10 all of these verses are structured in such a way that the first two words form an immediate constituent to the
exclusion of the third P, as represented in (37) above. It may therefore follow that they
constitute typeA2a. The status of Sg 8.10, however, is less than clear: it is the first
and third Ps that form an immediate constituent a discontinuous constituent as
direct object of the verb fri caress, the second P (schematically represented [A[B]C]).
Given the common occurrence of a syntactic boundary between the first two words,
however, this verse, too, can be grouped with those having the constituent structure
[A[BC]], as opposed to its mirror image [[AB]C]. By virtue of linear precedence, we
may prioritize the break between the first two words over that between the last two
words. Table2.45 indicates the overall distribution of the configuration PPPx, crossclassified according to syntactic constituency and alliterative pattern.
116
Table2.45.PPPx and its syntactic constituency

PPPx
[AB]C
A[BC]]
A[B]C
[A][B][C]
Single alliteration
7
0
1
0
Double alliteration
3 (typeA2a)
2 (typeD with anacrusis)
0
2 (typeA2a)
2.10.3The configuration PPpx: apparent ambiguity of typeD and subtypeA1s

When attended by double alliteration, the configuration PPpx, in which the second P
is embodied by a class 1 word (i.e., PP[class1]Px), is realized six times as subtypeA1s
and the same number of times as type D, as shown in (40) and (41), respectively.
Otherwise and without recourse to constituent structure, this configuration is ambiguous, susceptible to the two alternative scansions (compare Sievers 1885 and Gering
1924). In contrast to the configuration PPPx with a long syllable in penultimate position (section2.10.2), there are numerous examples of PPpx with single alliteration,
seven a-verses and forty-six b-verses, as listed in (42).
(40)
PPpx as subtypeA1s
Vsp1.7 [forn spioll] fira
Vsp66.3 [nar frnn], nean
Hym2.3 [mioc glcr] megi
Vkv 2.3 [fgr mr] fira
Gr II 23.7 [svns lifr] soin
Ghv 1.3 [trau ml], tali
(41)
PPpx as typeD
Vsp51.5 fara [ffls megir]
Gr II 23.3 urt [allz viar]
Hdl 40.1 [l lf] Loki
Hdl 42.3lr [lnd yfir]
Grt 11.1 Vr [vetr no]
Grt 16.7 drgom [dlgs siotul]
(42)
PPpx with single alliteration

Vsp50.2 hefiz [lind] fyrir; typeD
Vsp59.6 flgr [rn] yfir; typeD
Vsp66.6 flgr [vll yfir]; typeD
Hym2.8 opt [sumbl gora]; typeD

Type D (/ / )

Hym9.8 gorr [illz hugar]; typeD

Hym15.8 [xn tv] Hymis; subtypeA1s
Hym16.8 [vr rr] lifa; subtypeA1s
Hym24.4 [fold ll] saman; subtypeA1s
Hym33.8 [hverr kyrr] fyrir; subtypeA1s
rk21.6 brann [ior] loga; typeD
rk24.10 [sld ri] miaar; subtypeA1s
HH6.3 [dgrs eins] gamall; subtypeA1s
HH7.4 [g r] komin; subtypeA1s
HH16.7 [ ntt] fara; subtypeA1s
HH29.2 [h segl] ofarr; subtypeA1s
HH42.6 [mart scei] riit; subtypeA1s
HHv 9.8 verpr [nar] hala; typeD
HHv 40.4 [hinztr fundr] vera; subtypeA1s
HHII 2.6 stccr [lr] fyrir; typeD
HHII 7.8 [hrtt kiot] eta; subtypeA1s
HHII 9.4 [ltt steict] eti; subtypeA1s
Grp 9.4 [allz harms] reca; subtypeA1s
Grp 10.6 [snr brg] fyrir; subtypeA1s
Grp 41.8 [itt nafn] vera; subtypeA1s
Rm 11.8 [ns harms] reca; subtypeA1s
Fm 33.6 [rng or] saman; subtypeA1s
Sg 2.6 [dgr mart] saman; subtypeA1s
Sg 65.4 [hinzt bn] vera; subtypeA1s
Sg 68.6 [be einn] stigom; subtypeA1s
Hlr 2.8 [mannz bl] vegit; subtypeA1s
Hlr 10.4 her [allz viar]; typeD
Gr II 9.7 [v lnd] yfir; subtypeA1s
Gr II 10.3 traur [gs hugar]; typeD
Gr II 13.2 [fimm dgr] tali; subtypeA1s
Gr II 22.2 [hvers kyns] stafir; subtypeA1s
Gr II 23.2 [bl mrg] saman; subtypeA1s
Gr II 35.2 [hverr drengr] litinn; subtypeA1s
Gr II 35.6 [svalt land] riom; subtypeA1s
Gr II 35.10 [urt land] stigom; subtypeA1s
Gr II 36.3 grind [upp luco]; typeD
Gr II 37.3 full [illz hugar]; typeD
Gr III 8.6 [slcs harms] reca; subtypeA1s
Od 15.3 si [mr konungr]; typeD
Od 16.2 ba [hilm geta]; typeD
Od 19.6 [hvert land] fara; subtypeA1s
Od 31.2 far [sund yfir]; typeD
117
118
R 6.2 [rir ntr] saman (also R 20.2, 33.6); subtypeA1s

Hdl 48.4 [ burt] hean; subtypeA1s
Hdl 50.8 [ll go] duga; subtypeA1s
Grt 7.6 [li eitt] qveac; subtypeA1s
Grt 23.6 scauz [lr] ofan; typeD
With the exception of Hdl 40.1 (41), there is a one-to-one correspondence between
metrical type and syntactic constituency for the configuration PPpx with double alliteration: the grouping of the first two words results in composition of subtype A1s,
while that of the last two gives rise to type D, exactly the same structural relation
that is in force for the configuration PPPx (section2.10.2). The almost polar difference
in distribution observed is of statistical significance, given p=0.015. Hdl 40.1 l lf
Loki constitutes the sole exception to this generalization: l lf forms a verb phrase
to the exclusion of Loki, which serves as subject of the verse.84 In view of the overall
isomorphism of the meter and syntax, we are led to scan apparently ambiguous heavy
verses with single alliteration in accordance with this generalization. The results of
such scansions are given in (42) and summarized in Table2.46: we have thirty-seven
examples of subtype A1s and ten instances of type D. In the remaining six verses
(Vsp 50.2, 59.6, rk 21.6, HHv 9.8, HH II 2.6, Grt 23.6), the first and last words form
a syntactic constituent, a verb-particle combination, and the middle word serves as
subject for the most part. Inasmuch as a major syntactic break intervenes between the
first two lexical items, we may be led to subsume these verses under the second group
of [A[BC]] and accordingly to scan them typeD (on this decision, see section2.10.2
above).
Table2.46.PPpx and its syntactic constituency
PPPx
[AB]C
A[BC]
A[B]C
[A][B][C]
Single alliteration
37
10
6
0
Double alliteration
6 (subtypeA1s); 1 (typeD)
5 (typeD)
0
0
84Given that no example of verse that is syntactically comparable to Hdl40.1 and accompanied with
double alliteration is attested in the corpus, one might be inclined to assume alternatively that a verb
phrase constituted by the first two words motivates composition of typeD as opposed to subtypeA1s
in defiance of syntactic constituency.

Type D (/ / )

119
The more extensive occurrences of the configuration PPpx compared with PPPx is
ascribed to the analogously uneven distribution of the corresponding basic configurations, PSpx and PSPx. As will be shown in section4.3.2 below, the configuration PSpx
(subtype A1s) is characterized as unmarked as against PSPx (type A2a); given this
markedness relation, their respective heavier variants (in which a primary-stressed
syllable substitutes for a secondary-stressed one) are naturally expected to display a
similar discrepancy in use. Since the two configurations PPpx and PPPx are predominantly instantiated by subtypeA1s and typeA2a, respectively, rather than by typeD,
their overall distribution pattern may reasonably be regarded as a transparent reflection of the central variants of the two types in question, PSpx and PSPx.
2.10.4The configurations PpXx and PsXx

As exemplified in (43), the configurations PpXx and PsXx, that is, Sieverss (1893:
34) typeD3 (see also Russom 1998: 107108), are characterized by the alignment of
the second lift to a short stressed syllable standing alone (por s) and of the first drop
to a long unstressed syllable (X). In comparison, the configurations Ppxx and Psxx,
in which the first drop is occupied by a short unstressed syllable (x, in opposition to
X), is unknown throughout Old Germanic verse (Sievers 1893: 198; see also Pipping
1903: 100, 113).85 There are fifteen examples of the configuration PpXx and five of the
configuration PsXx in the corpus.86
(43)
Vsp17.6ltt megandi [P#pXx]

Vkv 33.8 qvn Vlundar [P#pXx]
Grp 8.3 snotr, Siguri [P#pXx]
Sg 35.6 ikonungar (also Sg 39.10) [PsXx]
85The resolved first lift (px), however, is exceptionally followed by the sequence sxx, as in Hel 222b
aalboranes and 464b aalboranan [pxsxx] (Suzuki 2004: 199). Compare section4.3.6 below.
86PpXx, a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): HH 40.1; a-verse with double alliteration (3
examples): Grp8.3, GrII 29.5, Ghv7.3; b-verse (11 examples): Vsp17.6, 20.2, Vkv2.10, 33.8, Grp20.6,
30.2, 36.4, GrI 24.10, Sg21.4, 64.6, GrII 1.8.

PsXx, b-verse (five examples): Sg35.6, 39.10, Ghv3.10, 6.2, 14.4. Compare Sievers (1893: 61),
Gering (1924: 4, 32, 42, 179, 189, 195, 204, 215), and Pipping (1933: 31).
120
Table2.47.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PpXx, PsXx, Ppxx/Psxx, PPXx, PSXx, PPxx,
and PSxx
Configuration
PpXx
PsXx
Ppxx/Psxx
PPXx
PSXx
PPxx
PSxx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
4 (26.67%)
11 (73.33%)
15 (100%)
5 (100%)
5 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
29 (76.32%)
38 (100%)
13 (86.67%)
15 (100%)
39 (65.00%)
60 (100%)
6 (50.00%)
12 (100%)
1 (25.00%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
6 (66.67%)
2 (100%)
9 (42.86%)
4 (66.67%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
9 (23.68%)
2 (13.33%)
3 (75.00%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
3 (33.33%)
0 (0%)
21 (35.00%)
12 (57.14%)
6 (50.00%)
2 (33.33%)
The configurations PpXx and PsXx do not differ significantly from each other in terms
of verse distribution and alliterative pattern (p=0.530 and p=1, respectively). Nor
do they deviate statistically from their long counterparts, PPXx and PSXx on the one
hand, and PPxx and PSxx on the other, whether taken individually or in combination: p=1 (verse distribution) and p=0.266 (alliteration) for PpXx vs. PPXx; p=1
(verse distribution and alliteration) for PsXx vs. PSXx; p=0.761 (verse distribution)
and p=0.626 (alliteration) for PpXx vs. PPxx; p=0.102 (verse distribution) and p=1
(alliteration) for PsXx vs. PSxx; p=1 (verse distribution) and p=0.235 (alliteration)
for PpXx/PsXx vs. PPXx/PSXx; p=0.186 (verse distribution) and p=0.607 (alliteration) for PpXx/PsXx vs. PPxx/PSxx.
The verse-initial lift differentiates the configuration PpXx from the otherwise
identical one xpXx treated in section 2.8.3 above: both have in common the syllable concatenation pXx being aligned to the last three metrical positions. Despite
this isomorphism, however, the two configurations at issue receive different metrical
treatment: on the one hand, the typeC configuration xpXx is differentiated (if only
moderately) from either of its minimally distinct variants, xPXx and xPxx; on the
other hand, the typeD configuration PpXx is indistinguishable at all from either of
its closely related variants, PPXx and PPxx. In other words, the parameter of syllable
length on the first lift (in the case of the configuration xpXx) is of significant value,
whereas that on the second lift (in the case of the configuration PpXx) is not.

Type D- (/ / [])

121
Such a contrastive treatment, however, would seem far from coincidental in view
of the difference in inherent metrical prominence between the two lifts involved: the
first lift the metrical position of maximal prominence in a verse is the more likely
to be sensitive to a prosodic variation in linguistic material, and thus has a greater
degree of amenability to the controlled use predicated on details of prosodic resources.
Much the same differentiation is involved in the penultimate position between types C
(the second lift) and D (the first drop), as observed in section2.10.1 above.
Finally, it should be pointed out that the configurations PpXx and PsXx under
consideration defy identification with the catalectic verse forms PPx and PSx treated
in the following section: their verse distributions radically differ, with a p-value of
0.003, although the two groups are not differentiated in terms of alliterative pattern
(p=0.525), on account of the extremely small sample size of the configurations PpXx
and PsXx.
2.11Type D- (/ / [])
This catalectic type is characterized by deletion of the verse-final drop of typeD (/
/ ) on the surface. Exemplified in (44), we have thirty examples of typeD- in the
corpus.87
(44)
HHv 9.6 ormr dreyrfr [P#PS]

Vkv 15.4 Kirs dttir [P#Px]
HH21.5 igngan [PSx]
Vsp44.1 Geyr Garmr mioc [P#P#P]
Gr II 24.3 ll iofurs [P#px]
87PPS, a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Vsp 22.3, Hym 23.3; b-verse (5 examples):
Vsp42.4, HHv9.6, Od21.4, 21.6, R29.4.

PPx, a-verse with single alliteration (6 examples): Hym34.1, HH25.1, Sg2.7, Ghv11.3, R8.7,
Hdl29.7; a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): GrI 24.9, R24.5; b-verse (6 examples):
Vkv5.10, 15.4, 17.8, Bdr4.4, 6.8, Hdl10.2.

PSx, a-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): HH21.5, HHII 3.7, Ghv5.7; b-verse (1 example): Hdl9.2.

Ppx, a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Hlr14.7, GrII 24.3; b-verse (1 example):
Vsp16.8.

PPP, a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Vsp44.1, R35.1. Compare Sievers (1893:
68), Pipping (1903: 9), and Gering (1924: 5, 21, 26, 3233, 42, 47, 190, 212, 215).
122
Table2.48.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD- and its corresponding variants of
typeD
Configuration
PPS
PPx; PSx
PPx
PSx
PPP
Ppx
Total
PPSx
PPXx; PPxx;
PSXx; PSxx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
2 (28.57%)
5 (71.43%)
7 (100%)
11 (61.11%)
2 (18.18%)
7 (38.89%)
18 (100%)
8 (57.14%)
6 (42.86%)
14 (100%)
1 (25.00%)
4 (100%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
1 (33.33%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
9 (81.82%)
6 (75.00%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
3 (75.00%)
2 (100%)
2 (66.67%)
2 (100%)
2 (25.00%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
2 (100%)
9 (52.94%)
17 (56.67%)
8 (47.06%)
13 (43.33%)
30 (100%)
9 (39.13%)
23 (35.94%)
14 (60.87%)
41 (64.06%)
64 (100%)
38 (30.40%)
21 (55.26%)
17 (44.74%)
87 (69.60%)
125 (100%)
According to the stress properties of the final position, three variants may be recognized, PPS, PPx, and PPP. As it turns out, these three variants are all indistinguishable as regards their verse distribution and alliterative pattern. This is only natural,
given that the verse final position () is structurally incompatible with the binary
opposition between normal and heavy drops, much as are the two drops of typeD
(section2.10.1), that should be a prerequisite for the categorical distinction between
the three variants in question.
A further variant arises through alignment of the second lift to a short stressed
syllable, Ppx, the configuration that corresponds to the variant of type D, PpXx
(section 2.10.4). Just as the comparable typeD variant PpXx does not differ significantly from its minimally distinct forms PPXx and PPxx (section2.10.4), the catalectic, shorter counterpart Ppx is indistinguishable from the longer one PPx.
In the above examination, we treated the sequences PPx and PSx together, and
this is justified by their common structural properties of ending in an unstressed syllable as opposed to PPS and PPP and of being aligned to a long syllable in the
second lift as opposed to Ppx as well as by a lack of significant difference from
each other along the two parameters. Of vital interest, these two typeD- variants as

Type D- (/ / [])

123
a set receive distinct treatment from the variant PPS on a dimension other than the
two parameters discussed so far. This has to do with the distributional difference
from the full type, namely, typeD. When compared with the corresponding variants
of typeD, the configurations PPx and PSx differ significantly from their typeD counterparts PPXx, PPxx, PSXx, and PSxx in terms of verse distribution (p=0.016), while
the sequence PPS cannot be distinguished from its type D counterpart PPSx along
this parameter (p=1). Accordingly, the configurations PPx and PSx are more likely to
occur in the a-verse than their corresponding variants of typeD. As far as alliterative
pattern is concerned, neither variant is of significant difference (p=0.520 between
PPS and PPSx; p = 0.165 between PPx/PSx and PPXx/PPxx/PSXx/PSxx). Thus, the
significant association of typeA1- with an increased incidence of the a-verse recurs
partly in type D-, whereas the larger presence of single alliteration in the a-verse
that is characteristic of types A1- and C- fails to find even the remotest resemblance
here.
The lack of significant difference between the configurations PPS and PPSx seems
to be reminiscent of that between PSP (typeA2a-) and PSPx (typeA2a), examined in
section2.5 above. In both cases, the catalectic configurations contain a secondarystressed syllable for a drop. In this light, the contrast between stressed and unstressed
realizations of the sole drop in catalectic verses can be held responsible for the differential treatment in question. It might correspondingly be plausible to hypothesize
that the minimal prominence due to the absence of stress on the drop incurs such
a great degree of deviation from the canonical prominence of a verse that the verse
involved counts as least compatible with the unmarked status of the b-verse. Hence
the catalectic configurations with the unstressed drop fail to evince close association
with the b-verse; instead, they show a stronger preference for the a-verse.
As given in note87 above, there are two examples of the configuration PPP, definitely scanned as typeD- by virtue of double alliteration. Besides, one more similar
verse deserves attention, Hym21.4 up senn tv. This example, however, should better
be identified as typeA2a-, as scanned in section2.5 above. Indeed, single alliteration
renders this verse as apparently ambiguous in scansion, yet the constituent grouping
based on syntactic structure argues more plausibly for typeA2a-. In this verse, none of
the three words involved, up senn tv up simultaneously two, forms an autonomous
syntactic unit with either of the other two. In this sense, it is similar to the conjoined
construction that is embodied in Vsp30.7 Gunnr, Hildr, Gndul and R 25.3 Snt, Brr,
Svanni, both being [P#P#Px]. On account of double alliteration, these two verses are
unambiguously scanned as typeA2a, rather than typeD (section2.10.2). Drawing on
this similarity in terms of syntactic constituency or more precisely lack of syntactic
subgrouping we may be justified in characterizing by analogy Hym21.4 as a catalectic variant of type A2a, namely, type A2a-, with single alliteration, rather than
typeD-.
124
2.12Type D* (/ / )
2.12.1Major variants
This type consists of five metrical positions, thereby deviating from the norm of four
metrical positions per verse on account of the additional drop that is located between
the two lifts. As with typeD, two configurations are distinguished for purposes of reference depending on the relative prominence of the last two positions, subtypeDa*
on the one hand and subtypeDb* on the other. Parallel to subtypeDa, we may postulate the following variants, as exemplified in (45),88 on the basis of stress and syllable
length of the penultimate position as well as of syllable length of the second lift: Px
PSx, PxPsx, PxPPx, PxPpx, PxPXx, PxPxx, and PxpXx. The distribution of
these variants, along with subtypeDb*, is indicated in Table2.49.
88PxPSx, a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Od 30.5; a-verse with double alliteration
(3examples): Vkv9.5, Rm13.3, Ghv18.5.

PxPsx, a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Hym38.5, HHII 45.5; b-verse (1 example): Hdl29.8.

PxPSx (PSx = proper noun), a-verse with double alliteration (3 examples): Vkv39.3, Sg56.1,
R12.9.

PxPsx (Psx = proper noun), a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): rk7.7.

PxPPx, a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Hdl19.1; a-verse with double alliteration
(3 examples): Vkv11.1, HH51.1, Hdl13.5; b-verse (3 examples): Vsp22.6, HHII 40.4, Ghv4.4.

PxPpx, a-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): HH23.3, R4.11, Hdl46.1; a-verse with
double alliteration (1 example): rk11.3; b-verse (3 examples): Grp17.8, 24.6, Hdl32.2.

PxPXx, a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Vkv 1.7; a-verse with double alliteration (7examples): Vsp3.7, 8.3, Hym29.5, Sg4.1, GrII 5.1, Ghv9.1, Grt2.5; b-verse (2 examples):
Vsp20.6, HH16.4.

PxPxx, a-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Vkv23.1, Hdl49.5; a-verse with double
alliteration (1 example): GrI 6.3; b-verse (5 examples): rk25.4, 25.6, Vkv24.8, 35.4, Sg56.2.

PxpXx, a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Vkv18.9; a-verse with double alliteration
(2 examples): Grp10.5, GrII 24.5; b-verse (1 example): Br11.6.

PxPxS, b-verse (1 example): Hlr14.8.

PxPxP, a-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Grp30.3, Hdl49.7; a-verse with double
alliteration (9 examples): Vsp 47.3, Vkv 20.1, HH 20.1, HHv 32.1, HH II 51.7, Rm 11.7, Sg 69.1,
Hlr6.5, Hdl46.3; b-verse (8 examples): Grp33.8, 36.2, 45.2, 48.8, GrI 13.6, Sg13.4, 23.4, 48.2.

Compare Sievers (1893: 68), Gering (1924: 5, 26, 33, 42, 47, 179, 186, 195, 204), Heusler
(1956: 222), and Russom (1998: 42, 72).

Type D* (/ / )

(45)
125
Ghv 18.5 hest inn hrafra [P#x#PSx]

HHII 45.5 grtr , gullvari [P#x#Psx]
Vkv 39.3 bi Bvildi [P#x#PSx]
rk7.7 hefir Hlrria [px#x#Psx]
HH51.1 Renni raucn bitlu [Px#P#Px]
Grp 17.8 lifu heill, konungr [Px#P#px]
Vsp3.7 gap var ginnunga [P#x#PXx]
Vkv 23.1 Snemma kallai [Px#Pxx]
Gr II 24.5 qvmo konungar [Px#pXx]
Hlr 14.8 scstu, ggiarkyn [Px#PxS]
HHII 51.7 dauir dlgar, mr [Px#Px#P]
Table2.49.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD*

Configuration
PxPSx
PxPsx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
4 (100%)
0 (0%)
4 (100%)
1 (33.33%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
3 (42.86%)
7 (100%)
3 (42.86%)
7 (100%)
2 (20.00%)
10 (100%)
5 (62.50%)
8 (100%)
1 (25.00%)
4 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
11 (57.89%)
9 (81.82%)
8 (42.11%)
19 (100%)
43 (64.18%)
11 (25.58%)
32 (74.42%)
24 (35.82%)
67 (100%)
1 (25.00%)
0 (0%)
PxPSx (PSx =
proper noun)
0 (0%)
PxPsx (Psx =
proper noun)
0 (0%)
PxPPx
PxPpx
PxPXx
PxPxx
PxpXx
PxPxS
PxPxP
Total
1 (25.00%)
3 (75.00%)
1 (12.50%)
2 (66.67%)
1 (33.33)
0 (0%)
2 (18.18%)
2 (66.67%)
3 (100%)
1 (100%)
4 (57.14%)
4 (57.14%)
8 (80.00%)
3 (37.50%)
3 (75.00%)
0 (0%)
3 (75.00%)
2 (100%)
3 (100%)
1 (100%)
3 (75.00%)
1 (25.00%)
7 (87.50%)
1 (33.33%)
2 (66.67%)
0 (0%)
126
The configurations PxPsx and PxPpx, as represented by HHII 45.5 and Grp 17.8
(45), respectively, must be scanned as type D*, since no resolution occurs on the
heavy drop (section4.1). The logical possibility of regarding it as typeA2b is therefore
ruled out. For details, see section2.12.2 below.
Despite the variations on the surface, no significant difference is evinced by these
diverse configurations along the parameters that can be in force elsewhere. First, the
distinction between common and proper nouns is of no significance: p=1 for both
verse distribution and alliterative pattern between PxPSx (PSx = common noun) and
PxPSx (PSx = proper noun) and between PxPsx (Psx = common noun) and PxPsx
(Psx = proper noun). Second, the stress degrees of the penultimate syllable are of no
substantial consequence: p=0.192 (verse distribution) and p=1 (alliteration) between
PxPSx (combined) and PxPPx; p=1 (verse distribution) and p=0.143 (alliteration)
between PxPsx (combined) and PxPpx; p = 0.485 (verse distribution) and p = 1
(alliteration) between PxPSx (combined) and PxPXx; p=0.545 (verse distribution)
and p=0.400 (alliteration) between PxPsx (combined) and PxPxx; p=0.593 (verse
distribution) and p=1 (alliteration) between PxPPx and PxPXx; p=0.619 (verse
distribution) and p=1 (alliteration) between PxPpx and PxPxx. Third, the length
of the penultimate syllable makes no significant distinction: p=0.364 (verse distribution) and p=1 (alliteration) between PxPSx (combined) and PxPsx (combined);
p=1 (verse distribution) and p=0.486 (alliteration) between PxPPx and PxPpx;
p=0.145 (verse distribution) and p=0.152 (alliteration) between PxPXx and Px
Pxx. Finally, the length of the second lift is immaterial as a distinctive marker: p=1
(verse distribution) and p=0.491 (alliteration) between PxpXx and PxPXx.
Type D* is characterized by the insertion of an extra drop between the two successive lifts of typeD. We may accordingly wonder whether this compositional difference
has significant consequences for the properties of verse distribution and alliterative
pattern in the a-verse. As statistical testing shows on the basis of Tables 2.44 and
2.49, only some variants with long penultimate syllables are significantly differentiated between the two types in terms of verse distribution alone,89 notably when the
syllables involved bear nonprimary stress. More specifically, the configuration Px
PXx is differentiated from the four-position counterpart PPXx with a p-value of 0.002;
and the configuration PxPSx differs from the shorter one PPSx with a p-value of
0.002. These two typeD* variants occur in the a-verse with a significantly higher frequency than their type D counterparts. By contrast, the heavy configurations Px
PPx and PPPx are not distinguishable (p=1) from each other, nor are the remaining
89No significant difference is ascertainable as regards the alliterative pattern: p=0.372 between Px
PSx and PPSx; p=0.562 between PxPsx and PPsx; p=0.400 between PxPPx and PPPx; p=0.559
between PxPpx and PPpx; p=0.560 between PxPxx and PPxx; p=1 between PxpXx and PpXx.
The sole exception is a moderate difference between PxPXx and PPXx, with a p-value of 0.050. These
two configurations are thus differentiated on the two parameters.

Type D* (/ / )

127
variants with short penultimate syllables: PxPsx vs. PPsx (p=0.358); PxPpx vs.
PPpx (p=0.671); PxPxx vs. PPxx (p=1). Moreover, the configurations with the short
second lift (PxpXx and PpXx) hardly differ from each other, with a p-value of 0.117.
The extra drop (second position), the defining feature of typeD*, is subject to a
small range of variation. With the exception of Ghv 9.1 Gurn grtandi, this position
is unstressed; for the most part, it is filled by a single syllable, either a word-final
(-x#; 25 examples) or a separate function word (#x#; 33 examples); and it is realized
six times by a disyllable (e.g., Sg 56.1 Gefa mundu Gurno) and twice by a trisyllable,
respectively (e.g., Vkv 18.9 scca ec ann Vlundi). The distribution of the two variants
of unstressed monosyllables (-x# and #x#) is represented in Table2.50.
Table2.50.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD* according to composition of the
monosyllabic extra drop
Configuration
-x#
#x#
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
11 (44.00%)
14 (56.00%)
25 (100%)
8 (24.24%)
33 (100%)
5 (45.45%)
5 (20.00%)
6 (54.55%)
25 (75.76%)
20 (80.00%)
With a p-value of 0.017, the two realizations are statistically distinct: word-finals
and word-initials favor the b-verse and the a-verse, respectively. As far as alliterative
pattern is concerned, however, the two variants are indistinguishable (p=0.224). Of
particular interest, the significant association of word-finals with the b-verse on the
one hand and that of word-initials with the a-verse on the other for typeD* proves to
be identical with what we observed for the first drop of typeA1 in section2.1.1 and for
the second drop of typeB in section2.7. This trade-off relation between word-final and
word-initial unstressed syllables is thus identified as a recurrent pattern of organization in the metrical system.
The extreme rarity of the configuration PxPxS (subtypeDb*) is parallel to that
of PPxS (subtypeDb; section2.10.1). The exceptionality of these two configurations is
largely ascribed to the scarcity of the compound form PxS in the lexicon, as is that of
the typeB variant xPxS (section2.7). This provides a credible account of the higher
frequency with which the heavier and otherwise peripheral variant of this type,
namely, PxPxP, occurs, much as does that of subtypeDb (PPxP) in contrast to the
configuration PPxS. Since subtypes Da and Da* are unaffected by the virtual absence
of the compound form PxS and the compound PSx/Psx is much more common, the
marked heavy variants, PPP/px and PxPP/px, fail to figure centrally as against PPS/
sx and PxPS/sx, as expected.
In comparison with Beowulf, the low profile of typeD* proves to be characteristic
of fornyrislag. Specifically, the proportions of expanded configurations (typeD*) to
128
their basic ones (typeD), as shown in the total rows of in Table2.51 below, differ
significantly between the two meters, with a p-value of 0.010. This distinction, then,
requires explanation. In section2.10.1 above, we showed that the difference in stress
on the last two positions (drops) of type D lacks metrical significance in fornyris
lag as opposed to Beowulf. The demonstrable distinction between types D1 and D2
in Beowulf, on the other hand, has an important bearing on the expanded configurations generally referred to as typeD*: while typeD*1 is rather uncommon, typeD*2
(consisting of two subtypes D*2a and D*2b) is numerous in occurrence, as indicated
in Table2.51 (compare the rows without stress and with stress). More specifically,
the proportion of type D*1 to type D1 is lower than that of type D*2 to type D2 in
Beowulf with a statistically significant difference (p<0.001)
In this light, it will be of particular interest to examine the state of affairs in
fornyrislag: we would expect no comparable difference to obtain here, given the metrical uniformity of typeD disclosed above. As it turns out, with a p-value of 0.078, the
relative frequencies of types D and D* are unaffected by the presence of stress on the
last two positions. This is hardly surprising, when we recall that it is the heavy drop
that is closely correlated to the construction of expanded configurations in Beowulf,
and that typeD in fornyrislag has no access to such a prominent metrical position
in its representation (section2.10.1). Of greater importance to our present concern is
that the distribution pattern of types D/D* in fornyrislag hardly differs from that of
types D1/D*1 (p=0.138) on the one hand, and significantly differs from that of types
D2/D*2 (p<0.001), in Beowulf. Thus, the inaccessibility to the structural condition
for composition of typeD*, that is, the heavy drop integrated into typeD, subverts
productivity of this expanded type in fornyrislag. As a consequence, typeD* cannot
go beyond a minimal level of use comparable to that of type D1 in Beowulf, which
likewise lacks the formal support for derivation of typeD*1; accordingly, the overall
presence of typeD* becomes diminished in fornyrislag.
Table2.51.Proportion of typeD* to typeD in fornyrislag and Beowulf according to stress on the
last two positions
Meter
Stress
Fornyrislag
Without stress
With stress
Total
Beowulf
Without stress
With stress
Total
Type D*
Type D
Total
22 (13.17%)
45 (20.18%)
67 (17.18%)
145 (86.83%)
178 (79.82%)
323 (82.82%)
167 (100%)
223 (100%)
390 (100%)
53 (13.35%)
106 (39.41%)
159 (23.87%)
344 (86.65%)
163 (60.59%)
507 (76.13%)
397 (100%)
269 (100%)
666 (100%)
The nonexistence in fornyrislag of the variety of typeD that is equipped with a heavy
drop as well as a normal one what would correspond to typeD2 in Beowulf has
vital implications for the status of typeD* in general and that of the extra drop (stand-

Type D* (/ / )

129
ing between the lifts) in particular. By virtue of the secondary opposition between
heavy and normal drops that is built on the primary one between lift and drop, the
first lift of typeD2 is loaded with an enhanced capacity for manifesting prominence: it
must be distinguished in prosodic terms not only from the normal drop but also from
the heavy one.
Formally speaking, the first lift in question is encoded as a metrical unit corresponding to the head of a phonological (or prosodic) phrase (Suzuki 1996: 2735),
rather than simply the head of a word as usual, that is, a phonological unit that bears
a word stress (i.e., a long primary-stressed syllable P or a resolved disyllable px). While
in practice a prosodic phrase may be coextensive with a prosodic word, in theory it
constitutes a phonological unit next higher up in the prosodic hierarchy than one of
the word head (Suzuki 1996: 2735, 264, 380). The domain of a phonological phrase is
defined as one extending from a word-stress-bearing unit (= primary-stressed syllable
of a lexical item) up to, but not including, the next word- stress-bearing unit (= primary-stressed syllable). Put another way, a primary stress is a nucleus of the prosodic
phrase, whereas the following string of unstressed syllables constitutes an optional
subordinate that is attached to the nucleus through encliticization in a broad sense.
In terms of syllable concatenation, then, the metrical unit at issue is represented as
P/px(x).
Corresponding in this way to a higher and more extensive prosodic domain, the
first lift of typeD2 is capable of encompassing a sequence of a primary-stressed syllable (P or px) and any number of unstressed syllables (x) that are subordinated
to it. Whether the first lift is accompanied by an unstressed syllable or a concatenation thereof to follow, however, is purely contingent on the linguistic material at
hand. Thus, an unstressed syllable or a string of such unstressed syllables following
a primary stress that might be counted as the first drop of typeD*2 actually does not
constitute an independent metrical position, a drop; rather, it is integrated with the
immediately preceding stress as part of the first lift. In other words, the extra drop
of typeD*2 is more apparent than real in strictly metrical terms: lacking a metrical
identity on its own in the underlying representation, it arises as a consequence of
linguistic-metrical alignment on the surface.
The nonautonomous status of the extra drop of type D*2 in Beowulf does
not carry over to fornyrislag, however. Predicated on the simple opposition to
the normal drop in the absence of the heavy one, the first lift is mapped to the
primary stress bearing unit in the prosodic hierarchy, namely, the word level.
Any unstressed syllables that follow cannot be incorporated into the preceding
lift in fornyrislag, as the mechanism that enables such a metrical incorporation is not accessible to the Norse meter on account of the large-scale prosodic
reduction in the phonology. Alternatively, then, such extra unstressed syllables
must be aligned to a separate metrical position, an additional drop. Accordingly, fornyrislag has no other means of treating type D* than scanning it as a
five-position verse in defiance of the fundamental principle of four positions per
130
verse.90 This difference between fornyrislag and Beowulf is manifestly shown in

the following representations:
(46) / /
rk25.4 bta hvassara
//
Beo 1532a yrre retta
While the second syllable -re constitutes part of the first lift through encliticization
in Beowulf, the corresponding entity -ta is aligned to an independent position in
fornyrislag.
2.12.2The configurations PxPpx and PxPsx: on resolving ambiguity between

types A2b and D*
The configurations PxP#px and PxPsx are subject to two alternative scansions,
typeA2b on the one hand and typeD* on the other. There are eleven such verses in
the corpus,91 as follows:
(47)
Hym38.5 hver af hraunba [P#x#Psx]

rk11.3 rymr hefir inn hamar [P#xx#P#px]
HH23.3 beit hans t scrio [P#x#P#px]
HHII 45.5 grtr , gullvari [P#x#Psx]
Grp 17.8 lifu heill, konungr [Px#P#px]
Grp 24.6 lagt er alt fyrir [P#x#P#px]
R 4.11 reis hann upp aan [P#x#P#px]
Hdl 29.8 sl hann handbana [P#x#Psx]
Hdl 32.2hti beztr sona [Px#P#px]
Hdl 46.1 Snu burt hean [Px#P#px]
90As far as Beowulf meter is concerned, the scansion of typeD* may have posed a lesser threat to
the four-position principle: the derivation of typeD*2 from typeD2 by incorporating the following
additional linguistic material provides a model of analogy whereby a similar extension of language
material is implemented on the first lift that is not involved in the opposition to the heavy drop (compare Suzuki 1996: 103104).
91A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): HH23.3, R4.11, Hdl46.1; a-verse with double alliteration (4 examples): Hym 38.5, rk 7.7, 11.3, HH II 45.5; b-verse (4 examples): Grp 17.8, 24.6,
Hdl29.8, 32.2.

Type D* (/ / )

131
Given the scarcity of relevant examples, it will be apposite to treat the two variants
together, rather than to treat them individually. Correspondingly, no distinction will
be made between the primary- and secondary-stressed drops of types A2b and D*, the
two candidates for scansion, for purposes of comparison. Unlike many other cases
of ambiguity on the surface (see, for example, sections 2.10.2 and 2.10.3 above and
further below), that between types A2b and D* could not be resolved by resorting to
syntactic constituency, because the last two metrical positions (the second lift and
drop) are organized in analogous terms. Of decisive importance then seems to be the
overall distribution patterning of the three configurations under consideration, as
represented in Table2.52.
Table2.52.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxP#sx/PxPpx, PxPS/PS#PS/PxP#P
(typeA2b), and PxPSx/PxP#Px (typeD*)
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
PxPsx/PxP#px
7 (63.64%)
3 (42.86%)
4 (57.14%)
4 (36.36%)
11 (100%)
PxPS/PS#PS/PxP#P
62 (95.38%)
16 (25.81%)
46 (74.19%)
3 (4.62%)
65 (100%)
PxPSx/PxP#Px
11 (78.57%)
2 (18.18%)
9 (81.82%)
3 (21.43%)
14 (100%)
The results of statistical analysis (Fishers exact test) show that the apparently ambiguous configurations PxPsx/PxP#px differ significantly from typeA2b in terms of
verse distinction (p=0.007), but not from typeD* (p=0.656). The other parameter
of single versus double alliteration in the a-verse, however, is of no heuristic value,
as duly expected (p = 0.384 between PxPsx/PxPp#x and type A2b; p = 0.326
between PxPsx/PxPp#x and typeD*) because of the lack of significance on this
score between types A2b and D* (p=1). The statistical analysis may thus justify us in
concluding that the configurations PxPsx/PxP#px are identified as typeD*, rather
than typeA2b. The exclusion of the configurations PxPsx/PxP#px as legitimate
realizations of typeA2b entails in turn that this type does not allow resolution on the
heavy drop, just as its mirror image, typeA2a, disallows it from the corresponding
position (the first drop; section2.2.1).
Finally, it will be appropriate here to mention a minimally distinct configuration,
PxP#Px, with the penultimate primary-stressed syllable being long. When accompanied with single alliteration, this configuration may be open to two scansions,
types A1 and D*. Although the scansion as typeA1 seems to be less plausible given
the least likelihood of class 1 words serving as a drop, they may exceptionally occupy
the first drop of typeA1, as noted in section2.1.1 above: there are five examples of the
132
configuration P(x)#P(#)x#Px in which the second noun #Px# (or #P#x) serves as the
first drop of typeA1 (Vkv 7.7, Sg 33.1, 43.3, Gr III 7.1, Od 12.5; see [3] above). In this light,
scanning as typeD* the sequence in question in which the second P is immediately
followed by the third P cannot be regarded as self-evident. At issue are the following
four verses:
(48)
Vsp22.6 sei hon hug leikinn [P#x#P#Px]

HHII 40.4 ra menn dauir [Px#P#Px]
Ghv 4.4 leyfa d Hgna [Px#P#Px]
Hdl 19.1 Ketill ht vinr eira [px#x#P#Px]
Lehmann and Dillard (1954: 76) scan Vsp22.6 as typeC, with alliteration on hug; correspondingly, the preceding verse it is paired with, Vsp22.5 sei hon, hvars hon kunni,
must be read as typeA1 with hvars as alliterative. Given that the manuscript reading
of this line is sei hon kunni / sei hon leikinn (Neckel and Kuhn 1983: 6), we should
better attach greater importance and hence prominence to the original sei than to
the inserted words, hvars and hug. Therefore, we assume alliteration on the verseinitial word, sei.
Where the first and second primary-stressed syllables carry alliteration as exemplified below, the configuration constitutes typeD*.
(49)
Vkv 11.1 Sat hann sv lengi [P#x#P#Px]

HH51.1 Renni raucn bitlu [Px#P#Px]
Hdl 13.5 Fri var fair eirar [Px#x#px#Px]
By contrast, there are no examples of the same configuration with double alliteration
occurring on the first and last words, which would definitely be identified as typeA1.
This structural asymmetry can therefore be adduced as evidence for the claim that the
configuration at issue with single alliteration should be identified as typeD*.
Unlike Sg 45.3 Letia mar hna of the same configuration (Px#P#Px), which was
scanned as typeA1 in section2.1.1 above, the second P is filled by prototypical class 1
words in all of the four verses given in (48): hug mind, menn man, d deed, and
vinr friend. Notice that menn in HHII 40.4 is a full substantive men (acc. pl.), rather
than the one approaching a pronoun as in Sg 45.3. In this light, it seems to be most
plausible to align these words to the second lift of typeD*, and to correspondingly
reject the alternative scansion of these four verses as type A1 that is based on the
demotion of maximal lexical prominence inherent in class 1 words.

Type D* (/ / )

133
2.12.3The configuration PxxxP with single alliteration: on resolving ambiguity

between types A1- and D*
Susceptible to two alternative scansions is the configuration PxxxP in which at
least three syllables intervene between the primary-stressed syllables standing at the
beginning and the end of a verse, respectively, and the middle syllable of the verseinternal string (xxx) is located in word-initial position: P(#)x#xx#P or P(#)x#x#x#P.
Depending on whether we postulate a stress on the syllable in question, we obtain
two different scansions, typeA1- (P[#]x#xx#P or P[#]x#x#x#P) on the one hand and
typeD* (P[#]x#Px#P or P[#]x#P#x#P) on the other. The configuration in question is
represented by thirty-three examples in the corpus, as listed below.92
(50)
Vsp27.8 vito r enn, ea hvat [px#x#x#xx#P] (also Vsp28.14, 33.8, 35.8,

39.10, 41.8, 48.8, 62.8, 63.6); typeA1HHv 2.7 oc ks ec, atz ec vil [x#P#x#x#x#P]; typeA1HHv 39.3 bulungr, s er var [Px#x#x#P]; typeA1HHv 43.2 kem ec eigi r [P#x#xx#P]; typeA1HHII 33.1 Btia r at sver [Px#x#x#P]; typeA1HHII 33.11 hefir eigi mat [Px#xx#P]; typeA1Grp 30.3 segu, Grpir, at [Px#Px#P] (also Grp 48.8); typeD*
Grp 32.2 get ess fyr mr [P#x#x#x#P] (also Grp 48.2); typeA1Grp 33.8 dregr hon vl at gram [P#x#P#x#P]; typeD*
Grp 36.2m ec lta at [P#x#Px#P]; typeD*
Grp 45.2mttu egia [Px#Px#P]; typeD*
Gr I 13.6 legu munn vi grn [Px#P#x#P]; typeD*
Sg 7.2 iromc eptir ess [Px#xx#P]; typeA1Sg 13.4 sat um allan dag [P#x#Px#P]; typeD*
Sg 23.4 hn annan veg [P#x#Px#P]; typeD*
Sg 48.2 hon annan veg [P#x#Px#P]; typeD*
Sg 66.1 Tialdi ar um borg [Px#x#x#x#P]; typeA1Hlr 3.1 Bregu eigi mr [Px#xx#P]; typeA1Od 10.1 Hnca ec af v [Px#x#x#P]; typeA1Od 21.5 bau hann enn vi mr [P#x#x#x#P]; typeA1Ghv 3.5 hennar myndo i [Px#xx#P]; typeA1R 27.1 Gecc hann inn at at [P#x#x#x#P]; typeA1Hdl 49.7 eitri blandinn mioc [Px#Px#P]; typeD*
92A-verse with single alliteration (12 examples): HHv 2.7, 39.3, HH II 33.1, 33.11, Grp 30.3, Sg 66.1,
Hlr3.1, Od10.1, 21.5, Ghv3.5, R27.1, Hdl49.7; b-verse (21 examples): Vsp27.8, 28.14, 33.8, 35.8, 39.10,
41.8, 48.8, 62.8, 63.6, HHv43.2, Grp32.2, 33.8, 36.2, 45.2, 48.2, 48.8, GrI 13.6, Sg7.2, 13.4, 23.4, 48.2.
134
The varying likelihood with which the word-initial syllable standing verse-internally
serves as a lift or a part of a drop favors the choice of one scansion at the cost of the
other. The evaluation of the two competing scansions, however, is a matter of probability, rather than one of full determinism, predicated as it is on the lexical categorization that largely but not fully accounts for differing qualifications to serve as a lift
or a drop (section1.2). Concretely, the status of being a nominal maximizes the likelihood of lift formation, whereas function words such as pronouns and prepositions
are most likely to fill a drop unless specifically conditioned otherwise. Finite verbs
and adverbs stand between the two opposites. In light of this graded categorization of
lexical classes, Grp 30.3, 33.8, 36.2, 45.2, 48.8, Gr I 13.6, and Hdl 49.7 are more likely
to scan as typeD* than typeA1-. With a slightly lesser degree of certainty, Sg 13.4, 23.4,
and 48.2 may as well be categorized as typeD*. With respect to the remaining examples, however, the alternative scansion as typeA1- would claim greater plausibility:
as demonstrated in section2.2.1 above, finite verbs (full and auxiliary ones alike) are
incapable of forming even a less prominent metrical position, a heavy drop, when
they are mapped to the second position in the configurations P#x#Px and P#xx#Px.
In the absence of evidence to the contrary, it would be most reasonable not to assume
that comparable word classes (finite verbs e.g., myndo and adverbs e.g., enn)
are fully capable of constituting a stronger position, a lift, in an analogous context
(that is, in the second position). Correspondingly, the less salient words such as pronouns (e.g., ec) and prepositions (e.g., eptir) would be most in keeping with fulfilling
the role of a drop in stochastic terms. In conclusion, we would prefer to regard the
remaining twenty-three instances as typeA1-, with a stipulation that it is in principle
impossible fully to determine scansion on an individual basis given the probabilistic
nature of the problematics involved.
2.13Type E (/ \ /)
2.13.1Major variants
Having lifts in verse-initial and final positions, this type is distinguished from typeD
(/ / ) by the transposition of the second lift and the second drop. This structural
similarity between types E and D leads to ambiguity in scansion, as will be shown
in section2.13.5 below. The first drop of typeE, however, must be characterized as
heavy in opposition to normal: as demonstrated in section2.13.3 below, the concatenation PXx#P constitutes typeA1-, with the string -Xx# filling the first drop; in the
complete absence of lexically unstressed, word-medial syllables to be matched with,
the second position of type E is necessarily occupied by a secondary stress at the
least. Such an exclusive alignment to a lexically stressed syllable, then, justifies our
characterizing the position in question as heavy, as opposed to normal or neutral. By
contrast, typeD in fornyrislag is insensitive to such a distinction between the two

Type E (/ \ /)

135
kinds of drop, in contrast to Beowulf, where typeE finds a closer structural analogue
in typeD2b with a heavy drop in verse-final position (/ / \).
Largely on the basis of stress and lexical properties of the heavy drop (P, S) and
the location of the second drop () relative to the adjacent word boundaries (-x#, #x#),
this type falls into the following five variants, as exemplified in (51) and tabulated
in terms of distribution in Table 2.53: PSx#P (PSx = common noun); PS#x#P (PS =
common noun); PSx#P (PSx = proper noun); PS#x#P (PS= proper noun); PPxP.93
(51)
HH41.3 vargliom vanr [PSx#P]

Grt 8.2 fullspacr of ic [PS#x#P]
HH11.2 Sigmundar bur [PSx#P]
HHv 43.3 Rgheims vit [PS#x#P]
Br 16.3 svalt alt sal [P#P#x#P]
93PSx#P (PSx = common noun), a-verse with single alliteration (23 examples): Vsp8.7, 16.7, Hym5.7,
9.3, 28.3, 39.1, HH24.5, 35.3, 42.3, HHv4.3, 8.7, HHII 36.9, 47.3, Grp27.7, 34.5, Sg47.5, Hlr5.3, GrII 38.3,
38.7, Od33.3, Hdl35.3, Grt1.3, 13.3; a-verse with double alliteration (7 examples): Vsp6.3, 9.3, 23.3, 25.3,
HH41.3, GrII 21.7, Hdl38.3; b-verse (34 examples): Hym3.2, 8.6, 36.4, rk23.2, 27.4, Vkv2.6, 5.6, 7.4,
16.2, 30.4, HH13.2, 19.4, 26.2, 36.4, HHv7.6, HHII 28.8, 34.8, 48.6, 50.10, 51.4, Grp33.6, Rm14.2, GrI
2.2, 23.8, Sg14.2, 45.10, 46.2, GrII 11.2, 41.4, GrIII 6.2, Od3.6, Hdl35.6, Grt13.8, 21.4.

PS#x#P (PS= common noun), a-verse with single alliteration (5 examples): HH30.3, Grp26.3,
Br19.1, GrII 44.3, Hdl50.1; a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): R10.5; b-verse (7examples): HH13.8, Sg22.2, Hlr8.8, GrII 6.4, 24.4, Grt8.2, 11.8.

PSx#P (PSx = proper noun), a-verse with single alliteration (6 examples): Vsp 14.7, 38.3,
Hym7.3, HH33.1, HHII 50.3, Hlr8.3; a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): HHv35.7; b-verse
(11 examples): Vsp56.10, rk18.2, 20.2, HH11.2, 47.4, HHv2.2, HHII 12.6, Fm44.4, Ghv16.4,
Bdr2.6, Grt14.4.

PS#x#P (PS= proper noun), a-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): HHv43.3, Hdl18.5;
b-verse (4 examples): Vsp51.8, HH23.6, 32.2, R24.8.

PPxP, a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Hym32.5, Br16.3.

Compare Sievers (1885: 1744; 1893: 66), Gering (1924: 5, 10, 14, 18, 21, 26, 32, 38, 42, 47,
179, 182, 184, 186, 189190, 195196, 200, 204, 208, 211, 215, 219), and Russom (1998: 41,
110112).
136
Table2.53.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeE

Configuration
A-verse
B-verse
Total
PSx#P
(PSx = common noun)
30 (46.88%)
23 (76.67%)
7 (23.33%)
34 (53.12%)
64 (100%)
PS#x#P
(PSx = common noun)
6 (46.15%)
5 (83.33%)
1 (16.67%)
7 (53.85%)
13 (100%)
PSxP
(subtotal)
36 (46.75%)
28 (77.78%)
8 (22.22%)
41 (53.25%)
77 (100%)
PSx#P
(PSx = proper noun)
7 (38.89%)
6 (85.71%)
1 (14.29%)
11 (61.11%)
18 (100%)
2 (33.33%)
4 (66.67%)
6 (100%)
9 (37.50%)
8 (88.89%)
1 (11.11%)
15 (62.50%)
24 (100%)
2 (100%)
NA
2 (100%)
PS#x#P
(PS= proper noun)
2 (100%)
PSxP
(subtotal)
PPxP
Total
NA
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
47 (45.63%)
36 (76.60%)
11 (23.40%)
56 (54.37%)
103 (100%)
Disregarding the configuration PPxP, which will be treated in depth in sections 2.13.4
and 2.13.5 below, none of the remaining four variants is found to be distinguishable
from any other in distributional terms. In other words, neither word size (i.e., disyllabic vs. trisyllabic) nor word category (i.e., common vs. proper nouns) has any role
to play in determining the distribution pattern. The relevant p-values resulting from
Fishers exact tests are indicated in Table2.54.
Table2.54.P-values resulting from Fishers exact test concerning verse distinction (on the left) and
alliterative pattern
Configuration
PSx#P (cn)
PS#x#P (cn)
PSx#P (pn)
PS#x#P (pn)
PSx#P (cn)
PS#x#P (cn)
PSx#P (pn)
PS#x#P (pn)
1; 1
0.601; 1
0.681; 1
1; 1
0.727; 1
1; 1
0.601; 1
0.727; 1
1; 1
0.681; 1
1; 1
1; 1
Key: cn = common noun; pn = proper noun
Of interest is the fact that there is no instance of the configuration Psx#P in the corpus
(compare Pipping 1903: 44), which would otherwise be most likely to be scanned as
typeE, corresponding to verses like Beo 623b baghroden cwn and Beo 2779b mund

Type E (/ \ /)

137
bora ws. Given the exclusion of unstressed syllables as a realization of the heavy
drop of typeE (as will be demonstrated in section2.13.3 below), as well as the complete failure of this position to be realized by a short stressed syllable in fornyrislag
poetry, the minimally distinct configuration Pxx#P such as R 21.3 klloo Karl should
best be identified as typeA1-, with the two unstressed verse-internal syllables functioning as the first drop, as in the configurations Px#x#P (e.g., Hdl 14.1 li var r),
P#x#x#P (e.g., Ghv 14.5 l ec mr i), and the like.
The absolute absence of the configuration PsxP is quite surprising in view of
the large presence of the type D variant PPsx in which the last three positions are
occupied by a trisyllabic compound Psx, exactly the one that is duly expected to
fill the first three positions of type E. Indeed, the sequence PPsx occurs as frequently as its long counterpart PPSx in type D (Table 2.44). The radically differential treatment of the string Psx between types D and E is thus in need of principled
explanation.
The specific questions we must address then may be posed as follows: Why is
the realization of the drop by a short stressed syllable contingent on its location in a
verse? Or more concretely, why is the third position (typeD) susceptible to, and the
second (typeE) immune to, the occupation by a short stressed syllable, rather than
vice versa? And why is the short syllable, rather than the long one, subject to such a
condition on verse-internal location for realization?
These details in the differential treatment may as well be reducible to the interaction of linearity-based prominence of metrical positions on the one hand and difference in prosodic prominence between long and short syllables on the other. As
recurrently noted, the metrical position of the same category, the (heavy) drop in this
case, counts as more prominent as it is located closer to the beginning of a verse. On
the other hand, the long syllable has inherently greater prosodic prominence than
the short one by virtue of its larger quantity in terms of mora count. A fundamental
principle of linguistic-metrical association is to realize a given metrical position by
means of appropriate language material in terms of prominence. Put another way, the
more prominent a metrical position is on inherent grounds, the more likely it is to be
realized on the surface by salient material. Furthermore, the first drop (third position)
of typeD in fornyrislag is left unarticulated in terms of the opposition between heavy
and normal drops, in contrast to the typeE counterpart, which is specified as a heavy
drop; accordingly, unlike the heavy drop of typeE, the weak position of typeD is not
privileged for being loaded with a comparably large prominence.
Given the above syntagmatic scale of prominence and the nature of the drops
involved in types D and E, the heavy drop located in the second position of typeE
counts as categorically more prominent than the neutral drop standing in the penultimate position of typeD. The second position of typeE therefore demands material
of greater prominence than the third one of typeD. As a consequence, the heavy drop
of typeE is encoded with the stronger preference for the long syllable and conversely
the avoidance of the short one.
138
The above account thus explains the relative resistance of the second position
of typeE as opposed to the third one of typeD to the short syllable in contrast to the
long one. One might object, however, that it still falls short of providing a full account
of the absolute prohibition imposed on the second position against use of the short
syllable: the proposal is only capable of explaining the lesser likelihood of the second
position of typeE being realized by the short syllable.
This objection, however, proves to be ill-conceived on closer inspection. Beowulf,
indeed, allows the position in question to be occupied by the short syllable, as exemplified above. Yet, the poem displays a marked preference for the long syllable: there
are only 5 examples of the configuration Psx#P, whereas the long counterpart PSx#P
is instantiated by as many as 269 instances. Of vital importance, the proportion of
the shorter configuration Psx#P to the longer one PSx#P does not differ significantly
between eddic poetry (0 vs. 103) and Beowulf (5 vs. 269), with a p-value of 0.329 by
Fishers exact test. As it turns out, then, the total absence of the sequence Psx#P in
fornyrislag poetry lacks statistical significance given the diminished occurrence
there of typeE in general. Therefore, we are not required to offer a principled account
for the complete absence, rather than the small presence, of the configuration Psx#P
as opposed to PSx#P in the corpus of eddic poetry.
Sievers (1885; 1893) and Gering (1924) among other metrists acknowledged
typeE2 (/ \ /) as an independent verse type in distinction from typeE1 (/ \ /).94 The
following is a list of verses (thirty-three in all) that are scanned as typeE2 in Sievers
(1885) or Gering (1924). For the sake of reference to the discussion that follows, my
alternative scansions are also provided.
(52)
Vsp20.3 rir r eim s (Sievers 1885: 13, 21; Gering 1924: 5); Suzuki
typeA2b
Vsp29.2 hringa oc men (Sievers 1885: 23; Gering 1924: 5); Suzuki typeA1Hym20.8 lengra at roa (Sievers 1885: 41); MS, and Neckel and Kuhn: at ra
lengra; Suzuki typeA3
Hym39.1 rttflugr kom (Sievers 1885: 44); Suzuki typeE (= Sievers and Gerings E1)
rk8.8 Freyio at qvn (also rk11.8 and 22.6; Sievers 1885: 34; Gering 1924:
14); Suzuki typeA1rk9.7mtti hann r (Sievers 1885: 34; Gering 1924: 14); Suzuki A1rk30.7 vgit ocr saman (Sievers 1885: 37; Gering 1924:14); Suzuki subtypeA1s
Vkv 17.7 snit r hann (Gering 1924: 32); Suzuki A1
Vkv 19.3 bca ec ess bt (Gering 1924: 32); Suzuki typeA1Vkv 31.3 sofna ec minnzt (Gering 1924: 32); Suzuki typeA1-
94See also Ranisch (1888: 4647) and Brate (1898: 17).

Type E (/ \ /)

139
Vkv 31.7 vilnomc ec ess n (Gering 1924: 32); Suzuki typeA1Vkv 33.1 Eia scaltu mr r (Gering 1924: 32); Suzuki typeA1Vkv 37.1 Mltira at ml (Gering 1924: 32); Suzuki typeA1HHII 9.1 sagt es n mr (Gering 1924: 47); MS, and Neckel and Kuhn: N er
sagt, mr; Suzuki typeCHHII 19.5 iccia mr frir (Gering 1924: 47); Suzuki typeA3HHII 32.1 Scriat at scip (Gering 1924: 47); Suzuki typeA1HHII 32.5 rennia s marr (Gering 1924: 47); Suzuki typeA1HHII 33.1 Btia r at sver (Gering 1924: 47); Suzuki typeA1HHII 36.1 Sitca ec sv sl (Gering 1924: 47); Suzuki typeA1Br 9.1 Vria at smt (Gering 1924:186); Suzuki typeA3Sg 8.6 ganga be (Gering 1924: 195); Suzuki typeA1Sg 29.6 klcar v (Gering 1924: 195); Suzuki typeA1Sg 31.3 Hlrau af v (Gering 1924: 195); Suzuki typeA1Sg 34.5 varcat ec til ung (Gering 1924: 195); Suzuki typeA3Sg 60.8 grmir be (Gering 1924: 195); Suzuki typeA1Od 10.1 Hnca ec af v (Gering 1924: 211); Suzuki typeA1Ghv 20.6 blvafult eldr (Gering 1924: 215); Suzuki typeA1Hdl 1.6 ra vi scolom (Gering 1924: 26); Suzuki subtypeA1s
Hdl 13.5 Fri var fair (Gering 1924: 26); MS, and Neckel and Kuhn: Fri var
fair eirar; Suzuki typeD*
Hdl 14.1 li var r (Gering 1924: 26); Suzuki typeA1Hdl 20.5 fyrnd er s mg (Gering 1924: 26); Suzuki typeA1A good number of verses, however, should plausibly be excluded from the list. First,
Vsp20.3 may alternatively be regarded as typeA2b, as Sievers (1885: 13, 21) conceded.
Second, in favor of manuscript readings and following Neckel and Kuhn (1983),
Hym20.8, HHII 9.1, and Hdl 13.5 should better be rescanned as typeA3 (section2.3.1),
typeC- (section2.9), and typeD* (section2.12.1), respectively. Third, with a secondary stress falling on the medial rather than the final syllable of rttflugr, Hym39.1
should belong to typeE (typeE1 according to Sievers and Gering). Fourth, rk30.7
should be characterized as subtypeA1s with ocr, a class 3 word, serving as part of the
first drop rather than a heavy drop. Fifth, verse Hdl 1.6, too, constitutes an instance of
subtypeA1s (section2.1.3.2) with the penultimate short syllable serving as the second
lift on its own. Sixth, Vkv 17.7 may as well be regarded as typeA1, with the final drop
filled by an independent word (section 2.1.2). Seventh, in light of the alliteration
occurring solely on the final lift, HHII 19.5, Br 9.1, and Sg 34.5 must be identified as
typeA3- (section2.6).
The above screening leaves us then with twenty-two examples. All of these are
properly scanned as type A1-, with the sole exception of Ghv 20.6, which will be
treated separately in due course. The issue to be addressed next is to evaluate the
two competing characterizations, as typeE2 on the one hand and as typeA1- on the
140
other. The postulation of typeA1- is primarily motivated by the existence of numerous verses (seventy-seven in all; Table 2.30, section 2.4) of the form PxP in which
the verse-medial drop is realized by a single unstressed syllable. This configuration
would utterly defy scansion unless typeA1- were posited as a legitimate metrical type.
Given this independently required typeA1-, the twenty-one verses in question readily
yield to an analogous scansion. The proposed metrical identification is predicated on
the following line of reasoning: a verse-internal drop in general and that of typeA1
in particular, which is the basis of the catalectic variant at issue, is qualified for a
polysyllabic realization. And whatever fine distinctions in prominence ascertainable
between individual weakly stressed (or unstressed) syllables are immaterial insofar
as the syllables involved serve as a common occupant of the same drop. Therefore, a
string of two unstressed syllables is assigned to a single medial drop, the verses under
consideration are scanned as / /, and proper instances of type A1- are therefore
obtained.
By contrast, the alternative scansion as typeE2 seems to be dubious, given the
precarious empirical basis on which this type stands: there is only a single example
in the corpus that manifests most transparently the prosodic contour distinctive of
typeE2, namely, Ghv 20.6 (52). In it, the first three metrical positions are embodied by
a single compound noun blvafult (< blva-fullr balefull, full of bale) with the stress
contour / \. In this light, we must conclude that typeE2, realized only singly in its
maximally transparent and prototypical shape, is least likely to provide a firm basis
of scansion for obviously more deviant instances.
One might in turn compromise but still object, however, that the configuration / / \, a variant of typeD, too, depends comparably on a sole realization in the
corpus of its prototype, namely, P#PxS (Hdl 28.1 Haraldr hilditnn), as pointed out
in section2.10.1 above. Arguing then that the configuration / \ / ought to be wellmotivated to the same extent that the well-established one, / / \, is, one might go
on to claim that to reject the configuration / \ / is tantamount to discarding / / \,
which would be extremely infeasible in view of its secure status in the meter: insofar
as the configuration / / \ has to be acknowledged as a legitimate realization variant
of typeD, so must be the corresponding one (/ \ /) of typeE.
The above compromised conceptualization would entail that typeE must be identified as / /, comparable to typeD / / , and that the configuration / / \ should
be identified as a surface variant of typeE, rather than as a distinct verse type of its
own, as originally conceived by Sievers, Gering, and others. On closer examination,
this weakened claim proves to be less convincing than it might seem at first sight. The
variant / / \ of typeD is motivated not only by the configuration P#PxS, but also by
the verse form P#Px#P with double alliteration. There are eighteen such verses in the
corpus (Table2.44). These examples would remain unscannable without postulation
of the realization variant of typeD in question. In marked contrast, the configuration
under discussion, namely, PxP, is amenable to a proper scansion that is alternative
to the one as a variant of typeE, namely, as typeA1-.

Type E (/ \ /)

141
Furthermore, none of the alleged twenty-one examples of type E2 (or the corresponding realization of type E on the surface) has a noun or adjective, that is, a
member of the most prominent word class (class 1), as an occupant of the (heavy)
drop. On the other hand, the final drop of typeD is often realized by such a maximally
salient word, as seen in Vsp41.3 rr ragna siot, Hym35.3 aptr ins sonr, HH1.3 hnigo
heilog vtn, and others. In this way, the prosodic contour of the realization variant
of typeD, / / \, is manifested convergently by a body of indisputable examples in
contrast to the alleged configuration / \ /. The basis of these two configurations thus
turns out to be far from comparable in substance, and the postulation of the configuration / \ / at whichever level of analysis whether as a verse type or as a realization variant remains uniquely vulnerable to the accusation that it is ill-founded in
empirical terms.
Finally, Ghv 20.6 needs special consideration. With the prosodic contour PxS#P,
this verse might appear to be a prime instance of the metrical configuration / \ /. The
absence of other analogous examples, however, would make us cautious in positing
an independent metrical type. This case seems to be similar to the unique presence of
the configuration PxS#Px, instantiated by Gr I 6.2 Hnalanz drtning (section2.1.1).
Given the extreme paucity of data, we would naturally hesitate to identify this configuration as a legitimate verse type in the metrical system. Rather a more plausible
if ad hoc, but certainly less costly in theoretical terms account would be to regard
these two exceptional examples as most deviant instantiations of typeA1- (Ghv 20.6)
and typeA1 (Gr I 6.2), respectively, whereby the otherwise least accessible prosodic
sequence PxS is uniquely pressed into the first two positions of the metrical templates
/ / [] (typeA1-) and / / (typeA1), and sanctioned thereby for whatever reason.
In conclusion, lacking substantial evidence in itself and opposed by a more plausible, independently motivated alternative scansion, the so-called type E2 cannot
claim its legitimate status as a distinct verse type in the metrical system and also as a
legitimate realization variant of typeE. Accordingly, the configuration / \ / constitutes the sole variant of typeE, and Sieverss and Gerings distinction between types
E1 and E2 must be rejected as ill-founded.
2.13.2The configurations PSxpx and PXxpx:

on resolving ambiguity between typeE and subtypeA1s
Subject to two alternative scansions, typeE or E* (Gering 1924: 32, 33, 186) on the one
hand, and subtypeA1s (as will be proposed below) on the other, the configurations
PSxpx and PXxpx are extremely rare. First, Vkv 4.3 Slagfir oc Egill Gering (1924: 32)
scans this verse as typeE (/ \ /) is the sole example of the configuration PS#x#px;
the other logically possible one, PSx#px, is totally unattested in the corpus. Second,
the configuration PXx#px occurs twice but exactly in the same form, Vkv 29.5 and
38.1 Hliandi Vlundr Gering (1924: 33) scans these verses as typeE*1 (/ \ /); the
142
other sequence PX#x#px is attested once, Br 5.1 Soltinn var Sigurr Gering (1924:
186) scans this verse as typeE*2 (/ \ /). Noteworthy at this point seem to be the following two properties. First, three of these four exceptional verses appear in the same
poem, Vkv. Second, the four instances are all a-verses.
As observed above (Table 2.53), the configuration PSx[common noun]#P is the
most frequent variant of type E (64 examples), far outnumbering the less common
ones PSx[proper noun]#P (18 examples), PS[common noun]#x#P (13 examples), and
PS[proper noun]#x#P (6 examples). Moreover, the configurations PXx#P and PX#x#P
are ruled out as realizations of type E; rather, they must be identified as type A1-,
as demonstrated in section2.13.3 below. If resolution occurred on the second lift in
typeE in general, we would reasonably expect, in the absence of evidence for assuming to the contrary, that the configuration PSx[common noun]#px should be attested
correspondingly more extensively than any other resolved variants of typeE. As it is,
however, there is no example of the configuration PSx[common noun]#px at all. On
the other hand, PS[proper noun]#x#px is found once, which should be corresponding
to the most peripheral variant of typeE, PS#x#P; and most puzzlingly, the majority,
that is, the remaining two configurations, PXx#px and PX#x#px, cannot be associated
with typeE by any means, as the configurations PXx#P and PX#x#P do not instantiate
typeE (section2.13.3).
Thus, invoking resolution on the second lift of typeE could deal with only the
single instance of the marked sequence PS[proper noun]#x#px in the total absence
of theoretically expected unmarked counterpart PSx[common noun]#px. Concomitantly, this analysis would be incapable of accounting for the configurations PXx#px
and PX#x#px in analogous fashion, because their putative basis of derivation, the
forms PXx#P and PX#x#P, belong to a separate, unrelated verse type (type A1-;
section 2.13.3), and an appeal to resolution would be out of the question. Still less
viable would be Gerings analysis whereby the final short disyllable is aligned to
two positions, the second lift and the second drop, by suspension of resolution. The
resultant configuration would comprise five positions in violation of the four-position
principle. Moreover, the minimally distinct form with the long second lift, namely,
PXx#Px, is identified as type A1 (section 2.1.3.3), a four-position verse, rather than
typeE* or typeA*; after all, there is no independent evidence for postulating fiveposition verse types in fornyrislag, apart from anacrusis and typeD* (section3.3).
The implausibility of the configuration PXxpx being identified as a resolved
variant of typeE, however, does not necessarily follow from the scansion of PXxP as
typeA1-. Even the hypothetical scansion of the configuration PXxP as typeE would
scarcely be compatible with the derivation of the sequence PXxpx through implementation of resolution on the second lift. At this point, then, let us assume simply for the
sake of argument that the sequence PXxP is typeE, as is the heavier one PSxP, and see
its consequences for the scansion of the configurations PSxpx and PXxpx as typeE
with the resolved second lift. It should be noted in passing that, in order to perform
statistical analysis most effectively below, we recategorize the data in a more general

Type E (/ \ /)

143
way on the basis of a binary distinction between S and X located in the second position, in disregard of differing locations of word boundaries. On this working hypothesis, we would then obtain the following inventory of four variants of typeE, PSxP,
PXxP, PSxpx, and PXxpx (Table2.55). More specifically, we have 101 examples of PSxP
(typeE; Table2.53) and 13 examples of PXxP (actually typeA1-: HH5.2, 16.3, 27.5, HHv
39.3, HHII 4.14, 13.8, 30.7, 47.4, Grp 10.2, 37.7, Fm 44.7, Br 18.3, Sg 41.3; section2.13.3
below), as against 1 of PSxpx (Vkv 4.3) and 3 of PXxpx (Vkv 29.5, 38.1, Br 5.1).
Table2.55.Hypothetical typeE variants ending in P and px
Configuration
Counts
PSxP
PXxP
PSxpx
PXxpx
101
13
1
3
85.59
11.02
0.85
2.54
Total
118
100
There is no doubt that the configuration PSxP constitutes a prototypical variant of

type E, because it is most strongly represented in quantitative terms, and because
the heavy drop (second position) is realized by a lexically stressed syllable through
optimal alignment. By contrast, the configuration PXxP counts as marked against the
above prototype by virtue of the less than optimal alignment to unstressed material,
as is substantiated by the uncommon occurrences. Given this markedness relation,
we would expect their resolved counterparts PSxpx and PXxpx to behave in comparable fashion in their relative incidence to each other. Specifically, no significant
difference would be detectable between the basic and the resolved pair in their distribution patterns. In order to verify this prediction, we perform statistical analysis
on the proportions of the resolved and unresolved variants to see whether or not
they are significantly differentiated between the two sets of typeE according to our
working hypothesis. The overall distribution is represented in the two-by-two contingency table (Table2.56), which displays the proportion of resolved and normal variants of typeE along the parameter of the distinction between PSx and PXx appearing
in the first three positions.
Table2.56.Proportion of PSxP/PSxpx and PXxP/PXxpx
Configuration
PSx
PXx
P
101 (99.02%)
13 (81.25%)
px
1 (0.98%)
3 (18.75%)
Total
102 (100%)
16 (100%)
144
As it turns out, Fishers exact test shows that the distributions of the two sets are of
significant difference with a p-value of 0.008: the configuration PXxpx occurs with a
statistically higher incidence than the stressed counterpart PSxpx, relative to PXxP
and PSxP, respectively. In other words, the weakly stressed configuration PXxP is
more likely to be resolved on the final lift.
The stronger preference of the configuration PXxP for resolution thus proves
to be at variance with our expectation of lack of significance on this parameter. This
falsification may call into question the underlying assumptions we started with, as
follows: generally, the configuration PXxP constitutes typeE, as does PSxP; and more
specifically, the corresponding sequences PSxpx and PXxpx are characterized as their
resolved variants. Concerning the second assumption in particular, if only the sequence
PXxpx were not assigned to typeE irrespective of the scansion of PXxP and PSxpx, we
would not encounter this unexpectedly high incidence of the resolved variety PXxpx.
Thus, whether or not the configuration PXxP is scanned as typeE, identifying PXxpx as
a resolved variant of typeE proves to be objectionable on all accounts.
Much the same criticism would apply to Gerings scansion as the allegedly
expanded variant of typeE* (/ \ /): given the indisputable fact that the first three
positions of type E are prototypically occupied by the compound form PSx, it may
counterfactually follow that the expanded variant would be more likely to be realized
by the configuration PSxpx than PXxpx.
The foregoing discussion in turn gives correspondingly greater plausibility to the
alternative identification as noncentral variants of subtype A1s, as proposed here.
Under the alternative view that the sequences at issue PSxpx and PXxpx scan
as subtype A1s, the stressed and unstressed disyllables Sx and Xx are assigned to
the first drop. This position is prototypically realized by a secondary-stressed syllable (S), as shown in section2.1.3.1 above; in more peripheral variants of this subtype
(section 2.1.3.2), which primarily concern us here, the position is subject to a wide
range of variation in syllable concatenation, as shown in Table2.57.
Table2.57.Composition of the first drop in subtypeA1s (excluding Vkv 4.3, 29.5, 38.1, and Br 5.1)
First drop
Counts
-S#
#P#
-X#
#x#
-x#
#x#x#
-x#x#
#xx#
-xx#
158
43
29
27
8
7
5
2
1
56.43
15.36
10.36
9.64
2.86
2.50
1.79
0.71
0.36
Total
280
100

Type E (/ \ /)

145
Of particular importance is the absence of polysyllabic sequences beginning with a

stressed syllable as realizations of the first drop of subtypeA1s, in sharp contrast to
the preponderance of stressed monosyllables (-S#). Noteworthy also is the existence
of the disyllables -xx# and -x#x#, in distinction from their minimally distinct, nonoccurring strings -Xx# and -X#x, respectively. These gaps become all the more striking,
when compared with the variation of the first drop in typeA1 with the long second
lift and of typeA2b. As shown in sections 2.1.1 and 2.2.2 above, although very rare, the
concatenation -Sx is attested by eight examples in all, with seven instances of -S#x
(Vkv 1.2, 15.1, HH14.5, Grp 50.3, Od 17.1, Bdr 6.1, Hdl 21.1) and a single one of -Sx# (Sg
2.3). Also attested are the concatenations -Xx# (8 examples: Vkv 29.7, HHII 28.5, Gr II
32.1, Ghv 7.1, Bdr 8.1, 10.1, 12.1, 13.1; see section2.13.3 below) and -X#x# (14 examples:
Vsp6.9, Vkv 1.6, 30.6, 31.7, HHII 19.4, Grp 37.3, Br 15.6, Gr I 1.2, Sg 10.2, 14.1, Gr II
5.8, R 23.6, Hdl 18.3, 27.1; see section2.13.3 below), although again only occasionally
but more frequently than the sequences -Sx# and -S#x. Since the compositions of the
first drop of type A1, type A2b, and subtype A1s (peripheral variants) are indistinguishable, the apparent absence of the syllable concatenations -Sx#, -S#x#, -Xx#, and
-X#x# between P and px, in sharp contrast to between P and Px/PS, would appear to
be puzzling and beyond explanation.
The identification of the verses under consideration as subtype A1s, however,
would provide an explanatory account for the above peculiarities and further details.
First, the gaps turn out to be more apparent than real: actually embodied in the four
verses in question (Vkv 4.3, 29.5, 38.1, and Br 5.1), the unexpectedly missing concatenations are all there, with the exception of -Sx#. Second, that the string -Sx# is totally
absent, rather than any of the three others, yields to understanding, in view of the
fact that the same concatenation is the rarest in typeA1 itself. Third, the four verses
at issue are all a-verses. Since type E in general is more or less evenly distributed
between the a-verse and the b-verse, with a slight predilection toward the latter if
any distinction has to be made, the exclusion of the b-verse here would defy understanding under the view that these verses constitute typeE. On the alternative view,
however, the strong prejudice toward the a-verse is subject to explanation. The concatenations -S#x and -Xx# show a marked preference for the a-verse, as demonstrated
in sections 2.1.1 and 2.1.3.3 above. Furthermore, the high profile of Vkv in the attestation of the configurations PSxpx and PXxpx would seem to be hardly surprising in
view of the maximal occurrence in the same work of the sequences PSx and PXx as the
realizations of the first two positions (/) of types A1 and A2b.
2.13.3The configuration PXxP: on resolving ambiguity between types E and A1The sequence PXxP is instantiated by two variants, PXx#P and PX#x(#x)#P, as given
in (53) and (54), and all told thirteen examples are found in the corpus. Apparently,
this configuration is subject to two conflicting scansions, typeE and typeA1-.
146
(53)
PXx#P (7 examples)
HH5.2 Ylfinga ni
HH27.5 eisandi gecc
HHII 4.14 Ylfinga man
HHII 47.4 Ylfinga nir
Grp 10.2 ttingi, mr
Fm 44.7 scioldunga nir
Sg 41.3 annarrar ver
(54)
PX#x(#x)#P (6 examples)
HH16.3 dglingr at v
HHv 39.3 bulungr, s er var
HHII 13.8 dglingr fyr mr
HHII 30.7 bulungr, s er var
Grp 37.7 Gunnarr oc
Br 18.3migr vit
Except for the verse bulungr, s er var (HHv 39.3 and HH II 30.7), the posttonic
sequences involved are all disyllabic (-Xx# or -X#x).
Minimally different from the two configurations PXx#P and PX#x(#x)#P are
PXx#Px and PX#x(#x)#Px, respectively, as follows, which scan as typeA1 (or typeA2b
where the final drop is realized by the second element of a compound proper name).
(55)
PXx#Px or PXx#PS (8 examples)

Vkv 29.7 grtandi Bvildr
HHII 28.5 vantattu vgi
Gr II 32.1 Grtandi Grmildr
Ghv 7.1 Hliandi Gurn
Bdr 8.1 egiattu, vlva (also Bdr 10.1, 12.1)
Bdr 13.1 Ertattu Vegtamr
(56)
PX#x(#x)#Px (14 examples)

Vsp6.9 undorn oc aptan
Vkv 1.6 settuz at hvlaz (similarly, Vkv 30.6)
Vkv 31.7 vilnomc ec ess n
HHII 19.4 gullinn fyrir stafni
Grp 37.3 Gunnarr oc Hgni (also Hdl 27.1)
Br 15.6 goriz at segia (similarly, Gr I 1.2)
Sg 10.2 hvetiaz at vgi
Sg 14.1 mist hann hugi
Gr II 5.8 eigendr n lifot
R 23.6 settiz undir ripti
Hdl 18.3 luz tt ar

Type E (/ \ /)

147
Thus, the configurations PXx#P and PX#x(#x)#P are differentiated from typeA1 (or
type A2b) solely by the absence of the verse-final drop. This structural opposition
is predicated precisely on catalexis, a deletion of a verse-final weak position on the
surface. It therefore follows that, lacking the final drop as they do, the two configurations under consideration may be identified as type A1-, rather than type E, the
alternative candidate.
That the presence of the minimally distinct configuration ending in a drop provides a primary criterion for metrical identification is corroborated by the scansion of
the configuration PSxP as typeE. Of central interest here is the prototypical variant
of this type (i.e., PSx#P), in which the initial sequence PSx is realized by a trisyllabic
compound common noun, rather than a compound proper name. As pointed out in
section2.1.1 above, there is no example of the verse form PSx#Px in the corpus. In the
absence of this hypothetical form, the configuration PSx#P totally defies identification as a catalectic one; rather it constitutes a full form with four manifest metrical
positions.
In section2.1.1 above, we postulated the hierarchy (2) that ranks the four varieties
of the configuration PSxPx in terms of their acceptability as typeA1, which may be
reproduced here for ease of reference:
(57)
PS#x#Px (proper names) > PSx#Px (proper names) > PS#x#Px/PSx#Px (true
compounds)
A > B: A ranks higher than B, i.e., more acceptable
The variant PSx#Px we discussed above counts as the least acceptable form of
typeA1, which is actually unattested in the corpus. By contrast, the minimally differentiated counterpart PSx#P constitutes the prototypical variant of typeE (Table2.53).
At the other extreme, the most frequent variant of type A1 in the above list is the
sequence PS[proper name]#x#Px. Its minimally opposed form PS[proper name]#x#P
is characterized as the most peripheral instance of type E among the four variants
of PSxP (Table 2.53, section 2.13.1). In this way, the converse of the above ranking
largely applies to typeE as a measure of metrical acceptability, which may be generalized as follows: PSx#P (true compounds) > PS#x#P (true compounds)/PSx#P (proper
names) > PS#x#P (proper names). With a certain range of variation in the middle
section allowed for, the overall ranking is found to be common to both metrical
types.
In light of the above consideration, the string PXx can be incorporated into the
scale as a further segment at the leftmost end, and the verse-final segments P and Px
may be left unexpressed as variables. The whole hierarchy which may be termed
the prominence scale of trisyllables with a long medial syllable may accordingly be
represented as follows, which is predicated on the three parameters, (i) the presence
versus absence of a lexical stress in the medial syllable, (ii) the common versus proper
nouns, and (iii) the disyllabic versus trisyllabic word forms:
148
(58)
PXx < PS#x (proper names) < PSx# (proper names) < PS#x (true compounds)
< PSx# (true compounds)
Thus, just as the rightmost member the most prominent one PSx# counts as
utterly unacceptable as the first two positions of typeA1 and its catalectic derivative,
typeA1-, the least prominent string PXx, as located at the leftmost extreme, is dismissed as an unmetrical realization of the first three positions of typeE. Conversely,
the maximally prominent string PSx# provides optimal material for realizing the first
three positions of typeE, whereas the minimally salient sequence PXx occurs most
frequently as the initial part of types A1 and A1- among the five members in the scale.
2.13.4The configuration PPxP with double alliteration: on resolving ambiguity

between types E and A1Of concern here is the verse form containing three stressable words, the first of which
is monosyllabic (P or its resolved equivalent px) and followed immediately by the
second one (P or Px), which in turn precedes the third one (P), with an unstressed syllable either belonging to the preceding word or not standing between these two
primary-stressable syllables (PPxP). When loaded with double alliteration on the first
and last syllables, this configuration PPxP is amenable to two alternative scansions
with varying degrees of likelihood, typeE on the one hand and typeA1- on the other.
There are twenty-two examples in the corpus, as given in (59) scanned as typeE
and (60) scanned as type A1-, respectively. The heavy configuration in question
arises through substitution of the long secondary-stressed or the long weakly stressed
syllable with the primary one.
(59)
PPxP with double alliteration, typeE (2 examples)

Hym32.5 Karl or um qva
Br 16.3 svalt alt sal
(60)
PPxP or PxxP with double alliteration, typeA1- (20 examples)

Hym12.3 sv fora sr
rk17.1 qva at rr (similarly, rk22.1, 25.1, 30.1)
Vkv 31.1 Vaki ec valt
Grp 29.5 svefn n sefr
Gr I 23.3 Vn s s vttr
Gr I 27.1 St hon und sto
Sg 28.1 Mr unni mr
Sg 37.7 at myndi
Sg 39.1 eim htomc
Sg 44.11 ltom v

Type E (/ \ /)

149
Gr III 9.1 Br hon til botz

Ghv 14.5 l ec mr i
R 6.1 ar var hann at at (also R 20.1, 33.5)
R 23.5 Snr heitir s
Grt 17.3 malit hefi ec fyr mic
The ambiguity in scansion is unique to fornyrislag, and absolutely unknown to its
West Germanic cognate meters, in which typeA1- is categorically absent. The extent
to which scansion suffers from ambiguity varies in individual cases depending on the
inherent prominence and context-based stressability of the second words involved.
More specifically, when words of the first lexical class nouns and adjectives are
found in the second position, the verses concerned are most likely to be identified
as typeE (59). By contrast, the words with lesser degrees of stressability may make
scansion as typeA1- more feasible.95 By this criterion, only two verses are determined
as typeE with certitude, namely, Hym32.5 and Br 16.3 (59), whereas the verses with
a monosyllabic word other than a noun or an adjective appearing in the second position may scan as type A1- with greater plausibility. The disyllabic or longer strings
starting with a nonnominal, monosyllabic word constitute normal instantiations of
the first drop of typeA1 (section2.1.1) as well as typeA1- (section2.4).
This leaves us then with the seven examples in which the second word involved
is disyllabic and nonnominal of the form Px, that is, Hym12.3 (fora), Sg 28.1 (unni),
Sg 37.7 (myndi), Sg 39.1 (htomc), Sg 44.11 (ltom), R 23.5 (heitir), and Grt 17.3, as
given in (60) above. The second words are all verbs, being qualified to form a lift, a
heavy drop, as well as a drop. Of particular importance in this regard are the following constraints on the structure of types E and A1, as generalized with reference to
the prominence scale of trisyllables with a long medial syllable, presented at the end
of the last section. First, the prototypical form of typeE is the configuration PSx#P
with the second and third syllables subsumed under the same word-constituent,
that is, the second element of a nominal compound. Second, the sequence PSx#Px
(or PSx#PS) is ruled out as a legitimate variant of typeA1 (or typeA2b). Third, the
trisyllabic word PXx is only infrequently used as a realization of the first two positions of type A1 (section 2.1.3.3) and never manifests as the first three positions of
typeE (section2.13.3). In other words, a disyllabic word-constituent that is incapable
of occurring independently as a nominal is unqualified to constitute the sequence
of the heavy and normal drops of typeE. Fourth, disyllabic verbs with the first syllable long and stressable (Px) are frequently used as part of the first drop of typeA1
95In Beowulf, verses like Beo 183b W bi m e sceal and 186b Wl bi m e mt have no other
possibility of scansion than as typeE, even though a light verb bi is least likely to be perceived as
prominent.
150
(section 2.2.1). Given the nonnominal identity of the word forms under consideration, these facts taken altogether seem to converge on the scansion as typeA1- at the
expense of the one as typeE. Therefore, the configuration P#Px#P in which the first
and last syllables alliterate and the second word constitutes a disyllabic verb are most
likely to be characterized as typeA1- rather than typeE, and should accordingly be
represented as P#xx#P in metrical terms.
2.13.5The configuration PPxP with single alliteration: on resolving ambiguity

between types E, D, and A1When manifesting single alliteration, rather than double alliteration as treated in the
preceding section, the same configuration PPxP (or P#xxP) is subject to three distinct scansions according to which of the three kinds of metrical position the second
word is assumed to occupy, typeA1- (a normal drop), typeD (a lift), and typeE (a
heavy drop). There are 143 such examples in the corpus all told (compare Sievers 1885
and Gering 1924: 45, 10, 14, 18, 21, 26, 32, 38, 42, 47, 179, 182, 184, 186, 189, 195196,
200, 204, 207, 211, 215, 219). A mapping to a particular metrical position is largely
conditioned by the lexical nature of the word concerned: when it is a nominal form
(class 1), it should be most likely to realize a lift or a heavy drop (as listed in [61] below;
section1.2). On the other hand, if a function word of minimal prominence (class 3)
is involved, typeA1- will constitute the most probable candidate, as with Sg 23.1 Hn
hans um dlgr and Sg 37.2 hugr minn um at. Between these two opposite ends of the
spectrum, ambiguity in scansion arises as usual where the second word is a finite verb
or an adverb, a member of class 2, which is largely ambivalent by virtue of its capacity
to serve as a lift as well as a drop without marked bias toward either (as listed in [62]
below).
(61)
PP[class1]xP: types D or E (40 examples; 5 a-verses and 35 b-verses)

Vsp12.4 rr, Vitr oc Litr
Vsp53.2 harmr annarr fram
Vsp57.2 sgr fold mar
Hym2.6 Yggs barn r
Hym3.6 sr fra hver
Hym8.2 mioc leia sr
Hym24.6 s fiscr mar
Hym25.6 vers annars til
Hym26.2 verc hlft vi mic
Hym32.2mr gengin fr
Hym34.6 hver Sifiar verr
Hym36.6 hann alla drap
Hym38.6 hann laun um fecc

Type E (/ \ /)

151
rk2.2 allz fyrst um qva (also rk3.4, 9.10, 12.4, Br 6.4, Od 3.10)
Vkv 3.2 siau vetr at at
Vkv 20.5 Drifo ungir tveir
HHv 33.12 goraz slct, ef scal
HHv 34.3gs verr fr r
Grp 16.2 brr mla tecr
Grp 23.2lg vi r
Grp 31.6 gestr eina ntt
Grp 42.6 egns brr hi mr
Grp 49.2 rc brr vi ic
Sg 28.8 hans qvnar vinr
Gr II 31.4 r kindir mr
Gr III 1.2 , Bula sonr
Od 11.4 flest or of qva
Od 18.5 vara langt af v
Od 34.3mrg ill um scp
Bdr 4.8 ns or um qva
R 9.6 hrs gerstan dag
R 24.4 Hlr, egn oc Smir
R 25.5 Fli, Sprund oc Vf
Grt 17.2 hallr standa mun
Grt 24.2 brr or um qva
(62)
PP[class2]xP: typeA1- or typeD/E (103 examples; 76 a-verses and 27 b-verses)

Vsp36.4 Slr heitir s
Vsp38.4 norr horfa dyrr
Hym3.4 hann nst vi go
Hym6.4 vi gorvom til
Hym9.2 ec viliac ycr
Hym10.5 Gecc inn sal
Hym11.10 Vorr heitir s
Hym13.5 Fram gengo eir
Hym14.2 hugr vel, er hann s
Hym15.1 Hvern lto eir
Hym18.1 ess vnti ec
Hym19.5 Verc iccia n
Hym21.8 va gori sr
Hym31.1 Harr reis kn
Hym34.4glf nir sal
Hym38.2 hverr kann um at
HH2.1 Ntt var b
HH7.1 Drtt tti s
152
HH26.8 snero up vi tr
HH33.2 slng up vi r
HH39.1 No tto vi
HH43.1 Sveinn ttir
HH44.1 Fyrr vilda ec
HH50.2 flc up land
HH53.1 Svipr einn var at
HHv 33.1 Sacaz eigi
HHv 35.3 fli eitt, er hann
HHv 42.1 Mlt hafa ec at
HHII 10.1 Vg lsir
HHII 18.1 Hir eigi
HHII 36.3 r n um ntr
HHII 50.1 Kominn vri n
Grp 21.5 rtt emca ec
Grp 24.1 Verst hyggiom v (also Grp 40.1)
Grp 24.5 lei vsa
Grp 25.7 dgr eitt er r
Grp 38.1 Hv gegnir at
Grp 53.5 flitt myndir
Rm 17.8 hverr spyrr at v
Fm 32.5 spacr tti mr
Fm 33.2 rr um vi sic
Fm 35.1 Horscr tti mr
Fm 41.3 fram vsa scp
Br 13.7 hrafn ey oc rn
Br 15.3 fr kunni eim
Gr I 15.6 rann nir um kn
Sg 7.1 Or mltac n
Sg 17.3 Samir eigi ocr
Sg 23.6 fell aptr sta
Sg 25.4 reis up vi be
Sg 28.4 grand ecci vannc
Sg 51.4 or vir um qva
Sg 71.1 Mart saga ec
Hlr 1.5 betr semi r
Hlr 11.5 einn tti hann ar
Gr II 4.4 silfr eigi kom
Gr II 12.1 Ntt tti mr
Gr II 19.5 inn gengo
Gr II 20.1 Hverr vildi mr
Gr II 27.1 Vilc eigi ec

Type E (/ \ /)

153
Gr II 27.5 samir eigi mr

Gr II 33.1 Lnd gef ec enn r
Gr II 34.5 verr eigi mr
Ghv 4.3 Ltt mundir
Ghv 18.7 sitr eigi hr
Bdr 14.4 meirr aptr vit
R 2.7 hin sto ar (also R 14.7)
R 3.1 Rgr kunni eim (also R 5.1, 17.1, 30.1, 33.1)
R 3.3 meirr settiz hann (similarly, R 11.2, 30.3)
R 5.3 meirr lagiz hann (also R 19.5)
R 12.1 Born lo au (also R 24.1)
R 13.1 Dtr vro r
R 15.1 Mar telgi ar
R 23.1 Heim co
R 25.1 Enn hto sv
R 26.4 sur horfo dyrr
R 31.5 hon tc at at
R 32.1 Fram setti hon
R 40.5 saman biuggo au
R 43.5 meirr kunni hann
R 47.5 heldr mtti r
Hdl 7.2 draums tlig r
Hdl 20.5 fyrnd er s mg
Hdl 31.1 Mart segiom r (also Hdl 34.1, 36.1, 39.1)
Hdl 35.5 no bro ann
Hdl 40.5 eitt tti scass
Hdl 46.2 sofa lystir mic
Grt 7.3 Sofi eigi it
Grt 17.3 malit hefi ec fyr mic
Grt 23.8 hallr sundr tvau
The distinction between PP[class1]xP and PP[class2]xP that has been made on the
basis of the nature of the second words involved is correlated to a significant difference in verse distribution: while the b-verse predominates for the configuration PP[class1]xP (with 35 out of a total of 4087.50% occurring in the b-verse),
the opposite pattern of preference obtains for PP[class2]xP (with 76 out of a total of
10373.79% appearing in the a-verse). The observed difference is of statistical significance with a p-value of less than 0.001. This outstanding preference for the a-verse
displayed by the configuration P#P[class2]x#P can be explained as a consequence of
the large presence in the a-verse of verbs occurring in the second position, which also
accounts for the analogous concentration in the a-verse of typeA1 with the first drop
filled by finite verbs (section2.2.1).
154
Let us consider first the configuration PP[class2]xP (62) in detail. The inherent
ambivalence of class 2 words does not necessarily mean that scansion is totally indeterminable between typeA1- on the one hand and types D/E on the other. There are
some clear indications that favor the former scansion over the latter.
As demonstrated in section2.2.1 above, finite verbs and adverbs fail to form the
heavy drop (the second position) for typeA2a: they must be regarded as constitutive
of typeA1, thereby being counted as equivalent to an unstressed syllable or a concatenation thereof. In this light, given the common metrical context involved, these class
2 words are as likely to constitute the normal drop in the configuration in question as
in typeA1. The resulting scansion then has to be one of typeA1-. Conversely, to the
extent that class 2 words are regarded as credible occupants of the second position
of typeA1-, they are found to be incompatible with serving as a strong position the
second lift for typeD and the heavy drop for typeE located immediately after the
first lift.
The scansion of the configuration PP[class2]xP as type A1- in distinction from
PP[class1]xP becomes more firmly grounded, when placed on the paradigmatic
dimension. That is, the sequences PP[class1]x and PP[class2]x are diametrically
opposed as regards their treatment in combination with the following string Px.
More specifically, while the configuration PP[class1]xPx is nonexistent and must thus
be rejected as unmetrical, the configuration PP[class2]xPx constitutes a legitimate
verse form, a variant of typeA1 (e.g., Vsp20.5 Ur hto eina; see section2.2.1 above).
This opposition reminds us of that between the trisyllables PXx and PSx located in
the same metrical contexts, as pointed out in section2.13.3 above. While the trisyllabic string PXx is capable of occurring before Px as well as before P, the diametrically opposite one with a lexically based secondary stress on the medial syllable
is allowed to appear only before the monosyllable P: the sequence PSx#Px is ruled
out as unmetrical. The combinability in question may thus be summarized as in
Table2.58.
Table2.58.Occurrences of PXx#, PSx#, P#P[class1]x#, and P#P[class2]x# before Px and P
Configuration
_Px
_P
PXx#_
PSx#_
P#P[class1]x#_
P#P[class2]x#_
As may be generalized, what P#P[class1]x#P is to P#P[class2]x#P is what PSx#P is to

PXx#P. Given that the configuration PXx#P is characterized as typeA1- that is derived
from typeA1 through catalexis (section2.13.3), the heavier correspondent P#P[class2]
x#P should best be scanned analogously as typeA1- in the presence of its demonstrable underlying configuration P#P[class2]x#Px, which was determined to be a variant

Type E (/ \ /)

155
of typeA1 in section2.2.1 above. By contrast, in the absence of the corresponding full

forms as indicated in Table2.58, neither PSx#P nor P#P[class1]x#P can be identified
as a catalectic verse, namely, typeA1-. Rather, both must be regarded as full on their
own, consisting of four metrical positions, that is, typeE.
Moving onto the configuration PP[class1]xP with single alliteration, it yields to
the two competing scansions, typeD and typeE, as remarked above. Given the sole
instantiation of the variant / / \ of typeD (PPxS; section2.10.1) in contrast to the
numerous examples of typeE (PSxP; section2.13.1), one might claim that the configuration at issue should be scanned as typeE. As far as the heavy configuration PPxP
with double alliteration is concerned, however, typeD is dominant on the contrary
(compare Table2.44, section2.10.1, and Table2.53, section2.13.1; see also [63] and [64]
below). Moreover, the no less ample existence of the closely related variant / / \ of
typeD (PPSx/PPsx) with the reverse sequencing of a relatively more prominent drop
+ less prominent one would presumably have contributed to the accessibility of the
variant typeD with the mirror-imaged constituent (xS). All things considered, then,
the configuration PP[class1]xP with single alliteration must be acknowledged as amenable to the two scansions, typeD as well as typeE.
With the impasse in scansion at hand, a consideration of the same configuration
with double alliteration (as shown in [63] and [64] below) may be expected to resolve
the ambiguity involved by showing how syntactic constituency bears on proper metrical composition (compare Suzuki 2004: 275277). Table2.59 represents the relation
between syntactic constituent structure and metrical type identity.
(63)
PP[class1]xP with double alliteration, typeD (9 examples)

Vsp32.5 Baldrs brir var [AB]C
Vsp41.3 rr ragna siot A[BC]
Hym35.3 aptr ins sonr A[BC]
rk13.3 allr sa salr A[BC]
rk21.7 c ins sonr A[BC]
HH1.3 hnigo heilog vtn A[BC]
R 33.3 Reis Rgr at at A[B]C
Hdl 11.11 mest manna val A[BC] (also Hdl 16.7)
(64)
PP[class1]xP with double alliteration, typeE (2 examples)

Hym32.5 Karl or um qva A[BC]
Br 16.3 svalt alt sal [AB]C
156
Table2.59.PP[class1]xP with double alliteration and its syntactic constituency

PPxP
Type D
Type E
[AB]C
A[BC]
A[B]C
1
7
1
1
1
0
Total
The observed distribution pattern fails to display a statistically significant difference (p=0.378 for the two-by-two contingency table involving [[AB]C] and [A[BC]]),
although the common bracketing of the second and third words appears to figure
prominently for type D.96 The lack of statistical significance becomes more pronounced, however, when we take the configurations PP[class2]xP and PP[class3]xP
with double alliteration into consideration, as represented in (65) below:
(65)
PP[class2]xP or PP[class3]xP with double alliteration, typeD (9 examples)

Grp 24.7mrr, mr, ef vilt [AB]C
Grp 43.7 hefir hvrr fyr v A[B]C
Rm 18.1 Hnicar hto mic A[B]C
Br 11.3 Mioc mlir [AB]C
Sg 13.3 sveip snom hug A[BC]
Sg 31.7 Hv hafnar [AB]C
Od 33.1 Opt undromc at A[BC]
R 42.1 Upp xo ar [AB]C
Grt 12.5 sv slngom vit [AB]C
As Table2.60 makes evident, in contrast to the configuration PP[class1]xP, the grouping of the first two words constitutes the majority when the second words belong to
the less prominent classes. The contrastive distribution between class 1 and classes
2/3 is of statistical significance (p=0.041). Thus, the configuration PPxP with double
alliteration fails to display a consistent correlation between metrical categorization
and syntactic constituency across the distinct lexical classes.
96Given that the first two alliterative words in Vsp32.5 and R33.3 are grouped into a close syntactic
constituent to the exclusion of the verse-final word, Russom (1998: 7879) rejects their scansion as
typeD in favor of the alternative characterization as typeE because of the attending violation
to his bracketing rule that requires syntactic constituency to determine foot construction. Russoms
reasoning, however, is entirely dependent on his word-foot theory, to which we do not subscribe, particularly in regard to the metrical unit of the foot. Rather, we are committed to a different theoretical
framework in which alliteration provides a fundamental criterion for scansion, as in the traditional
scholarship represented by Sievers. We accordingly subsume the two verses in question under typeD
as consistently as we do the others listed in (63) above.

Type E (/ \ /)

157
Table2.60.PP[class2]xP and PP[class3]xP with double alliteration and their syntactic constituency
PPxP
Type D
Type E
[AB]C
A[BC]
A[B]C
5
2
2
0
0
0
Total
We may therefore be led to conclude that syntactic constituency has no particular role to play in determining metrical identity. Confronted with the numerous examples of the identical configuration with single alliteration (61), then, we must leave
the attending ambiguity between types D and E unresolvable in principle and assume
instead that the type distinction is neutralized in this context. We refer to this neutralized configuration as typeD/E, a verse architype as it may be called by analogy
to the notion of archiphoneme (Trubetzkoy [1939] 1977: 71; Akamatsu 1988: 199200).
As may be recalled, the neutralized configuration PP[class1]xP occurs predominantly in the b-verse: approximately nine out of every ten instances are b-verses.
This conspicuous concentration in the b-verse requires explanation, given the null
hypothesis that the configuration is expected to appear in the a-verse and the b-verse
with much the same frequency. Indeed, the prevalence of the b-verse is unexpected
in the absence of comparably outstanding concentrations in the b-verse of both types
D and E. The remarkable preference that the configuration PP[class1]xP displays in
actuality for the b-verse, however, can be ascribed to the very notion of neutralization. Since neutralization brings about lack of a distinction in a particular context,
the context concerned is often less sensitive to other distinctions rather than more
sensitive (compare Trubetzkoy [1939] 1977: 217218). Put another way, neutralization
tends to involve contexts that are amenable to lesser degrees of distinguishability in
general.
More specifically, given two places that stand in polar opposites in syntagmatic
terms, neutralization has a tendency to cluster around one as against the other. A
prime example of this asymmetry in implementation of neutralization will be the
opposition between syllable-initial and syllable-final positions. Generally, the syllable initial is the more articulated than the syllable final in terms of distinguishability:
a larger number of phonological contrasts are in effect there. Correspondingly, neutralization is more likely to affect the syllable-final position, as recurrently exemplified by one of voice distinction in syllable-final obstruents.
An analogous relation seems to bear on the a-verse and the b-verse, the two
metrical syntagms that are concatenated in sequential terms to form a larger
unit, the line. Of these two components, it is the b-verse that is generally less susceptible to metrical distinctions and hence more vulnerable to neutralization,
as substantiated among others by the fewer number of verse types available to
158
it:97 types A2b, A3, and A3- are hardly accessible to the b-verse. In contrast, there
is no metrical type that occurs almost exclusively in the b-verse. The extremely low
incidence in the b-verse of the three types in question may be regarded as an absence
of distinction from typeA1 (in the case of types A2b and A3) and from typeA1- (in the
case of type A3-). In other words, the otherwise significant distinctions concerned
are subject to neutralization in the b-verse. In this light, the neutralization between
types D and E that we proposed above can be understood as a further manifestation
of (virtual) elimination of verse type distinctions from the b-verse.
The failure of syntactic constituency to disambiguate between the heavy variants
of types D and E in fornyrislag stands in sharp contrast to the situation in Beowulf
and the Heliand, in which the two types are significantly differentiated from each
other in terms of syntactic constituent structure, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
Concentrating on the comparable heavy variants (PPxP) of the two types with double
alliteration and without anacrusis, their overall distribution proves to be closest to
being fully complementary, as represented in Table2.61.
Table2.61.PPxP with double alliteration and its syntactic constituency in Beowulf and the Heliand
PPxP
[AB]C
A[BC]
Total
Beowulf
Type D2b
0
32
32a
Type E
4
0
4
Heliand
Type D
3
26
29
Type E
17
0
17
Verse 2673a born bord wi rond is disregarded here, which manifests

neither of the constituent structures at issue.
On the strength of this syntactic contrast, then, the otherwise ambiguous configuration PPxP with single alliteration can lend itself to metrical type identification
unequivocally in the Heliand (Suzuki 2004: 275277). In Beowulf, however, purely
metrical considerations override syntactic constituency in support of the conclusion
that, rather than being susceptible to categorical distinction on the basis of syntactic structure, the metrical opposition between types D2b and E is neutralized where
single alliteration cannot determine type identification, as shown in the following
paragraph.
The lack of distinction between and the resultant neutralization of, types D and
E, is far from a unique character of fornyrislag meter. On the contrary, it is also
observed in Beowulf, but in a considerably different form (Suzuki 1996: 113117). In
97The lesser distinguishability of the b-verse is further manifested by the virtually unique alliterative pattern ax available to it, whereas the a-verse has access to a three-way distinction of the pattern,
ax, aa, and (x)a.

Type E (/ \ /)

159
Beowulf as well as in eddic poetry, typeE is used with a far greater incidence than
typeD (fornyrislag) or typeD2b (Beowulf) insofar as their two-word variants are concerned most typically, PSxP (typeE) versus PPxS (types D or D2b; Table2.62). By
contrast, the heavy variants with double alliteration (PPxP) show a contrary pattern of
occurrence overwhelmingly in favor of typeD and typeD2b, and no significant difference is in evidence in this respect between Beowulf and the Edda (p=1; Table2.63).98
Common to both meters further is the preponderance in the b-verse of the apparently
ambivalent configuration with single alliteration, although their distributions differ
significantly with a heavier concentration in Beowulf (p<0.001). In either meter, the
two-word configuration of typeE is attested in the b-verse with the highest frequency
compared with the a-verse with single alliteration and that with double alliteration;
yet Beowulf is distinguished from fornyrislag by a greater degree of preference for
the b-verse (p=0.027). While the two-word variant of typeD(2b) is attested only once
in fornyrislag, it occurs much more frequently in Beowulf, and the vast majority of
these examples thirty-eight out of a total of forty-two, ca. 90% display double
alliteration.
The extremely strong association of the normal variant of type D2b with the
a-verse and double alliteration in Beowulf (Table2.62), a metrical pattern that constitutes part and parcel of the regularity that permeates the entire poem, makes it most
implausible to scan the numerous b-verses of PPxP eighty-eight instances with the
constituent structure [A[BC]] (Suzuki 1996: 114, 414n77) as typeD2b in violation of
the generalization at issue. The resulting much diminished frequency with which the
heavy variant of typeD2b would occur in the a-verse with double alliteration would
defy principled account, particularly in view of the indisputable fact that the more
prominent the variants are, the more frequent they appear in the a-verse with double
alliteration. Since the primary-stressed syllable counts as more prominent, the heavy
variants are most likely to manifest a-verses with double alliteration in contradiction
to the preponderance of the b-verse that the syntax-based scansion would necessarily
incur.
To prevent this contradictory situation from arising and provide an internally
consistent and coherent account of the metrical organization, we proposed a meterbased account at the cost of the constituency-based scansion by analyzing the abundant b-verses in question as resulting from a neutralization of types D2b and E and
identifying them all as typeE, the unmarked member of the two opposites (Suzuki
98In this respect, the Heliand diverges from the other two: with twenty-nine and seventeen examples
of types D and E (Table2.61), respectively, the proportion of typeE is significantly higher in the Heli
and (p=0.007). The resultant competing likelihood in the Heliand with which the configuration PPxP
with double alliteration may be realized as typeD or typeE makes infeasible a purely meter-based
characterization such as is explored for Beowulf and fornyrislag meters, and accordingly necessitates
syntactic constituency as a supplementary device of metrical organization.
160
1996: 115117).99 That typeE counts as unmarked in opposition to typeD2b in Beowulf

is evidenced by its much greater incidence and more importantly its conspicuous
preference for the b-verse, which is unmarked in itself in distinction from the a-verse
(Table2.62). Since typeE conceptualized here as a metrical architype is inclusive of
the otherwise distinct typeD2b as well as typeE, it is no wonder that it accommodates
the two major constituent structures [[AB]C] and [A[BC]]. Furthermore, the virtually
exclusive presence of the neutralized verse type in the b-verse accords fully with the
distribution pattern that is predicted on the basis of the asymmetrical consequences
of neutralization at large, as discussed above.
Thus, while syntactic constituency has the potential to disambiguate between
types D2b and E in Beowulf, the meter is organized purely on its own terms without
recourse to the syntactic material available, whereas the Heliand counterpart makes
use of that resource for metrical organization. By contrast, the same material proves
to be of no potential significance as a basis for organizing the meter in fornyrislag
poetry.
Table2.62.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of the two-word variants of types D(2b) and E in
fornyrislag and Beowulf
Fornyrislag
Verse type
D(2b)
E
Beowulf
ax
aa
b-v
ax
aa
b-v
0
36
0
9
1
56
1
30
38
101
3
278
Key: ax = single alliteration in the a-verse; aa =

double alliteration in the a-verse; b-v = b-verse
Table2.63.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of the heavy variants of types D(2b) and E in
fornyrislag and Beowulf
Fornyrislag
Verse type
D(2b)
D(2b)/E
E
Beowulf
ax
aa
b-v
ax
aa
b-v
18
35
33
132
99In line with the analysis adduced above for fornyrislag meter, it would now seem more appropriate to characterize the ambivalent verse type as typeD2b/E in Beowulf to emphasize its nature as a
verse architype.
Two-position verses
161
While the structural ambiguity between types D2b and E may be regarded as an inherent property of Old Germanic alliterative meter in general (compare Cable 1974: 7583
and Suzuki 1996: 115116), it is less extensive in scope in fornyrislag on account of the
emergent typeA1-, which constitutes an innovation unique to the Norse meter. In it,
the ambiguity arises only when the second word belongs to class 1 of maximal lexical
salience. In the vast majority of cases where a finite verb or an adverb constitutes
the second word of a verse, scansion simply favors typeA1- at the expense of the two
types in question.
2.14Two-position verses
There are three verses that cannot be scanned other than as having only two positions
(lifts; / /), as follows:100
(66)
Gr I 26.8 smc ey [P#P]

R 8.9 lotr hryggr [P#P]
R 11.4 sonr hss [P#P]
In addition, we find one trisyllabic and two quadrisyllabic configurations, which

could be regarded as equivalent to the above two-position verses (PP) by invoking
resolution on one or both of the lifts involved:
(67)
Gr II 24.3 ll iofurs [P#px]

Vsp16.8 Lofars hafat [px#px]
Hlr 14.7 Sigurr, saman [px#px]
Common to the above three verses is the fact that they all end in the string px, regardless of whether the initial part is P or px. With rare exceptions, resolution does not
apply to the second lift in fornyrislag, particularly when it is immediately preceded
by the first lift, as will be shown in section4.2.9 below. In this light, these three examples should best be identified with typeD- (/ / ; e.g., Vkv 17.8 sina magni; Gr I 24.9
sorg sra; section2.11) with the verse-final disyllabic string px corresponding to the
concatenation of two metrical positions / . With the second lift thus suspended from
resolution, the three verses are comparable to the variant of typeD that is represented
by Vsp20.2 margs vitandi and HH40.1 Fair varattu (PpXx; section2.10.4).
Thus, attested in only three examples, two-position verses are vanishingly rare. It
therefore seems to be extremely inconceivable that they assume anything approach-
100Compare Sievers (1893: 6768), Gering (1924: 5, 22, 215), Pipping (1903: 6), and Russom (1998:
3637).
162
ing structural significance in the metrical system, in contrast to the well-defined and
integrated category of three-position counterparts. Accordingly, it would hardly be
worthwhile to speculate on possible sources of the two-position verse / /, as Sievers
(1893: 6768) suggested to derive it from typeA1- (/ /) through deletion of the drop.
Without taking the risk of attaching too much importance to the few occurrences in
the corpus, we may still be tempted to draw attention to the fact that all of the examples are of the form PP, rather than PS or Px. The two-position verses consist of two
words; there is no instance in which a disyllabic word constitutes a verse on its own.
Given that the deletion of solely the final drop is responsible for the derivation of
three-position verses (sections 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.9, and 2.11), it seems only natural that an
analogous operation on the other drop would have been at work for composition of
still shorter verses. No other result then would have been forthcoming than the occurrence of / / (); in other words, no possibility would have arisen for the construction
of / as a self-contained verse.
2.15The system of verse types: a first approximation

To recapitulate the foregoing examinations, the broad range of verse types that we
identified above in fornyrislag is organized on the paradigmatic dimension, as represented in Table2.64. Subsequent considerations on anacrusis (section3.1) and catalexis (section3.2), however, will necessitate some revisions to the proposed system,
as will be explored in section3.3 below. The foundations of organization, however,
remain unchanged, and for the time being, the following remarks are sufficient to
provide an overview.
According to the number of metrical positions involved, there are three varieties,
regular (four positions), catalectic (three positions), and expanded (five positions).
The regular types are unmarked, as they conform to the fundamental metrical principle of four positions per verse. Through the alteration of the canonical number of
positions subtraction (catalexis) and addition (expansion) the other two groups
count as marked. The specific arrangements of the lifts and drops determine five
classes: A (lift + drop + lift + drop); B (drop + lift + drop + lift); C (drop + lift + lift +
drop); D (lift + lift + drop + drop); E (lift + drop + drop + lift). Unless subject to further
specifications, these concatenations serve as the basic metrical types, types A1 (/
/ ), B (/ /), C (/ / ), and D (/ / ). Since the verse-internal succession of
two drops is hardly distinguishable from a single drop by virtue of its polysyllabic
realization on the surface, the otherwise expected configuration / / (type E) is
structurally unstable: it is inherently decomposable to the three-position sequence
/ / (Sievers 1893: 31; Suzuki 1996: 129). To prevent the immanent decomposition
from taking place requires modulation to be introduced to the otherwise homogeneous sequence of drops in question. Given the gradual diminution of prominence of
like positions toward the end of a verse (the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions;
The system of verse types: a first approximation
163
section1.2), the most natural differentiation to be made is to give the first constituent
greater strength, which is achieved by replacing it with a heavy drop \ (Suzuki 1996:
130131). Consequently, typeE, the basic type of class E, is realized prototypically in
the form that matches the metrical representation / \ /.
Substituting a marked variant of the drop, namely, the heavy drop, for a normal
one which is constitutive of an existing basic type produces increased types, A2a (/
\ / ) and A2b (/ / \ and / \ / \). On the other hand, the null realization of the first
lift with a compensatory prolongation of the first drop gives rise to a reduced type in
class A, namely, typeA3. The terms increased and reduced refer to the resultant
increase and decrease, respectively, in prominence on the manipulated positions, in
opposition to the basic types. The basic types are thus characterized as unmarked as
against the other two derived types. The Arabic numerals 1 (basic), 2 (increased), and
3 (reduced) placed after A are type-distinguishing labels. Since no other classes are
implicated in a comparable variation of the lift or drop, no such distinguishers are
necessary for the remaining four classes. The catalectic types are derived from the
regular counterparts by deletion of a final drop; given this restriction, only classes
A, C, and D are eligible for the formation of three-position verses. The expanded type
is obtained by inserting a drop after the verse-initial position, for which only class
D is qualified to yield a new configuration that is distinguishable from the existing
ones. Applying the same operation to the other four classes would be vacuous, as it
would only duplicate the configurations that are independently available. As far as
the principle of four metrical positions is in full control of verse composition as in
fornyrislag, the resultant configurations with a succession of multiple drops, like /
/ (typeA1*) and / / (typeB*), would readily be reduced to the existing forms
such as / / (typeA1) and / / (typeB).
Table2.64.The system of verse types in fornyrislag: a first approximation
Class
A
B
C
D
E
Regular (four positions)
Catalectic (three positions)
Basic
Increased
Reduced
Basic
Increased
Reduced
A1
B
C
D
E
A2a A2b
A3
A1-
A2a-
A3-
CD-
Expanded (five positions)
D*
3Anacrusis and catalexis

This chapter explores two major mechanisms for implementing variation of the drop,
anacrusis and catalexis. These means of manipulating the drop constitute complementary processes on the surface that bring about opposite effects at the two edges of a verse:
anacrusis adds a drop at the beginning of a verse, whereas catalexis deletes it at the
end. On closer analysis, however, this apparently perfect mirror image does not fully
obtain: while anacrusis indeed attaches an additional drop to the verse types that would
otherwise begin with a lift, catalexis is effected by leaving the verse-final drop immaterialized at the level of verse realization. Catalexis should accordingly be characterized
as an alignment to zero linguistic material, rather than to a monosyllable as is normally
the case with the verse-final drop. Thus, while anacrusis operates directly on the underlying metrical representation by adding an extra position, catalexis bears exclusively
on the level of linguistic realization, thereby leaving the metrical representation totally
unaffected. After having integrated anacrusis and catalexis firmly in the system, we will
arrive at a better understanding of the paradigmatic organization of the meter.
3.1Anacrusis
Anacrusis is an unstressed syllable or a string thereof that may optionally occur before
the verse-initial lift. Thus, only verses that begin with a lift are eligible for expansion
with anacrusis, that is to say, classes A (/ /), D (/ / ), and E (/ \ /). The corpus
of fornyrislag poetry contains 44 verses with anacrusis or 0.73% of the total of 5998
verses, as given in (1) and exemplified in (2), attested in fifteen poems out of a total of
twenty-two, as shown in Table3.1.1
(1)
List of verses with anacrusis:

Type aA1 (/ / ; 26 examples): a-verse with single alliteration (4 examples): Vkv 33.9, Gr I 3.5, Gr III 5.3, Hdl 44.3; a-verse with double alliteration
(8 examples): rk13.7, Vkv 17.9, 32.3, HH1.5, 53.11, HHII 37.1, Gr II 3.1, R 47.1;
b-verse (14 examples): rk4.2, Vkv 6.8, Grp 3.4, Sg 3.8, Gr II 2.6, Gr III 1.4,
11.6, Od 11.8, 25.6, Ghv 8.8, R 32.6, Hdl 9.6, 42.8, 45.6
Subtype aA1s (/ ; 8 examples): a-verse with single alliteration (2
examples): Fm 41.7, Hdl 19.3; a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): Vkv
37.3; b-verse (5 examples): Vkv 18.8, 18.10, 37.6, Hdl 3.4, 25.6
1Our data is apparently different from Russoms (1998: 49), largely because our corpus includes
the poems of foreign content (section1.1; see also below), whereas Russoms (1998: 10n37) is strictly
confined to native material. The inclusion of non-Scandinavian material will be justified in due course
in the text. Compare also Heusler (1956: 222).
166
Anacrusis and catalexis
Type aA2a (/ \ / ; 4 examples): a-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Vkv 38.3, Grp 45.5; b-verse (2 examples): Od 18.4, 20.4.
Type aA1- (/ /; 1 example): a-verse with single alliteration (1 example):
HHv 2.7
Type aD (/ / ; 5 examples): a-verse with double alliteration (3 examples): rk8.1, HHII 3.1, Gr I 8.7; b-verse (2 examples): HH39.4, Hdl 23.6
(2)
Gr II 2.6 um hvssom drom [x#Px#Px]; type aA1

Hdl 3.4 oc manvit firom [x#PS#px]; subtype aA1s
Od 18.4 s er Brynhildr tti [x#x#PS#Px]; type aA2
HHv 2.7 oc ks ec, atz ec vil [x#P#x#x#x#P]; type aA1rk8.1 Ec hefi Hlrria [x#px#Psx]; type aD
Table3.1.Distribution of verses with anacrusis in individual poems

Poem
Counts
rk
Vkv
HH
HHv
HHII
Grp
Fm
Gr I
Sg
Gr II
Gr III
Od
Ghv
R
Hdl
3
9
3
1
2
2
1
2
1
2
3
4
1
2
8
Total
44
While scannable as typeB, HHv 2.7 should better be identified as typeA1- with anacrusis: otherwise, the resultant type B would contain three separate words in the
second drop, an extremely heavy composition that is unparalleled in the corpus.
Our scansions differ from Sieverss (1885; 1893: 66) and Gerings (1924), principally in regard to typeA3 ([/] / ; e.g., Vsp54.1 kmr inn micli; section2.3). Postulating two lifts for typeA3 much as for typeA1 at the level of surface realization, both
Sievers (1885: 27) and Gering (1924: 2) regarded the verse-initial here as anacrustic.
By contrast, in our view, typeA3 realizes only one lift the second one at the underlying representation (section2.3) which occupies the penultimate position. Lacking a
Anacrusis
167
lift in initial position on the surface, typeA3 is therefore not qualified for anacrusis.
Accordingly, the initial at issue is simply part of the first drop, which comes to
stand in verse-initial position through null realization of the otherwise occurring lift
that would be constitutive of typeA1 (for details, see section2.3 above).
Unlike Sievers and Gering, who share our basic tenet except in the above respect,
Boer (1916: 1013) and Heusler (1956: 36) among other metrists subscribe to an entirely
different notion of anacrusis: their anacrusis refers to any unstressed material that
occurs before the first lift. This is an inevitable consequence of their measure- (or
tact-) based conceptualization of the meter: the meter is grounded on isochronism,
which is effected by a recurrence of regular time spans measured from lift to lift. Since
each measure begins with a downbeat, that is, a lift (Boer 1916: 20; Heusler 1956: 24),
whatever weak elements appear at the beginning of a verse and stand before the first
lift fall outside the proper domain of the first measure. However, inasmuch as verse
in general, as opposed to prose, must by definition be organized in metrical terms,
these extra elements that do not belong to the first measure of the verse they initiate
have to be incorporated into a measure-based organization. Incapable of constituting
a measure on their own, then, the verse-initial unstressed materials are aligned to the
second (last) measure of the immediately preceding verse (Boer 1916: 12, 17, 2930,
3435). The measure thus conceptualized can stretch over a verse boundary, whereas
the foot is a verse-internal constituent (Boer 1916: 20).
On the temporalists or isochronists view as outlined above, then, any verse-initial weak materials constitute anacrusis, regardless of their paradigmatic values in
the metrical system and of their syntagmatic standing in the verse concerned. Specifically, the first drops of types B and C on the one hand, and anacrusis in the narrow
sense being used here on the other, are allegedly of the same metrical status, and
they should behave identically in major (if not all) metrical details; otherwise, their
common structural identity as anacrusis would hardly be justified in empirical terms.
Their superficial resemblance of occurring in verse-initial position alone should not
constitute a full justification for identification.
As it is, however, there are several outstanding distinctions that argue against
subsuming all verse-initial upbeats under the same, broad category of anacrusis.
First, frequency of occurrence sharply differentiates between the first drops of typeB
and C, and the anacrusis in the strict sense. As shown in (1) above, anacrusis is
extremely rare, whereas the first drop appears with a far greater incidence (sections
2.7 and 2.8.1). Second, the status of the entities at issue is markedly different. While
anacrusis is optional and dispensable (the configuration / / is a normal realization
of typeA1), the first drop is obligatory and indispensable as the initial constituent of
types B and C. Accordingly, the configurations / / and / / without the initial upbeat
cannot be identified as types B and C or their related variants; rather, they would
most likely be scanned as types A1- (section2.4) and D- (section2.11), respectively,
that is, the catalectic variants of types A1 and D. It should be noted that what would
on the surface appear to be a deletion of otherwise obligatory metrical constituents,
168
that is, catalectic formation, is limited to the verse-final weak position (section3.2),
which is of minimal metrical strength and most liable to deletion. By contrast, the
verse-initial weak position is of maximal prominence by location (as determined by
the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions; section1.2), which makes it least likely to
be deleted.
Third, the composition of these verse-initial elements is different in quantitative
terms, namely, the size of syllables involved as measured by the varying proportions
of monosyllables and polysyllables: while anacrusis is characterized by the minimal
materiality of being monosyllabic for the most part, the first drops of types B and
C are more substantial, with the less frequent occurrences of monosyllabic realizations (Table3.2). On statistical grounds, however, while the difference between anacrusis and typeB is significant (p=0.002), that between anacrusis and typeC is not
(p=0.156). In this light, we must admit that the predominance of monosyllables for
anacrusis, taken by itself, can hardly be adduced as a definitive refutation against the
temporal notion of anacrusis. Nevertheless, the overall pattern observed is compatible with our claim that anacrusis should not be identified with the verse-initial first
drop.
Table3.2.Monosyllabic and polysyllabic realizations of anacrusis and the first drop of types B
andC
Syllable
Monosyllabic
Polysyllabic
Total
Anacrusis
First drop of typeB
First drop of typeC
32 (72.73%)
12 (27.27%)
215 (47.67%)
236 (52.33%)
820 (61.06%)
523 (38.94%)
44 (100%)
451 (100%)
1343 (100%)
Fourth, and related to the third point raised above, the opposition between monosyllabic and polysyllabic realizations has divergent roles to play between anacrusis
and the verse-initial first drop. More specifically, focusing on typeA1 with anacrusis
because of its relatively large sample size which is congenial to statistical analysis, the
distinction at issue has no effect on verse distribution: with a p-value of 0.170, the size
of anacrusis in type aA1 has no significant bearing on choosing between the a-verse
and the b-verse (Table3.3). By contrast, the first drops of types B and C are loaded
with varied preference patterns in regard to verse distribution: the polysyllabic first
drop is associated with the a-verse more strongly than is the monosyllabic counterpart, as pointed out in sections 2.7 and 2.8.1 above.
169
Anacrusis
Table3.3.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of type aA1 according to size of anacrusis
Syllables
1
2
3
Total
Single alliteration
3 (27.27%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
4 (33.33%)
A-verse
Double alliteration
11 (55.00%)
1 (20.00%)
0 (0%)
12 (46.15%)
8 (72.73%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
8 (66.67%)
B-verse
Total
9 (45.00%)
20 (100%)
4 (80.00%)
5 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
14 (53.85%)
26 (100%)
Altogether, the four divergent properties of anacrusis on the one hand and the first
drops of types B and C on the other converge to indicate that anacrusis is a marginal
element of minimal presence that is less than fully integrated with the verse, in distinction from the initial drop, which serves as one of the four indispensable metrical
positions that are constitutive of the verse. Treating these disparate entities together
under the same rubric as do Boer (1916) and Heusler (1956) must therefore be rejected
as a misguided analysis.
Apparently aware that the first drops of types B and C on the one hand and anacrusis proper on the other are not commensurate, particularly in regard to their obligatory versus optional presence, Boer (1916: 1317) himself found it necessary to offer
a credible account of their difference. On the fundamental assumptions that the verse
consists of two feet, which in turn comprise two beats each, a downbeat (a lift) and an
upbeat (a drop), Boer identified the configuration / | / (typeA; | = foot boundary)
as the basic verse form, which approximately corresponds to our typeA1. According
to his account, the first drops of types B and C arise at the beginning of a verse as
a compensation for the loss of the second and the first drop, respectively, from the
basic verse: thus, from the basic configuration / | / are derived the two verse types
| / | / (typeB) and | / | / (typeC), each starting with a drop. Yet in another
place, Boer (1916: 16) conceived a reverse derivational relation as no less plausible:
the occurrence of unstressed materials at the beginning of a verse necessitates deletion of comparable weak elements in ensuing positions. Whichever the direction of
causation is conceptualized, Boer is committed to the view that the foot must begin
with a lift as with the measure; the derivative verse-initial drop therefore cannot be
incorporated into the first foot / (type B) and / (type C); rather it stands outside
the foot-based organization of the verse and belongs instead to the last measure (but
not the foot) of the preceding verse. Most importantly, Boer seems to suggest in a
roundabout way that the obligatory presence of the first drop in types B and C is ultimately reducible to the four-position principle in our framework, whereas the other
170
verse-initial weak element, anacrusis proper, counts as an additional segment which

is extraneous to the four-position organization of the verse, as shown in the following
paragraph.
While approving of Boers differentiation between anacrusis proper and the first
drop of types B and C through his implicit commitment to the substance of our fourposition principle, we cannot accept his formal account in its entirety. Firstly and
most decisively, Boer postulated the removal of a drop from the foot without any
empirical motivation. Secondly, the alleged loss of a drop and its subsequent restoration somewhere else is not very plausible in conceptual terms. If the trochaic foot is
optimal and stable as Boer wants us to believe, we may naturally wonder why such
an indispensable unit is often removed at all; or restated in accordance with the
reversed directionality of causation, what makes it viable to put otherwise unneeded
material verse-initially in conflict with the optimal verse structure? Boer (1916: 16)
indeed suggested that these weak elements may be required on semantic grounds
(that is, to construct meaningful utterances), but this would be equal to admitting
that the materials at issue are essential even in defiance of the optimal meter. Relegating these grammatically indispensable expressions to a derivative status would
come closest to being a categorical contradiction, and the alleged optimality of the
configuration / | / would seem increasingly suspicious. Moreover, the vague
notion of compensation lacks independent existentiality and functionality here, as
it is wholly reducible to the overarching four-position principle. Since each foot is
constant in its temporal extension by definition, it is hard to imagine why the loss
of an upbeat must invariably result in compensation in another measure, when
no loss is effected on the temporal framework itself: the foot keeps its temporal
value intact regardless of its inner composition (Boer 1916: 1314). Boer invoked a
drive for compensation to recover the beat that the ear failed to perceive contrary
to expectation. The missed and restored beat is nothing but a drop that counts
as one of the four metrical positions constitutive of the verse. Thus, compensation is simply another expression of the verse-organizing force of the four-position
principle.
Whatever formal mechanism of derivation is devised between typeA and types
B/C, then, turns out to be superfluous and redundant as a self-standing explanation
to say the least: all we need is a straightforward account that is predicated directly on
the four-position principle, rather than mediated by a questionable and redundant
complex of operations comprising deletion and recovery. On the alternative account,
the first drops of types B and C on the one hand and anacrusis on the other are radically different entities in the metrical system in relation to the principle of four metrical positions per verse; all attendant differences observed on the surface immediately
follow from this underlying distinction. To subsume these two mutually irreducible
entities together under a common category and then to invoke an in itself implausible
mechanism to deal with their irremovable differences ex post facto, must be rejected
as a roundabout, uneconomical way of thinking.
Anacrusis
171
Having established the empirical adequacy of our notion of anacrusis, we now

turn to an in-depth examination of its metrical properties. Striking at first glance is
the total absence of typeE with anacrusis, which begins with a lift just as types A1
and D do. In view of an apparently comparable situation in Beowulf (Suzuki 1996: 317;
Fulk, Bjork, and Niles 2008: 332), one might be tempted to presume that fornyris
lag inherited intact the original prohibition against typeE with anacrusis. On closer
consideration, an alternative account emerges as more plausible. The distribution of
verse types with and without anacrusis fails to show a significant difference between
type E and type A1 on the one hand and between type E and type D on the other.
Specifically, as given in (1) above, there are 26 examples of type aA1 and 5 examples
of type aD, as against 2092 instances of type A1 and 323 of type D, respectively. In
comparison, the corpus contains 103 typeE verses and not a single example of its anacrustic counterpart. Performing Fishers exact test on these two contingency tables
provides p-values of 0.630 (between types E and A1) and 0.597 (between types E and
D): the proportions of verses with and without anacrusis thus remain unaffected by
type distinction. The absence of typeE with anacrusis may therefore be ascribed to
the far smaller occurrences of this type than the other two as well as to the diminished
presence of anacrusis at large (see below). Type E fails to be expanded by anacrusis only coincidentally; there are no particular reasons for assuming that this type is
incompatible with anacrusis on its inherent, structural grounds as in Beowulf (Suzuki
1996: 318; see below).
By contrast, the complete absence of typeE with anacrusis in Beowulf can hardly
be dismissed as insignificant: containing 2111 typeA1 verses and 488 typeD verses as
against 45 type aA1 and 19 type aD verses on the one hand, and 415 typeE verses as
against null type aE on the other, Beowulf displays a significant difference (p=0.001
between types E and A1; p<0.001 between types E and D). Accordingly, it may stand
to reason to conclude that typeE is excluded from anacrusis nonaccidentally, that is,
for principled reasons.
Furthermore, the structural reason that we determined for excluding anacrusis
from typeE in Beowulf (Suzuki 1996: 318) no longer obtains in fornyrislag. While in
Beowulf anacrusis is characterized as an exponent of increased metrical strength that
is primarily embodied by the a-verse with double alliteration, it is radically reorganized in fornyrislag, as will be shown in due course. Upon dissociation of anacrusis from the a-verse with double alliteration in fornyrislag, typeE, which lacks the
privilege of manifesting this cluster of metrical properties and was therefore excluded
from anacrusis in earlier versification, becomes no less qualified for anacrusis than
the other types in the Norse meter.
Table 3.4 compares anacrustic verses and their nonanacrustic counterparts
typeA1, subtypeA1s, typeA2a, typeA1-, and typeD combined with regard to their
verse distribution and alliterative pattern. With or without anacrusis, these metrical
properties remain unchanged: anacrusis displays no significant correlation to verse
distribution (p=0.279) and alliterative pattern (p=0.377).
172
Table3.4.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of verses according to presence or absence of

anacrusis
Anacrusis
With
Without
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
21 (47.73%)
12 (57.14%)
23 (52.27%)
44 (100%)
1192 (39.39%)
651 (54.61%)
541 (45.39%)
1834 (60.61%)
3026 (100%)
9 (42.86%)
To summarize, in fornyrislag anacrusis is capable of occurring in any verse type that

begins with a lift; its actual frequency is largely determined by the overall occurrences
of the underlying verse types concerned. Lacking any significant relation with the two
major metrical properties, that is, verse distribution and alliterative pattern, anacrusis appears far from fully integrated with the metrical system as a vigorous constituent, in sharp contrast to the verse-initial drop of types B and C. In other words, there
seems to be every reason to suspect that anacrusis stands on the periphery of the
metrical organization.
The marginality of anacrusis in fornyrislag becomes all the more evident when
considered from a comparative perspective. As indicated in Table 3.5, the proportion of verses with anacrusis to those without is significantly lower in fornyrislag
poetry than in Beowulf, with a p-value of less than 0.001 by Fishers exact test. On the
other hand, the Heliand expanded the scope of anacrusis enormously (Suzuki 2004:
160175). The greatly reduced presence of anacrusis in fornyrislag can hardly be
disputed.
Table3.5.Occurrences of anacrusis in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
With anacrusis
44 (0.73%)
88 (1.39%)
1513 (13.58%)
Without anacrusis
Total
5954 (99.27%)
6245 (98.61%)
9630 (86.42%)
5998 (100%)
6333 (100%)a
11143 (100%)b
Defective and hypermetric verses are excluded.

Verses containing biblical names as well as defective and hypermetric verses
are excluded.
The peripheral presence of anacrusis in fornyrislag is substantiated not only quantitatively, but also in relation to other metrical phenomena. As shown above (Table3.4),
anacrusis is insensitive to verse distribution and alliterative pattern in fornyrislag.
This stands in sharp contrast to the prototype of anacrusis as represented in Beowulf.
In it, anacrusis is characterized by the following cluster of prototypical properties, as
shown in Suzuki (1996: 315320): (i) it occurs in the a-verse; (ii) it is accompanied by
Anacrusis
173
double alliteration; (iii) it is realized by a prefix, including a negative particle ne. None
of these prototypical properties, however, is constitutive of anacrusis in fornyrislag.
Moreover, the absence in fornyrislag of the three properties that are prototypical of
anacrusis in Beowulf seems least likely to have been brought about independently of
each other; rather, given their structural interdependence in Beowulf, the nonexistence of these three may as well be explained as a unitary phenomenon. In order to
understand fully the distinct organization of anacrusis in fornyrislag, it may be of
vital importance to appreciate the earlier constitution of anacrusis in Beowulf from a
comparative-diachronic perspective.
Of a total of 88 verses with anacrusis in Beowulf,2 78 examples (88.64%) of anacrustic verses appear in the a-verse, of which 74 (94.87%) manifest double alliteration, as indicated in Table 3.6. In comparison with the collection of corresponding
verse types without anacrusis, this close association of anacrusis with the a-verse and
double alliteration proves to be statistically significant in light of p<0.001 by Fishers
exact test. By contrast, these two features are absolutely unknown to anacrusis in
fornyrislag, as we have seen above.
2The data slightly differs from Suzuki (1996: 315316), partly because the textual basis is different:
for the most part, we now follow Fulk, Bjork, and Niles (2008) instead of Klaeber (1950), but we also
include verses 9b and 2592b as authentically anacrustic, rather than excluding them as due to scribal
insertions. The 88 instances of verses with anacrusis in Beowulf are listed below according to verse
type:

Type aA1 (44 examples in total), a-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): Beo 25a, 758a,
1537a; a-verse with double alliteration (33 examples): 107a, 109a, 234a, 399a, 409a, 505a, 827a,
1108a, 1125a, 1151a, 1169a, 1248a, 1304a, 1518a, 1549a, 1557a, 1665a, 1711a, 1751a, 1767a,
1977a, 1987a, 2529a, 2538a, 2629a, 2640a, 2659a, 2681a, 2697a, 2703a, 2717a, 2878a, 3121a;
b-verse (8 examples): 93b, 666b, 1223b, 1504b, 1773b, 1877b, 2247b, 2592b.

Type aA2b (/ / \), a-verse with double alliteration (5 examples): Beo 217a, 1545a, 1563a,
1758a, 2252a (type aD*2a according to Fulk, Bjork, and Niles 2008).

Type aA2b/aD*2a ( / / ), a-verse with double alliteration (3 examples): Beo 1384a,
2591a, 2628a.

Type aD1, b-verse (2 examples): Beo 9b, 402b.

Type aD2a, a-verse with double alliteration (9 examples): Beo 141a, 501a, 1485a, 1554a,
1622a, 2455a, 2769a, 2930a, 3062a.

Type aD2b, a-verse with double alliteration (8 examples): Beo 1150a, 1390a, 1616a, 1667a,
1724a, 2284a, 2525a, 2705a.

Type aD*1, a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Beo 2093a.

Type aD*2a, a-verse with double alliteration (11 examples): Beo 94a, 723a, 772a, 1027a,
1451a, 1453a, 1460a, 1610a, 2738a, 2756a, 2936a.

Type aD*2b, a-verse with double alliteration (5 examples): 1274a, 1543a, 1837a, 2044a,
2367a.
174
Table3.6.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of types A1, A2b, D1, D2, D1*, and D2* combined
according to presence or absence of anacrusis in Beowulf
Anacrusis
With
Without
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
4 (5.13%)
78 (88.64%)
74 (94.87%)
1627 (54.82%)
558 (34.30%)
1069 (65.70%)
B-verse
Total
10 (11.36%)
88 (100%)
1341 (45.18%)
2968 (100%)
The vast majority of anacrusis, 78 in number (88.64%), is constituted by a single

syllable, the remainder by a disyllable. As regards the central status of prefixes, 72
instances (80.90%) in a total of 88 involve prefixes (compare Cable 1974: 3335), either
alone or in combination with other material. As far as monosyllabic anacrusis is concerned, 64 out of a total of 78 (82.05%) are realized by prefixes. The overwhelming
dominance of prefixes as exponents of anacrusis proves to be outstanding in comparison with their proportion when used as the monosyllabic first drop of types B
and C. In both types, prefixes are demonstrably in the minority: they are represented
by only 7 (6.80%) instances out of a total of 103 for typeB with the monosyllabic first
drop and by 66 (24.81%) examples out of a total of 266 for typeC composed in the
same way. The differences involved between anacrusis and the first drop are statistically significant, given p<0.001 in either case. The centrality of prefixes as exponents
of anacrusis in Beowulf is thus indisputable.
No less foreign to fornyrislag is the third prototypical property of anacrusis ascertained in Beowulf, namely, the preponderant occurrence of prefixes and the negative
particle ne. Only 1 verse out of a total of 44 has n (Vkv 33.9 n bri minni), and there
are no examples of prefix in fornyrislag. This is a consequence of the phonology and
morphology of Old Norse: unstressed vowels were subject to loss on a larger scale
in North Germanic than in West Germanic, and as a result prefixes lost most of their
original identity (Noreen 1970: 135; Russom 1998: 14, 209). Accordingly, anacrusis is
realized almost exclusively by independent words, including conjunctions (e.g., oc
and), prepositions (e.g., of over), pronouns (e.g., s he), adverbs (e.g., sv so),
and finite verbs (e.g., lifa live).
Among the anacrustic verses, type aA1 figures most prominently on account of the
dominant presence of typeA1, rather than for its intrinsic reasons, as demonstrated
above. In comparison with Beowulf (to say nothing of the Heliand with extensive use
of anacrusis), the proportion of type aA1 to typeA1 is much smaller in fornyrislag, as
shown in Table3.7. With a p-value of 0.031, Fishers test again confirms that fornyris
lag and Beowulf significantly differ in frequency of anacrusis in regard to type aA1: it
occurs in fornyrislag less frequently with statistical significance. This accords with
the general pattern observed above (Table3.5).
Anacrusis
175
Table3.7.Proportion of type aA1 to typeA1 in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand

Meter
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
Type aA1
Type A1
Total
26 (1.23%)
44 (2.04%)
1105 (26.91%)
2092 (98.77%)
2111 (97.96%)
3001 (73.09%)
2118 (100%)
2155 (100%)
4106 (100%)
The overall picture of verse distribution and alliterative pattern that we have seen
above for anacrusis at large persists when we concentrate on typeA1 with and without
anacrusis (Table3.8): with p-values of p=0.315 and p=0.243, respectively, neither
verse distribution nor alliterative pattern is significantly affected by the presence of
anacrusis in fornyrislag.
Table3.8.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of types aA1 and A1 in fornyrislag and Beowulf
Meter
Type
A-verse
B-verse
Total
Fornyrislag
aA1
12 (46.15%)
4 (33.33%)
8 (66.67%)
14 (53.85%)
26 (100%)
A1
767 (36.66%)
413 (53.85%)
354 (46.15%)
1325 (63.34%)
2092 (100%)
aA1
36 (81.82%)
3 (8.33%)
33 (91.67%)
8 (18.18%)
44 (100%)
A1
1064 (50.40%)
431 (40.51%)
633 (59.49%)
1047 (49.60%)
2111 (100%)
Beowulf
As the foregoing examination has shown, anacrusis occurs with an extremely low incidence in fornyrislag and displays none of its prototypical features found in Beowulf.
We might therefore be tempted to assume that anacrusis constitutes no more than a
residue without any structural value in the Norse metrical system. In other words, no
longer rule-governed, anacrusis might be conceived as a randomly occurring, exceptional phenomenon:3 it would merely be an extremely rare, negligible occurrence of a
normal drop before the first lift.
On closer consideration, the strikingly lower incidence of anacrusis in fornyrislag
than in Beowulf turns out to be more apparent than real. When focusing on independent words in disregard of prefixes, the overall ratios of anacrusis in the two poems
become reversed, with a larger (if only slightly) presence in fornyrislag. Specifically,
3Or one might even go so far as to reject anacrusis as due to textual corruption, as did some earlier
metrists (e.g., Sievers 1885: 16; Gering 1924: 12).
176
as far as only independent words as exponents of anacrusis are counted, fornyris

lag contains 43 such verses (0.72%, as against 5954 verses without anacrusis; see
Table3.5), whereas Beowulf has only 20 (0.33%, as against 6245 verses without anacrusis; see Table3.5). Performing Fishers exact test on this new contingency table, we
obtain a p-value of 0.002, which shows that the distribution pattern is significantly
different between the two poems: anacrusis, as far as it is realized by independent
words, occurs in fornyrislag more frequently than in Beowulf. The higher incidence
of anacrusis in fornyrislag, then, would make it plausible to suspect that this metrical phenomenon may be organized no less systematically there than in Beowulf,
though in diverse ways.
In West Germanic poetry, notably Beowulf (Suzuki 1996) and the Heliand (Suzuki
2004), anacrusis displays a significant association with the large size of the first drop
of typeA1. Anacrusis is most likely to occur on those variants of typeA1 in which the
first drop is occupied by larger numbers of syllables; conversely, anacrusis tends to
be avoided from the minimal variant of typeA1 with the monosyllabic first drop. Furthermore, the vast majority of type aA1 verses are structured in such a way that even
without anacrusis they would be most likely to occur as a-verses with double alliteration. Specifically, the first drop of type aA1 is usually occupied by materials that are
known to be conducive on their own to double alliteration in the a-verse. This suggests that anacrusis should better be regarded as supplementary to the a-verse with
double alliteration, rather than directly responsible for it. The subordinate role that
anacrusis has to play in the composition of the a-verse with double alliteration seems
natural, given the optionality and relatively low incidence of this metrical device. It
will be of interest to see whether or not a similar correlation obtains in fornyrislag
as well. Table3.9 compares types aA1 and A1 with respect to the proportions of the
varying number of syllables that fill the first drop.
All of the 26 examples of type aA1 have the position at issue realized by a single
syllable. In comparison, only 75.19% (1573 counts) of the total of 2092 typeA1 verses
(without anacrusis) contain a single syllable as an occupant of the first drop. The
difference between the two types in regard to the frequency of the minimal first drop
turns out to be significant, given a p-value of 0.001 by Fishers exact test. We may thus
be justified in generalizing that in fornyrislag typeA1 when expanded with anacrusis
displays a significantly stronger preference for the realization of the first drop by no
more than one syllable.
At this point, the exclusive monosyllabic realization of the first drop of typeA1
with anacrusis brings us back to the question of verse distribution: we might want to
know whether anacrusis has any significant role to play in conditioning verse selection as far as the first drop is strictly monosyllabic. Given that the polysyllabic first
drop of typeA1 favors the a-verse (section2.1.1), comparing as we did above the anacrustic and nonanacrustic verses without regard to the composition of their first drop
would have led to a biased result, we may reasonably suspect. Concentrating now
on the monosyllabic first drop (12 a-verses and 14 b-verses of type aA1; 443 a-verses
Anacrusis
177
and 1130 b-verses of typeA1), we obtain a p-value of 0.050, which would suggestively
indicate a significant difference being involved here: typeA1 with anacrusis appears
to display a closer association with the a-verse than its regular counterpart.4
This strong association between anacrusis and the minimal size of the first drop
of typeA1 is found to be in keeping with the pattern that is evinced by subtypeA1s, a
marked variant of typeA1. As listed in (1) above, there are 8 examples of subtypeA1s
with anacrusis. Of paramount interest, all of these have the first drop aligned to a
monosyllable. Given that subtypeA1s is as qualified for polysyllabic realizations of
this position as is typeA1, the exclusive presence of the monosyllabic first drop can be
explained as a consequence of the same mechanism that controls the use of anacrusis
for typeA1. On closer consideration, however, the preponderance of the monosyllabic
first drop in subtypeA1s without anacrusis (Pxpx; Table2.12, section2.1.3.2) makes
no significant difference from the monopoly of monosyllables in its anacrustic counterpart (p=0.338). Accordingly, subtypeA1s cannot be adduced as an independently
verifiable piece of evidence for the association between anacrusis and the minimal
size of the first drop.
By contrast, the apparently differentiated susceptibility of types A2a and A2b to
anacrusis may corroborate the close tie between anacrusis and the monosyllabicity of
the first drop. Specifically, we have 4 examples of typeA2a with anacrusis (as listed in
[1] above) as against a total of 59 typeA2a verses without anacrusis, whereas there are
no instances of typeA2b with anacrusis as against 65 without. Quite unexpectedly,
these two distributions seem to differ with a suggestive significance (p=0.056) for no
obvious reason. On closer analysis, however, the situation yields to an explanatory
account. While typeA2a invariably has this position aligned to a monosyllable (-S#
or #P#) by definition of this type, typeA2b is subject to as much variation as typeA1,
with the first drop realized by varying material in terms of quantity (syllable numbers)
and quality (stress degrees). Taking into consideration the varying composition of
the first drop in typeA2b, we obtain the following distribution: of the 65 examples of
typeA2b, 42, slightly less than two thirds of the total, manifest the monosyllabic first
drop. As it turns out, the two types differ significantly in the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables that fill the first drop, with a p-value of less than 0.001: typeA2b
is significantly less likely to be accompanied by the monosyllabic first drop. Given the
privilege of the monosyllabic first drop for attracting anacrusis as is demonstrably the
case with typeA1, we may be justified in concluding that the lower incidence of anacrusis in typeA2b as a whole in statistical terms stems from the significantly smaller
presence of the monosyllabic first drop there.
4As for alliterative pattern, however, anacrusis remains insensitive, given p=0.136. With an exclusive reference to the verse-final monosyllable -x#, however, anacrusis displays a significant association with double alliteration (section6.2.1.1).
178
This conclusion in turn entails the following empirical implication for verification. If we remove the above bias against anacrusis by focusing on the minimally composed variant of typeA2b for comparison with typeA2a, and recalculate the types
probabilities for undergoing anacrusis, the two types should make no significant difference on this score. We accordingly obtain the following contingency table based
on the two binary parameters, anacrustic/nonanacrustic and type A2a/type A2b: 4
and 59 counts of typeA2a, with and without anacrusis, respectively; 0 and 42 counts
of typeA2b, with and without anacrusis, respectively. The distribution pattern thus
redefined, then, turns out to be of no significant difference, with a p-value of 0.148.
Our prediction is thus borne out by the facts, and this consequently lends empirical
support to our underlying assumption that anacrusis is maximally associated with
the monosyllabic first drop of types A2a and A2b, as well as of typeA1.
Of paramount importance, the demonstrated correlation of anacrusis with the
minimal prominence of the first drop of type aA1 is unique to the Norse meter and in
total contradiction to the West Germanic cognates. Table3.9 illustrates the frequencies of varying size of the first drop of types A1 and aA1 in terms of the number of syllables involved in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand, respectively.
Table3.9.Size of the first drop of types aA1 and A1 in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Fornyrislag
Syllables
aA1
A1
Beowulf
Heliand
aA1
A1
aA1
A1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
26 (100%)
0
0
0
0
0
0
1573 (75.19%)
435 (20.79%)
77 (3.68%)
6 (0.29%)
1 (0.05%)
0
0
14 (31.82%)
21 (47.73%)
8 (18.18%)
1 (2.27%)
0
0
0
1382 (65.47%)
670 (31.74%)
54 (2.56%)
5 (0.24%)
0
0
0
377 (34.12%)
352 (31.86%)
175 (15.84%)
128 (11.58%)
53 (4.80%)
16 (1.45%)
4 (0.36%)
1250 (41.65%)
1054 (35.12%)
347 (11.56%)
206 (6.86%)
107 (3.57%)
32 (1.07%)
5 (0.17%)
Total
26 (100%)
2092 (100%)
44 (100%)
2111 (100%)
1105 (100%)
3001 (100%)
As can readily be seen, the proportion of type aA1 verses with the first drop minimally
realized is far lower than that of comparable typeA1 verses both in Beowulf and the
Heliand. The observed difference is of statistical significance, as the p-values involved
are less than 0.001 in both cases. We may therefore conclude that in Beowulf and the
Heliand typeA1 without anacrusis shows a stronger preference for the first drop with
minimal syllable amount than typeA1 with anacrusis, a pattern that is diametrically
opposite to that attested in fornyrislag.
We may naturally wonder, then, about the metrical basis for this novel association of anacrusis with the minimal prominence of the first drop in type A1 that
is unique to the Norse meter. As noted above, prefixes originally served as optimal
exponents of anacrusis as in Beowulf. Rather than given as a primitive as implied in
Anacrusis
179
Cable (1991: 5152), this morphological constraint on anacrusis should be viewed as a

derivative one. Specifically, the optimality of prefixes is motivated in morphophonological terms. Prefixes are maximally dependent on the following stressed syllables
by virtue of their minimal materiality they are unstressed and for the most part
monosyllabic and of their nonautonomous status as bound morphemes incapable of occurring independently, they are inseparably attached to the following stems.
Thus, prefixes constitute proclitics in the prototypical sense.
This structural dependency which is epitomized by prefixes provides a formal
basis for anacrusis formation in its archaic form: inseparably bound to the following
primary stress, anacrusis can be characterized as integral to the following metrical
position, that is, the first lift. Put another way, anacrusis constitutes part of the lift
through incorporation based on procliticization. More specifically, largely excluded
from independent words for realization, anacrusis does not constitute a metrical position of its own in Beowulf; rather, the predominant use of prefixes as anacrustic elements is ascribed to their parasitic status as proclitic to the following primary stressed
syllable, which constitutes the first lift (Suzuki 1996: 338340). Anacrusis may accordingly be characterized as a reinforcement of metrical prominence on the first lift: the
lift in question receives added prominence through the extra alignment to the immediately preceding proclitic element, in addition to its proper realization by a stressed,
minimally bimoraic material, P or px.
The increase of metrical prominence on the first lift (and by implication the entire
verse that it belongs to) is effected through a variety of processes, most notably by
encliticization (in the case of class D* / / \ or / / \; Suzuki 1996: 2435) and
by promotion of a normal drop to a heavy one (e.g., types A2a / \ / and A2b / / \;
Suzuki 1996: 132, 374375). The derivation of class D* from class D then constitutes a
mirror image of anacrusis formation.5 These configurations with increased metrical
prominence show a strong preference for the a-verse with double alliteration. Thus,
the extra weak elements that stand immediately before and after the first lift do not
count as independent metrical positions; rather, they are integrated parts of the lift
concerned, and as such they enhance its prominence by material extension backward
and forward, respectively. Anacrusis is therefore capable of giving extra prominence
to the first lift and concomitantly to the entire verse, which accounts for its close association with the a-verse and double alliteration.
The original mechanism of anacrusis that was founded on the availability of prefixes as its prime exponents is no longer viable in fornyrislag, however. In Old Norse,
prefixes are largely lost, as observed above. The loss consequently led to a dissociation of anacrustic elements from the immediately following primary-stressed syllable:
in the absence of morphological boundedness, they hardly count as parasitic on the
5Accordingly, just as prefixes constitute optimal realizations of anacrusis, word-final unstressed syllables serve as prototypical exponents of the extra drop of typeD* (/ / ) located between the lifts.
180
first lift. With independent words serving as its primary realizations now, anacrusis is
more likely to constitute a metrical position of its own (a normal drop) detached from
the first lift. The dissociation of anacrusis from the first lift entails that it is no more
capable of adding metrical prominence to the first lift than is the first drop of types
B and C. As a consequence, anacrusis no longer serves in fornyrislag as an optional
but integrated accompaniment to the a-verse with double alliteration that it was in
Beowulf. Thus, the removal of prefixes from the language resulted in their failure to
function as anacrusis, which in turn was deprived of its original role of marking the
a-verse with double alliteration.6
Thus systematically denied access to the cluster of the three prototypical properties of anacrusis, fornyrislag is incapable of retaining anacrusis in its original form,
and is required instead to reorganize the device in accordance with the new metrical
environment. In the absence of the earlier morphophonological underpinnings, anacrusis cannot be characterized as integral to the following first lift: the concatenation xP can no longer be identified as a maximally expanded variant of the first lift
through procliticization. The initial upbeat at issue must alternatively be reconstituted as a separate metrical position. Consequently, the following representation with
five metrical positions is postulated for fornyrislag, in distinction from that with four
for Beowulf:
(3)
//
Gr II 2.6 um hvssom drom

//
Beo 1549a wi ord ond wi ecge
While the anacrustic wi is incorporated in the first lift through procliticization to ord
in Beowulf, the corresponding element um in fornyrislag is aligned to a separate drop
independently of the following lifted syllable.
The promotion of anacrusis to an autonomous metrical position is also motivated by the parallel treatment of the extra drop of typeD*. As shown in section2.12.1
above, given the configurations PxPPx, PxPpx, PxPSx, PxPsx, PxPXx, and
PxPxx, the string x that appears after the first lift must be mapped to an independent position in fornyrislag. The mechanism that enabled Beowulf to treat it as
integral to the preceding lift without yielding a distinct position is no longer viable:
the original condition that made the derivation from typeD possible the existence
of a heavy drop in the metrical representation of typeD2 does not hold in the Norse
6A further factor may be held responsible for the loss of the privileged status of the a-verse as a
location of anacrusis: as will be shown in section5.2.4 below, the ascendancy of the metrical concatenation / as the optimal cadence of the b-verse would have promoted the occurrence of typeA with
anacrusis in the b-verse.
Anacrusis
181
meter. In fornyrislag, the earlier variants, types D1, D2a, and D2b, are generalized
as a single verse type, which dispenses with the heavy drop as its mandatory constituent (section2.10.1). In the absence of a potential host that can be attached to, the
unstressed material standing between the lifts has no metrical position to be mapped
onto, other than a new drop that is posited for accommodation independent of the
preceding lift. Thus, the expansion of the first lift by encliticization is no more feasible than by procliticization.
The assignment of an independent status to anacrusis, however, conflicts with
the fundamental principle of verse composition, namely, the principle of four metrical positions per verse. The principle is still largely in full function in fornyrislag,
as manifested among others by the rarity of class D* (/ / ; e.g., Vsp3.7 gap var
ginnunga; section2.12), as well as the absence of overlong verses corresponding to the
hypermetric verses in the West Germanic tradition (Russom 2009: 73).7
Without going so far as to exclude anacrusis totally (which would seem least
likely in view of the occasional acceptance of the other major verse configuration
with five positions, namely, class D*) on the one hand, and without going to the other
extreme by sanctioning it liberally on the other, the Norse poets make a compromise
by employing the device only sparingly and devising an additional constraint on its
use in the interest of keeping the meters structural integrity least affected. More specifically, anacrusis is licensed under the condition that resulting anacrustic verses
should deviate minimally from the canonical four positions. At this point, the variable
length of the first drop of the major metrical type, namely, typeA1, presents itself as
a parameter for specifying the minimal distance from the canon. As may be recalled,
this parameter was traditionally matched with anacrusis the other way around: the
minimal length was at variance with anacrusis. Thus, the Norse poets reverse the
original correspondence by reevaluation. The innovative restriction thus imposed on
the size of the first drop of type aA1 guarantees that only the least salient variant of
typeA1 in terms of syllable numbers is eligible for receiving anacrusis, thereby preventing the resulting verses with five positions from becoming obtrusively long and
prominent in violation of the principle of four metrical positions per verse.
The selection of the size of the first drop as the basis for controlling anacrusis is
far from arbitrary. The traditional meter was predicated precisely on this parameter
for organizing the composition of typeA1 in its relation to the distinction between the
a-verse and the b-verse. Broadly speaking, the lower the number of syllables involved,
the greater the likelihood of occurrence in the b-verse; of particular significance,
monosyllables and polysyllables have preference for the b-verse and the a-verse,
respectively. This correlation is demonstrated in fornyrislag (Table2.1, section2.1.1),
7The catalectic verses with three metrical positions are analyzed as having an underlying fourth
position (i.e., the verse-final drop) that is unrealized on the surface, as will be shown in section3.2
below. Thus, catalexis does not contravene the four-position principle.
182
as well as in Beowulf (compare Suzuki 1996: 155) and the Heliand (compare Suzuki
2004: 47), as shown in Table3.10. Thus, the Norse innovation of reorganizing anacrusis along the varying size of the first drop of typeA1 may be regarded as an analogical extension and reinterpretation of the structural relation inherent in the inherited
metrical system.
Table3.10.Verse distinction of typeA1 according to size of the first drop in fornyrislag, Beowulf,
and the Heliand
Meter
Syllables
A-verse
B-verse
Total
Fornyrislag
1
2
3
4
5
443 (28.16%)
265 (60.92%)
53 (68.83%)
5 (83.33%)
1 (100%)
1130 (71.84%)
170 (39.08%)
24 (31.17%)
1 (16.67%)
0 (0%)
1573 (100%)
435 (100%)
77 (100%)
6 (100%)
1 (100%)
Beowulf
1
2
3
4
655 (47.40%)
362 (54.03%)
43 (79.63%)
4 (80.00%)
727 (52.60%)
308 (45.97%)
11 (20.37%)
1 (20.00%)
1382 (100%)
670 (100%)
54 (100%)
5 (100%)
Heliand
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
494 (39.52%)
685 (64.99%)
288 (83.00%)
195 (94.66%)
103 (96.26%)
32 (100%)
5 (100%)
756 (60.48%)
369 (35.01%)
59 (17.00%)
11 (5.34%)
4 (3.74%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1250 (100%)
1054 (100%)
347 (100%)
206 (100%)
107 (100%)
32 (100%)
5 (100%)
Thus, the loss of the original prototypical properties of anacrusis and the implementation of the alternative constraint on it are inseparably associated in terms of
metrical organization in fornyrislag. In this light, anacrusis in fornyrislag must be
regarded as rule-governed and incorporated as a legitimate constituent into the metrical system, although it no doubt stands on the periphery by virtue of its extremely rare
occurrence. Anacrusis is accordingly anything but an unmetrical (or extrametrical)
phenomenon occurring randomly without any synchronic consequence. This finding,
then, refutes the traditional view that largely questions (if not categorically rejects)
the metrical legitimacy of anacrusis in fornyrislag (e.g., Sievers 1893: 66; Brate 1898:
40; Russom 1998: 49, 209).
In the process of reorganization, the original association of anacrusis with the
a-verse with double alliteration can hardly be left intact. Given that the minimal first
drop of typeA1 the new correlate of anacrusis in the Norse meter is linked most
closely to the b-verse in traditional versification, anacrusis can no longer serve as a
privileged accompaniment of the a-verse with double alliteration, as argued above.
This does not necessarily mean, however, that the traditional association with these
Anacrusis
183
two attributes must inevitably be abandoned in the novel organization. On the contrary, in the changed metrical environment, too, the two features can coexist with
the anacrusis that has apparently been dissociated from them as a consequence of
its reconfiguration as an increment privileged to the monosyllabic first drop. While
they can no longer provide primarily necessary conditions for anacrusis as they did
in earlier meter, they can still function as auxiliary constraints on it by inducing the
anacrustic variant of typeA1 (xPxPx) to occur in the a-verse and to manifest double
alliteration with a higher incidence relative to its nonanacrustic counterpart (PxPx).
As it turns out, one of the two traditional properties of anacrusis seems to be
retained, although in weakened form. At issue is the enhanced occurrence in the
a-verse of type A1 with anacrusis in comparison with its regular counterpart, as
pointed out above: with a p-value of 0.050, the configuration xPxPx (typeA1 with
anacrusis) is more likely to occur in the a-verse than PxPx (typeA1 without anacrusis). In this light, we may surmise that the Norse poets keep faithful to part of the
traditional generalization despite their radical reorganization by innovation in Scandinavian territory.
The monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 is far from homogeneous in structure. As
shown in section2.1.1, it falls primarily into the two variants, the word-final -x# and
the word-initial #x#, that is, the monosyllabic function word. At this point, then, it
seems appropriate to examine whether this distinction has any bearing on anacrusis
formation. Out of a total of 26 type aA1 verses (all with the monosyllabic first drop,
as shown above; Table3.9), 15 (57.69%) contain the word-final -x#, and the remaining 11 instantiate the word-initial #x# (or #x-). On the other hand, the 1573 typeA1
verses with the monosyllabic first drop have this position aligned to the word-final in
1075 instances and to the word-initial in 442 examples the remaining 56 verses with
the first drop realized by a word-medial syllable -x-, which may be ignored here. The
two distributions turn out to be lacking in a statistically significant difference, with
a p-value of 0.190. We may therefore conclude that anacrusis is not intimately correlated to the word-final monosyllable -x# in fornyrislag; the morphological status
of monosyllables has no significant consequences for anacrusis. Given the minimal
prominence of the word-final unstressed syllable -x#, the lack of sensitivity to this
property for metrical organization leads us to the evaluation that fornyrislag is not
yet designed in this respect as optimally as it can be. As will be shown in section6.2.1.1
below, however, there is some indication that the word-final syllable -x# is distinguished from the word-initial one #x-: the minimal configuration Px#Px is more likely
to manifest double alliteration with anacrusis than without it. Thus, fornyrislag in
fact seems to preserve in a subtle manner a trace of the traditional association of anacrusis with double alliteration, as well as with the a-verse.
There is yet a further dimension to bear on the organization of anacrusis in relation to the varying composition of the first drop. At issue is the opposition between
unstressed and secondary-stressed monosyllables as occupants of the first drop of
subtype A1s. Out of the 8 instances of subtype A1s with anacrusis as listed in (1)
184
above, 7 are of the form xPxpx, whereas the remaining one is an instance of the
configuration xPS#px. On the other hand, as far as their counterparts without anacrusis are concerned, there are 37 examples of the configuration Px#px and 158 of the
configuration PS#px. The two distributions differ significantly (p<0.001): the variant
with the monosyllabic unstressed first drop is more likely to be augmented with anacrusis than the one with the secondary-stressed counterpart. The monosyllabic first
drop of subtypeA1s is thus subject to a further differentiation on the basis of stress,
whereby the variant with a minimal stress is maximally associated with anacrusis.
In this way, while the Norse poets fall short of making a firm distinction between
word-final and word-initial unstressed syllables, they successfully introduce a stressbased differentiation into the metrical organization of anacrusis. Since the difference
in stress is obviously more conspicuous and hence amenable to a better control than
the finer distinction between unstressed syllables, it should hardly be surprising that
the distinction between -x# and -S# finds its way into the system while that between
-x# and #x- fails to be fully encoded in it.
As shown above, in fornyrislag anacrusis constitutes a distinct metrical position
that is irreducible to the following lift. In this respect, fornyrislag is similar to the
Heliand, in which anacrusis was reconstituted as an independent metrical position
(Suzuki 2004: 160175). A crucial difference between the two meters, however, concerns the productivity of the device: while rare in the extreme in fornyrislag, anacrusis enjoys extensive use in the Heliand, so much so that approximately one in every
four typeA1 verses is expanded with anacrusis (Table3.6; Suzuki 2004: 170).
As originally brought to light by Kuhn ([1939] 1969) and further explored by
Suzuki (2010a), some of the marked metrical configurations in fornyrislag originated
from the West Germanic, particularly German, tradition. At issue is the realization of
a lift solely by a short stressed syllable without invoking resolution (section 4.3.9):
for example, xpx (typeA3; e.g., Sg 4.5 n hann kono; section2.3.2); PpXx (typeD;
e.g, Gr I 24.10 siau konunga; section2.10.4); xpXx (typeC; e.g., Sg 70.6 oc faerni;
section2.8.3). The German origins of these configurations are evidenced by their concentrated distribution in the group of eddic poems known to be of South German, or
foreign as generally categorized in distinction from native Scandinavian, in origin
(see section1.1 above; compare Suzuki 2010a).8
In view of the marked status of anacrusis in fornyrislag and its partial similarity
to that in the Heliand as pointed out above, one might speculate that anacrusis, too,
would have derived from the West Germanic metrical tradition. This conjecture would
seem all the more plausible, given the loss of prefixes in Old Norse, the prototypical exponents of anacrusis: as Russom (1998: 209; 2009: 73) explicitly reasons, with
removal of prefixes, anacrusis would have lost its linguistic basis and thereupon this
8The following twelve poems are of foreign content: Vkv, Grp, Rm, Fm, Br, Gr I, Sg, Hlr, Gr II,
GrIII, Od, Ghv.
Catalexis
185
metrical device would have fallen out of use completely. The exceptional occurrence
of anacrusis in fornyrislag despite the absence of its original linguistic basis might
accordingly be attributed to foreign influence.
The alleged influence of West Germanic metrical practice on the marginal use
of anacrusis in fornyrislag therefore requires verification. The hypothesis at issue
would imply that anacrusis is attested in the group of foreign poems with a significantly higher frequency than in the native counterpart.
On the basis of Table3.1, which records the distribution of anacrusis in individual
eddic poems, we obtain the following contingency table (Table 3.11), which shows
the distribution of verses with anacrusis in regard to the dichotomy in the native and
foreign groups. For comparison, the distribution of verses without anacrusis is represented in the row immediately below.
Table3.11.Occurrences of anacrusis in the native and foreign groups of fornyrislag poetry
Anacrusis
With
Without
Native
Foreign
Total
19 (43.18%)
3210 (53.91%)
25 (56.82%)
2744 (46.09%)
44 (100%)
5954 (100%)
Fishers exact test gives a p-value of 0.173, which requires us to maintain the null
hypothesis that there is no association between the two parameters, that of anacrusis
on the one hand and that of content/provenance on the other. Put another way, verses
with or without anacrusis are distributed in statistically indistinguishable ways in
relation to the division of eddic poems into the two different groups of content: correspondingly, in sharp contrast to the verse configurations such as PpXx, no statistical
support is available for the claim that anacrusis originated from the poems of South
German origin. Given the lack of statistical significance, we should alternatively
assume that anacrusis would have been in existence on native soil.
Hence, it may follow that, rather than a borrowing from West Germanic, anacrusis in fornyrislag was most likely an inheritance from Common Germanic meter. The
reorganization of anacrusis in the Norse meter that we specified above would therefore have been made indigenously on the inherited material by manipulating native
metrical resources to their best advantage in accordance with the changed linguistic
environment.
3.2Catalexis
In sections 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.9, and 2.11 above, we examined catalectic verse types on an
individual basis. This section brings together these specific findings, explores their
consequences for metrical organization, and characterizes in formal terms the con-
186
comitant deviation from the canonical four positions. From a comparative perspective, fornyrislag is distinguished from its West Germanic cognates by the conspicuous
occurrences of verses that consist of three metrical positions, rather than the canonical four. In West Germanic poetry, there is indeed a scattering of such short verses,
but they are sporadic and exceptional.9 In fornyrislag, however, these three-position verses are more numerous (see Table3.17 below), although still highly marked
in contrast to the regular four-position forms: in both Beowulf and the Heliand, the
ratio of the presumable three-position verses is well below 1%, whereas it amounts to
approximately 7% in fornyrislag. Accordingly, the three-position verses in fornyris
lag cannot be dismissed simply as exceptional (or corrupt) and denied formal legitimacy in the metrical system.
Given the recurring appearance of the verses with three metrical positions, Sievers
(1893: 68) rightfully acknowledged them as a legitimate verse form in fornyrislag, as
did Wenck (1905: 132133) and Heusler (1956: 178179). According to Sieverss classification, the three-position verses, generally referred to as typeF (Sievers 1885: 63),
are divided into three major classes, A- (read A-minus; / /), C- (/ /), and D- (/ /),
that is, the classes corresponding to the regular classes A (/ /), C (/ /), and D (/
/ ) but lacking the final drop (). Since classes A, C, and D are themselves divided
into several types and realization variants on the basis of varying language materials
that fill the metrical positions involved (see chapter2 above; Sievers 1885: 1011; 1893:
3334), the three-position verses that are actually attested are correspondingly more
diverse in configuration, as exemplified in (4):
(4)
PxP (typeA1-): Gr I 17.9 systir mn; cf. PxPx

PSP (typeA2a-): Gr II 22.5 lyngfiscr langr; cf. PSPx
xPP (typeC-): R 43.1 Enn Konr ungr; cf. xPPx
xpxP (typeC-): R 28.2 oc sneri streng; cf. xpxPx
PPS (typeD-): Od 21.6 b fimtn; cf. PPSx
PPx (typeD-): Hdl 29.7 sns brur; cf. PPxx
PSx (typeD-): HHII 3.7 mealkafli; cf. PSxx
Only the drop is eligible for verse-final deletion: the lift is unaffected by catalexis.
The restriction of catalexis to the drop can be demonstrated as follows. Given the two
verse types ending in a lift, namely, types B and E, if the verse-final lift were subject
to deletion, we would get xPx (from xPxP, typeB) and PSx (from PSxP, typeE).
These two resultant configurations, however, would not constitute novel verse types
in purely formal terms: the configuration xPx is no different from typeA3 ([/] /);
and the configuration PSx is indistinguishable from typeD- (/ /). However, it is not
just that the vacuous nature of the hypothetical typeB- and typeE- strike us as for-
9Beo 947a, 1759a, 1871b; Hel 31b, 1143b, 1600a, 2619b, 2780b, 3660b, 5544b, 5605a, 5937a, 5976a.
Catalexis
187
mally questionable; they will also incur consequences that turn out to be empirically
insignificant or even untenable, as detailed below.
To scan the configuration xPx as typeB-, whether conjunctively or disjunctively
with typeA3, would be unlikely to lead to empirically distinct consequences that are
verifiable in their specifics. In view of the close association of catalectic verse types
in general with the a-verse, the rescansion as type B- would hardly produce a differing verse distribution from the original counterpart as typeA3: the conspicuous
concentration of xPx in the a-verse could be explained as a reinforcement of the
preference for the a-verse that typeB itself, allegedly the basic counterpart of typeB-,
displays on its own. With the single lift available on the surface, there is no room for
differentiation in alliterative pattern, either, that might possibly select one scansion
over the other.
The sole substantive difference one might dare to think of would be the presence of the verse forms xPx and xPS in fornyrislag, in contrast to their total absence
in Beowulf and the Heliand. At issue are the seven verses already given in (23),
section2.3.1 above: Vsp64.4 Giml; Vkv 9.1 Gecc brnni; Rm 17.2 strim; Gr I
24.11 oc vinspell; Sg 62.7 til Inacrs; Od 4.2 foldo; Hdl 26.3 oc Hiords. To be sure, these
seven verses are scannable as type B-: in fact, the monosyllabic first drop occurs
in typeB with a great frequency (Table2.35, section2.7). By contrast, identification
with typeA3 might seem doubtful according to the traditional conceptualization of
typeA3, which has two metrical positions preceding the lifted syllable (P); therefore,
the occurrence of a single syllable before the lift would make too short a verse. In
this light, the seven verses in question could possibly be adduced as evidence for the
postulation of the catalectic type in question. In actuality, however, on our view presented in section2.3.1 above, they can no less plausibly be identified as typeA3 than
the longer concatenations xxPx and xxPS: on postulating the unrealized, zero first
lift for typeA3, these apparently too short verses can be fully incorporated into the
template of this type, namely, (/) / . With this new characterization of type A3,
then, these examples with the monosyllabic upbeat cannot convince us of the necessity to posit type B- as a legitimate verse type, in distinction from the well-established typeA3. Since the whole class of verses that are normally identified as typeA3
in fornyrislag does not seem to display any further demonstrable difference from
their cognates in the West Germanic meters, the purported rescansion as typeB- at
the expense of the original practice must be dismissed, as it incurs only conceptual
complication without empirical advantage.
On the other hand, to identify the sequence PSx as type E- would mean that
it consists of only one lift (/ \ ). This would entail that this configuration should
necessarily manifest single alliteration. Moreover, since the heavy drop may less typically be occupied by a primary-stressed syllable, as is obviously the case with typeE
(section2.13.1), the configuration PPx ought to be no less amenable to the scansion
as type E- (/ \ ) than to type D- (/ / ), insofar as single alliteration is realized.
Confronted with double alliteration, however, we must categorically rule out typeE-
188
as a feasible scansion, since only the lift is qualified for carrying alliteration.10 The
remaining variant of type D-, namely, PPS, defies scansion as type E- with any
stretch of the imagination, because the verse form PPSP is completely unknown. In
this light, typeE- proves to be less inclusive in its extension than typeD-, and it can
accordingly be fully subsumed under the latter type.
Thus wholly reducible to the existing verse types the normal type (typeA3) and
the catalectic type (typeD-), the postulation of catalectic counterparts of types B and
E is vacuous and redundant at best: assuming catalexis for the drop-ending verse
types would be sufficient to account for the existing varieties of three-position verses.
By contrast, to restrict catalexis formation to types B and E would have to leave a
wide range of three-position configurations unaccounted for, including the most frequently occurring PxP (typeA1-). We are therefore left with two alternative solutions
to choose from: on the one hand, we should limit catalexis to the three verse classes
ending in a drop; on the other hand, we permit catalexis to involve all four-position
classes regardless of the nature of the final metrical position. What must be flatly
rejected is to regard catalexis as an exclusive property of the types with a verse-final
lift.
Given that restricting catalexis exclusively to the verse-final drop can fully accommodate the whole variety of three-position verses in the corpus, it should be best to
disqualify the lift from catalexis on grounds of simplicity, to say the least. More substantively, there is good reason to conceptualize catalexis as a null linguistic realization of the position involved, rather than as its total erasure from the metrical representation, as will be proposed immediately below. In this light, it is least conceivable
that the lift, the strong and prominent position, should be as qualified for realization
by the minimal amount of linguistic material as is its polar opposite, the drop.
The verse-final drop that appears to be subject to deletion by catalexis does not
literally disappear from the underlying metrical representation. On the contrary, it
still remains out there, only to be realized by null linguistic material, as represented
below:
(5) //metrical structure
HHII 32.1 Scriat at sciplinguistic material
Catalexis may accordingly be interpreted as a minus device in Lotmans terms
(Lotman [1970] 1977: 51, 139). Put another way, rather than remove the verse-final drop
from the metrical structure, we may assume that at the underlying level the catalectic
verse has the same metrical structure as the corresponding normal one and that the
10Of course, one could assume at the risk of being criticized as ad hoc that double alliteration
is only apparent, with the second weak position accidentally displaying the same word-initial consonant as the first one.
Catalexis
189
crucial difference resides in the surface treatment of the final metrical position: the
position in question is left unrealized on the surface.
The zero realization of the verse-final drop as proposed here should not be
confused with a pause as its physical correlate which is claimed by some metrists
to materialize in the corresponding position. The postulation of a pause as a realization of the missing final drop of catalectic verses was assumed by Wenck (1905:
133), for example. As evidence for his claim, he adduced the alleged preponderance
of catalexis in the b-verse: fifty-three a-verses versus seventy-one b-verses; moreover,
he went on to argue, several poems, namely, Hym, Br, Gr II, Gr III, and Bdr, limit
catalectic verses to the b-verse (Wenck 1905: 132133). According to Wenck (1905: 133),
the marked preference of catalexis for the b-verse is subject to explanation, because
the pause ought to be realized more easily at the end of a line (the b-verse) than in
its middle point (the a-verse): the insertion of a pause between the a-verse and the
b-verse would sound disturbing to the rhythm of the whole line concerned.
Wencks circumstantial evidence, however, turns out to be untenable on empirical grounds. First, the allegedly uneven distribution of catalexis in favor of the b-verse
is simply contrary to the fact: as shown above, it is the a-verse that actually prevails
in overall terms.11 Second, on our scansion, no poems are found that absolutely limit
catalexis to the b-verse; on the contrary, there is a single poem (Hlr) in which catalexis
occurs exclusively in the a-verse (7 a-verses vs. 0 b-verses). And the vast majority offers
a larger number of catalectic a-verses, with the exception of Vsp(10 a-verses vs. 15
b-verses), Hym(10 a-verses vs. 13 b-verses), Sg (25 a-verses vs. 29 b-verses), and Bdr (1
a-verse vs. 5 b-verses). These four poems, however, cannot be regarded as particularly
favorable to the b-verse on statistical grounds, given p-values of 0.454 (Vsp), 0.605
(Hym), 0.847 (Sg), and 0.545 (Bdr), respectively. Moreover, in conceptual terms, zero
realization and pause are not fully coterminous: null realization simply means that
a given metrical position is not accompanied with linguistic material on the surface:
whether it has a temporal correlate or not is irrelevant. By contrast, while lacking corresponding linguistic material, a pause is a particular form of actualization in having
a certain stretch of time as its overt physical correlate. More substantively, even if we
were committed to the isochronists conceptualization of verse, the missing final drop
would not necessarily require a pause as its corresponding temporal extension. As
may be recalled, the unrealized final drop leads to a compensatory enlargement of
the other drop; in this light, without postulating a pause,12 the expanded drop would
11Apparently, the range of catalectic verses that Wenck allowed for is considerably narrower than
ours. Since he did not provide a comprehensive list of catalectic verses, we cannot refute his scansions
on an individual basis. We must therefore take for granted the general empirical adequacy of our
scansions, in view of the arguments that we presented for our analysis of catalectic verses in sections
2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.9, and 2.11 above.
12We further subscribe to the additional assumption that the foot is not a significant metrical level.
190
demand a longer duration of time for realization, which should in effect guarantee the
isochronic actualization of the verse in question.
The proposed characterization of the catalectic ending / as a variant of / with
the unrealized hence, / () entails empirical implications that yield to verification. Inasmuch as this ending is followed by the final drop in abstract metrical representation, it should be expected to be treated distinctly in some way or other from
the verse final lift / pure and simple, which is located at the end of types B and E. One
likely dimension along which the two entities at issue can be differentiated would be
verse distribution, a major metrical parameter of ubiquitous significance. Table3.12,
then, represents the distribution of the two kinds of verse-final lifts on the surface in
the two distinct groups of verse types, the catalectic ending / () in types A1-, A2a-,
and C- on the one hand, and the full counterpart found in types B and E on the other.13
Table3.12.Verse distinction based on the catalectic and full lifts in verse-final position
Lift
A-verse
B-verse
Total
Catalectic / (): types A1-, A2a-, and C-
220 (61.28%)
139 (38.72%)
359 (100%)
Full /: types B and E
381 (68.77%)
173 (31.23%)
554 (100%)
As it turns out, the two final lifts differ significantly in verse distribution, with a
p-value of 0.022: the catalectic ending / () appears in the b-verse with a significantly
higher incidence than the full counterpart constitutive of types B and E. This strikes
us as all the more remarkable, when we are reminded that catalectic types themselves
are biased toward the a-verse, where they can be distinguished from their regular
counterparts. Despite their inherent association with the a-verse, the catalectic types
in question still fail to display as strong a correlation as types B and E with the a-verse.
Hence, we may reasonably be led to ascribe the difference in distribution between the
two groups of verses to the distinction in the cadence, a feature that uniquely distinguishes the two groups. By interpreting the observed difference to be a consequence
of the distinct metrical status of the two entities in question, namely, / () versus /, we
may therefore be justified in claiming that the postulation of the final drop after the
catalectic ending / has received corroboration on empirical grounds.
Of greater interest than the difference in itself is the exact way in which the
two endings differ in verse distribution. As will be shown in detail in chapter5, the
optimal cadence of the b-verse is / , realized as Px in its prototypical form. As shown
in Table 3.12, the catalectic ending / () (= P) displays a distribution pattern that
proves to be closer to the canonical disyllable Px than does the full ending /. While
13Because of the exclusive occurrence of typeA3- in the a-verse, this type is disregarded from consideration below.
Catalexis
191
not prevalent in the b-verse like the cadence Px (Table5.13, section5.4.3), the catalectic ending P cannot be characterized as strongly biased toward the a-verse as the
full ending / (= P; p=0.022). This partial similarity to the optimal cadence Px, then,
can be explained in a principled way by assuming that the catalectic ending, too, is
composed of / in its underlying representation: by virtue of the verse-final drop
that is commonly involved, the catalectic ending meets with lesser resistance in the
b-verse than the full one, which, completely lacking the weak element at issue, is
antagonistic to the canonical cadence Px and therefore encoded with a contrary verse
distribution pattern.
Further support for the persistent existence of the verse-final drop in the underlying representation of catalectic verses is provided by HHv 2.7 oc ks ec, atz ec vil
[x#P#x#x#x#P], a type A1- verse with anacrusis (section 3.1). If one assumed, contrary to our hypothesis, that catalexis involves the loss of the final drop, this example
would have to be scanned as type B or type aD*. Either scansion, however, proves
to be far from tenable. First, type B allows its second drop to be occupied by two
syllables at most and only occasionally at that (section2.7); seen in this light, scanning this verse as typeB with the overlong second drop would be extremely implausible. Second, the identification with type aD* would imply that the second lift is
carried by atz, a class 3 function word, at the cost of the verse-final vil, an inherently
more prominent word of class 2. More seriously, the resultant verse would contain
as many as six positions in all, a highly unlikely situation in view of the stringency
with which the principle of four positions per verse is conformed to in fornyris
lag. In fact, the corpus contains absolutely no instances of typeD* expanded with
anacrusis.
Thus, we are left with the scansion as type aA1- as the most plausible one. To
obtain this result, however, if one stuck to the notion of deleting the final drop for
catalexis, one would have to invoke deletion and expansion in conjunction, a computation that would seem vacuous and dubious in character: the combined operation of
addition and subtraction on the same configuration would result only in the already
existing concatenation of metrical positions, corresponding to type B. By contrast,
according to our proposed view, the derivation of type aA1- requires only addition as
a necessary operation, as the final drop is left standing as ever: typeA1- is as qualified to undergo anacrusis as its regular counterpart, typeA1, by virtue of the identical
metrical representation involved.
Another empirical consequence of postulating a latent verse-final drop in the
catalectic ending / () has to do with resolution on the final lift of types A1- and C-.
On the assumption that typeA1- is based on the metrical representation / / , as
opposed to / /, the sequence Pxpx would have to be aligned to this canonical form
/ / , rather than the three-position counterpart, / /, which is simply nonexistent
according to our hypothesis. As a consequence, there is no other scansion available
than to identify the final disyllable px as corresponding to the last two metrical positions, / : the short stressed syllable is thus bound to be suspended from resolution
192
(section 2.1.3.2). By the same token, the configuration xPpx must be scanned as
consisting of four positions / / , in the absence of the shorter scheme / / to be
matched with: the disyllable involved is necessarily aligned to two positions, / , with
the result that the second lift is occupied by the short stressed syllable alone through
suspension of resolution (section2.8.2).
Thus, as long as we stick to the four-position schemes as the underlying representations of types A1- and C-, there is no possibility of permitting resolution to occur
on the verse-final lift of these types: the configurations Pxpx and xPpx can by no
means be identified with PxP and xPP, respectively. In this regard, the rejection of
three-position verse schemes leads us to make strong empirical predictions: the two
configurations at issue, Pxpx and xPpx, ought to constitute variants of types A1
(subtypeA1s) and C, respectively; and concomitantly, they should behave differently
from the catalectic verses, PxP and xPP. These predictions are borne out by the
facts, as substantiated in the following paragraphs.
The substantial occurrence of the configuration Pxpx counts as a distinctive
property of fornyrislag (sections 2.1.3.2 and 4.3.3). At first glance, then, it might
present itself as a further case of catalexis, as the three-position verses are comparably
numerous in the Norse meter alone. On closer analysis, however, there are metrical
grounds for choosing the scansion as typeA1 (subtypeA1s) at the expense of typeA1-,
as argued in section2.1.3.2 above. While indistinguishable from the sequence PxP
in terms of verse distribution (p=0.101), the configuration Pxpx displays an alliterative pattern that is distinct from that of PxP (p=0.026). By contrast, there are no
significant differences ascertained between the configurations Pxpx and PxPx on
either parameter. Furthermore, the size of the first drop, more specifically the proportion of the monosyllabic first drop to the polysyllabic one, makes a sharp distinction
between Pxpx and PxP (p<0.001), whereas no comparable difference is in evidence between Pxpx and PxPx (p=0.700). On the whole, then, these similarities
may justify our identifying the configuration Pxpx as a variant of typeA1 (PxPx)
and rejecting the alternative scansion as typeA1- as less than feasible.
No more plausible is the identification of the other configuration, xPpx, with x
PP. Unlike the sequence Pxpx, which is largely limited to the Norse meter, this form
is widespread throughout the Old Germanic metrical tradition: it constitutes a prototypical variant of typeC, along with the configuration xPPx. In numerical terms, it
is the most common in Beowulf among the range of varieties of this type, and second
to the prime variant xPPx in the Heliand as well as in fornyrislag. In view of the
well-established presence of xPpx as typeC in the West Germanic meters, particularly the archaic one of Beowulf, and the illegitimate status of catalectic verses in the
West Germanic tradition in general, we may reasonably dismiss the scansion of this
configuration as consisting of no more than three metrical positions with the resolved
second lift.
Further on Scandinavian soil, there are no grounds to assume that the establishment of catalectic verses in fornyrislag brought in its train a corresponding metri-
Catalexis
193
cal reconstitution of the configuration xPpx from regular to catalectic. On the

contrary, to scan it as typeC- and regard it accordingly as equivalent to the configuration xPP would create an anomalous situation in which the resolved second lift
far outnumbers the monosyllabic one (280 instances of xPpx as against 77 of x
PP), while resolution is otherwise largely inapplicable to the second lift in the Norse
meter.
So far there appears to be no justification whatsoever for scanning the sequence
xPpx as a resolved variant of the catalectic xPP (class C-), as opposed to the nonresolved, short variant (Sieverss typeC3) of the canonical xPPx (class C) in accordance with the traditional scansion (compare Sievers 1893: 198). A closer examination
of the sequences distribution, however, will show that catalexis seems far from being
out of the question: there seems to be some metrical motivation available for identifying the configuration in question concurrently as typeC-.
In both Beowulf and the Heliand, the sequence xPpx occurs predominantly in
the b-verse, as does the sequence xPPx. Eddic poetry, however, largely diverges
from this pattern: while the sequence xPPx is favored in the b-verse in conformity
to the West Germanic traditions, the sequence xPpx appears in the a-verse with a
greater frequency (section2.8.2). These varying patterns of distribution are indicated
in Table3.13.
Table3.13.Verse distinction of xPPx and xPpx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Configuration
A-verse
B-verse
Total
Fornyrislag
xPPx
xPpx
117 (21.51%)
165 (58.93%)
427 (78.49%)
115 (41.07%)
544 (100%)
280 (100%)
Beowulf
xPPx
xPpx
34 (13.55%)
46 (17.42%)
217 (86.45%)
218 (82.58%)
251 (100%)
264 (100%)
Heliand
xPPx
xPpx
148 (22.56%)
60 (11.72%)
508 (77.44%)
452 (88.28%)
656 (100%)
512 (100%)
Thus, the distribution of the sequence xPpx in eddic poetry deviates significantly
from the others in that it occurs more frequently in the a-verse than in the b-verse.
This preference for the a-verse, however, is shared by the three-position verse form
xPP, as represented in Table3.14.
Table3.14.Verse distinction of xPP and xPpx in fornyrislag
Configuration
xPP
xPpx
A-verse
B-verse
Total
54 (70.13%)
165 (58.93%)
23 (29.87%)
115 (41.07%)
77 (100%)
280 (100%)
194
The apparent similarity in verse distribution between the sequences xPpx and x
PP on the one hand and the apparent difference in the same property between the
sequences xPpx and xPPx on the other, as indicated in Tables 3.13 and 3.14 above,
prove to be supported by inferential statistics. Between xPpx and xPPx, we obtain
a p-value of less than 0.001 by Fishers exact test, so that we have to conclude that
their verse distribution is significantly different. By contrast, with respect to the pair
of sequences xPpx and xPP, the same test gives a p-value of 0.086, which requires
us to maintain the null hypothesis of there being no association between configuration and verse distribution: the two sequences therefore display no significant difference in terms of verse distribution. Thus, as far as verse distribution is concerned, the
sequence xPpx is not different from the three-position counterpart xPP, whereas it
is significantly differentiated from the four-position one xPPx.
Unique to fornyrislag as it is, the distribution that is common to xPP and x
Ppx and differentiated from xPPx constitutes the major argument for scanning
the configuration xPpx concurrently as type C- and hence for acknowledging the
duality in its metrical identity, as reasoned in Suzuki (2009: 2126). By bringing the
cadence to bear on the present issue, however, we can provide a principled explanation for the significantly larger presence of the configuration xPpx in the a-verse
than xPPx specifically in fornyrislag without being forced to postulate the otherwise dubious dual categorization of this verse form, as detailed in section5.2.2 below:
the configuration xPpx belongs to typeC along with xPPx and some other variants
(section2.8.2); the failure of xPpx to occur in the b-verse as dominantly as xPPx
stems from the deviation of its cadence from the canonical shape Px; and the ascendancy of Px as the prototypical cadence for the b-verse constitutes a metrical innovation that is distinctively characteristic of the Norse meter.
Having removed the only conceivable obstacle for subsuming the configuration
xPpx under typeC, as opposed to typeC-, we may safely claim that the identification of the configuration xPpx as typeC stands beyond reasonable doubt. Accordingly, to the extent that its alternative but otherwise infeasible scansion as catalectic
is properly excluded in a principled way by the wholesale rejection of three-position
templates for composition in fornyrislag, we may be entitled to assert that the versefinal drop is as substantially present in the underlying metrical representation of
catalectic verses as in that of regular ones.
As will be shown in detail in chapter5 below, fornyrislag has a distinctive property of increasingly using the concatenation / as a typical verse-ending unit, particularly in the b-verse. This emergence of the fixed cadence / seems more in harmony
with the assumption that metrical representation keeps the final drop intact at the
underlying level for catalectic verses than with the complete erasure of it. Otherwise,
one would be forced to admit that the two Norse innovations are contradictory in
operation: by introducing novel verses ending in a lift, catalexis would weaken the
emergent canonical structure. By contrast, the preservation of the underlying versefinal drop makes the two innovations mutually compatible: the apparent catalectic
Catalexis
195
ending / can be integrated as a marked surface variant (/ []) of the canonical cadence
/ , in distinction from the original verse-final lift /.
Still further plausibility is added to the underlying presence of the verse-final drop
in catalectic verses when we consider from a comparative Germanic perspective the
varying ways in which the drop is treated in terms of linguistic realization. As shown
in detail in Suzuki (1996; 2004) and briefly mentioned in Suzuki (2008a), the realization of the drop is scaled in such a way that the closer it is to the end of a verse, the
less prominent it is (the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions; see also section1.2
above). As a consequence, the verse-final drop counts as the weakest in prominence
and is therefore limited to a single syllable for realization in sharp contrast to the
drops that appear earlier in a verse. A comparison of the ways in which verse-nonfinal
drops are realized in Old Germanic cognate meters shows that fornyrislag is distinguished from its West Germanic counterparts by the markedly lower prominence of
the drop in nonfinal position, as argued in detail below with reference to Tables 3.15
and 3.16. Specifically, the size of the drop as measured in terms of the syllable quantity involved is significantly smaller.
The positive correlation between the nonfinal particularly the first and the
verse-final drop in terms of their size comes to light when we compare Beowulf and
the Heliand (Table3.16). In regard to typeA1, 1382 verses out of a total of 2111, 65.87%,
have a monosyllable in the first drop in Beowulf. The rate radically reduces in the
Heliand, in which 1250 instances out of a total of 3001, as low as 41.65%, have the
first drop filled by a monosyllable. Of paramount interest, the expansion of the first
drop in the Heliand finds an analogous enlargement of the second one in the same
verse type: it is occasionally realized by a disyllable, as in Hel 319a thiornun thnaro
(Suzuki 2004: 7375), and there are 30 such examples. In view of the positive correlation in size between the first and second drops in typeA1 in the West Germanic traditions, it would strike us as hardly surprising that the verse-final drop, too, is subject
to a reduction of prominence in realization in fornyrislag, corresponding to that of
the nonfinal ones. Given the demonstrably reduced prominence in the first drop in
fornyrislag (see below), it seems therefore only natural that the meter should implement a comparable weakening of the least prominent, verse-final one: while the drop
in verse-final position is realized at the least by a single syllable in West Germanic,
it can now be left unrealized through association with a zero syllable in fornyrislag.
The presence of the verse-final drop in the underlying metrical representation of
catalectic verses in turn requires us to revise the system of verse types that we characterized in section2.15 above. Now that the difference between catalectic and regular
verses has been demonstrated to rest solely in the manner the final drop is realized
linguistically, they must be reduced to the single common structure consisting of four
metrical positions. Precisely as the configurations PxPx and PxxPx, for example,
constitute differing realizations of the same type (type A1 / / ), so do PxP and
PxPx: the catalectic verse types so far postulated should accordingly be recategorized
as marked variants of the corresponding verse types. Rather than being built on the
196
dual organization comprising the four-position and the three-position verse types,
the system is organized on the basis of the invariant types with four metrical positions, as in the West Germanic cognates. The characteristically Norse variation in the
size of the final drop, ranging between monosyllable and zero, is simply a matter of
realizations on the surface without comparable structural significance in underlying
metrical representation.
The foregoing reconsideration, then, leads us to deny the catalectic verses the
status of being independent verse types and subsume them instead under their
regular ones, as given in (6) below. Accordingly, they should be referred to as the catalectic variants of types A1, A3, C, and D, respectively, rather than the catalectic verse
types standing on a par with the full counterparts.
(6)
Type A1- / / typeA1 / / ()

Type A3- (/) / typeA3 (/) / ()
Type C- / / typeC / / ()
Type D- / / typeD / / ()
At this point, the above issue of covert realization further raises the following two
questions concerning the derivation of catalectic verses:
(i) Why is the verse-final drop, rather than any other drop located somewhere else,
subject to a mapping onto a zero sound?
(ii) Why is catalexis restricted to the Norse Germanic tradition as opposed to the West
Germanic counterparts?
The answers to both questions have already been suggested, and no detailed arguments would accordingly be necessary here. As remarked above, the drops are
involved in the gradation of prominence whereby the later they appear in a verse, the
less prominent they are. Consequently, the verse-final drop counts as the weakest.
This scalar difference is evidenced by the varying size of language material that may
fill the positions concerned. While the nonfinal drop may be realized by multiple
syllables, the final counterpart is limited to a single syllable for association. Much
the same graded distinction applies to eddic poetry, as illustrated in Table 3.15, in
which the first and second drops of typeA1 are taken as representative examples of
the scalar difference at issue and compared in terms of prominence as measured by
their differing syllable size.
Catalexis
197
Table3.15.Size of the first and second drops in typeA1

Syllables
First drop
Counts
%
Second drop
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
1573
435
77
6
1
75.19
20.79
3.68
0.29
0.05
2092
0
0
0
0
100
0
0
0
0
Total
2092
100
2092
100
Given that the final drop constitutes the weakest metrical position, it follows naturally that it is chosen as most amenable to immaterialization rather than other drops.
The range of the number of syllables that realize the first drop of typeA1 in eddic
poetry also shows that the North Germanic tradition is more susceptible to catalexis
than the West Germanic counterpart, when compared with the corresponding figures
in Beowulf (compare Suzuki 1996: 155) and the Heliand (compare Suzuki 2004: 3353)
indicated in Table3.16.
Table3.16.Size of the first drop in typeA1 in Beowulf and the Heliand
Syllables
Beowulf
Counts
%
Heliand
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
1382
670
54
5
0
0
0
65.47
31.74
2.56
0.24
0
0
0
1250
1054
347
206
107
32
5
41.65
35.12
11.56
6.86
3.57
1.07
0.17
Total
2111
100
3001
100
While the monosyllable occurs most frequently in all of the three meters, its proportion
is by far the highest in fornyrislag. The proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables in
fornyrislag is significantly different from those in Beowulf and the Heliand, as Fishers
exact test gives a p-value of less than 0.001. This may lead to the conclusion that the
first drop of typeA1 in fornyrislag is the least prominent among the three meters. We
are accordingly led to surmise by extrapolation and also drawing on the correlation
between the increased first and second drops of typeA1 in the Heliand that the versefinal drop would have been correspondingly minimal in salience in fornyrislag. This
minimal prominence therefore provides a principled account of the susceptibility of the
verse-final drop to catalexis in fornyrislag, as opposed to its West Germanic cognates.
198
Equipped with the insight that, synchronically and comparatively, the versefinal drop in the Norse meter is identified as most amenable to a minimal manifestation zero realization we may gain from an evolutionary perspective a better understanding of the emergence and establishment of catalectic types in the Norse meter
by elaborating on Gordon and Taylors (1957: 178) and Russoms (1998: 34) phonology-based account: the reduction of word-final unstressed syllables gave rise to an
array of configurations such as PxP and xPP that derive from the corresponding
earlier forms PxPx and xPPx but fail to manifest the historically expected, versefinal drop. Even in the new linguistic milieu that arises after the extensive reduction,
however, the regular verses that have their constituent four positions realized in full
remain in numerous numbers. Thus substantiated to no lesser extent by ample empirical support, the principle of four metrical positions would have been kept unscathed
and continued accordingly to serve as a major organizing force of verse composition
in North Germanic. With this overarching principle retained in its full functionality,
then, the newly emerged short verses comprising apparently only three positions are
integrated into the inherited system of verse types as reduced (i.e., catalectic) variants
of the familiar types with four positions. The notion of zero realization that is necessitated by this reorganization, moreover, would have been far from far-fetched, given
the traditional generalization as demonstrated above that the verse-final drop is realized in the weakest form by virtue of its inherent minimality in prominence. With
access to this inherited rule, it would have been but a short step to arriving at a reconstitution by analogy whereby the minimal realization may completely be reduced to
zero.
In terms of class-level categorization, the three classes involved in catalexis do
not significantly differ in their likelihood of undergoing the process. Table3.17 represents the distributions of catalectic verses and their corresponding regular ones
according to class; excluded from count are the configurations Pxpx (subtypeA1s),
PxPS (type A2b), xxpx (a variant of type A3), xPpx/xPSx/xPsx/xPXx/x
Pxx (variants of typeC), and PPxS/PPxP (variants of typeD), as they do not have catalectic counterparts. Running Fishers exact test gives p-values as follows: p=0.060
(between classes A and C); p=0.698 (between classes A and D); p=0.132 (between
classes C and D). These results show that catalexis formation is implemented independently of class distinction. The apparent preponderance of class A- therefore
proves to be simply contingent on the predominance of its basic counterpart, class A.
Table3.17.Proportion of catalectic to full verses according to verse class
Three-position
verse class
Class AClass CClass D-
Counts
310 (9.87%)
77 (12.40%)
30 (8.98%)
Regular (four-position)
verse class
Class A
Class C
Class D
Counts
2831 (90.13%)
544 (87.60%)
304 (91.02%)
Total
3141 (100%)
621 (100%)
334 (100%)
Catalexis
199
Across the class boundaries, catalectic verses display closer associations with the
a-verse than their full counterparts with a statistical significance, as indicated in
Table3.18. Wencks (1905: 133) categorical statement to the contrary must therefore be
rejected as empirically unfounded. Since both types A3 and A3- occur almost exclusively in the a-verse, this pair is disregarded from the tabulation, as is the group of configurations already excluded. The relevant p-values obtained are as follows: p<0.001
(between classes A- and A, and between classes C- and C); p=0.031 (between classes
D- and D). The closer association with the a-verse that each of the catalectic verse
classes displays compared with its regular correspondent, however, should not be
understood as indicative of its outstanding preference for the a-verse. Rather, while
class C- displays a close association with the a-verse (p=0.014), class A- is only suggestively correlated to it (p=0.052), and class D- is not particularly associated with
the a-verse (p=0.796). A plausible generalization we may be allowed to make then
would be that the catalectic classes as a whole fail to favor the b-verse in contrast to
the predominant occurrences there of their regular counterparts: the absence of the
final drop on the surface commonly results in the disruption of the predominant presence of the b-verse.
In this connection, we may draw attention to the distribution of the remaining
two classes, B and E: while class E is evenly distributed, class B occurs overwhelmingly in the a-verse. Common to these classes is that they end in a lift, lacking accordingly a verse-final unstressed syllable for the most part. Hence, we may generalize
that the b-verse favors the overt realization of the final, fourth metrical position by
weak material. Since the catalectic verses have their final position left unrealized,
they are not qualified for receiving privileged treatment in the b-verse; therefore they
fail to be strongly represented there.14
Table3.18.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of catalectic and full verse classes
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
Class A-
165 (58.51%)
127 (76.97%)
38 (23.03%)
117 (41.49%)
282 (100%)
Class A
797 (37.02%)
421 (52.82%)
376 (47.18%)
1356 (62.98%)
2153 (100%)
Class C-
54 (70.13%)
47 (87.04%)
7 (12.96%)
23 (29.87%)
77 (100%)
Verse class
14In chapter5, the varying preferences of verse types for the b-verse will be addressed in relation
to the cadence.
200
Verse class
Class C
Class DClass D
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
117 (21.51%)
53 (45.30%)
64 (54.70%)
427 (78.49%)
544 (100%)
17 (56.67%)
8 (47.06%)
13 (43.33%)
30 (100%)
110 (36.18%)
45 (40.91%)
65 (59.09%)
194 (63.82%)
304 (100%)
9 (52.94%)
As for alliterative pattern, classes A- and C- display single alliteration with a significantly higher incidence than their regular counterparts, with p-values of less than
0.001 in both cases. Classes D- and D, however, are indistinguishable in this regard,
given p=0.432. In collective terms, the catalectic verses are more likely to manifest
single alliteration than their basic counterparts, with a p-value of less than 0.001. As
observed from time to time (sections 2.1.1, 2.2.1, 2.2.2, and 2.8.2), the configurations
with greater prominence are more likely to manifest double alliteration than their
minimally differentiated ones with smaller prominence. Given this tendency, it may
follow as a matter of course that the catalectic verses are less likely to realize double
alliteration and conversely more likely to embody single alliteration by virtue of their
relatively lesser prominence in the absence of an overt verse-final drop.
To a certain extent, however, the missing verse-final drop on the surface is
compensated for by enlarging the remaining drop in classes A- (i.e., types A1- and
A3-) and C-, as examined in detail in sections 2.4, 2.6, and 2.9 above. This process is
inviable for class D, in which the single drop is located in verse-final position and
is thus insusceptible to expansion: the verse-final drop may not exceed the size of
a monosyllable. An alternative means of compensation is needed therefore, which
is provided by resolution. Since this mechanism is virtually limited to the first lift
(see sections 4.2.7 through 4.2.9 below), the verse-initial lift, rather than the second
one, is chosen to be resolved for expansion. In fact, the first lift receives resolution in
typeD- with a significantly higher incidence (p=0.001) than in typeD, as indicated in
Table3.19.
Of further interest, typeD- is more likely to undergo resolution than other catalectic types, types A1- (< 0.001), A2a- (p=0.008), and typeC- (p=0.034). The greatest susceptibility of typeD- to resolution on the first lift is motivated by this types
inaccessibility to the other means of compensation for the missing drop, namely, the
enlargement of the first drop, as reasoned above. On the other hand, the access to
this alternative means counterbalances the resolution that is implemented for the
same purpose. As a consequence, even where resolution is invoked for compensation
in conjunction with the expansion of the drop as is the case with typeA1-, it is less
likely to operate in comparison with typeD-, for which resolution constitutes the sole
means of compensation available.
The organization of anacrusis and catalexis, and the system of verse types reconsidered
201
Table3.19.Occurrences of the resolved and the long first lift in catalectic and regular types
Verse type
px
Type A1
Type A1Type A2a
Type A2aType C
Type CType D
Type D-
103 (4.92%)
24 (8.96%)
2 (3.39%)
0 (0%)
382 (70.22%)
12 (15.58%)
38 (12.50%)
11 (36.67%)
P
1989 (95.08%)
244 (91.04%)
57 (96.61%)
16 (100%)
162 (29.78%)
65 (84.42%)
266 (87.50%)
19 (63.33%)
Total
2092 (100%)
268 (100%)
59 (100%)
16 (100%)
544 (100%)
77 (100%)
304 (100%)
30 (100%)
At first glance, the pair of types C and C- would seem to be scarcely compatible with
the above account. In contrast to the other pairs, the regular type is affected by resolution with a conspicuously higher incidence than its catalectic counterpart. According
to the reasoning explored above, it should be the catalectic type that is resolved more
frequently, where resolution is implemented differentially between the two members.
This line of refutation, however, is misguided: it is unwarrantedly based on the
assumption that resolution on the first lift is implemented for the exclusive purpose
of compensating for the unrealized verse-final lift. As will be detailed in section4.2.3
below, however, the higher rate of resolution in typeC (xPPx) than typeC- (xPP),
rather than the converse or the lack of difference as would otherwise be expected,
should be regarded as an independent phenomenon, the boosting of the lift that is
followed by a sequence of two weaker positions.
3.3The organization of anacrusis and catalexis,

and the system of verse types reconsidered
In several respects, anacrusis and catalexis seem to be mirror images of each other;
they are distinguished from each other by a cluster of contrary properties. First, while
anacrusis adds a drop at the beginning of a verse, catalexis deletes it at the end on the
surface; consequently, by anacrusis the original initial lift becomes the second to the
new drop that is added at the head of the verse, whereas by catalexis the lift that is
originally followed by the verse-final drop comes to stand in absolute final position.
On closer examination, a perfect symmetry does not hold here, however. Indeed, anacrusis expands a verse by providing an additional metrical position at the beginning,
so that the resultant verse comprises five positions. By contrast, catalexis constitutes
a zero realization of the existing final drop and has therefore no direct consequences
on the metrical structure itself, as shown in detail in the preceding section. Thus,
what would seem to be a prime case of symmetry between anacrusis and catalexis
turns out to be more apparent than real. Nonetheless, as far as surface manifestations
202
are concerned, anacrusis and catalexis appear to be symmetrical and complementary

in operation.
It is this formal difference in metrical representation between the two processes
that significantly bears on the varying extent of their implementation. Most revealing
about their differing incidences is comparing the anacrusis and catalexis that operate
on typeA1, the metrical type that occurs by far the most frequently and has access to
both metrical operations. There are 26 typeA1 verses with anacrusis, and 268 catalectic ones, as against 2092 instances of typeA1 without anacrusis and catalexis. The
proportions of anacrustic to regular on the one hand, and of catalectic to regular on
the other, prove to be of significant difference (p<0.001). This means that catalexis
far outnumbers anacrusis in occurrence with a statistical significance. As far as the
surface realizations are concerned, both operations indistinguishably incur deviation
from the canon of four metrical positions per verse. In this respect, then, they count
as equally deviant, and correspondingly no difference ought to arise in the extent to
which their uses are disfavored, other things being equal. As it is, however, anacrusis
and catalexis are sharply differentiated in implementation.
While no other features inherent in the two processes seem to be available for
differentiation so as to serve as a basis for explanation, the actual difference can
be explained in a principled way by recourse to the distinct status of the positions
at issue: anacrusis incurs alteration in the underlying metrical structure, whereas
catalexis fully conforms to the canonical form. In this light, catalexis brings about
a lesser degree of deviation from the norm and accordingly counts as more acceptable; as a result, it is implemented with a significantly higher incidence than anacrusis, which is determined as more anomalous and accordingly placed under severer
control for operation. Put another way, catalexis is more firmly integrated with the
metrical system than anacrusis, and this general formal property accounts for their
varying likelihood of occurrence as a reflection of their differing degrees of integrity
with the system.
Second, both metrical operations are attended by readjustment processes that
bring about opposite results, reduction of the first drop on the one hand (anacrusis),
and expansion of the same drop on the other (catalexis). Prototypically, anacrustic
verses have their first drop filled by less prominent material than do their regular
ones: specifically, it is most likely to be monosyllabic. By contrast, catalectic verses
tend to have greater prominence on the sole drop available than their full counterparts: it is more likely to be polysyllabic.
Third, anacrusis is of common Germanic heritage, as is evidenced by a widespread practice in the West Germanic tradition. By contrast, catalexis is an innovation that is unique to the Norse meter, since nothing analogous is observed in West
Germanic and there is no reason to assume that comparably shorter verses were
used there as well at an earlier date. Moreover, anacrusis is no longer linguistically
motivated in fornyrislag, which accounts for its significantly diminished occurrence
there compared with the West Germanic tradition. On the other hand, catalexis has
203
a linguistic background in support. Of no less importance, the same linguistic factor,

namely, the loss of unstressed syllables, and ultimately the underlying intensity of
stress, is held responsible for the disruption of the original motivation for anacrusis
on the one hand, and for the emergence of catalexis on the other. The same prosodic
factor thus operates in opposite directions, the lengthening and the shortening of the
verse, respectively: the loss of prefixes, originally the prototypical exponents of anacrusis, deprives anacrusis of its linguistic basis, procliticization, by compromising the
prosodic unity of anacrustic elements and the following lift; and the loss of posttonic
syllables, word-final ones in particular, serves as a linguistic model for an analogous
phenomenon in the meter, the (apparent) loss of the verse-final weak metrical entity,
the drop.
Other features involved, however, are not strictly polar opposites, but simple
negations of each other. Catalexis has a preference for the a-verse, whereas anacrusis
merely does not share it to a comparable extent, rather than displaying the contrary
association with the b-verse. By the same token, catalexis is largely loaded with a predilection for single alliteration, while anacrusis has no specific alliterative preference
as a result of having lost the original link to double alliteration. Their common failure
to associate with double alliteration, and also anacrusiss weakened association with
the a-verse, are due to the same cause, namely, a lack of increase in prominence on
the part of the anacrustic and catalectic verses compared with regular ones.
In light of the foregoing discussion, it is necessary to revise the system of verse
types that we postulated in section2.15 above, as follows:
Table3.20.The system of verse types in fornyrislag: a revision
Class
Four positions (unmarked)

Unmarked
Marked
Five positions (marked)
A
B
C
D
E
A1
B
C
D
E
A2a; A2b
aA1; aA2a; aA2b
aD; D*
(aE)a
Type aE must be well formed, but not attested (see section3.1 above).
The revision largely concerns the status of catalectic verses: earlier, they were
acknowledged as distinct verse types, independent of their regular counterparts. Now
that catalexis has been shown to be a consequence of the unrealized verse-final drop,
they fully reduce to their corresponding four-position verse types as their realization
variants: the matter of category distinction as earlier assumed turns out to be that of
variation within a single category. Accordingly, the designations types A1-, C-, and Dfor catalectic verses might better be relabeled as subtypes A1-, C-, and D- to make clear
their nonautonomous status of being variants within relevant verse types (types A1,
204
C, and D), much as with subtypeA1s (PSpx and Pxpx), for example. For the sake of
practical reference, however, we will continue to use types A1-, C-, and D-; and by the
same token, the term catalectic types will be used interchangeably with catalectic
variants.
Another point of difference from the previous conceptualization is the integration
of anacrusis: since anacrustic verses demonstrably comprise five positions, they are
categorized distinctly as expanded along with typeD* as opposed to the regular
classes. The same is true of typeA3, which is incorporated into typeA1 as a marked
variant in which the first lift receives zero realization. It might therefore be redesignated subtypeA3 to put emphasis on its nonautonomous status as an independent
verse type. Correspondingly, the catalectic variant of subtypeA3 should be recharacterized as subtypeA3-, which has both positions at the edge the first lift and the
second drop immaterialized on the surface.
In order to place the metrical system of fornyrislag in perspective and to gain
deeper insight into its distinctive properties, it will be appropriate to compare with
the cognate systems in the West Germanic tradition, those of Beowulf and the Heliand
as represented in Tables 3.21 (compare Suzuki 1996: 135) and 3.22 (compare Suzuki
2004: 177).
Table3.21.The system of verse types in Beowulf
Class

Basic
Increased
A
B
C
D
E
A1
B1
C
D1
E
A2a; A2b
Reduced
A3
B3
D2a; D2b
Table3.22.The system of verse types in the Heliand

Class

Basic
Increased
A
B
C
D
E
A1
B1
C
D
E
A2
Reduced
A3
B3
Expanded (more than

four positions)
aA1; aA2
aD; D*; aD*

aE; E*; aE*
Distinctively characteristic of the meter of Beowulf (Table3.21) is its homogeneity in

verse organization: all verses consist precisely of four metrical positions. What would
appear otherwise at first glance addition of unstressed syllables either before or
205
after the first lift is in fact integrated into the four-position organization by expanded
realizations of the first lift; and this expanded lift is motivated by well-established linguistic processes, procliticization on the one hand and encliticization on the other.
Diverging from this archaic organization, fornyrislag acknowledges duality in
verse composition by allowing for longer verse types as autonomous: in addition to
the canonical four-position verse types, it introduces expanded ones comprising five
positions. This does not mean, however, that the Norse meter acquires novel verse
forms hitherto unknown. On the contrary, the five-position verses now acknowledged
have resulted simply by reanalysis, whereby the additional weak elements subordinated to the first lift have been assigned independent status of constituting a drop
on their own, the fifth position. This reorganization has been accomplished because
of the changed linguistic environment in which cliticization has become no longer
viable and accordingly the extra weak elements in question can by no means be
treated in unity with the proximate first lift.
With respect to the relaxation of the principle of four metrical positions per verse,
fornyrislag might appear to closely resemble the Heliand (Table3.22): the Heliand,
too, has at its disposal two concurrent groups of verse types that are differentiated
according to the number of metrical positions they contain. The similarity, however,
does not extend much farther than this. As may be recalled, fornyrislag imposes strict
constraints some inherited, others invented on the use of expanded types. By contrast, the Heliand makes outstandingly liberal use of expanded types, going beyond
the archaic practice. First, not only typeD, but also typeE allow additional unstressed
material to be inserted after the first lift: for example, Hel 503a uusas mannas uuord
(typeE*; / \ /). Second, the two means of expansion are implemented conjunctively, bringing about the cumulative effects of making composition of six-position
verses possible: both types D* and E* are further expanded by anacrusis, as exemplified in Hel 796a gilstid te iro landuusun (type aD*; / / \ ) and 3665a themu
landes hirdie te loe (type aE*; / \ /). Third, while the addition of weak material
involves monosyllables for the most part, as in Beowulf and fornyrislag alike, it often
amounts to polysyllabic strings in the Heliand (see sections 2.12 and 3.1 above). Fourth
and most important, the verse types longer than the regular ones of four positions are
numerous in the Heliand: nearly a quarter of the total verses are expanded, whereas
no more than 2% are so composed in fornyrislag and less than 4% occurring as variants of the four-position types in Beowulf. Altogether, then, while expanded types
are extremely marginalized in fornyrislag, they are used productively in the Heliand.
The formal resemblance between fornyrislag and the Heliand in their organization of
expanded types, therefore, should not disguise this fundamental difference in usage.
Despite the structural reorganization implemented, fornyrislag still maintains its
strict conformity to the traditional practice of minimizing deviations from the principle of four metrical positions per verse. Finally, we should not leave unmentioned the
fact that fornyrislag has no place for hypermetric verses that are in currency in the
West Germanic tradition the category of overlong verses that consist of six or more
206
metrical positions which are derived from amalgamation of four-position normal

verses (Suzuki 1996: 355369; 2004: 295329).15
Table3.23 presents a precise picture of overall usage patterns by way of descriptive
statistics on occurrences and proportions of all verse classes and types/configurations
in fornyrislag. Appendix 1 provides a comprehensive catalogue of each verse type.
Table3.23.Distribution of verse classes and types in fornyrislag
Verse class and type
A-verse
B-verse
Total
1839 (51.72%)
767 (36.66%)
107 (37.68%)
160 (59.70%)
12 (46.15%)
3 (37.50%)
1 (100%)
29 (49.15%)
6 (37.50%)
2 (50.00%)
62 (95.38%)
662 (93.90%)
28 (100%)
1717 (48.28%)
1325 (63.34%)
177 (62.32%)
108 (40.30%)
14 (53.85%)
5 (62.50%)
0 (0%)
30 (50.85%)
10 (62.50%)
2 (50.00%)
3 (4.62%)
43 (6.10%)
0 (0%)
3556 (100%)
2092 (100%)
284 (100%)
268 (100%)
26 (100%)
8 (100%)
1 (100%)
59 (100%)
16 (100%)
4 (100%)
65 (100%)
705 (100%)
28 (100%)
Class B
Type B
334 (74.06%)
334 (74.06%)
117 (25.94%)
117 (25.94%)
451 (100%)
451 (100%)
Class C
Type C
Type C-
583 (41.06%)
529 (39.39%)
54 (70.13%)
837 (58.94%)
814 (60.61%)
23 (29.87%)
1420 (100%)
1343 (100%)
77 (100%)
Class D
Type D
Type DType aD
149 (41.62%)
129 (39.94%)
17 (56.67%)
3 (60.00%)
209 (58.38%)
194 (60.06%)
13 (43.33%)
2 (40.00%)
358 (100%)
323 (100%)
30 (100%)
5 (100%)
Class E
Type E
47 (45.63%)
47 (45.63%)
56 (54.37%)
56 (54.37%)
103 (100%)
103 (100%)
5 (12.50%)
5 (12.50%)
35 (87.50%)
35 (87.50%)
40 (100%)
40 (100%)
43 (64.18%)
43 (64.18%)
1 (33.33%)
24 (35.82%)
24 (35.82%)
2 (66.67%)
67 (100%)
67 (100%)
3 (100%)
3001 (50.03%)
2997 (49.97%)
5998 (100%)
Class A
Type A1
Type A1s
Type A1Type aA1
Type aA1s
Type aA1Type A2a
Type A2aType aA2a
Type A2b
Type A3
Type A3-
Class D/E
Type D/E
Class D*
Type D*
2 positions
Total
15We will fully address the issue of hypermetric verses in relation to ljahttr (section13.4).
207
While commonly labeled basic as opposed to the exceptional verses that deviate
from the canonical four-position structure, the five basic types A1, B, C, D, and E
largely vary as regards their status in the metrical system. Specifically, types A1 and
C may be viewed as more central to the system of fornyrislag than the remaining
three, which are regarded as relatively peripheral, on the following grounds. First, in
quantitative terms, the first two types are not only far more frequent, but also significantly higher in occurrence in statistical terms by comparison with the theoretically
expected counts (p < 0.001; Table 3.23). On the other hand, the frequencies of the
other three types fall short of the statistically expected probabilities. Second, in addition to their numerous occurrences, types A1 and C contain distinct variants, which
are controlled on the basis of an array of parameters, such as degrees of stress and
syllable length; these two types are thus articulated more densely than the others,
and thus are subject to organization in finer details. Since catalexis constitutes zero
manifestation of the verse-final drop, typeA1- is incorporated into typeA1 as one of its
varying realizations alongside the set of configurations PxPx. Moreover, typeA3 is
subsumed under typeA1 as one of its subtypes: as the first lift is left unrealized in it,
typeA3 may be characterized as a reduced variant of typeA1, much as is subtypeA1s,
in which the second lift is realized in reduced shape through alignment to a short
syllable. Third, only these two types A1 and C share the cadence / among the
five basic types. As will be demonstrated in chapter5 below, the ascendancy of this
string as a privileged verse-ending unit constitutes a major innovation that is unique
to fornyrislag. The exclusive sharing of this favored entity, then, distinguishes types
A1 and C, in conjunction, from the remaining three basic types. On these grounds,
we may regard for fornyrislag types A1 and C as major types in distinction from the
minor types B, D, and E.
4Resolution
After having explored the major sources of variation of the drop, we will be concerned in this chapter with the two devices that are primarily responsible for the
variation in size and prominence of the lift. Adjusting alignment to linguistic material in opposite directions, the two mechanisms involved are antithetical in their
effects: one increases, and the other decreases, the lifts size. The increasing device
is called resolution, whereby the lift is occupied by a short disyllable, rather than a
long monosyllable as is normally the case. The reducing device is often referred to as
suspension of resolution whereby the lift is mapped onto a short monosyllable alone.
According to the resulting realizations, we may make a three-way scalar distinction in
order of decreasing prominence: short disyllables (px; by resolution) > long monosyllables (P; by default) > short monosyllables (p; by suspension of resolution). While
the term suspension of resolution may be apposite where the alignment to a short
disyllable by resolution is characterized as an unmarked option, as against that to
a short monosyllable as in Beowulf the nomenclature obviously becomes inadequate for a meter like fornyrislag, in which the contrary relation of markedness is
in force. For lack of a better term, however, we will continue to use the traditional
name.
In section2.3 above, we treated a process that, going far beyond suspension of
resolution, accomplishes a maximal reduction of a lift, namely, the zero realization of
the first lift that is responsible for derivation of typeA3 from typeA1 in fornyrislag.
Unlike this radical operation that is limited to a single verse type, suspension of resolution is pervasive in the system, and the widespread realization of a lift by a short
syllable may accordingly count as one of the innovative features of the Norse meter.
By contrast, the operation of resolution is relegated to a diminished status by being
allowed to occur in strictly delimited contexts. Thus, fornyrislag is characterized by
a reversal in ranking of the two lift-adjustment processes.
In Beowulf, composed in an exemplary Old Germanic meter, implementation and
suspension of resolution are controlled in particular contexts by a regulation called
Kaluzas law. Based on the phonologically based bipartition of short disyllables, the
law selects one group of disyllables over the other depending on whether resolution
operates or is blocked. With the radical loss of unstressed syllables and leveling of
weak vowels, however, Old Norse no longer has access to the phonological distinction
the law presupposes for its proper function. Moreover, in reaction to the phonological change in part, the Norse meter reorganizes to a large extent the operation and
suspension of resolution, and correspondingly their structural values have changed
relative to each other as well as to the system as a whole. We may accordingly want to
explore in depth how Kaluzas law, the original regulation on resolution, was treated
in the new metrical environment on Scandinavian soil.
210
Resolution
4.1Resolution and the drop: Auflsung and Verschleifung

Resolution (Auflsung) is a metrical substitution whereby the lift is occupied by a
disyllabic sequence of short stressed syllable + unstressed syllable of any length (px),
instead of a long stressed syllable (P) as regularly obtains. Accordingly, the drop,
particularly the normal one, falls outside the purview of resolution, as specifically
argued in Suzuki (1996: 173).
From time to time, however, it has been held that the metrical device in question
applies to the drop no differently (see below the quotations from Sievers 1885 and
Gering 1924; see also Ranisch 1888: 44). This unwarrantedly expanded conceptualization may be attributed for the most part to an imprecise understanding and appropriation of a closely connected notion, slur (Verschleifung). While largely overlapping
in extension, the two notions are conceptually distinct; we must correspondingly be
careful not to be misled to identify one with the other. At one time, they were provided
with clearly demarcated definitions, as Sievers (1893: 27) put it:
T r g e r d e r h e b u n g sind am hufigsten l a n g e s i l b e n ; doch kann die stelle von
auch durch zwei silben von der form (d.h. die folge von kurzer betonter + unbetonter silbe
beliebiger quantitt) verteten werden. Wir bezeichnen diese vertretung, die der herschenden
norm gegenber als ausnahme erscheint, als a u f l s u n g , den verkrzenden vortrag, vermittelst dessen zwei solche silben in das zeitmass einer lnge zusammengedrngt werden,
als v e r s c h l e i f u n g , und deuten beides eventuell durch einen beide silben verbindenden
bogen an.
As should be clear, the two notions, while referring to the same metrical equivalence
of P = px, concern different levels of representation in the meter: accounting for a
metrical equation of P = px, resolution relates to the level of linguistic-metrical association in which a metrical entity the lift in this case is filled by language material a syllable or a concatenation thereof; by contrast, slur concerns the level of
concrete realization (performance) on the temporal axis, whereby the short disyllable
as a realization of the lift is uttered as an integrated whole without a break in between
and takes as much time in articulation as does the long monosyllable in the same
capacity. In other words, resolution is defined from a perspective of the way in which
a metrical position is phonologically interpreted, while slur describes the manner of
its phonetic manifestation on the surface in articulatory terms. Despite the distinct
aspects of metrical representation they specifically involve, the two notions equally
bear exclusively on the lift: after all, the two notions should be regarded as two sides
of the same coin, abstract, metrical on the one hand, and concrete, phonetic on the
other.
At other times, however, the notion of slur was used somewhat loosely in denotation along with its derivative verschleifbar amenable to slurring, resulting in its
broadened application to the drop, as testified in the following quotation (Sievers
1885: 9):
Resolution and the drop: Auflsung and Verschleifung

211
Dagegen wird die innere Senkung von A und die Eingangssenkung von B und C oft z w e i s i l b i g gebildet. Als ohne weiteres an diesen Stellen gestattet drfen betrachtet werden zweisilbige
v e r s c h l e i f b a r e Senkungen, d. h. abermals Silbengruppen von der Form kurz + unbetont.
Wie bei der Auflsung der Hebung ist die Quantitt der zweiten Senkungssilbe durchaus gleichgltig.
Obviously, the generalization was made at the expense of the well-motivated distinction of metrical positions involved and the concomitant difference in accentuation:
as explicitly stated in the earlier quotation, slur, along with its more abstract correspondent, resolution, has to do with the lift and its embodiment, the stressed syllable. Once decoupled of resolution and taken by itself, however, slur, because of its
phonetic concerns on the surface, became vulnerable to a mistaken generalization of
involving an unstressed disyllable as well: since in purely phonetic terms a disyllable,
regardless of its stress properties, is capable of being pronounced in the same span
of time that is taken up by a monosyllable, this expanded use of the term would have
invoked no particular objection. Indeed, this generalized use would remain hardly
problematic if the notion were kept as a descriptive term within the confines of phonetic realization: it simply describes a recurring event in which a drop that is aligned
to a sequence of two unstressed syllables has virtually the same duration of articulation as a monosyllabic one.
In actuality, however, the term, particularly when augmented with the suffix -bar
(verschleifbar), was used as a metrical, rather than phonetic, notion by referring to
the varying ways in which the drop is filled by language material. In effect, then,
slur encroached on the conceptual domain of resolution and thereupon came to be
used widely as a concept equivalent to (or superordinate to) resolution at the level
of linguistic-metrical alignment. In fact, both Sievers (1885) and Gering (1924) used
Verschleifung as a simple synonym of Auflsung, as cited in the following:
Variationen dieser Typen ergeben sich weiterhin durch A u f l s u n g d e r H e b u n g e n u n d
S e n k u n g e n , soweit solche gestattet sind. In den folgenden Proben bezeichne ich mit v1 resp.
v2 eine Verschleifung auf der ersten resp. zweiten Hebung, durch vn eine Verschleifung auf
der Nebenhebung, durch vs eine verschleifbare, durch 2s eine nicht verschleifbare zweisilbige
Senkung (Sievers 1885: 11)
Verschleifungen sind hufig. Besonders beliebt ist die a u f l s u n g d e r 1 . s e n k u n g 5
mal ist auch v e r s c h l e i f u n g d e r 1 . h e b u n g belegt. Andere auflsungen sind vereinzelt:
Ve r s c h l e i f u n g d e r 2 . h e b u n g findet sich nur (Gering 1924: 13)
At first glance, the synonymous coexistence of slur and resolution might hardly
seem to be objectionable apart from the resultant lexical redundancy. On substantive
empirical grounds, however, there turns out to be something seriously wrong about
the indiscriminate application of resolution/slur as a metrical (as opposed to surfacephonetic) notion to the drop as well as to the lift. More specifically, with resolution
allowed to occur on the drop, the polysyllabic drop is divided into two groups, the
one capable of slurring (verschleifbare Senkung) and the other incapable of doing so
212
Resolution
(nicht verschleifbare Senkung), as seen in the above quotation from Sievers (1885: 11).
The syllable strings that are amenable to slurring are composed of a short unstressed
syllable and another of any length, which can be commonly represented as -VCV- in
purely segmental terms; and most importantly, these resolvable strings are varied in
shape depending on the location of word boundaries, notably in the case of the first
drop of typeA1: -xx# (e.g., Gr II 28.1 -au), -x#x# (e.g., Vsp6.10 -om at), #x#x# (e.g.,
Vsp40.1 sat in), #xx# (e.g., Vsp45.1 muno; compare Sievers 1893: 66). The remaining
disyllables and any longer concatenation of syllables are characterized as immune to
resolution.1
The susceptibility to resolution thus defined, however, seems to have no direct
bearing on the metrical behavior of the drop: the nonresolvable polysyllables are as
qualified for filling the drop as the resolvable ones. The first group of polysyllables is
less numerous, to be sure, but this quantitative difference stems from the prototypebased property of the drop in terms of its realization: the farther removed from the
prototype, that is, the word-final unstressed syllable -x, the less frequent in occurrence. What is involved is a cline of syllable concatenations, rather than a categorical
dichotomy of occurrable versus nonoccurable syllable strings that would be entailed
by the dichotomous categorization based on resolvability of the drop.
Fully committed to the principle of resolution on the drop and taking it rightfully to its logical conclusion, Sievers (1885) and Gering (1924) in particular proposed
to shorten to the proper size those nonresolvable, that is, excessively long, drops by
emendation. The proposed emendations, however, are of mixed plausibility on linguistic and philological grounds, to say the least; and for the most part, they seem
to lack independent, compelling motivation. Most seriously, as Sievers (1885: 1416)
admits, there still remain a number of verses that defy such emendation: for example,
Vsp 33.3 r bl um bar (emended to r bar bl by Gering [1924: 3] to remove
the overlong drop); Vsp 41.5 svort vera slscin (followed also by Gering [1924: 3]);
Vsp46.1 Leica Mms synir (followed also by Gering [1924: 4]). Thus, with respect to the
drop, the sharp categorization based on resolvability does not have the determining
function in metrical organization that it does in regard to the lift.
Furthermore, the resolvable disyllables are far from metrically equivalent: the
location of the word boundary plays a crucial role in verse distribution and alliterative pattern, as most manifestly evidenced in the first drop of typeA1 (section2.1.1).
No less significant, some of the resolvable disyllables such as #x#x# and #xx# seem
to be more comparable to longer strings of syllables, that is, the nonresolvable concatenations, than to the disyllabic, no less resolvable -xx#, in terms of their strong
preference for the a-verse and double alliteration.
1The status of the long disyllable is rather unclear: while Sievers (1885) and Gering (1924) regard it
as not amenable to slurring, Sievers (1893: 66) treats it together with the resolvable disyllables, though
with some hesitation.
Resolution according to position and verse type
213
In this light, as far as the drop is concerned, resolvability does not constitute a
prerequisite for its linguistic realization; nor does it provide a significant generalization on the behavior of the polysyllabic drop in general. This is because the drop is
open to a polysyllabic occupation, for which resolvability simply does not serve as a
relevant constraint. By sharp contrast, only the resolvable disyllable (px) is allowed
to occupy the lift; any longer string is ruled out as a legitimate occupant of the strong
position. The lack of parallelism to the lift as detailed above, therefore, may disprove
extending the metrical notion of resolution to the drop; resolution is thus a privilege
of the lift.
4.2Resolution according to position and verse type

4.2.1The first lift of typeA1
There are numerous examples of typeA1 with the resolved first lift, as exemplified in
(1) below:2
(1)
R 27.5 Fair oc Mir [px#x#Px]

Grp 16.1 Brotin er brynia [px#x#Px]
Grt 19.6 hinig af bragi [px#x#Px]
Table4.1 represents the verse distribution and alliterative pattern of typeA1 depending on whether the first lift is realized by the long syllable (P) or the resolved disyllable
(px). The p-value of less than 0.001 by Fishers exact test indicates that the resolution
on the first lift of typeA1 occurs in the a-verse with a significantly higher frequency.
No significant association, however, is ascertained between resolution and alliterative pattern (p=0.349).
2A-verse with single alliteration (29 examples): Vsp2.5, Vkv22.5, 26.5, HHv5.3, HHII 26.7, Grp3.5, 11.7,
24.3, 43.3, Rm13.1, Br14.5, GrI 7.1, Sg8.9, 29.1, GrII 3.5, 4.1, 10.1, 18.3, 18.11, Od21.1, 26.1, R13.9, 27.5,
Hdl7.1, 25.7, 41.1, Grt5.5, 18.5, 24.3; a-verse with double alliteration (32 examples): Vsp16.3, Hym17.1,
21.7, HH22.5, 47.3, 49.1, 55.7, HHv12.1, HHII 17.3, 22.5, Grp7.5, 16.1, 38.3, 38.7, 40.3, Br11.5, Hlr14.3,
Sg57.5, Ghv6.3, R2.9, 16.9, 24.7, 34.7, Hdl3.5, 23.3, 31.3, 32.1, 34.3, 36.3, 39.3, Grt5.7, 9.5; b-verse (42 examples): Vsp4.2, 35.4, 47.8, 51.2, Hym37.8, rk7.8, 8.2, 10.6, 10.8, 14.8, 31.4, Vkv2.2, 4.4, 11.8, 40.4, 41.4,
HH46.8, HHv36.2, HHII 4.12, 14.6, 24.8, 30.2, 46.4, Grp9.2, 18.2, 18.4, 21.8, Rm15.6, Fm42.6, Hlr10.6,
GrII 16.2, 40.8, GrIII 4.8, Od2.8, Ghv10.4, Bdr2.4, R21.4, 21.6, Hdl7.10, Grt5.6, 18.4, 19.6. In addition, the following four verses are accompanied by anacrusis (type aA1): Vkv17.9, Od25.6, Hdl9.6,
44.3. Compare Russom (1998: 101).

A long vowel becomes shortened immediately before another vowel: -VV$V- > -V$V- (Bugge and
Sievers 1891; Sievers 1893: 58; Russom 1998: 61). Accordingly, such a sequence constitutes an instance of resolution, as in HH 49.1 Snaz hr at sandi (Gering 1924: 40), or one of suspension of
resolution, as in Vsp56.6 migarz vor (section4.3.2; Gering 1924: 2).
214
Resolution
Table4.1.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to resolution on the first lift
First lift
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
P
px
B-verse
Total
706 (35.50%)
384 (53.39%)
322 (45.61%)
1283 (64.50%)
1989 (100%)
61 (59.22%)
32 (52.46%)
42 (40.78%)
103 (100%)
29 (47.54%)
Given the close association of verse distribution with the varying size of the first drop
(section2.1.1), however, we may go on to see first whether resolution has any effect
on verse distribution independent of this variable on the size of the first drop, and
second whether resolution displays a correlation to this parameter itself. To this end,
we devised Table4.2, which shows verse distribution of typeA1 according to the realization of the first lift, with the size of the first drop kept constant.
Table4.2.Verse distinction of typeA1 according to resolution on the first lift, and the monosyllabic
and the disyllabic first drop
Syllables
First lift
A-verse
B-verse
Total
P
px
402 (26.85%)
41 (53.95%)
1095 (73.15%)
35 (46.05%)
1497 (100%)
76 (100%)
P
px
247 (60.24%)
18 (72.00%)
163 (39.76%)
7 (28.00%)
410 (100%)
25 (100%)
With a p-value of less than 0.001 (for the monosyllabic first drop), we may confirm
statistically that resolution on the first lift displays a significantly greater preference for the a-verse. For the disyllabic first drop (p = 0.294), however, we are not
allowed to make a similar claim, despite the apparently corresponding distinction
observed.
As for the relation between resolution on the first lift and the number of syllables
occurring in the first drop, however, these two variables must be regarded as independent of each other, as shown in Table4.3: the proportions of the varying numbers
of syllables remain unchanged regardless of the shape of the first lift (p=0.403).
Table4.3.Resolution on the first lift and the size of the first drop of typeA1
First lift
P
px
1 syllable
2 syllables
3 or more
1497 (75.26%)
76 (73.79%)
410 (20.61%)
25 (24.27%)
82 (4.12%)
2 (1.94%)
Total
1989 (100%)
103 (100%)
215
Resolution on the first lift is more likely to be accompanied with that on the second
one than is the long first lift (p<0.001; Table4.4), although the second lift undergoes
resolution only exceptionally (section4.2.7).
Table4.4.Resolution on the first and second lifts in typeA1
Long
1 lift
Long
Resolved
2nd lift
1984 (99.75%)
98 (95.15%)
Total
Resolved
5 (0.25%)
5 (4.85%)
1989 (100%)
103 (100%)
Turning now to subtype A1s (Table 4.5), the exclusive occurrence of resolution in
the a-verse, although small in absolute numbers, does display a significant association between resolution and verse distribution (p=0.019). On the other hand, resolution and alliterative pattern in the a-verse are totally independent of each other
(p=0.629). Furthermore, in comparison with typeA1 1989 instances of the long first
lift versus 103 instances of the resolved one we may generalize that subtypeA1s
280 instances of the long first lift versus 4 instances of the resolved one is less likely
to undergo resolution than typeA1, given a p-value of 0.005 by Fishers exact test.
Table4.5.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of subtypeA1s according to resolution on the
first lift
First lift
P
px
A-verse
Single alliteration
B-verse
Total
103 (36.79%)
57 (55.34%)
46 (44.66%)
177 (63.21%)
280 (100%)
4 (100%)
1 (25.00%)
0 (0%)
4 (100%)
3 (75.00%)
Double alliteration
Putting typeA1 and subtypeA1s together, we have a three-way distinction in the way
in which the second lift is realized, resolved (px), long (P), and short (p). Of particular interest is the graded pattern whereby this parameter is correlated to the binary
distinction of the first lift, resolved versus long. As observed above (Table4.4), the
resolved first lift displays a stronger association with the resolved second than does
the monosyllabic first lift. Similarly, as noted in a slightly different context above, resolution on the first lift occurs with a significantly higher incidence when the second
lift is realized by the long syllable (typeA1) than when it is filled by the short one
(subtypeA1s), as a comparison of Tables 4.4 and 4.5 will immediately show: while
resolution occurs 98 times as against 1984 examples without resolution for the long
second lift (Table4.4), there are only 4 cases with resolution as against 280 without as
far as the short second lift is concerned (Table4.5). We accordingly obtain a p-value of
216
Resolution
0.007, which indicates that the first lift is more likely to be resolved when the second
one is occupied by the long syllable than when it is filled by the short one through
suspension of resolution.
By transitivity, therefore, the second lift of type A1 (including subtype A1s) is
implicated in the following ranking in terms of association with resolution on the
first lift, whereby the three variants involved are represented in order of decreasing
association with the resolved first lift:
(2)
resolved disyllable (px) > long monosyllable (P) > short monosyllable (p)
To generalize in terms of overall prominence, the more prominent the second lift is,
the more likely resolution is to occur on the first lift. Put the other way around, resolution on the first lift favors greater prominence on the second one.
With respect to type A1- (Table 4.6), resolution on the first lift has no significant bearing on verse distribution (p=0.384) and alliterative pattern (p=0.719). In
comparison to typeA1, the catalectic type is more likely to be affected by resolution
(p=0.009), as observed at the end of section3.2 above. This higher incidence of resolution in typeA1- may be explained as a consequence of compensation for the unrealized verse-final drop, the prominence of which is transferred to the first lift.
Table4.6.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1- according to resolution on the first
lift
First lift
P
px
Single alliteration
A-verse
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
148 (60.66%)
117 (79.05%)
31 (20.95%)
96 (39.34%)
244 (100%)
12 (50.00%)
12 (50.00%)
24 (100%)
9 (75.00%)
3 (25.00%)
4.2.2The first lift of typeB

There is only a single example of typeB with the resolved first lift, as follows:
(3)
Vkv 28.5 N hefi ec hefnt [x#px#x#P]
As expected from its minimal presence, resolution displays no significant association with verse distribution (p=1) and alliterative pattern (p=0.148; Table4.7). The
virtual absence of resolution on the first lift in typeB is in marked contrast to typeA1
(p<0.001). Nor is there any correlation ascertained between resolution on the first
217
lift and that on the second (p=1; Table4.8). The second lift of typeB in general is
totally unaffected by resolution. The configurations xPxpx, xPxsx, and xPSpx,
which could be regarded as typeB with the resolved second lift, must be scanned as
subtypeA1s with anacrusis, as argued in section2.7 above. On this issue, see further
section4.3.8 below.
Table4.7.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeB according to resolution on the first lift
First lift
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
333 (74.00%)
270 (81.08%)
63 (18.92%)
117 (26.00%)
450 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
P
px
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
Table4.8.Resolution on the first and second lifts in typeB
Long
1st lift
Long
Resolved
2nd lift
Resolved
450 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
Total
450 (100%)
1 (100%)
4.2.3The first lift of typeC

There are numerous instances of typeC in which resolution operates on the first lift,
as exemplified in (4) below:3
3A-verse with single alliteration (18 examples): Vsp54.5, 56.7, Hym39.5, rk6.5, HHII 4.7, Grp37.5,
43.5, 50.5, GrI 20.5, Hlr4.7, 6.1, GrII 32.3, 32.5, Od17.7, Ghv4.5, Bdr12.7, Hdl27.3, 33.1; a-verse with
double alliteration (29 examples): Vsp9.7, 24.7, 27.7, 28.13, 50.7, 52.7, 53.5, 63.3, HH18.5, 44.7, HHv37.1,
41.7, HHII 1.7, 4.13, 16.3, 36.5, 40.5, 41.5, Fm42.5, GrI 25.5, Sg10.7, 11.9, 15.3, 56.9, GrII 4.7, 26.3, Bdr5.5,
5.7, Grt6.7; b-verse (429 examples): Vsp3.2, 3.4, 4.6, 5.4, 5.6, 5.8, 5.10, 7.2, 8.8, 9.8, 10.4, 10.8, 14.2, 14.4,
14.6, 14.8, 18.4, 18.8, 19.6, 26.8, 29.6, 30.6, 32.6, 33.2, 35.2, 37.2, 37.8, 41.6, 42.8, 43.8, 44.2, 44.4, 45.2,
45.10, 46.2, 47.4, 49.2, 49.4, 50.4, 50.6, 51.4, 51.6, 52.2, 52.8, 57.8, 58.2, 58.4, 60.2, 60.6, 61.4, 65.2, 66.4,
Hym1.4, 4.4, 5.4, 7.4, 7.8, 9.4, 11.2, 11.4, 11.6, 12.2, 15.6, 28.6, 29.8, 33.2, 35.6, 39.4, rk7.4, 12.8, 13.10, 15.4,
16.8, 19.12, 20.6, 21.8, 22.4, 22.8, 24.2, 24.8, 26.4, 26.8, 28.4, 28.8, 32.4, Vkv7.2, 14.2, 18.4, 21.6, 22.4, 24.6,
26.4, 27.8, 29.10, 31.4, 31.8, 33.10, 35.2, 37.8, 39.6, HH1.2, 1.4, 1.6, 5.4, 8.4, 8.6, 9.2, 11.8, 12.8, 13.4, 14.2,
14.4, 15.2, 15.6, 21.8, 22.2, 22.6, 22.8, 23.4, 24.4, 26.10, 28.2, 28.4, 30.4, 30.8, 31.2, 31.6, 32.4, 33.6, 34.8,
35.4, 36.8, 36.10, 37.2, 38.8, 39.2, 40.6, 41.2, 41.4, 41.10, 43.8, 44.2, 44.4, 45.4, 46.6, 47.8, 50.6, 50.8, 51.2,
218
(4)
Resolution
Vsp56.7 muno halir allir [xx#px#Px]

HH44.7 ea gefa gltom [xx#px#Px]
Gr II 3.6 n of sacar dma [x#x#px#Px]
HHv 32.4 ina konungborno [xx#pxSx]
Vsp5.4 um himiniour [x#pxsx]
The resolved first lift of typeC occurs in the b-verse with a significantly greater incidence than the normal one (p<0.001; Table4.9). Within the a-verse, however, it is
associated more closely with double alliteration than is the nonresolved counterpart
(p<0.001). Thus, resolution on the first lift of typeC displays marked preferences for
the b-verse and double alliteration in the a-verse (compare Wenck 1905: 130).
Table4.9.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC according to resolution on the first lift
First lift
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
473 (56.38%)
370 (78.22%)
103 (21.78%)
366 (43.62%)
839 (100%)
px
47 (9.87%)
18 (38.30%)
29 (61.70%)
429 (90.13%)
476 (100%)
With a single exception (Vsp48.3 gnr allr itunheimr), the second lift of typeC is unaffected by resolution (section4.2.9); it is normally realized by a long syllable or a short
one alone through suspension of resolution. Given the virtually two-way distinction
of this position, it would be of interest to examine whether this variable has anything
to do with the way in which the first lift is realized, resolved or otherwise. As indicated
51.4, 53.2, 53.4, 53.8, 54.4, 54.8, 55.4, 55.6, HHv1.4, 1.8, 2.8, 3.8, 5.4, 5.10, 6.4, 8.2, 8.8, 12.2, 12.4, 32.4,
32.6, 34.2, 34.4, 35.6, 35.8, 39.2, 42.2, 42.6, 43.4, HHII 2.2, 5.6, 6.6, 8.4, 8.6, 9.2, 10.6, 10.8, 11.4, 19.2, 19.6,
20.4, 21.2, 21.4, 22.8, 23.4, 24.6, 25.2, 26.6, 26.8, 30.6, 33.8, 33.12, 35.8, 36.2, 36.4, 36.10, 38.10, 39.4, 39.8,
42.2, 45.2, 45.8, 48.4, 48.10, 50.2, 50.4, 51.8, Grp5.8, 10.4, 10.8, 11.4, 11.6, 13.6, 14.2, 15.4, 15.8, 16.6, 19.6,
29.6, 33.2, 39.4, 43.4, 44.6, 46.8, 48.4, 50.2, 51.4, 52.8, 53.2, Rm5.4, 11.6, 13.4, 13.8, 17.4, 18.2, 18.4, 23.8,
26.4, 26.8, Fm32.4, 33.4, 35.2, 35.6, 40.8, 43.8, 44.8, Br1.2, 2.6, 4.4, 5.8, 9.4, 12.6, 16.4, 18.2, 19.4, GrI
1.8, 3.8, 9.6, 18.2, 18.4, 19.8, 20.4, 21.8, Sg1.4, 2.8, 3.6, 4.4, 4.10, 5.6, 11.6, 19.2, 22.8, 23.2, 29.2, 32.8, 34.4,
34.8, 36.6, 37.10, 39.4, 49.6, 60.6, 66.4, Hlr2.6, 4.6, 5.4, 6.6, 9.2, 12.2, 12.4, GrII 2.2, 2.4, 3.6, 5.2, 6.2, 7.8,
8.8, 9.8, 10.4, 11.8, 14.8, 15.2, 17.6, 18.4, 18.6, 19.2, 19.4, 19.8, 19.12, 20.4, 20.8, 21.4, 21.8, 23.4, 23.8, 24.2,
25.4, 25.8, 26.2, 26.4, 26.8, 27.2, 27.8, 28.6, 28.8, 30.4, 30.8, 33.6, 34.8, 37.2, 41.6, 42.6, 43.2, 44.2, GrIII
2.6, 7.4, Od1.2, 4.6, 6.6, 8.4, 10.6, 13.4, 14.4, 14.8, 16.8, 21.8, 22.4, 22.6, 24.4, 29.10, 34.6, Ghv1.4, 2.2, 4.2,
5.4, 7.4, 7.6, 7.8, 8.2, 8.10, 9.4, 10.8, 13.8, 16.10, 17.4, 18.6, 21.6, Bdr5.6, 8.6, 9.4, 11.6, 12.6, R13.4, 13.8,
22.6, Hdl2.2, 3.2, 4.6, 5.4, 7.8, 8.6, 10.4, 13.8, 14.6, 14.8, 15.4, 18.6, 24.8, 25.8, 29.4, 30.4, 30.10, 31.2, 33.8,
34.2, 36.2, 38.4, 39.2, 40.4, 41.6, 42.2, 42.6, 47.4, Grt1.2, 1.8, 3.6, 5.4, 6.4, 11.6, 12.8, 13.6, 14.6, 16.2, 16.4,
16.6, 18.8, 19.4, 20.4, 23.4, 24.4.
219
in Table 4.10, these two parameters are significantly associated, given a p-value of
less than 0.001. While the nonresolved first lift (P) is more or less evenly distributed
between the long (P, S, or X) and the short (p, s, or x) second lift, the resolved one (px)
displays an overwhelming preference for the long second lift (p<0.001): resolution on
the first lift is allowed almost exclusively when the second lift is occupied by the long
syllable; in other words, resolution on the first lift is incompatible with suspension of
resolution on the second.
Table4.10.Resolution on the first and second lifts in typeC
Long
1st lift
Long
Resolved
2 lift
370 (44.15%)
473 (99.37%)
Short
468 (55.85%)
3 (0.63%)
Total
838 (100%)
476 (100%)
In section2.8.2 above, it was established that the configurations xPPx and xPSx
occur in the b-verse with a significantly higher incidence than their shorter counterparts xPpx and xPsx, respectively, with a p-value of less than 0.001 in either case.
Given these marked preferences for the b-verse as well as the nearly maximal correlation between the resolved first lift and the long second one, one might be tempted
to claim, the close association of resolution on the first lift with the b-verse that has
come to light at the outset of this section might be explained as a consequence of the
preponderance of the long second lift in the b-verse, rather than being stipulated as
an independent property that calls for explanation on its own.4
In order to verify this reasoning, we need to focus on the minimally distinct configurations xPPx and xpxPx on the one hand, and xPSx and xpxSx on the
other, for determining their verse distribution patterns (Table4.11). Given a p-value
of less than 0.001 in either pair, the resolved configurations display a significantly
stronger preference for the b-verse than their nonresolved counterparts. Therefore,
the association between resolution on the first lift and the b-verse cannot be characterized as a derivative of the large presence of the long second lift in the b-verse:
rather, it must be identified as an intrinsic feature of the resolved first lift as opposed
to the long one.
4Of related interest, the configuration xPXx, which is no more likely to appear in the b-verse
than the shorter one xPxx, is totally unaffected by resolution.
220
Resolution
Table4.11.Verse distinction of typeC according to resolution on the first lift and stress on the
second lift
Configuration
xPPx
xpxPx
xPSx
xpxSx
A-verse
70 (43.21%)
47 (12.30%)
77 (57.89%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
Total
92 (56.79%)
335 (87.70%)
56 (42.11%)
91 (100%)
162 (100%)
382 (100%)
133 (100%)
91 (100%)
We must therefore address squarely on its own terms the nearly exclusive occurrence of
the resolved first lift in the b-verse. Of central importance here is the syntagmatic relation of metrical positions in typeC. Specifically, on account of the contiguity of lifts in
this verse type, the second one suffers relative weakening in perceptual terms: relative
to the immediately preceding, most prominent position in the verse, the following one
can hardly be perceived as fully prominent. At the same time, however, the second lift
needs sufficient salience for the purpose of differentiation from the following, versefinal drop. The extra prominence on the first lift through resolution, then, enables the
perceptually diminished, second lift to be realized in relatively stronger shape by virtue
of the now increased differential from the preceding position. As a consequence, the
cadence Px comes closest to its optimal form in manifestation. The closer degree of
approximation to the prototype of the cadence Px, then, favors the configuration x
pxPx over xPPx, thereby resulting in the conspicuous presence of the resolved first
lift in the b-verse (for a fuller account of the cadence in typeC, see section5.2.2 below).
By contrast, the string Sx deviates farther from the optimal Px by virtue of its
inherently weaker prominence on the secondary-stressed syllable. The presence of
a maximally prominent entity in the immediately preceding position leads to a correspondingly more diminished prominence on the second lift. Accordingly, the configuration xPSx occurs in the b-verse with lesser preference than xPPx. This prosodic disadvantage of the sequence xPSx then accounts for its significantly lower
presence in the b-verse than its heavier counterpart xPPx (p = 0.014). In view of
the inherently lower prominence of the penultimate position (S), implementation
of resolution on the first lift is all the more desirable for reinforcing the cadence Sx
so as to minimize the deviation from the optimal Px. In order to counterbalance the
excessively weakened string Sx appearing immediately after the concatenation xP,
resolution on the first lift (xpx) is used maximally in the b-verse as a remedy for
obtaining a realization of sufficient prominence to be accepted as a tolerable variant
of the cadence Px in the b-verse. Accordingly, resolution is implemented on the first
lift in the b-verse with greater rigor before the secondary-stressed lift than before the
primary-stressed one, with a p-value of less than 0.001 (Table4.11).
Apart from the greater deviation from the optimal cadence Px and the consequentially stronger demand for resolution in the b-verse, the configuration xpxSx differs
markedly from its heavier counterpart, xpxPx, in another respect: while the long and
221
the resolved first lift are distributed without significant difference in the pair of configurations xPPx/xpxPx, they are divergently distributed in the other pair of x
PSx/xpxSx (Table 4.12) in correlation to the binary grouping of foreign and native
eddic poems (section1.2). More specifically, the former pair is distributed comparably
between the two groups regardless of whether the first lift is resolved or not (p=0.125),
whereas the pair of configurations ending in Sx displays a significant difference in
distribution depending on the same two parameters: while the long first lift is distributed more or less evenly, the resolved one is heavily concentrated in the native group
(p<0.001). Put another way, the resolved configuration xpxSx seems to be strongly
disfavored in the foreign group. In other metrical contexts, however, implementation
of resolution is unaffected by the dichotomy of foreign versus native content, as is true
of the configurations xPPx/xpxPx: statistically, we would expect only minimal
deviations from the even distribution between the two groups. In this light, what
requires explanation is the exceptionality of the resolved configuration xpxSx: Why
is only this form sensitive to the content-based two-way grouping, and why is resolution avoided in the foreign group? At this point, we cannot say much beyond offering
the following short remark: given that the operation of resolution on the first lift of
typeC before the long second lift whether primary-stressed or secondary-stressed
is widely observed in West Germanic, it is extremely implausible to ascribe the avoidance of resolution in the foreign group to Continental influence. We will provide a
principled account of the phenomenon in question in section4.3.9 below after having
explored in depth a contrary process of resolution, namely, suspension of resolution.
Table4.12.Occurrences of xPPx, xpxPx, xPSx, and xpxSx in the foreign and native groups of
fornyrislag poetry
Configuration
xPPx
xpxPx
xPSx
xpxSx
Foreign
Native
Total
234 (52.94%)
182 (47.52%)
110 (41.67%)
11 (11.83%)
208 (47.06%)
201 (52.48%)
154 (58.33%)
82 (88.17%)
442 (100%)
383 (100%)
264 (100%)
93 (100%)
Finally on the resolved first lift of typeC, we may draw attention in passing to a peculiar phenomenon: the resolution on the first lift is associated with the monosyllabic first
drop only in the configuration xpxSx with a proper noun. We have the following four
distribution patterns that are predicated on the interaction of resolution on the first lift
and the size of the first drop, according to the composition of the second lift and verse
distinction (notice that the configuration xpxSx is limited to the b-verse, as shown in
Table4.11): (i) 41 monosyllables and 30 polysyllables (xPPx, the a-verse) vs. 25 monosyllables and 22 polysyllables (xpxPx, the a-verse); p=0.706; (ii) 58 monosyllables
and 34 polysyllables (xPPx, the b-verse) vs. 235 monosyllables and 100 polysyllables
(xpxPx, the b-verse); p = 0.206; (iii) 26 monosyllables and 4 polysyllables (xPSx
222
Resolution
[common noun], the b-verse) vs. 35 monosyllables and 1 polysyllable (xpxSx[common

noun], the b-verse); p=0.169; (iv) 21 monosyllables and 5 polysyllables (xPSx[proper
noun], the b-verse) vs. 55 monosyllables and 0 polysyllables (xpxSx[proper noun], the
b-verse); p=0.003. Given the minimum range of correlation observed, this may as well
be regarded as another idiosyncratic property of the typeC variant with a compound
proper noun, along with a few comparable ones pointed out in section2.8.2 above.
As regards the catalectic variant of typeC, namely, typeC-, resolution on the first
lift displays no significant association with verse distribution (p=0.493) and alliterative pattern (p=0.325; Table4.13). In terms of susceptibility to resolution on the first
lift, typeC- is less likely to be affected than is its full counterpart (p<0.001; compare
Tables 4.9 and 4.13). This is also confirmed when comparing exclusively the variants
in which the second lift is occupied by a primary-stressed long syllable, xPP and
xPPx, the pair of minimally distinct configurations (compare Tables 4.11 and 4.13).
Table4.13.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC- according to resolution on the first lift
First lift
P
px
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
44 (67.69%)
37 (84.09%)
7 (15.91%)
21 (32.31%)
65 (100%)
10 (83.33%)
2 (16.67%)
12 (100%)
10 (100%)
0 (0%)
The reason for the far lesser frequency of resolution on the first lift of typeC- may be
sought in the absence of the otherwise occurring verse-final drop due to catalexis. As
argued above, the second lift of typeC is under pressure to keep its identity as a lift
readily perceivable in distinction from the following drop. This syntagmatic motivation for implementation of resolution, however, does not obtain for typeC-, in which
the second lift terminates the verse on the surface, and hence there is no ensuing
position to distinguish from.
The greater susceptibility of a regular type (typeC) to be resolved on the first lift
than a catalectic one (type C-) is reversed in the pair of types A1 and A1-, whereby
the catalectic variant is more likely to be resolved (section4.2.1). This divergent treatment with respect to probabilities of resolution is grounded on the difference between
these two pairs in terms of their syntagmatic structure. Specifically, the pair of types
A1 and A1- is not involved in the contiguity of lifts that characterizes types C and C-,
the syntagmatic condition that leads to a weakening of prominence on the second
lift. Therefore, no need would arise to boost diminished prominence for obtaining
a realization that is most congruent with the metrical identity concerned. Because
typeA1 is immune to this overriding syntagmatic condition that induces resolution
on the first lift of typeC, typeA1- can take full advantage of employing resolution as a
223
means of compensation for the missing verse-final drop on the surface: the resultant
increased rate of resolution in typeA1- would be in no danger of being canceled out
by a still higher occurrence of resolution in typeA1 as in typeC. As a consequence,
invoked largely as a compensatory measure, resolution favors typeA1- over typeA1,
which does not meet the condition for its implementation.
4.2.4The first lift of typeD

As given in (5) below, each of the major variants of typeD, as catalogued in sections
2.10.1 and 2.10.4 above, may have its first lift resolved, except for the configuration
PPsx (where Psx is a common noun), which happens to have no resolved counterpart pxPsx presumably due to an accidental gap.5 Also absent are the configurations
pxSXx/pxSxx and the like, the group of one-word verses with the resolved first lift.
(5)
R 38.6 mara svangrifia [px#PSx]

Od 15.8 syni Grmildar [px#PSx]
Vsp1.4mgo Heimdalar [px#Psx]
HHII 3.1 N hefir hr dmi [x#px#P#Px] (with anacrusis)
Grt 16.7 drgom dlgs siotul [px#P#px]
Vsp66.2 dreki fligandi [px#PXx]
Vkv 20.7 synir Naar [px#Pxx]
HH40.1 Fair varattu [px#pXx]
Hdl 28.1 Haraldr hilditnn [px#PxS]
HH1.3 hnigo heilog vtn [px#Px#P]
Whether taken as a whole or separately according to the individual variant, resolution on the first lift has no significant correlation to verse distribution and alliterative
pattern, as follows (Table4.14): for PPXx/PPxx/PpXx, p=0.768 (verse distribution)
and p=0.648 (alliterative pattern); for PPSx/PPsx (PSx/Psx = proper name), p=0.648
(verse distribution) and p = 1 (alliterative pattern); for PPSx/PPsx, p = 0.372 (verse
distribution) and p=1 (alliterative pattern); for PPPx/PPpx, p=0.300 (verse distribution) and p=1 (alliterative pattern); for PPxS, p=1 (verse distribution and alliterative
pattern); for PPxP, p=1 (verse distribution and alliterative pattern); and for the whole
class, p=0.177 (verse distribution) and p=1 (alliterative pattern). The lack of any dis-
5A-verse with single alliteration (7 examples): Vkv20.7, HH18.7, 40.1, Grp36.3, Rm26.3, GrIII 11.1,
Ghv 17.11; a-verse with double alliteration (14 examples): Vsp 51.5, HH 1.3, 22.7, 38.3, 47.5, HHv 42.7,
HHII 15.3, Grp43.7, Rm18.1, GrII 14.7, GrIII 4.3, Hdl24.5, 28.1, Grt16.7; b-verse (21 examples): Vsp1.4,
2.6, 11.8, 39.8, 50.2, 66.2, rk19.4, HH23.8, 27.4, 42.8, 49.8, HHII 44.2, GrI 4.4, 8.8, Sg38.6, Od15.8,
R38.6, Hdl28.10, 43.8, Grt23.2. Compare Russom (1998: 101).
224
Resolution
tinction whatsoever would hardly seem surprising, however, because these variants
themselves are not differentiated from each other in a rule-governed way in regard to
the two major parameters (section2.10.1).
Table4.14.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD according to resolution on the first lift
Configuration
First lift
PPXx/PPxx/
PpXx
P
px
PSXx/PSxx
P
px
PPSx/PPsx
(PSx/Psx =
proper name)
PPSx/PPsx
px
px
PPPx/PPpx
P
px
PPxS
P
px
PPxP
P
px
Total
A-verse
B-verse
Total
29 (29.59%)
13 (44.83%)
16 (55.17%)
69 (70.41%)
98 (100%)
5 (33.33%)
3 (60.00%)
2 (40.00%)
10 (66.67%)
15 (100%)
8 (25.00%)
6 (75.00%)
2 (25.00%)
24 (75.00%)
32 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
11 (52.38%)
4 (36.36%)
7 (63.64%)
10 (47.62%)
21 (100%)
2 (33.33%)
1 (50.00%)
1 (50.00%)
4 (66.67%)
6 (100%)
37 (38.95%)
11 (29.73%)
26 (70.27%)
58 (61.05%)
95 (100%)
7 (53.85%)
2 (28.57%)
5 (71.43%)
6 (46.15%)
13 (100%)
8 (40.00%)
4 (50.00%)
4 (50.00%)
12 (60.00%)
20 (100%)
3 (75.00%)
1 (33.33%)
2 (66.67%)
1 (25.00%)
4 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
15 (100%)
15 (100%)
0 (0%)
15 (100%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
3 (100%)
108 (38.43%)
38 (35.19%)
70 (64.81%)
173 (61.57%)
281 (100%)
px
21 (50.00%)
7 (33.33%)
14 (66.67%)
21 (50.00%)
42 (100%)
225
Furthermore, no significant difference is in evidence between the major variants of

typeD as regards their susceptibility to resolution on the first lift (Table4.15), apart
from the lexically conditioned immunity of one-word verses to it. Nor is there any
correlation observed between resolution on the first and the second lift (p=0.490;
Table4.16).
Table4.15.Occurrences of the long and the resolved first lift in major variants of typeD
Configuration
PPXx/PPxx/PpXx
PSXx/PSxx
PPSx/PPsx (PSx/Psx = proper name)
PPSx/PPsx
PPPx/PPpx
PPxS
PPxP
px
Total
98 (86.73%)
32 (100%)
21 (77.78%)
95 (87.96%)
20 (83.33%)
0 (0%)
15 (83.33%)
15 (13.27%)
0 (0%)
6 (22.22%)
13 (12.04%)
4 (16.67%)
1 (100%)
3 (16.67%)
113 (100%)
32 (100%)
27 (100%)
108 (100%)
24 (100%)
1 (100%)
18 (100%)
Table4.16.Resolution on the first and second lifts in typeD
Long
1st lift
Long
Resolved
2nd lift
262 (93.24%)
41 (97.62%)
Short
19 (6.76%)
1 (2.38%)
Total
281 (100%)
42 (100%)
In contrast, resolution on the first lift appears to favor occurrence of long syllables
in the penultimate position (Table4.17). On closer inspection, however, it is only the
configurations PPSx and PPsx (where the last three positions PSx and Psx are filled
by a compound common noun) that proves to be of statistical significance (p<0.001;
in comparison, p=0.406 for PPXx/PPxx; p=0.350 for PPSx/PPsx [PSx/Psx = proper
name]; p=0.312 for PPPx/PPpx; and p<0.001 for the whole type). Whether statistically confirmed or not, the stronger association of resolution on the first lift with the
long syllable for the first drop than with the short one yields to a credible account
from a syntagmatic point of view in terms of relative prominence. The increased
prominence on the first lift by the resolved disyllables (px) facilitates a fuller realization of the position in question (the first drop) than when it is preceded by the one of
standard monosyllabic prominence (P): the more prominent the first lift is, the more
so the following positions can be. Possibly of relevance here would be the failure to
implement such a corresponding increase on the position immediately after the first
lift, namely, the second lift, as pointed out above. The partially established correlation to the second following position (the first drop) may accordingly be viewed as a
compensatory practice.
226
Resolution
Table4.17.Resolution on the first lift and length of the first drop in typeD
Configuration
First lift
PPXx/PPxx
P
px
44 (44.90%)
9 (60.00%)
54 (55.10%)
6 (40.00%)
98 (100%)
15 (100%)
PPSx/PPsx
(PSx/Psx = proper name)
P
px
11 (52.38%)
5 (83.33%)
10 (47.62%)
1 (16.67%)
21 (100%)
6 (100%)
PPSx/PPsx
P
px
35 (36.84%)
13 (100%)
60 (63.16%)
0 (0%)
95 (100%)
13 (100%)
PPPx/PPpx
P
px
1 (5.00%)
1 (25.00%)
19 (95.00%)
3 (75.00%)
20 (100%)
4 (100%)
Total
P
px
126 (44.84%)
32 (76.19%)
155 (55.16%)
10 (23.81%)
281 (100%)
42 (100%)
Long
First drop
Short
Total
Eleven examples are found of type D-, the catalectic variant of type D, with the
resolved first lift, as represented in (6) below:6
(6)
Vsp22.3 vlo velsp [px#PS]

Hym34.1 Fair Ma [px#Px]
HHII 3.7 mealkafli [pxSx]
This type is not organized in any significant way as regards the relation of resolution on the first lift to verse distribution (p = 0.454) and alliterative pattern (p = 1;
Table4.18).
Table4.18.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD- according to resolution on the first
lift
First lift
P
px
Single alliteration
6 (50.00%)
3 (60.00%)
A-verse
Double alliteration
12 (63.16%)
5 (45.45%)
6 (50.00%)
2 (40.00%)
B-verse
Total
7 (36.84%)
19 (100%)
6 (54.55%)
11 (100%)
6A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): Hym 34.1, HH II 3.7, Sg 2.7; a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Vsp 22.3, Hlr 14.7; b-verse (6 examples): Vsp 16.8, Vkv 5.10, 17.8, Bdr 4.4,
Hdl9.2, 10.2.
227
In contrast to the lack of articulation within, this catalectic type is distinguished from
the full counterpart, typeD, by the higher likelihood of undergoing resolution on the
first lift (p=0.002; compare Tables 4.14 and 4.18). In this respect, the pair of typeDand typeD is similar to that of typeA1- and typeA1 (section4.2.1), but different from
that of type C- and type C (section 4.2.3): in the former pair, the catalectic variant
is resolved more frequently, as with the pair of types D- and D, whereas the reverse
pattern of frequency applies to the latter pair.
Of particular interest is the diametrically opposite treatment of types C/C- on the
one hand and types D/D- on the other: while the regular type (type C) favors resolution in the first pair, it is conversely the catalectic one (type D-) that displays a
preference for resolution in the second pair. Still more interesting is that the stronger
types C and D- are matched with each other by indistinguishable degrees of association with resolution on the first lift (p=1), much as are the weaker types C- and D
(p=0.578). The preference patterns are thus reversed between regular and catalectic
types in the two pairs.
As discussed in the preceding section, the succession of the lifts may promote
resolution on the first lift as a means of counterbalancing the otherwise endangered
distinguishability between the two lifts in general and the reduced potential for prominence on the second lift in particular. In contrast to the two pairs of types C/C- and
types D/D-, the two lifts are intervened by a drop in the pair of types A1/A1-. Preempting the dampening effects due to the contiguity of like positions, then, this intervening weak position does not particularly promote resolution on the first lift in favor of
one of types A1 and A1- at the expense of the other; hence, resolution can be invoked
by typeA1- at the cost of typeA1 as a measure of compensation for the missing versefinal drop; therefore, typeA1- is more likely to be resolved than typeA1.
As argued further in the last section, the differentiated susceptibility to resolution between types C and C- is ascribed to the presence versus absence of the versefinal drop after the two consecutive lifts: the occurrence of another position after the
successive lifts further compromises the prominence of the second lift which suffers
reduced perceptibility in the shadow of the immediately preceding lift. Specifically,
the weakened prominence on the second lift needs boosting so as to keep its perceptibility as a lift in distinction from the following drop. Promotion of resolution on the
first lift contributes to an enhanced prominence of the second one through the latters
increased likelihood of being realized as a long monosyllable rather than a short one
that would otherwise be expected to materialize. This condition favoring extensive
resolution on the first lift is met only by typeC, however: since the final drop remains
unrealized in the catalectic variant, typeC- is not implicated in this mechanism for
inducing resolution on the first lift.
Curiously enough, as far as types D and D- are concerned, both satisfy the lastmentioned structural condition for promoting resolution: they have in common a
drop (the first drop) that stands after the two lifts occurring in succession. We would
predict then that the two types should be indistinguishable from each other as well
228
Resolution
as from typeC in their likelihood of receiving resolution on the first lift. While typeDproves to be in conformity with the prediction, its regular counterpart does not: it fails
to implement resolution on the first lift to the extent to which types D- and C do, as
noted above. We therefore seem to be required to explain why typeD behaves differently from the expected pattern of displaying a maximal preference for the resolved
first lift. On this and related issues, see section4.2.6 below.
4.2.5The first lift of types D*, D/E, and E

Type D* offers four examples in which the first lift is resolved, as listed in (7) below:7
(7)

Gr I 6.3 Hefi ec harara [px#x#Pxx]
Sg 56.1 Gefa mundu Gurno [px#xx#PSx]
Hdl 19.1 Ketill ht vinr eira [px#x#P#Px]
Given the extreme rarity, resolution on the first lift is least likely to be of any significant value. In fact, it displays no correlation to verse distribution, alliterative pattern,
the realization of the second lift, or that of the heavy drop (p=0.288, p=1, p=1, and
p=0.317, respectively; Table4.19). Totally out of the question would be finer-scaled
correlations according to the individual variant.
Type D/E offers three examples with the resolved first lift, as exemplified in (8)
below.8 While occurring overwhelmingly in the b-verse without resolution, this
type is more likely to appear in the a-verse when the first lift is resolved (p=0.036;
Table4.19).
(8)
Vkv 20.5 Drifo ungir tveir [px#Px#P]

HHv 33.12 goraz slct, ef scal [px#P#x#P]
On the other hand, there is no definite instance of typeE with the resolved first lift
(Russom 1998: 103): no examples of the configurations pxSxP and pxPxP are known
in the whole population of this type totaling 103 instances.
7A-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Hdl 19.1; a-verse with double alliteration (3 examples): rk7.7, GrI 6.3, Sg56.1.
8A-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Vkv20.5, Od18.5; b-verse (1 example): HHv33.12.
229
Table4.19.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of types D* and D/E according to resolution on
the first lift
Verse type
First lift
D*
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
39 (61.90%)
10 (25.64%)
px
D/E
1 (25.00%)
3 (100%)
px
2 (100%)
B-verse
Total
24 (38.10%)
63 (100%)
0 (0%)
4 (100%)
34 (91.89%)
37 (100%)
1 (33.33%)
3 (100%)
29 (74.36%)
4 (100%)
3 (75.00%)
3 (8.11%)
2 (66.67%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
4.2.6A synchronic account of the varied incidences of resolution according to

verse type
Recapitulating the foregoing investigation, we obtain the overall picture on the occurrence of resolution on the first lift in the major verse types, as illustrated in Table4.20.
Table4.20.Resolution on the first lift according to verse type
Verse type
A1
A1s (subtype)
A1B
C
CD
DD*
E
D/E
Long
1989 (95.08%)
280 (98.59%)
244 (91.04%)
450 (99.78%)
839 (63.80%)
65 (84.42%)
281 (87.00%)
19 (63.33%)
63 (94.03%)
103 (100%)
37 (92.50%)
Resolved
Total
103 (4.92%)
4 (1.41%)
24 (8.96%)
1 (0.22%)
476 (36.20%)
12 (15.58%)
42 (13.00%)
11 (36.67%)
4 (5.97%)
0 (0%)
3 (7.50%)
2092 (100%)
284 (100%)
268 (100%)
451 (100%)
1315 (100%)
77 (100%)
323 (100%)
30 (100%)
67 (100%)
103 (100%)
40 (100%)
Performing statistical analysis on each pair of verse types with respect to the proportion of the long to the resolved first lift brings out the following scale, in which the
verse types involved rank in order of decreasing incidence of resolution:
(9)
Types C and D- > types A1-, C-, and

D (types D*, D/E) > typeA1 (types D*, D/E) > types B and E
230
Resolution
That is, types C and D- rank highest by their significantly greater frequency of resolution than the remaining types, which are further divided into the three groups,
distinguished as they are by the statistically significant differences in incidence of
resolution. Both typeD* and typeD/E, however, are indistinguishable from the group
of types A1-, C-, and D on the one hand, and typeA1 on the other: they can be characterized as peripheral members of the two respective groups, and as such they may as
well be excluded from the discussion for the time being.
We are now required to provide an explanatory account of the metrical basis of
the above hierarchy: Why is resolution on the first lift implemented distinctly according to verse type in the way as it actually is? We may attempt to explore a formal
account with a view to identifying a cluster of structural properties that may be held
responsible for the varied preferences for resolution displayed by the verse types.
Concentrating on classes C and D and ignoring type A1- for the time being,
the first two highest-ranking groups, namely, types C/D- and types C-/D, are distinguished from the rest by the contiguity of lifts: the first lift is immediately followed by the second one without any intervening weak position. We may generalize, as we proposed above, that the first lift is more susceptible to resolution in this
context, in order to keep its metrical identity from being obscured by the following,
equally strong position (compare sections 4.2.3 and 4.2.4 above). Resolution effects
an increase in prominence through the resulting disyllabicity, which obviously
contributes to a sharper differentiation from the following, potentially competing
position.
What differentiates then the top-ranking group from the second one? As should
be clear, both groups are mixed in their composition, consisting as they do of regular
and catalectic configurations. Since the ranking in susceptibility to resolution is
determined by a complex of independent factors, as will be shown in due course,
we should first concentrate on typeC in opposition to typeC- on the one hand and
to typeD on the other. As treated in the preceding two sections, the stronger propensity of typeC to receive resolution on the first lift than its catalectic opponent is the
occurrence of a drop after the succession of two lifts: the syntagmatic contrast to the
actualized verse-final drop requires the preceding lift to retain high perceptibility
as a strong position, and implementation of resolution on the first lift satisfies this
need by allowing the second one to be realized by a long monosyllable, rather than
a short one which is more likely to arise after the monosyllabic first lift. The resultant alignment of the second lift to the more substantial material than is otherwise
due contributes to asserting its metrical identity as a strong position as against the
following position.
The differentiation of typeC from typeD may be explained along a similar line
of reasoning. The key to the understanding, however, is provided by the verse-initial
drop, rather than the one occurring at the end of a verse as is the case with the distinction between types C and C-. At stake here is the presence of a drop in the preceding
position in typeC in contrast to its absence in typeD. The drop occurring at the begin-
231
ning of typeC imposes a pressure on the following first lift to attain a more prominent shape than will otherwise materialize when it stands in absolute initial position.
Much as with the second lift that is followed by a manifest position, the first lift that
is preceded by a comparable one needs extra prominence to secure its surface perceptibility in distinction from the preceding drop. By contrast, standing at the absolute
beginning of a verse, the first lift of type D remains unaffected by the relativizing
effect of the preceding position in the same verse, much as does the second lift of
typeC-, which stands verse-finally on the surface: it is in no danger of being compromised in terms of prominence relative to the preceding position.
Thus, the presence of a manifest drop either before or after the two successive
lifts places an extra demand on the first lift to be realized in maximally salient shape.
Accordingly, resolution as a means of enhancing prominence is most likely to be
implemented in these contexts, namely, the first lift of typeC in distinction from that
of typeC- and typeD, the minimally distinct configurations differentiated primarily
by the absence of a drop in the immediate adjacency.
We have yet to account for why typeD- ranks highest along with typeC in the likelihood of undergoing resolution on the first lift. In light of the two factors identified
in the foregoing discussion, typeD- should be ranked equal to types C- and D: as with
the last two types and in opposition to typeC, it satisfies only one of the conditions
that favor the resolved first lift, namely, the presence of a manifest drop after the two
consecutive lifts. Lacking the corresponding position at the beginning, typeD ought
to display a less close association with the resolved first lift than typeC. The question
we must address then is: Why is this type maximally associated with resolution on
the first lift despite its failure to constitute an optimal context according to the pair of
conditions in question?
Assuming that the two structural conditions we identified earlier are tenable as
they are, we may seek a further factor that is conducive to the unexpectedly high incidence of the resolved first lift in typeD-. We would claim that catalexis should be held
responsible for the maximized operation of resolution. As detailed in sections 2.4,
2.6, and 2.9 above, the catalectic configurations, types A1-, A3-, and C-, are subject to
a compensation for the missing drop on the surface: with null realization of the final
drop, the remaining one, the first drop, is aligned to longer syllable sequences than
in their corresponding regular types. As a consequence, the first drop is realized in
enhanced prominence due to its increased size. Of further importance, the first drop
is enlarged as compensation in the catalectic types not just on their own, but in terms
relative to their regular counterparts: these catalectic variants have the first drop realized in larger form than their normal ones.
In this light, we may explore an analogous account by claiming that the unrealized final drop is compensated for by the initial lift in typeD-, rather than the first
drop as in the three types mentioned above. The reason why this type fails to have its
drop expanded like the other catalectic types is self-evident: coming to stand at the
end of a verse on the surface, it is categorically excluded from such a mode of align-
232
Resolution
ment. As a substitute, then, the first lift is chosen as a primary locus of compensation; and an increase in prominence is effected by resolution, the only conceivable
means that is readily available for attaining the targeted result of increased prominence on the lift. Moreover, typeD, the variant from which the catalectic counterpart
is required to be distinguished by the increased prominence on the first lift due to
compensation, is on the same footing, as far as the susceptibility to resolution based
on the contiguity of the lifts is concerned. Given the otherwise equal amenability to
resolution, then, typeD- can be differentiated from typeD by a reinforced implementation of the process.
By contrast, typeC-, also lacking the verse-final drop on the surface, is situated
in a different context. The opposite member of the minimal pair concerned, namely,
typeC, is maximally amenable to resolution on the first lift because it uniquely satisfies both of the syntagmatic conditions for inducing resolution identified above. Thus,
implementation of resolution as a distinguishing compensatory measure is bound to
be inviable for the pair of types C and C-: it cannot fulfill a distinctive function of
enhancing the occurrence of the resolved first lift in typeC- in opposition to typeC.
Put another way, the compensatory resolution is preempted by the alternative one for
securing the maximal distinguishability of the first and the second lift as against the
preceding and following positions. Further, since typeC- has at its disposal the other
measure of compensation that involves the first drop, there is no need to substitute
the resolved first lift for the final drop. For this reason, type C- is not subject to as
much likelihood of being resolved as typeD-.
In this way, in contrast to typeC-, typeD- is subject to a unique requirement for
heightening prominence on the first lift as a compensation for the lost prominence of
the null final drop. On account of this additional factor, typeD- comes to be loaded
with a maximal preference for resolution on the first lift, comparable to typeC. Since
this extra condition does not apply to typeC, these two types can hardly be differentiated in overall terms of their qualification to receive resolution. Consequently, types
C and D- together constitute the group of maximal implementation of resolution on
the first lift.
We are then left with types A1, A1-, B, and E, which are all distinguished from
the four types treated above by the absence of two successive lifts in their metrical
representation. Accordingly, neither of the first two conditions for enhancing resolution on the first lift applies to these verse types; they are not privileged to undergo
resolution on the syntagmatic grounds for keeping the optimal prominence of the
two consecutive lifts. The third condition of catalexis, however, is applicable to
typeA1- as well, in distinction from the remaining three types. While typeA1- has
access to the enlargement of the first drop as the alternative means of compensation as does typeC-, it is also eligible for the compensatory resolution on the first
lift in contrast to typeC-. While the maximal susceptibility of typeC to resolution
blocks the compensatory resolution from constituting an alternative realization of
the unrealized final drop for typeC-, typeA1 is unqualified for the syntagmatically
233
conditioned resolution on the first lift in question. Free from the danger of being
deprived of its potential distinguishing function, resolution is capable of operating
on the first lift of typeA1- and accordingly serving as a distinctive substitute for the
missing verse-final drop of this catalectic type. Type A1- is thus differentiated from
the others p=0.009 as against typeA1, p<0.001 as against typeB, and p=0.001
as against typeE by a higher likelihood of resolution, which is comparable to that
for types C- (p=0.136) and D (p=0.149).
At first sight, the remaining three types types A1, B, and E might be subsumed
under a single set because none of them falls under the purview of the three conditions for implementing resolution, as specified above. In actuality, however, they are
further differentiated by their varying likelihood of undergoing resolution: typeA1 is
more likely to be resolved than types B (p<0.001) and E (p=0.014), which are indistinguishable on this parameter (p=1). What then provides a basis for making such a
fine distinction? A principled account is in fact readily available in part. We may be
justified in invoking the linearity-based scale of like positions, the lift in this case,
as resorted to for explanation from time to time in our earlier discussion: the closer
to the beginning of a verse a position is, the more prominent it is than any other corresponding one located farther away from the beginning (section1.2). Since the first
lift occurs in verse-initial position in typeA1 (and typeE, which is being ignored for
the moment), it counts as more prominent than the corresponding one constitutive of
typeB. Since resolution enhances prominence, a position of inherently greater prominence should be more qualified for the process. Therefore, typeA1 is more likely to
receive resolution on the first lift than typeB.
As implicitly admitted above, however, type E apparently defies the proposed
explanation, according to which the verse-initial lift would be predicted to be resolved
as frequently as the comparable position of typeA1, and correspondingly more frequently than that of typeB. As it turns out, however, typeE is as minimally affected by
resolution as typeB; in fact, this type is totally unresolved in the first lift. The question
confronting us then is: Why does the first lift of typeE evade resolution maximally?
More specifically, why does typeE fail to be analogous to typeA1 despite the verseinitial lift commonly involved? Do we need a special stipulation for dealing with its
unexpected treatment?
On closer consideration, however, the apparently aberrant behavior of type E
yields to a credible account: unlike other verse types, the avoidance of resolution on
the first lift of this type is grounded not so much in the syntagmatic arrangement
of metrical positions in the underlying representation, as in its contingent realizations on the surface. Specifically, all but two instances in the total of 103 typeE verses
begin with compound words, whether common or proper nouns (see Table 2.53,
section 2.13.1). The vast majority of such compounds have their primary stress on
long monosyllables, rather than short disyllables; in other words, the configuration
PSx prevails overwhelmingly over pxSx in the lexicon. Given this lexical structure, it
would be no wonder that resolution should have a far smaller chance of operation for
234
Resolution
the first lift of typeE than for the corresponding position of typeA1, which is normally
occupied by a simplex word.
This lexical-based account is independently supported. At issue is subtypeA1s
(Table4.20). This configuration is distinguished from typeA1 by a significantly lower
incidence of resolution on the first lift (p=0.005). Instead, it is comparable to typeB
(p=0.076), and more interestingly to typeE (p=0.577). As shown in sections 2.1.3.1 and
2.1.3.2 above, more than half the total of subtypeA1s verses, 55.63%, have their first
two positions (/ ) aligned to compound words, the proportion that is much higher
than that of typeA1 (ca. 3.01%, 63 examples out of a total of 2092). The significantly
lower presence of the resolved first lift in subtypeA1s may therefore be ascribed to the
conspicuously higher rate with which the first lift is realized by a primary-stressed
syllable of a compound in this configuration.
Worth further notice in this connection are the relatively numerous occurrences
of compounds of the form pxSx (or occasionally pxsx) in type C (Table 4.11): there
are 91 examples of pxSx and 2 examples of pxsx. This relative abundance of the compounds at issue in typeC constitutes a sharp contrast to their total absence in typeE:
while they often occupy the last three positions (/ / ) of typeC, they are excluded
from realizing the first three positions (/ \) of typeE. This divergent treatment seems
all the more striking when we realize that a secondary-stressed syllable is more likely
to be aligned to a heavy drop than a lift. In this light, we must by no means be misled
to give too much weight to the relative scarcity of the compound form pxSx in the
lexicon as a determinant of probabilities of resolution.
On the contrary, the contrast between types C and E in the use of the compound
pxSx confirms that resolution is a structurally controlled metrical phenomenon,
rather than a mechanical consequence of accessible lexical materials. It is based on
the interaction of the three inducing factors of two different motivations: two of the
three factors are integrated as a unit and motivated by the optimal realization of the
contiguous lifts, while the third one serves as a partial substitute for the zero realization of the final drop. In accordance with these structural conditions, the relatively
marked compound pxSx is subject to diverse treatment: while it is rarely used as
a reflection of its relatively small presence in the lexicon in the contexts where its
occurrence is not metrically motivated, it is vigorously used where its use is valued as
metrically optimal.
The relevant structural factors that favor resolution on the first lift, then, are
summarized in Table4.21. Among the three, the first two constitute syntagmatically
specified local conditions, whereas the last one is a derivative of the more general
regulation on catalexis, whose particular effect on resolution is determined by the
configurational properties of the verse type involved.
235
Table4.21.Favorable factors for implementing resolution on the first lift

A1
A1-
//
//
[]
C-
D-
D*
D/E
As should be clear from the above table, the probabilities of resolution on the first
lift are largely determined by the extent to which the verse types are subject to the
three inducing factors. Specifically, types C and D- rank first on the scale of likelihood
for undergoing resolution, as they both meet two conditions; then come types A1-,
C-, and D, which satisfy one of the three factors in their different ways. Among the
remaining types that are unaffected by the three conditions, two general constraints
make further distinctions. First, the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions privileges
the verse-initial lift. Second, the availability of relevant lexical materials serves as a
further differentiating factor. As a consequence, typeA1 is favored at the expense of
types B and E, which are determined as less conducive to resolution: the first lift of
typeB is located in the second position, while the first three positions of typeE are
largely aligned to compound words.
Before bringing this section to an end, it may be apposite to mention in passing
the two remaining types, types D* and D/E, which have been left out of consideration
because of their marginality in grouping along the scale (9). According to the cluster
of conditions given in Table4.21, neither type meets any one of the three conditions.
They should accordingly display no particular preference for resolution on the first
lift. Furthermore, since the first lift in the two types occurs at the beginning of a verse,
resolution on this position should not be avoided as stringently as in typeB. In this
light, the grouping with typeA1 would be most plausible, as is partly borne out by the
facts. On the other hand, the affinity with typeD cannot be left unnoticed. For one
thing, typeD/E, a neutralization of types D and E, begins with a concatenation that
is commensurate to, if not equal to, the sequence / / . For another, typeD* shares
with typeD the sequencing of the last three positions (/ ). These partial structural
resemblances to typeA1 on the one hand, and typeD on the other, might possibly be
held responsible for the mixed characters of types D* and D/E in regard to the localization along the scale (9).
4.2.7The second lift of types A1, A2a, and A2b

There are only ten examples of typeA1, one of typeA2a, and two of typeA2b in which
the second lift is resolved, as listed in (10) below:
236
(10)
Resolution
Type A1 (Pxpxx; 10 examples):

Hym34.5hf sr hfu up [P#x#x#px#x]
Hdl 13.1 Mur tti fair inn [Px#xx#px#x]
Hdl 17.7 varar, at viti sv [Px#x#px#x] (also Hdl 18.9)
Hdl 31.3 vromz, at viti sv [px#x#px#x] (also Hdl 34.3, 36.3, 39.3)
Br 14.5 Hveti mic ea leti mic [px#x#xx#px#x]
Od 12.5 slcs dmi qvaattu [P#P(=x)x#pxx]
Type A2a (PPpxx; 1 example)
Vsp26.7ml ll meginlig [P#P#pxx]
Type A2b (PxpxS; 2 examples):
Vkv 41.5 eina gurstund [Px#pxS]
Hdl 18.7 mr oc Iosurmarr [P#x#pxS]
Type A1 (Table4.22) is significantly differentiated along the parameters of resolution

on the second lift and verse distribution (p<0.001), while the correlation between the
resolved second lift and alliterative pattern is not as distinct (p=0.089): the resolved
second lift is most likely to occur in the a-verse, and only apparently at a significance
level of 0.05 tends to carry alliteration. On the other hand, since type A2b itself
displays a maximal preference for the a-verse with double alliteration (section2.2.2),
resolution cannot be expected to be loaded with any differential value with respect
to the two parameters: in fact, both verse distribution and alliterative pattern fail to
differ significantly, with a p-value of 1 for either parameter (Table4.23).
Table4.22.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to resolution on the
second lift
Second lift
Resolved
Long
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
10 (100%)
0 (0%)
10 (100%)
1325 (63.64%)
2082 (100%)
3 (30.00%)
7 (70.00%)
757 (36.36%)
410 (54.16%)
347 (45.84%)
Table4.23.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA2b according to resolution on the

second lift
Second lift
A-verse
Single alliteration
Resolved
Long
0 (0%)
16 (26.67%)
B-verse
Total
Double alliteration
2 (100%)
60 (95.24%)
2 (100%)
44 (73.33%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
3 (4.76%)
63 (100%)
237
Of further interest, all of the examples of typeA1 with the resolved second lift with
a single exception (Od 12.5) have their final drop occupied by an independent word,
rather than a word-final syllable as is normally the case. The realization of the final
drop by an independent word is extremely rare, as shown in section2.1.2 above. As
should be clear from Table4.24, resolution on the second lift of typeA1 takes place
with a significantly higher incidence when the final drop is realized by an independent word (p<0.001).
Table4.24.Resolution on the second lift of typeA1 and composition of the second drop
Final position
#x#
-x#
Long
Resolved
Total
24 (72.73%)
2058 (99.95%)
9 (27.27%)
1 (0.05%)
33 (100%)
2059 (100%)
In conjunction with the fact pointed out in section4.2.1 above that resolution has a
strong tendency to occur together on the two lifts (p<0.001; Table4.4), the observation made in the last paragraph identifies two conditions that stochastically favor
operation of resolution on the second lift of typeA1: (i) the resolved first lift; (ii) the
realization of the final drop by an independent word. Since these two conditions, particularly the second one, materialize only exceptionally, resolution on the second lift
itself constitutes a marginal phenomenon. Moreover, the combination of these two
constraints seems far from a coincidence: they have in common an increased prominence compared with the normal realizations of their corresponding positions the
primary-stressed long monosyllable on the one hand, and the word-final (short)
unstressed syllable on the other. In this light, we may generalize that the variants of
typeA1 with added prominence are more likely to receive resolution on the second
lift, which in itself embodies an increase in prominence. This generalization, in turn,
entails that resolution on the first lift is correlated to use of independent words in the
final drop. And the prediction is borne out by the facts, as substantiated by a p-value
of 0.021 (Table 4.25). As it turns out, therefore, it is the common property of extra
prominence involved that serves as an underlying motivation for the clustering of the
three separate features in a single verse. In this way, notwithstanding the apparent
exceptionality, resolution on the second lift of typeA1 proves to be a rule-governed
phenomenon if only in loose statistical terms.
Table4.25.Resolution on the first lift of typeA1 and composition of the second drop
Final position
#x#
-x#
Long
28 (84.85%)
1961 (95.24%)
Resolved
Total
5 (15.15%)
98 (4.76%)
33 (100%)
2059 (100%)
238
Resolution
The clustering of the three phenomena identified above is corroborated most cogently
in Hdl. Type A1 with the resolved second lift has a conspicuous concentration in Hdl,
as observed in Russom (1998: 105) and shown in (10) above: as many as 7 out of a
total of 10, 70.00%, are attested in it. Analogously, the resolved first lift of type A1
occurs with a notable frequency in Hdl: second to Grp, Hdl provides by far the highest
number of such examples (11 instances), although in terms of relative proportions this
poem accounts for only 10.68% of the total attestations because of the widespread
distribution of relevant instances throughout the corpus. And finally, typeA1 with the
second drop realized by an independent word (PxP#x) is represented most strongly
in Hdl, as noted in section2.1.2 above; 20 out of a total of 33, slightly over 60%, are
attested in it.
4.2.8The second lift of typeB

There are seven verses in the corpus that could be scanned as typeB with the resolved
second lift, as follows (section2.7):
(11)
Possibly typeB (xPxpx/xPxsx; 7 examples):

Vkv 18.8 fiarri borinn [x#Px#px]
Vkv 18.10 til smiio borinn [x#Px#px]
Vkv 37.3 n ec ic vilia, Vlundr [x#x#Px#px]
Vkv 37.6 at ic af hesti taki [x#x#x#Px#px]
Fm 41.7 mundu, Sigurr [x#Px#px]
Hdl 19.3 var hann murfair [x#x#Pxsx]
Hdl 25.6 fr Iormunreki [x#Pxsx]
Alternatively, however, these verses can be regarded no less plausibly as type A1

with anacrusis in which the second lift is filled by a short stressed syllable through
suspension of resolution (subtypeA1s). Neither in terms of verse distribution (p=1;
Table4.26) nor in regard to the size of anacrusis (p=0.358; Table4.27) do the verses
in question (xPxpx/xPxsx) differ significantly from type A1 with anacrusis and
the long second lift (xPxPx; section3.1). Moreover, in the presence of the configuration xPSpx (Hdl 3.4 oc manvit firom), which cannot be scanned as anything but
subtypeA1s with anacrusis (sections 2.7 and 3.1), there would be no reason why the
corresponding sequence xPxpx should not occur as a variant of the same type,
given the metrical identity of PSpx with Pxpx in terms of verse type (section2.1.3.2).
Furthermore, because there is no independent evidence for assuming that resolution
applies to a secondary-stressed disyllable sx, the two verses given above, Hdl 19.3 and
25.6, should best be scanned as subtypeA1s, with the short disyllable aligned to a
string of lift + drop. Given that the two minimally distinct configurations, xPSpx and
xPxsx, are unequivocally identified as subtypeA1s with anacrusis, it seems most
239
plausible to adopt an analogous scansion for the remaining configuration xPxpx

and to identify it as subtypeA1s, rather than typeB. While the above clustering of
circumstantial evidence lends greater plausibility to the scansion as subtypeA1s and
consequently casts doubt on the postulation of resolution on the second lift of typeB,
we may as well postpone a final decision on scansion until we are equipped with a
means for addressing suspension of resolution in general terms in section4.3.8 below.
Table4.26.Verse distinction of xPxpx/xPxsx and xPxPx
Configuration
xPxpx/xPxsx
xPxPx
A-verse
B-verse
Total
3 (42.86%)
12 (46.15%)
4 (57.14%)
14 (53.85%)
7 (100%)
26 (100%)
Table4.27.Size of the first drop in xPxpx/xPxsx and xPxPx

Configuration
xPxpx/xPxsx
xPxPx
Total
4 (57.14%)
20 (76.92%)
1 (14.29%)
5 (19.23%)
2 (28.57%)
1 (3.85%)
7 (100%)
26 (100%)
4.2.9The second lift of types C, D, D*, and E

Listed below are all examples of types C, D, D*, and E in which the second lift seems
to be involved in resolution:
(12)
Type C (xP#pxS; 1 example):

Vsp48.3 gnr allr itunheimr [x#P#pxS]
Type D (P#px#Px; 1 example with anacrusis):
HH39.4 ec var einn fair eira [x#x#P#px#Px]
Type D* (Px#px#Px; 1 example):
Hdl 13.5 Fri var fair eirar [Px#x#px#Px]
Possibly typeE (PS#x#px, PXx#px; 3 examples):
Vkv 4.3 Slagfir oc Egill [PS#x#px]
Vkv 29.5 Hljandi Vlundr [PXx#px] (also Vkv 38.1)
Types C, D, and D* each have the second lift resolved singly. In regard to Vsp48.3,
type C, it would hardly be irrelevant to point out that this verse is exceptional in
another respect: the final drop is occupied by a secondary stressed syllable, so that
the whole string is scanned as xPpxS (section 2.8.1). The presence of the relatively
240
Resolution
prominent material in the following position may be held partly responsible for resolution on the second lift: resolution is permitted to differentiate the position of greater
metrical strength the second lift from the following drop that is given extra prominence through realization by the secondary-stressed syllable.
HH39.4, typeD, too, is exceptional in another respect: it is expanded with anacrusis (section3.1). Hdl 13.5, typeD*, is very similar to HH39.4: both realize all but the
same sentence, NP var fair eira(r) NP was their father. Without einn alone and
with an emphatic stress on ec I instead, HH39.4 would still retain the same meaning
and constitute another instance of typeD* with the resolved second lift.
The three examples of what could be regarded as typeE with the resolved second
lift (as assumed by Gering 1924: 32, 33) are composed of two configurations, PS#x#px
on the one hand (Vkv 4.3), and PXx#px on the other (Vkv 29.5 and 38.1). Noteworthy
are the following three properties which are common to these examples. First, they
all occur in Vkv. Second, they are all a-verses. Third, the allegedly resolved disyllables
all constitute proper names. While there seems to be nothing particularly objectionable about scanning these examples as type E, they also succumb beyond reasonable doubt to the alternative scansion as typeA1 with the short second lift, namely,
subtypeA1s (section2.13.2).
Both configurations, PS#x#px and PXx#px, have exactly corresponding variants
of typeA1 (or typeA2b) with the long second lift, PS#oc#Px/PS#oc#PS and P-andi#PS,
where the last words involved, Px and PS, are proper names, as given in (13) below.
Of hardly lesser interest, these analogous instances, too, are all a-verses. Furthermore, the conspicuous presence of Vkv as one of the two poems the other being Br
with the largest number of subtypeA1s with the polysyllabic first drop (three verses,
excluding the three instances under consideration here; section2.1.3.2) would be in
keeping with the concentration of their marked variants PSxpx and PXxpx in Vkv.
(13) PS#oc#Px/PS#oc#PS:
Vkv 15.1 Hlagur oc Hervor
HH14.5 Hiorvar oc Hvar
Grp 50.3 Guthormr oc Hgni
Hdl 21.1 slfr oc slfr
P-andi#PS:
Vkv 29.7 grtandi Bvildr
Gr II 32.1 Grtandi Grmildr
Ghv 7.1 Hliandi Gurn
Given such a cluster of parallelisms with the variant of typeA1 under consideration,
the three verses given in (12) should better be identified as typeA1 with the second lift
suspended from resolution. In fact, we argued at length in section2.13.2 above that
these verses must be identified as subtypeA1s. After examining suspension of resolution in sections 4.3.1 through 4.3.7, we will address anew in section4.3.8 below this
Suspension of resolution
241
apparent ambiguity in scansion, together with the configurations xPxpx and x

Pxsx, as an integral part of the larger issue of the opposition between implementation
and suspension of resolution.
4.3Suspension of resolution
In section4.2, we examined the whole range of verses that undergo resolution. From
time to time, however, resolution may be suspended and consequently a short stressed
syllable is allowed to form a lift on its own; accordingly, the lift involved is subject to
shortening (Verkruzung). Yet such suspension of resolution is placed under strict
control: resolution may be suspended only when immediately preceded by a stressed
syllable, that is, a lift or a heavy drop in metrical terms, as Sievers (1885: 8) originally
characterized it (see also Sievers 1893: 27, 197198):
Ve r k r z u n g d e r H e b u n g zu ist nur unmittelbar nach einer andern Hebung oder nach
einer in der Senkung stehenden nebentonigen Silbe (Nebenhebung) gestattet.
In defiance of Sieverss generalization, however, it appears that suspension of resolution can take place in fornyrislag even when the immediately preceding syllable is
unstressed and thus constitutes (part of) a drop. This section, then, is devoted to an
in-depth reexamination of suspension of resolution.
4.3.1The configuration xpXx: the first lift of typeC

As exemplified below, this variant of typeC is characterized by suspension of resolution from the first lift and the occupation of a long syllable in the second (section2.8.3).
(14)
rk10.1 Hefir erindi [xx#x#pXx]

Sg 54.4 vi konungi [x#pXx]
Gr II 4.8 und vegondom [x#pXx]
In terms of the varying ways of realization of the first and second lifts, the sequence in
question is distinguished from the configurations xpxx (with the short second lift),
xPXx (with the long first lift), xPxx (with the long first lift and the short second
lift), and xpxXx/xpxxx (the resolved first lift). Of these four structural opposites,
only the two with the long first lift are attested and in considerable numbers at that,
namely, xPXx and xPxx; by contrast, the other two, one with the short second
lift and one with the resolved first lift, are totally absent in the corpus (Table4.28).
Thus, while the long first lift P occurs regardless of the length of the following lift,
implementation of resolution is entirely excluded from the first lift when the second
242
Resolution
one lacks a lexical stress, irrespective of its length value; between these two polar
opposites, suspension of resolution is allowed, sensitive to the length of the second
lift: only when it is long, may resolution be suspended. Accordingly, the three distinct
syllables involved in the first lift of typeC might be ranked in terms of distribution, as
in the following scale in order of decreasing occurrence: P > p > px.
Table4.28.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xpXx and its minimally distinguished
configurations
Configuration
xpXx
xpxx
xPXx
xPxx
xpxXx/xpxxx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
9 (100%)
0 (0%)
46 (100%)
39 (97.50%)
0 (0%)
9 (32.14%)
0 (0%)
46 (61.33%)
40 (68.97%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (2.50%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
Total
19 (67.86%)
28 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
29 (38.67%)
75 (100%)
18 (31.03%)
58 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
The contrastive relation between the resolved disyllable px and the short monosyllable p, however, is reversed when the second lift is filled by a lexical stress, P, p,
S, or s. In these contexts, resolution operates to the exclusion of its suspension: the
configurations xPPx, xpxpx (one example only), xpxSx, and xpxsx (2 examples only) appear (Table4.11, section4.2.3), whereas xpPx, xppx, xpSx and x
psx are nonexistent. The total absence of the latter four configurations is a necessary
consequence of the word structure: no lexical words end in a short stressed syllable.
Thus, seen from a wider perspective, implementation and suspension of resolution turns out to be largely complementary. It is completely so in the presence of a
lexical stress on the following position. Yet it would appear only partially so in the
absence of a lexical stress on the same position: only when it is filled by a long syllable, does suspension of resolution materialize. Pursuing the account based on the
two successive lifts followed by a drop to its logical conclusion, however, we may
be able to provide a unitary account for the exclusion of the sequence *xpxx. The
reduced prominence on the first lift occasioned by its alignment to a short syllable
in turn requires the second one to be realized in a proportionately weakened form,
leading thereby to a realization still less salient than the minimal level residing in the
sequence xPxx. This would make it hard to maintain its metrical status of being a
strong position in distinction from the following weak one. Thus, the consequential
243
violation of the traditional threshold imposed on the second lift in the configuration
in question preempts the first one from being suspended from resolution; as a consequence, the configuration xpxx cannot be accepted as a variant of typeC.9 The realization of a lift by the minimal material, which is prototypically used for a drop, in the
environment that suffers further loss in perceptibility on syntagmatic grounds would
be deemed as totally unacceptable. By contrast, the realization of the second lift by a
long syllable, even lexically unstressed, can afford to assert its identity because of the
added prominence secured by its extra length that is not an invariant feature of the
final drop. To rephrase it in terms of mora count, the bimoraicity of the penultimate
syllable in the configuration xpXx can be regarded as equivalent to the monomoraicity of the same position in the traditionally legitimate sequence xPxx. After all,
the succession of the two lifts involved amounts to the same value in terms of mora
count, namely, three: one + two for the string pX, and two + one for the string Px.10 In
light of the foregoing consideration, the failure to suspend resolution before the short
second lift (x) is reasonably ascribed to the minimality of prominence on it. Operation
and suspension of resolution thus require a certain amount of prominence on the
immediately following lift.
In connection with the nonexistent configuration xpxx (section2.8.3), we may
note that there are only four examples in the corpus of the word form #pxx# that is
treated as lift + drop (/) for metrical purposes, as follows:
(15)
Vkv 22.5 segita meyiom [pxx#Px]

Vkv 26.5 origa ec at segia [pxx#x#x#Px]
Gr II 10.1 Svarai Hgni [pxx#Px]
R 21.6 rioo augo [pxx#Px]
Of particular interest are the following three common properties: all of the pxxs
attested are finite verbs; they are all treated as resolved; and they all serve as the first
two positions (lift + drop) of typeA1.11 In other words, the word form pxx is completely
unknown at the end of a verse: absent from the corpus are not only the sequence x
pxx, but also the concatenations PSpxx (section 4.3.2) and Pxpxx (as opposed to
Pxpx#x; sections 4.2.7 and 4.3.3).
9The blocking of resolution still needs to be explained. For details, see section4.3.4 below.
10We might therefore derive the marked configuration xpXx from the unmarked one xPxx by postulating a transposition of a mora from the first to the second lift. By invoking transposition, the overall prominence measure in moraic terms is maintained intact. This is in fact analogous to the mechanism of deriving subtypeA1s from the regular variant of typeA1 (Suzuki 1996: 8191): the second mora
of the second lift that would normally be embodied by a long primary-stressed syllable aligned to this
position is transposed to the preceding drop, so that the first drop is realized by a bimoraic syllable.
11rk13.2 oc fnasai constitutes a further possible example of #pxx# and the only one of typeC,
although far from conclusive. On the scansion of this verse, see section2.8.3 above.
244
Resolution
Given the extreme rarity of the word forms involved, the absence of xpxx might be
construed as purely accidental. Even granted for the sake of argument that this interpretation holds true, the configuration at issue would hardly be scanned as typeC: it would
more likely be typeA3 with the resolved lift. More specifically, the scansion as typeA3
would seem to be more credible in light of the parallelism with the West Germanic situation (in which the string is definitely identified as typeA3), as well as the complete
absence of the sequence Ppxx as opposed to typeD PpXx (section4.3.6).
Finally, it may be illuminating to compare the treatment of the configuration x
pXx and the two minimally distinct ones in the three cognate meters, as indicated in
Table4.29. Of vital importance are the largely complementary distribution patterns
of the configuration xpXx and each of its minimal opposites, xpxXx and xpxx.
In fornyrislag, the antepenultimate primary-stressed short syllable that is followed
by two unstressed syllables can and must fill the first lift of typeC on its own only
if the immediately following syllable is long; correspondingly, the alternative realization of the resolved first lift is absolutely excluded here. By contrast, in the West
Germanic meters the same syllable located in the same context is aligned to the lift
of typeA3 through resolution in conjunction with the following syllable regardless of
the latters length.12 Furthermore, in the West Germanic versification the first lift of
typeC is allowed to be resolved even where the resultant second lift is realized by an
unstressed syllable (xpxXx; xpxxx), in diametrical opposition to the Norse meter.
Table4.29.Occurrences of xpXx, xpxXx, xpxx, xpxxx, xPXx, and xPxx in fornyrislag,
Beowulf, and the Heliand
Configuration
xpXx
xpxXx
xpxx
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
28 (typeC)
2 (typeA3)
6 (typeA3)
0
13
5
0
26 (typeA3)
36 (typeA3)
xpxxx
0
0
2
xPXx
xPxx
75
71
115
58
28
44
4.3.2The configuration PS#px: the second lift of subtypeA1s

As treated in section 2.1.3.1 above, the configuration PS#px, a marked variant of
typeA1 (subtypeA1s), is characterized by the realization of the first drop by a stressed
syllable the second member of a common or proper noun and the concomitant
12Notice that the context at issue does not fall under the purview of Kaluzas law for Beowulf (section4.4.2) and its alternative for the Heliand (section4.4.4), since the lift of typeA3 is not immediately
preceded by a stressed syllable. Therefore, resolution must apply to any disyllable, whether it is long
or short (Beowulf), and closed or open (Heliand).
245
suspension of resolution on the second lift. There are 158 such examples in the
corpus, attested in all of the 22 constituent poems but one (Gr III).
(16)
Hym30.3 str mikit [PS#px]

HHII 49.4 flugstg troa [PS#px]
Gr II 29.8 hiartbl saman [PS#px]
The configuration PS#px stands in opposition to a minimally distinct one, PS#Px

(typeA2a; section2.2.1), exemplified in (17), which is attested in far smaller numbers
(47 in all) and less extensively in the corpus (fourteen poems) and displays a notable
concentration in two poems, Vsp(11 examples) and Sg (8 examples):
(17)
Vsp63.5 vindheim van [PS#Px]

Vkv 1.3 alvitr unga [PS#Px]
Sg 40.8 morfor gorva [PS#Px]
Given the much larger occurrences as well as the more extensive and diffused distribution in the corpus, it seems to be reasonable to characterize the configuration
PS#px as unmarked in contrast to the configuration PS#Px. This overall characterization proves to be in keeping with the differing frequencies with which the two configurations occur in each individual poem: with the exception of Od and Vkv, PS#px
is used more frequently in all of the poems in which they are both attested. In view of
this markedness relation, we may generalize that the short lift (p) is more likely to be
chosen than the long one immediately following the drop that is realized by a stressed
syllable.
Another sequence that would possibly be regarded as minimally distinct from
PS#px is PS#pxx, which is affected by resolution on the second lift. This configuration, however, is totally absent in the corpus of eddic poetry. Again, the sequence
PS#px must be characterized as unmarked in opposition to the nonoccurring one,
PS#pxx. Suspension of resolution is thus the rule immediately after the stressed drop
(S). The three strings px, Px, and pxx located after the two metrical positions realized
as PS may accordingly be ranked in order of increasing markedness as follows: PS#px
< PS#Px < PS#pxx.
By contrast, the configuration PS#pxx is attested along with PS#px and PS#Px in
Beowulf and the Heliand, as exemplified in (18). The West Germanic meters are therefore involved in the three-way opposition, whereas fornyrislag is limited to the binary
one. Table4.30 shows the overall distribution of the three configurations at issue in
fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand.
(18)
Beo 467a hordburh hlea [PS#pxx]

Hel 1802b uurlc bilii [PS#pxx]
246
Resolution
Table4.30.Occurrences of PS#px, PS#pxx, PS#Px, and Px#Px in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand
Configuration
PS#px
PS#pxx
PS#Px
Px#Px
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
158
59
39
0
29
3
47
115
9
1075
877
949
Focusing on the distribution of the resolved (PS#pxx) and unresolved (PS#px) forms
among the three meters, we can say that fornyrislag shows a maximal preference for
suspension of resolution (100%), Beowulf a minimal one (67.05%), and the Heliand
something in between (92.86%). These varying distributions prove to be of statistical significance: fornyrislags pattern differs from those of Beowulf and the Heliand,
respectively, with p-values of less than 0.001 and of 0.009; furthermore, Beowulf and
the Heliand in turn are different on the same parameter, given a p-value of 0.001.
Faced with the existent binary opposition between the short and long primarystressed syllables after the string PS, we may naturally wonder if there is some factor
at work that motivates selection of one syllable over the other. As shown in the preceding section, the first lift of typeC may be suspended from resolution only when
the immediately following position (the second lift) is occupied by a long syllable.
In this light, it will be of interest to examine whether a similar constraint holds with
respect to the suspension of resolution on the penultimate position of subtypeA1s.
Of a total of 158 examples of the configuration PS#px, there are no more than 30
verses (18.99%) in which the final drop is realized by a long syllable (i.e., trimoraic
or longer). Compared with type A2a (PS#Px), however, the proportion seems to be
much higher: all of the 47 examples of typeA2a end in a short syllable (i.e., mono- or
bimoraic). The observed difference proves to be of statistical significance (p<0.001).
The short second lift of subtypeA1s is thus followed by a long syllable in verse-final
position with a significantly greater incidence than is the long second lift of typeA2a.
At the same time, however, we must stop short of making a stronger generalization
that the following long syllable plays a central role in inducing suspension of resolution, in view of their still infrequent occurrences even for subtypeA1s: the verse-final
long syllable takes on only some incidental presence at most. That the short second
lift of subtypeA1s displays a stronger preference for heavier material in the verse-final
position is also confirmed in terms of the proportion of monomoraic to polymoraic
syllables: for subtypeA1s, 70 examples (44.30%) out of a total of 158 end in monomoraic syllables; for typeA2a, by contrast, 30 (63.83%) out of a total of 47 have only a
single mora in the final position; the difference between the two types is of statistical
significance (p=0.021). Thus, the verse-final drop is realized in more prominent form
in subtypeA1s than in typeA2a.
247
4.3.3The configuration Pxpx: the second lift of subtypeA1s

Analogous to the sequence PS#px, this configuration has its second lift occupied
exclusively by a short stressed syllable (section2.1.3.2), as provided in (19) below. We
count eighty-three such examples in the corpus.
(19)
Vkv 40.3 sto i Vlundr [Px#x#px]

HHII 21.3 sttir saman [Px#px]
Grp 23.8 nafn itt vera [P#x#px]
Contrary to PS#px, however, the first drop is realized by one or more unstressed syllables. By virtue of the first drop being variable in quantity, the configuration Pxpx
is akin to the central variant of typeA1, PxPx. Given the structural identity of these
two minimally distinct configurations Pxpx and PxPx, and the far more extensive
occurrence of the latter (section2.1.3.2), we may characterize the short variant Pxpx
as marked in opposition to the long one. It may hence follow that a short stressed syllable is permitted to occupy on its own the second lift of typeA1 as a marked option.
On the other hand, resolution on the second lift of typeA1 (Pxpxx) is extremely
rare (ten examples), as disclosed in section4.2.7 above. Since the nonresolved string
px appears more than eight times as often as the resolved counterpart pxx, it would
seem to be reasonable to generalize that resolution is far more likely to be suspended
than to be implemented after the string Px. Accordingly, the configuration Pxpx is
characterized as unmarked in opposition to Pxpxx. The three configurations under
consideration, then, are ranked as follows in order of increasing markedness: PxPx
< Pxpx < Pxpx(#)x.
Excluding now from discussion the extremely rare, resolved variant pxx, the short
and long disyllables Px and px can be characterized as binary-opposed. Since the
preceding metrical contexts seem to be indistinguishable, it is worthwhile examining
whether any difference is in evidence that may be correlated to the choice of these two
disyllabic opposites. As it turns out, there are 25 verses in the total of 83, 30.12%, that
end in a long syllable (more than bimoraic) for the configuration ending in a short
disyllable px, whereas there are 99 comparable cases in the total of 2035, 4.86%, for
the configuration with the long second lift. The proportions observed prove to be of
significant difference (p<0.001). Suspension of resolution is thus accompanied with
a higher incidence by the long syllable in verse-final position: the short lift displays
a stronger preference for the verse-final long syllable. This preference for relatively
heavy material in the final position is also borne out by the significantly lower proportion of monomoraicity (p<0.001): of the 83 verses of Pxpx, 31 (37.35%) end in the
drop that contains just one mora; by contrast, a mirror-image distribution obtains for
typeA1, whereby a vast majority 1342 out of 2035, 65.95% are monomoraic in their
final position.
248
Resolution
The unmarked status of the configuration Pxpx as against Pxpxx is also supported by another aberrant feature of the latter: all ten instances but one have their
last drop realized by an independent word rather than the word-final syllable of a trisyllabic word, namely, Px#px#x, rather than Px#pxx: for example, Hdl 13.1 Mur
tti fair inn (see section4.2.7 above). The only exception to this generalization, Od
12.5 slcs dmi qvaattu, would seem to be less exceptional when we realize that the
last word qvaattu derives from a phonological phrase, qva (you) said + at not +
you, through encliticization, rather than being a simplex word.
From a larger perspective, the realization of the verse-final drop by an independent word counts as a rare variant of typeA1, as discussed in section2.1.2 above. There
are twenty-four instances in the corpus (1.19% out of 2025 typeA1 verses with the long
second lift; excluding the nine instances with the resolved second lift listed above), of
which the majority, thirteen in all (54.17%), are found in Hdl: Vsp49.1, 58.1, rk15.3,
15.5, 19.1, Vkv 17.7, 31.6, HH II 13.1, 42.8, Gr II 33.5, Od 12.1, Hdl 13.7, 16.9, 17.5, 18.3,
20.1, 20.9, 21.7, 23.7, 24.9, 26.7, 27.9, 28.11, 29.9.13 As with the variant of typeA1 with the
resolved second lift, Hdl figures prominently as a major site for this configuration. The
extreme rarity of the configuration in general and the highly idiosyncratic character
of Hdl in this regard are thus beyond reasonable doubt.
In this light, we are struck by the monopoly in the sequence Pxpxx of the otherwise exceptional configuration Pxpx#x ending in a monosyllabic word (#x#) 9
examples (90%) in the population of the configuration Pxpxx totaling 10, as against
24 examples (1.19%) in the population of PxPx totaling 2025, with a p-value of less
than 0.001. Presumably, the idiosyncrasy of Hdl may as well be held responsible in no
small measure for the anomaly at issue. Whatever the account, it remains indisputable that the string pxx is unlikely to occur as a single word after the concatenation
Px.
The virtual absence of Pxpxx in which the sequence pxx is not disrupted by
a word boundary is highly reminiscent of the complete avoidance of PSpxx in favor
of PSpx (subtypeA1s; section4.3.2): as shown in the preceding section, we have 158
examples of PSpx but none at all of PSpxx. Such a conspicuous parallelism between
the configurations Pxpx and PSpx may lead us to suspect that essentially the same
formal basis is involved in their composition.
Another parallel to the absence of Pxpxx is the nonexistence of the sequence x
pxx, which is rejected both as typeC with the short first lift (section4.3.1) and typeA3
with the resolved lift (section 4.3.4). By contrast, the minimally distinct configurations xpXx and xpx count as perfectly metrical, typeC and typeA3, respectively,
both with the lift realized by a short syllable.
While the two configurations Pxpx and PSpx may be characterized as unmarked
in relation to the resolved counterparts, their status with respect to their long coun-
13In addition, Vkv32.3 is accompanied by anacrusis.
249
terparts (PxPx and PSPx, respectively) is far from identical. The sequence Pxpx
must be regarded as marked in opposition to PxPx as clearly shown in Table4.31
below. By contrast, the sequence PSpx obviously outnumbers the longer one PSPx in
occurrence, as indicated in Table4.30, section4.3.2. The proportions of the shorter
to longer sequences, that is, Pxpx as against PxPx on the one hand and PSpx as
against PSPx on the other, differ significantly between the two pairs, given the p-value
of less than 0.001 resulting from Fishers exact test.
The distribution pattern of the three configurations Pxpx, Pxpxx, and Px
Px in fornyrislag turns out to be strikingly different from those in Beowulf and the
Heliand, which in turn differ from each other (Table4.31).
Table4.31.Occurrences of Pxpx, Pxpxx, and PxPx in
fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Configuration
Pxpx
Pxpxx
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
83
8
0
0
157
349
PxPx
2035
1908
2923
Indeed, the unresolved short syllable occasionally constitutes the second lift on its
own in Beowulf (e.g., 2457b rdend swefa), but this exceptional manner of realization occurs only when the preceding metrical position, that is, the first drop, is occupied by a single unstressed word-final syllable, preferably the long one (-X; Suzuki
1996: 8389). In other words, there is no instance of the sequence Pxxpx in which
the first drop is realized by more than one syllable. By far the most restrictive in this
regard, however, is the Heliand, which shows no example of Pxpx (Suzuki 2004: 63),
regardless of the number of syllables that occupy the first drop (x). Thus, we recognize graded preferences for the configuration Pxpx: fornyrislag displays a maximal
preference by permitting suspension of resolution even after polysyllables; then
comes Beowulf, which allows suspension of resolution only after a single unstressed
syllable, a long word-final one for the most part; and finally, the Heliand categorically disallows resolution from suspension.14 This scaled propensity for suspending
resolution is obviously correlated to the converse pattern of implementing resolution
on the second lift: the Heliand makes the most liberal use of the device; at the other
extreme stands fornyrislag, which scarcely allows resolution to operate on that position; and between these two polarities is situated Beowulf, in which the proportion of
the sequence Pxpxx to PxPx is lower than in the Heliand with a statistical significance (p<0.001 by Fishers exact test).
14Accordingly, Heuslers (1956: 176) claim that the cadence px rarely occurs after unstressed syllables proves to be false and unacceptable.
250
Resolution
4.3.4The configuration xpx: the second lift of typeA3

Subsumed under this configuration are the following verses, for example (section2.3.2):
(20)
Sg 4.5 n hann kono [x#x#px]

Gr II 8.1 Lttu ar Sigur [xx#x#px]
Hdl 41.5 var Loptr qviugr [x#P(=x)#px]
This configuration, identified as it was as a short variant of typeA3 in section2.3.2

above, is distinguished from the two treated above PSpx and Pxpx by the manifestation of only a single lift: the otherwise occurring first lift is left unrealized without
material expression on the surface, with the consequence that the initial part of the
verse involved is occupied entirely by an upbeat corresponding to the first drop.
This configuration xpx must be characterized as marked as against the long
variant of type A3 xPx, given the latters overwhelming presence at the expense
of the short one (section 2.3.2). Noteworthy further is the complete absence of the
resolved variant xpxx in fornyrislag (Table4.32), in contrast to its frequent occurrences in the West Germanic meters, as shown in (21).15 We may accordingly generalize that resolution is prohibited from the sole manifest lift of typeA3 in fornyrislag
(for further discussion, see section4.3.8 below).
Exactly as with the set of configuration PxPx/Pxpx/Pxpxx (section 4.3.3),
the following ranking in terms of markedness obtains (in order of increasing markedness): xPx < xpx < xpxx. After the succession of the zero lift and the initial drop,
the long disyllable Px is more likely to occur than the short one px, which in turn
counts as less marked than the resolved trisyllable pxx, which is totally unattested in
the corpus.
(21)
Beo 720a Cm t recede [x#x#x#pxx]

Hel 5859a that sia ina quelidin [x#x#xx#pxx]
Table4.32.Occurrences of xpx, xpxx, xPx, and xP in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Configuration
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
xpx
27
6
6
xpxx
0
28
42
xPx
xP
592
259
346
28
2
3
15As treated in depth in section2.8.3 above, there are several instances of the configuration xpXx,
obviously a longer variant of the minimal one xpXx that can most plausibly be scanned as typeC.
251
As discovered in section2.3.2 above, two out of every three instances of the configuration xpx have their verse-final drop realized by a long more than bimoraic syllable (-X; Table2.27), in sharp contrast to the configuration xPx, which ends in a
short syllable in more than nine out of every ten examples. Given a p-value of less
than 0.001, it is justified to conclude that the short lift is correlated to a significantly
higher proportion of the long syllable in the following position, much as with the
configurations PSpx and Pxpx. Yet outstanding about the short variant of typeA3
at issue is the overwhelming presence of the long syllable: 66.67% are represented by
the long syllable for xpx, whereas the far lower percentages (18.99% for PSpx and
30.12% for Pxpx, respectively) are at stake for the other two configurations. In this
light, we may accord a highly determining role to the following long syllable in inducing suspension of resolution for the configuration xpx.
The trade-off relation between resolution and suspension of resolution is in evidence: fornyrislag excludes resolution in favor of its suspension, whereas the West
Germanic meters display a marked preference for implementing resolution at the
expense of suspending it (Table4.32). In more precise terms, the proportion of the
sequences xpx and xpxx in fornyrislag is of significant difference from those in
Beowulf and the Heliand, given the p-values of less than 0.001 resulting from Fishers exact test. By contrast, Beowulf and the Heliand do not differ significantly in this
respect, with a p-value of 0.541.
4.3.5The configurations xPpx and xPsx: the second lift of typeC

As a variant of typeC, the configuration xPpx with the second lift suspended from
resolution is minimally differentiated from another variant of the type, xPPx with
the long second lift (section2.8.2). At first glance, the short (px) and the long disyllable (Px) in the cadence might seem to be fully opposed through their occurrence in
the same context preceded by the identical sequence of the first two positions, xP.
On closer analysis, however, this turns out not to be the case. While the short disyllable is almost always preceded immediately by the long stressed monosyllable (P),
the long one more often than not follows the resolved disyllable (px), as substantiated
in Table4.33.
With a p-value of less than 0.001, the two parameters, the realizations of the two
lifts, are significantly associated: after the resolved first lift, the long second lift prevails almost totally to the exclusion of the short one; by contrast, after the long first
lift, the short lift is more likely to appear, although its occurrence is not prevailing to a
comparable extent. In any event, we may generalize that suspension of resolution on
the second lift of typeC is allowed only after the long first lift.
252
Resolution
Table4.33.Realization of the first and second lifts of typeC with the primary-stressed second lift
2nd lift
Long (P)
Short (p)
1st lift
Long (P)
Resolved (px)
Total
162 (29.78%)
382 (70.22%)
544 (100%)
279 (99.64%)
1 (0.36%)
280 (100%)
Total
441
383
824
Much the same can be observed about the variants of typeC in which the second lift is
occupied by a secondary-stressed syllable, that is, xPSx on the one hand and xPsx
on the other, as indicated in Table4.34.16 Again, the p-value obtained of less than 0.001
forcefully indicates that the two parameters involved are not independent. More specifically, suspension of resolution on the second lift is virtually limited to after the long first
lift. In fact, the distribution pattern of the long and short second lifts after the resolved
first remains unchanged regardless of the degrees of lexical stress on the second lift
(p=0.099). By contrast, the secondary-stressed short disyllable does not predominate
over the long one after the long first lift, contrary to its dominant presence when provided with a primary stress: the distribution patterns involved prove to be of significant
difference (p=0.001) between the pair of xPPx/xPpx and that of xPSx/xPsx.
Table4.34.Realization of the first and second lifts of typeC with the secondary-stressed second lift
2nd lift
Long (S)
Short (s)
1st lift
Long (P)
Resolved (px)
Total
Total
133 (59.38%)
91 (40.63%)
131 (98.50%)
2 (1.50%)
264
93
224 (100%)
133 (100%)
357
In summary, with a few exceptions, resolution may be suspended from the second
lift of typeC only when the preceding lift is occupied by the long syllable as opposed
to the resolved disyllable. The presence of the long syllable, however, constitutes no
more than a necessary condition: even when the second lift is aligned to a primary
stress, which provides an optimal condition for suspension of resolution, only 279
(63.27%) of the 441 verses concerned are suspended from resolution (Table4.33). It
will therefore be of interest to explore further in order to understand in more precise
terms the mechanism of suspension of resolution for the second lift of typeC.
16The remaining pair of variants, xPXx and xPxx, does not concern us here: lacking lexical
stress on the second lift, implementation and suspension of resolution is out of the question in
these configurations. In fact, there are no instances of the configurations xpxXx and xpxxx (section4.3.1).
253
The recurrent correlation between suspension of resolution and the presence

of the long syllable in the immediately following position (sections 4.3.2, 4.3.3, and
4.3.4) may prompt us to examine whether a similar correlation holds in this case as
well. As it turns out, the proportion of the long (trimoraic or longer) to short (mono- or
bimoraic) syllable for the long and short second lifts is of significant difference, given
p<0.001 (Table4.35): the second lift suspended from resolution is more likely to be
followed by the long syllable than is the long second lift. Nonetheless, the occurrence
of long syllables in the verse-final drop constitutes a minority: a vast amount of verses
end in short syllables, in much the same way as the pattern for the configurations
PSpx (section4.3.2) and Pxpx (section4.3.3), and in contrast to the configuration
xpx (section4.3.4).
Table4.35.Realization of the second lift and the second drop of typeC with the primary-stressed
second lift
Long (X)
2nd lift
Long (P)
Short (p)
2nd drop
Short (x)
45 (8.27%)
55 (19.64%)
Total
499 (91.73%)
225 (80.36%)
544 (100%)
280 (100%)
The preference for heavier material in verse-final position is substantiated from the
perspective of mora count, more specifically the extent to which monomoraic syllables are represented. Of a total of 280 typeC verses with the short second lift, 114
(40.71%) have their final drop filled by one mora, while as many as 321 (59.01%) out of
a total of 544 long counterparts are composed this way (Table4.36). The proportion of
monomoraicity to polymoraicity thus differs significantly between the two variants of
typeC, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
Table4.36.Mora count of the verse-final drop according to length of the second lift of typeC
Mora counts
After long
2nd lift
After short
2nd lift
1
321
59.01%
114
40.71%
2
178
32.72%
111
39.64%
3
35
6.43%
38
13.57%
4
10
1.84%
17
6.07%
Total
544
100%
280
100%
It will be appropriate to recall here that the short second lift of typeC is associated
with the longer first drop, particularly in the a-verse, as observed in section 2.8.2
above. We deliberately postponed addressing this correlation up to this point. Now
that the correlation between the second lift and the final drop in terms of syllable
length and mora count has been uncovered, we are in a position to offer a unitary
account by reducing these two associations to a common motivating force. The short
254
Resolution
second lift obviously suffers from lesser prominence, as it is realized by a short syllable as opposed to a long one, a normal realization of the lift in general. While the
shortening of this position characteristic of typeC is well designed on a local basis
involving the last three positions of this type, as argued earlier in this section, the
consequential overall reduction of prominence on the entire verse may as well bring
about undesirable consequences on another front: the resultant verse would fall far
short of the level of prominence attending on the representative variant xpxPx with
maximal prominence accomplished. To improve this less than optimal situation of
reduced prominence, then, a remedial measure would presumably have been taken
on a stochastic basis: the insufficient level of prominence at stake would have been
rectified by increasing prominence on the remaining positions available for manipulation, that is, the two drops. As a result, the first drop became more likely to be realized by polysyllables, whereas the second one became loaded with a larger number of
moras, as a comparable realization of the second drop by polysyllables is prohibited
on independent grounds: the second drop must be filled strictly by a monosyllable or
zero material (= catalexis).
Finally, we may as well consider from a comparative perspective the configurations xPpx and xPsx in relation to their minimally distinct forms. As Table4.37
makes evident, when the first lift of typeC is constituted by a long syllable, suspension of resolution almost excludes its implementation in all three meters alike. And
yet the extent of suspending resolution on the second lift varies between fornyrislag
and the others, as measured relative to the occurrence of the long second lift. The
second lift in the context in question is apparently less likely to be realized by a short
syllable in fornyrislag than in Beowulf (p=0.075) and definitely so than the Heliand
(p=0.008); thus, suspension of resolution on the second lift of typeC occurs with a
significantly lower incidence in fornyrislag. This suggests that the increasing occurrence of the short lift in fornyrislag elsewhere does not proceed in unity with this
primary context in which a similar alignment is in effect most extensively in traditional meter. Despite the striking expansion of the short lift to other contexts, the original suspension of resolution is not in as vigorous force in fornyrislag as in the West
Germanic cognates. We may interpret this lack of coordination as an indication that
the role of the immediately preceding lift in inducing the short lift loses the original
determining force in fornyrislag, as will be testified by the analogical development
of the configuration xpXx from PpXx in section4.3.9 below.
Table4.37.Occurrences of xPpx, xPpxx, and xPPx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Configuration
xPpx
xPpxx
xPPx
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
279
261
455
1
3
4
162
115
186
255
Table 4.38 indicates the corresponding distribution with respect to the secondarystressed second lift. As with the primary-stressed counterpart, the incidence with
which the short secondary-stressed syllable occupies the second lift in contrast to
the occurrence of the long one in the same position appears to be lower in fornyris
lag than the West Germanic meters. Statistically, however, the difference observed
turns out to be significant only as against Beowulf (p=0.017), but not the Heliand
(p=0.102), precisely the contrary pattern of the primary-stressed second lift considered above. Of further interest, the short syllable (suspension of resolution) is less
likely to involve secondary-stressed syllables than primary ones in all of the three
meters. Specifically, the proportion of the short second lift to the long counterpart
differs significantly depending on the variation of stress involved, primary versus
secondary stressed: p = 0.001 for fornyrislag; p = 0.003 for Beowulf; p < 0.001 for
Heliand. Such a significantly reduced involvement of secondary-stressed syllables in
suspension of resolution can be attributed to the lesser prominence inherent in secondary stress, which will pose a correspondingly smaller likelihood of threatening
the distinguishability of the preceding lift; hence, a weaker need to reduce the prominence of the second lift by means of deploying suspension of resolution.
Table4.38.Occurrences of xPsx, xPsxx, and xPSx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Configuration
xPsx
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
131
242
156
xPsxx
0
1
2
xPSx
133
168
119
4.3.6The configuration PpXx: the second lift of typeD

Being a marked variant of typeD, attested fifteen times (section2.10.4), this configuration (e.g., Ghv 7.3 kumbl konunga) stands in contrast to the minimally distinct,
unmarked one, PPXx (e.g., Gr I 24.5 urr linga). The short second lift of type D
is accordingly identified as marked in contrast to the long counterpart. A further
minimal opposite would be the unique instance of the configuration PpxXx, HH39.4
ec var einn fair eira (with anacrusis; section 4.2.9). In quantitative terms, then,
suspension of resolution is characterized as less marked than its implementation.
This characterization seems to be further strengthened by the exceptional status
of resolution on the second lift in general, as we saw in sections 4.2.7 through 4.2.9
above.
The unique verse mentioned in the last paragraph HH39.4 must be characterized as an extremely marked realization of the rare configuration: it is accompanied
with anacrusis, which is realized extraordinarily by a disyllable (section3.1), and the
256
Resolution
last two positions (drop + drop) are filled by an independent word. The realization
of the first drop by the head of a function word (eira), rather than a word-internal
syllable without lexical stress (-X-), can be held responsible at least in part for the
implementation of resolution on the immediately preceding position: the relatively
heightened prominence on the first drop would bring about such a boosting effect
on the second lift that it could now accommodate the increased prominence effected
by resolution. This is exactly analogous to Vsp48.3 gnr allr itunheimr, which constitutes the only example in which the second lift of typeC is resolved: as observed in
section4.2.9 above, the exceptional implementation of resolution may be ascribed to
the equally exceptional occurrence of a secondary-stressed syllable in the verse-final,
normal drop.
Another potential minimal opposite would be the sequence Ppxx, which,
however, is completely absent in the corpus (section 2.10.4). In this light, we may
generalize that use of the short second lift for type D is allowed only when the
immediately following position is occupied by a long syllable; in other words, the
presence of the following long syllable constitutes a prerequisite for suspending
resolution.
Comparing the three cognate meters emphasizes the uniqueness of fornyrislag
in its outstanding preference for suspending resolution on the second lift of typeD at
the expense of implementing resolution (Table4.39). The Norse meter is distinguished
from its West Germanic cognates by the conspicuous frequency of suspension of resolution (PpXx) and the complementary pattern of excluding resolution (PpxXx; notice
that HH 39.4, which is aberrant in several respects, is anacrustic and accordingly
excluded from the count here at any rate). The p-values obtained are 0.035 between
fornyrislag and Beowulf on the one hand and 0.062 between fornyrislag and the
Heliand on the other.
Table4.39.Occurrences of PpXx, PpxXx, and PPXx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Configuration
PpXx
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
15
2
0
PpxXx
0
2
1
Ppxx
0
0
0
Ppxxx
PPXx
PPxx
0
3
2
38
38
13
60
98
84
A distinct distribution pattern is displayed by the related configuration PsXx, in

which the second lift is occupied by a secondary-stressed syllable. This verse form
is attested not only in fornyrislag, as duly expected from the occurrence of PpXx,
but also in Beowulf and the Heliand, as given in (22). As substantiated in Table4.40,
the configuration PsXx, in sharp contrast to the heavier sequence PpXx, is characterized by a marked preference for suspension of resolution even in the West Germanic meters: the Heliand selects this sequence to the total exclusion of PsxXx, while
exactly the converse pattern obtains for the pair of configurations PpXx and PpxXx
257
(p = 0.053; Table 4.39);17 and Beowulf, too, apparently shows a stronger tendency
to suspend resolution than to implement it for the second lift of type D when it is
occupied by a secondary-stressed syllable (Table4.40), whereas the same poem displays a lack of preference in choosing between implementation and suspension of
resolution when the second lift is realized by a primary-stressed syllable (p=0.574;
Table4.39).18 Although this observation on the relative preference for suspension of
resolution is not fully supported on statistical grounds, it gains in plausibility when
we take into account the complementary context in which the second lift is followed
by a short, rather than a long, syllable (Ppxx vs. Ppxxx, Table4.39; Psxx vs. Psxxx,
Table4.40). As it turns out, the two West Germanic meters are more likely to suspend
resolution on the secondary-stressed second lift than on the primary-stressed one:
p=0.069 for Beowulf (2 cases of the short syllable and 5 of the resolved one for the
primary-stressed second lift; 14 cases of the short syllable and 5 of the resolved one
for the secondary-stressed second lift); p=0.001 for the Heliand (0 cases of the short
syllable and 3 of the resolved one for the primary-stressed second lift; 20 cases of the
short syllable and 0 of the resolved one for the secondary-stressed second lift). Thus,
still lacking definitive statistical significance at a confidence level of 95% in Beowulf,
we may be allowed to generalize that Beowulf and the Heliand both favor suspension
over implementation of resolution on the secondary-stressed, second lift of typeD,
contrary to the primary-stressed, second lift.
(22)
Beo 2a odcyninga [PsXx]

Hel 2767b thiodcuninge [PsXx]
Table4.40.Occurrences of PsXx, PsxXx, PSXx, and PSxx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Configuration
PsXx
PsxXx
Psxx
Psxxx
PSXx
PSxx
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
5
12
18
0
5
0
0
2
2
0
0
0
16
69
11
9
2
5
17In addition, the Heliand contains two instances of pxsxx, that is, suspension of resolution before
the short penultimate syllable, 222b aalboranes and 464b aalboranan (see Heusler 1956: 152).
18Furthermore, Beowulf contains two instances of Psxx, that is, suspension of resolution before the
short penultimate syllable, 258b and 340b andswarode (on such exceptional verses, see Sievers 1893:
134n7; Heusler 1956: 152).
258
Resolution
4.3.7The configuration PxpXx: the second lift of typeD*

This variant of typeD*, attested four times as listed in (23) below (see also section2.12.1
above), is characterized by the short second lift and the long first drop (the penultimate position). As such, it is minimally distinguished from the configuration PxPXx
(with the long second lift; ten examples; section2.12.1) as well as from the nonoccurring one Pxpxx (with the short penultimate drop). Further, the variant in question
is differentiated in two respects from PxPxx (with the long second lift and the short
penultimate drop; eight examples; section2.12.1), and also from PxpxXx (with the
resolved second lift and the penultimate drop occupied by separate words; thus more
precisely represented, Pxpx#Xx or Pxpx#Px depending on the lexical identification of the final word; one example: Hdl 13.5; see below and section4.2.9 above).
(23)
Vkv 18.9 scca ec ann Vlundi [Px#x#x#pXx]

Grp 10.5 sru Sigurar [Px#pXx]
Br 11.6gtva Sigurar [Px#pXx]
Gr II 24.5 qvmo konungar [Px#pXx]
As with the singular occurrence of the configuration PpxXx (HH39.4 ec var einn fair
eira; section4.3.6), resolution on the second lift in Hdl 13.5 Fri var fair eirar may
be ascribed in no lesser measure to the increased prominence that is effected by the
realization of the penultimate drop by (part of) a separate word. Taking into account
the exceptional nature of this verse, we may be justified in generalizing that suspension of resolution is less marked than implementation of it; accordingly, we obtain
the following scale of markedness for the value of the second lift of typeD* before the
long first drop: PxPXx < PxpXx < PxpxXx. In the total absence of the verse form
Pxpxx, suspension of resolution or use of the short second lift is allowed only when
the position at issue is followed by a long syllable.
4.3.8A synchronic account of suspension of resolution

The eight configurations ending in px, sx, pXx, or sXx examined in sections 4.3.1
through 4.3.7 above are all suspended from resolution in such a pervasive and consistent way in fornyrislag that implementation of resolution, a diametrically opposite
process, is categorically excluded as an alternative metrical operation. Common to all
of these configurations is that the lifts concerned are preceded by other material in
the same verse and filled by the last lexically assigned stress in it. We may generalize
then as a first approximation that the lift must be suspended from resolution when it
is not located verse-initially and is followed by the verse-final -x# or -Xx#. Since the
concatenations px and pXx thus composed cannot initiate the verse at the same time,
however, the condition on the noninitial position is redundant and needs no particu-
259
lar stipulation. The rule for suspension of resolution may therefore be formulated as
follows:
(24)
The short stressed syllable must constitute a lift on its own only when it is
followed by the verse-final strings -x# or -Xx#.
In what follows, we will verify the empirical adequacy of the proposed rule by examining in detail the set of sequences that contain a resolvable, short primary-stressed
syllable but do not wholly satisfy the above condition. At issue are the following configurations:
(25)
a. pxPx; pxSx: typeD- with the resolved first lift or typeA1 with the short first
lift
b. pxPS: typeD- with the resolved first lift or typeA2b with the short first lift
c. xpxP: typeC- with the resolved first lift or typeB with the short first lift
d. xpxS: typeA3 with the resolved (second) lift or typeB with the short first
lift
e. pxxP: typeA1- with the resolved first lift or typeE with the short first lift
Having in common the short primary-stressed syllable as a potential occupant of the

first lift, the above configurations (apart from xpxS) would constitute prima facie
examples of verses in which the first lift is realized solely by a short stressed syllable
through suspension of resolution, were it not for catalectic verses consisting of only
three metrical positions.19 Thus, while no principled objection would be likely to be
raised to identifying these verses as involved in suspension of resolution in the West
Germanic tradition, they could make no comparably convincing case for an analogous scansion in fornyrislag, where catalectic types are firmly in place (sections 3.2
and 3.3). Given this apparent indeterminacy in purely configurational terms, we need
to squarely address the scansion of these configurations from an empirically widened
perspective.
With the substring px (or pXx) followed by other material in each case, however,
none of these configurations meets the condition for suspension of resolution, specified above in (24). Insofar as we are subscribed to Rule (24), then, we must scan them
all as having their first lift resolved. The following discussion is accordingly devoted
to an empirical evaluation of the two competing scansions and a concomitant verification of the proposed rule for suspension of resolution. In the absence of any exam-
19The sequence xpxS, however, would not require catalexis or suspension of resolution for proper
scansion, as it could readily be identified as a four-position verse, namely, typeA3, which leaves the
underlying first lift materially unrealized; the resulting verse, then, would have the final drop filled
by the second constituent of a compound noun.
260
Resolution
ples for (25e), however, we are primarily concerned with the remainder in the following investigation.
While identified as typeD-, the catalectic variant of typeD (section2.11), the configurations pxPx, pxSx (25a), and pxPS (25b) could also be scanned as type A1 (or
typeA2b in the case of pxPS, Vsp22.3) with the first lift suspended from resolution.
The following nine examples are subsumed under this group:
(26)
Vsp22.3 vlo velsp [px#PS]

Hym34.1 Fair Ma [px#Px]
Vkv 5.10 koma geri [px#Px]
Vkv 17.8 sina magni [px#Px]
HHII 3.7 mealkafli [pxSx]
Sg 2.7 Sigurr ungi [px#Px]
Bdr 4.4 vlo leii [px#Px]
Hdl 9.2 valamlmi [pxSx]
Hdl 10.2 hlainn steinom [px#Px]
Similarly, the configuration xpxP (25c), as embodied by the following twelve

instances in the corpus, was identified as type C- in section 2.9 above. They could
alternatively be scanned as typeB with the first lift realized solely by a short stressed
syllable through suspension of resolution.
(27)
Vsp6.1 gengo regin ll [x#xx#px#P] (also Vsp9.1, 23.1, 25.1)

Vsp23.7 ea scyldo goin ll [xx#xx#px#P]
rk4.1 mynda ec gefa r [x#xx#x#px#P]
rk12.7 vi scolom aca tvau [x#xx#px#P] (also rk20.5)
HHII 9.3 v var legi mr [x#x#x#px#P]
Gr II 5.5 hnipnai Grani [xxx#px#P]
Ghv 17.2 er eir Sigur minn [x#x#px#P]
R 28.2 oc sneri streng [x#px#P]
The configuration xpxS (more precisely xpXS), attested twice as follows, is open to
two competing scansions, typeA3 with the resolved lift on the one hand, and typeB
with the short first lift on the other.
(28)
Sg 14.5 at fr konungdm [x#x#pXS]

Gr II 4.5 ll vro suldr [P(=x)#xx#pXS]
In the face of the above two competing scansions for each group of configurations,
one might anticipate that a comparison of the verse distribution patterns would
provide an empirical basis for deciding on which analysis should be adopted in each
case, thereby choosing between resolved (px) and suspended from resolution (p) as
261
the proper metrical value of the first lifts involved. As it turns out, however, the resulting situations are indeterminate.
With suspension of resolution on the first lift, the configurations px#Px and pxSx,
scanned as typeA1, would comprise 3 a-verses and 5 b-verses.20 The resultant distribution would hardly differ from that of typeA1 with the first drop occupied by the
word-final -x# or the medial -x- (249 a-verses and 880 b-verses), with a p-value of
0.386. The two configurations in question can accordingly be scanned as typeA1. On
the other hand, the three configurations px#Px, pxSx, and px#PS, all scannable as
typeD- with the resolved first lift, would be composed of 4 a-verses and 5 b-verses.
This verse distribution would not display any significant difference from that of the
typeD- variant with the long first lift, which consists of 13 a-verses and 12 b-verses
(section2.11), in light of a p-value of 1. Accordingly, the three configurations at issue
may no less credibly be identified as typeD-.
As for the second pair of competing scansions (27), there are 10 a-verses and 2
b-verses involved. In comparison, the typeB variant with the long first lift and the
word-final monosyllabic second drop (xPx#P) the minimally distinct configuration of the sequence xpxP at issue here comprises 233 a-verses and 102 b-verses,
while typeC- with the long first lift consists of 44 a-verses and 21 b-verses. By comparing the configuration xpx#P with xPx#P on the one hand and with xP#P on
the other, we obtain p-values of 0.522 and 0.493, respectively. Consequently, the verse
distribution is incapable of choosing one scansion over the other.
Finally, the two apparently ambiguous verses (28), both being a-verses, prove to
be compatible with either scansion because of the extremely few examples attested:
while their exclusive occurrence in the a-verse is most in keeping with the scansion
as the minimally distinct configuration of typeA3, xPS (82 a-verses vs. 4 b-verses;
p=1), it is no less in harmony with the identification with the variant of typeB with
the second lift filled by a secondary-stressed syllable, namely, xPxS (16 a-verses vs.
4 b-verses; p=1).
While the verse distribution thus fails to provide a solid ground for evaluation,
a widening of perspective will bring us further distribution patterns there are to be
explored for verification. Before turning to specific examinations, a few general
observations may be in order at this point. To extend suspension of resolution to the
first lift on the strength of the above potential examples would result in shaking the
traditional metrical system to its foundations by ultimately incurring a total rejection
of resolution as a significant generalization: once the string pxP has been scanned as
a concatenation of short lift + drop + lift, there would be no reason why one should
not apply the same scansion to any longer strings in which more than one unstressed
syllable occurs between the short lift and another lift (pxP); this would then imply
20The single instance of px#PS will be excluded from consideration below, simply because it would
count as typeA2b in distinction from typeA1.
262
Resolution
that resolution would have fallen completely out of use in the North Germanic tradition. While there is nothing inherently objectionable with the alleged total dysfunction of resolution in itself, to postulate such a radical change would require full
empirical justification. Since resolution is a well-established metrical device beyond
any reasonable doubt in the West Germanic cognates (Suzuki 1996; 2004), and since
Old Norse meters in general maintain numerous features of Common Germanic heritage (as brought to light throughout this book), it would seem to be more plausible in
the absence of evidence to the contrary to assume that the same device was no less
available to the Norse tradition even in modified form.
Moving on to the specifics, we may now examine the scalar distribution of the
size of the first drop of typeA1 according to the alternative two-way distinctions of
the first lift, long versus resolved on the one hand, and long versus short on the other
(Table4.41). The first binary distinction is based on the full commitment to resolution
on the first lift (px = P), whereas the alternative scansion rejects resolution at large
and allows the short syllable to realize the first lift on its own (p=P) everywhere.21
Based on the metrical equivalence of px with P by resolution, the sequence pxxPx
(or pxxSx) should be analogous to PxPx (or pxSx), ceteris paribus. By contrast,
the alleged autonomy of the short stressed syllable as a lift-forming entity underlying
the total rejection of resolution would equate the string pxPx (pxSx) with PxPx
(or pxSx).22
Of vital interest, these two divergent predictions are empirically testable: at stake
are the relative proportions of typeA1 verses along the parameter of the number of
syllables that fill the first drop. As should be clear from Table4.41, it is the sequence
pxxPx, as opposed to pxPx, that constitutes a falling contour of incidence in parallel to the configuration PxPx as the number of syllables involved in the first drop
increases. And this observation receives substantive support from statistical analysis:
the distributions of type A1 verses along the size of the first drop are found to be
equivalent between the long and the resolved first lift, with a p-value of 0.403.23 By
contrast, the patterns observed between the long and the short first lift prove to be
significantly different, given p<0.001. The distributional parallelism thus involves
the sequences pxxPx and PxPx, rather than pxPx and PxPx: only in conjunction with the immediately following unstressed syllable does the short stressed syllable count as equal to the long one.
21Pippings (1903) descriptive framework categorically excludes resolution, because it is predicated on the arrangement of short and long syllables without any device for mediating syllables of
differing quantity.
22Compare, for example, Pipping (1903: 1641), in which the configurations PxPx and pxPx are
subsumed under the same configuration consisting of four syllables with an ictus falling on the first
and the third.
23Because of the extremely small sample for the four or more syllables, we use a contingency table
with three levels for the parameter of the size of the first drop, 1, 2, and more than 2.
263
In conclusion, then, the overall rejection of resolution on the first lift (as well
as elsewhere), which equates the short stressed syllable with the long one (p=P),
turns out to be incompatible with the parallel distribution pattern that is in evidence
between pxxPx/PxPx, pxxxPx/PxxPx, and pxxxxPx/PxxxPx. In view of the false prediction it makes of the alternative, pair-based agreement PxPx/pxPx, PxxPx/pxxPx,
and PxxxPx/pxxxPx, we must dismiss the alleged equation of the short stressed syllable to the long, the thesis underlying rejection of resolution as a metrically significant
device. Now that the configuration pxPx cannot be scanned as typeA1 with the first
lift suspended from resolution, we are fully justified in identifying it as typeD- with
the resolved first lift.
Table4.41.Realization of the first lift and size of the first drop in typeA1
First lift/first drop
Total
Long (P)
1497
75.26%
410
20.61%
75
3.77%
6
0.30%
Resolved (px)
76
73.79%
25
24.27%
2
1.94%
0
0%
0
0%
103
100%
Short (p)
8
7.21%
76
68.47%
25
22.52%
2
1.80%
0
0%
111
100%
1
1989
0.05% 100%
Turning next to the conflicting scansions of the sequence xpxP, we may wish to
make a similar comparison. We accordingly obtain Table4.42, a complex of two-bytwo contingency tables, in which the rows represent the variation of the first lift in
terms of the syllable shape it is realized in (long vs. resolved on the one hand, and
long vs. short on the other) and the columns, the size of the second drop (monosyllabic vs. disyllabic).
Table4.42.Realization of the first lift and size of the second drop in typeB
First lift/second drop
Long (P)
Resolved (px)
Short (p)
1
435 (96.67%)
1 (100%)
12 (92.31%)
2
15 (3.33%)
0 (0%)
1 (7.69%)
Total
450 (100%)
1 (100%)
13 (100%)
Unlike the previous case, the two scansions prove to be indeterminable in regard to
their empirical adequacy: whether resolution is accepted or rejected for the first lift
of typeB, the resultant proportions of the configurations xpxP and xpxxP according to the size of the second drop are of no significant difference from those of xPxP
and xPxxP, with p-values of 1 (the resolved first lift) and 0.371 (the short first lift).
Despite the lack of statistical difference on the surface, however, it would seem to be
264
Resolution
hard to resist suspecting that the indeterminate situation is due to the extreme rarity
of the configuration xpxxP. While we would not expect it to occur very frequently (as
generalized in section4.2.6 above), a few more occurrences would be far from unexpected. More concretely, no more than two additional occurrences of xpxxP would
bring about a radical change in the proportions of verses with the short first lift: they
would diverge from those of the long first lift with a statistical significance (p=0.017),
whereas those of the resolved lift would remain unaffected (p=1).
In conclusion, the configurations pxPx/pxSx (25a), and pxPS (25b) should best
be identified as typeD-, the catalectic variant with the first lift resolved. While the
configuration xpxP (25c) does not as compellingly require an analogous identification as typeC-, this scansion would seem to be more plausible than the competing
one as typeB, in view of the resulting parallelism with the first group and the overall
distribution that would appear to be robust and less likely to be affected by accidental
occurrence.
The greater plausibility of scanning the configuration xpxP as typeC- than as
typeB in turn has important bearing on the configuration xpXS (25d) that we are left
with. Now that the minimally distinct form ending in a primary-stressed lift is determined as less likely to have its first lift aligned to a short syllable through suspension of resolution, the analogous one with the secondary-stressed second lift must be
characterized along the same line by invoking resolution consistently: accordingly, it
should be identified as typeA3 with the resolved lift.
We have yet to bring a further dimension to bear on the present issue to strengthen
the above conclusion. Of particular interest in this connection, the same word form
pXS is attested verse-finally in a slightly different context, namely, where it is preceded by another word that constitutes the first lift. More specifically, there are two
examples of the configuration Px#pXS, as follows:
(29)
Vkv 41.5 eina gurstund

Hdl 18.7 mr oc Iosurmarr
In the presence of double alliteration in either verse (ei-/-; /Io), both may be
scanned as typeA2b with the resolved second lift (section4.2.7). Obviously, the configuration PxpXS is minimally distinct from the sequence under discussion here, x
pXS. The alternative scansion that might be conceivable is a variant of type D* in
which the second lift is aligned to a short stressed syllable, a configuration that would
be minimally differentiated from PxPxS with the long second lift. However, the latter
configuration, allegedly the unmarked counterpart of the form under consideration, is attested only once (Hlr 14.8 scstu, ggiarkyn; section2.12.1). By contrast, the
unmarked variant of type A2b corresponding to the present configuration, PxPS,
occurs numerous times (fifty-eight examples in all). Given this vast difference in occurrence, it would be more reasonable to subsume the two exceptional verses under the
well-attested category as its peripheral variant (to be characterized below) than one of
265
unique occurrence. Furthermore, no example is known of PpXS (as opposed to PpXx),

a configuration that is minimally distinct from PxpXS in another way and that would
be scanned as typeD with the second lift being short, and the final drop more prominent than the penultimate one. Given that typeD* is far less frequent in occurrence
(section3.3) than typeD, the absence of such a variant would make the postulation of
the still more marked configuration further implausible.
Moreover, we are capable of providing a credible account for this enormous difference in distribution between the configurations xPS and xpxS, which is now
reduced to the first through resolution. By virtue of Rule (24), they are excluded from
suspension of resolution; hence, their scansion as type B with the short first lift is
rejected as unviable. Instead, they count as qualified for resolution, and hence constitute a variant of typeA3. As noted earlier in this section, the configuration xpXS
(25d) occurs only twice in the corpus (28). In contrast, we find eighty-six examples
of xPS, a typeA3 variant with the long lift and the secondary-stressed, final drop
(section2.3.1). What requires explanation, then, is the virtual absence of the resolved
counterpart of xPS, despite its qualification for resolution. The question being
posed in these terms, however, is not placed in proper perspective yet: the extreme
rarity of xpXS/xpxS as a typeA3 variant must be related to the complete absence
of another, less peripheral, potential variant, xpxx, typeA3 with the resolved lift
and the unstressed final position as opposed to xPx. It should be noted that the
penultimate syllable x must be short here: the configuration xpXx counts as typeC
by virtue of Rule ([24]; section2.8.3). Thus, the sequence xpxx should undergo resolution to be accepted as a resolved variant of typeA3, as in the West Germanic meters
(section4.3.4). The right question to be addressed then is the virtual absence of resolution on the lift of typeA3 in general, not restricted to the specific context preceding
the secondary-stressed drop.
The investigation made in sections 4.2.7 through 4.2.9 shows that the second lift
is only exceptionally (if at all) subject to resolution. In terms of location in the verse,
the sole lift actualized for typeA3 is comparable to the second lift in some other verse
types, such as typeC: the penultimate position that it occupies is accessible exclusively to the second lift, because the configuration / / in which the first one fills
the same position is not allowed as a legitimate verse type in Old Germanic meter in
general.24 More technically, the single manifested lift of typeA3 actually constitutes
the second lift in underlying metrical terms: the first lift, which is simply assigned
to null linguistic material, remains as constant as the other three positions in the
metrical representation (section2.3). In this light, the lift of typeA3 is unlikely to be
affected by resolution, as are the second lifts found in the same location of the verse.
Of paramount interest here is the distribution pattern of the configurations PxpXS
24Needless to say, the contrary is not necessarily true: the second lift may appear in the antepenultimate position, as in types D and D*.
266
Resolution
and PxPS (typeA2b), adduced above as one of the close parallels of the configuration xpXS. There are only two instances with the resolved second lift (29), whereas
we count fifty-eight examples with the long counterpart (section 2.2.2). As it turns
out, this pattern of distribution closely matches that of the sequences xpXS and x
PS (typeA3), with a p-value of 1. Being the second lift in metrical representation, the
lift of typeA3 in general avoids resolution despite its structural compatibility with it,
much as the corresponding lift in other types.
In sections 4.2.8 and 4.2.9 above, while arguing extensively for the scansion
as subtypeA1s in both cases, we did not give a complete solution to the seemingly
ambivalent status of the configurations xPxpx/xPxsx (subtypeA1s with anacrusis
or typeB) and PS#x#px/PXx#px (subtypeA1s or typeE), respectively, in regard to the
scansion of the second lift, short (p) versus resolved (px). Equipped with Rule (24)
as a generalization for suspension of resolution, we now find ourselves capable of
solving the apparently intractable problem in a principled and decisive way. Since the
resolvable disyllables px and sx under consideration bear a lexically assigned stress
and are located at the end of a verse, the short syllables involved meet the structural
description of the rule in question. Therefore, constituting a lift in its own right independent of the following unstressed syllable, these configurations must be identified as subtypeA1s with or without anacrusis as appropriate. This would mean that
resolution is categorically inapplicable to the second lift of types B and E (compare
Russom 1998: 104105). Since only these two types have the second lift in verse-final
position, we may generalize that the verse-final lift does not qualify for resolution,
in contrast to the penultimate one (as in types A1, A2b, A3, and C), which may be
resolved if only exceptionally.
While the medial syllable of the trisyllabic string pXx must be long in opposition
to the sequence pxx, the final of the disyllabic one px is unspecified in terms of syllable quantity. From a statistical perspective, however, the final syllable in question is
more likely to be long or polymoraic than the one following the long primary-stressed
syllable P, as uncovered in sections 4.3.2, 4.3.3, 4.3.4, and 4.3.5 above.
4.3.9A diachronic account

We have provided above a structural account for suspension of resolution in fornyris
lag in distinction from its West Germanic cognates. The proposed account, however,
has been presented from a purely synchronic and formal perspective without addressing the origins and development of the Norse innovations concerned. In doing so,
we have not yet accounted for the varying frequencies with which resolution is suspended from context to context. Nor have we explained fully the mechanism whereby
the condition on the presence of the immediately preceding stressed syllable came to
be removed from the Norse meter. These and other issues yet to be addressed require
a diachronic and philological perspective, to which we now turn.
267
The nine configurations under consideration xpXx, PSpx, Pxpx, xpx, x

Ppx, xPsx, PpXx, PsXx, and PxpXx are divided into two groups with respect to
their occurrences and distributions in the corpus, as represented in Table4.43. Comprising the configurations PSpx, Pxpx, xPpx, and xPsx, the first group is characterized by the large number of examples as well as the wide distribution throughout
the corpus: these four sequences are attested in every poem with only a few exceptions. The second group, consisting of the remaining five configurations xpx, PpXx,
PsXx, xpXx, and PxpXx, is distinguished from the first by the far fewer occurrences and the highly restricted distribution: these sequences are found at most only
in half of the poems included in the corpus. Since the configuration PsXx is a variant
of PpXx, and since it is too small in number of occurrences to be amenable to practical statistical testing on its own, these two sequences are combined and treated as a
single entity (PpXx) in the following discussion.
As treated in section1.1 above, the corpus of eddic poetry composed in fornyris
lag is divided into two groups on the basis of content, native and foreign. While the
former group comprises poems of native content, the foreign one is based on materials of German origin, and consists of the following twelve pieces: Vkv, Grp, Rm, Fm,
Br, Gr I, Sg, Hlr, Gr II, Gr III, Od, Ghv. The remaining ten poems are subsumed
under the native or Scandinavian group. This dichotomy of the corpus in terms of
origin and content, native versus foreign, brings out the distribution patterns of the
eight configurations in question, as shown in Table4.43.
Table4.43.Occurrences of the eight configurations in the foreign and native groups of fornyrislag
poetry
Configuration
PSpx
Pxpx
xPpx
xPsx
xpx
PpXx/PsXx
xpXx
PxpXx
Native
106 (67.09%)
45 (54.22%)
148 (52.86%)
91 (68.42%)
4 (14.81%)
3 (15.00%)
3 (10.71%)
0 (0%)
Foreign
52 (32.91%)
38 (45.78%)
132 (47.14%)
42 (31.58%)
23 (85.19%)
17 (85.00%)
25 (89.29%)
4 (100%)
Total
158 (100%)
83 (100%)
280 (100%)
133 (100%)
27 (100%)
20 (100%)
28 (100%)
4 (100%)
Total of poems represented

21
20
22
21
13
8
10
4
As it turns out, the eight configurations under consideration that are dichotomized
above in terms of overall incidence prove to correlate with the division into the native
and foreign groups, as represented in Table4.43. The two sets display a largely complementary pattern of distribution in the following ways: while the first group seems
to show a slight preference for the native poems, the second one is associated conspicuously with the poems of foreign origin.
268
Resolution
These observations are borne out on statistical grounds.25 Each member of the
one set differs significantly from each one of the other in regard to the distribution in
the native and the foreign group, with p-values ranging between below 0.001 to 0.002
(Table4.44). Moreover, none of the second set differs from each other on the same
parameter. Thus, the configurations xpx, PpXx, and xpXx are distributed identically in statistical terms with respect to the content-based grouping. By contrast, far
from homogeneous, the first group of configurations may be divided further into two
subgroups, the pair of PSpx and xPsx on the one hand, and that of Pxpx and x
Ppx on the other, with each member of one subgroup distinguished from each of the
other, with the exception of the configurations PSpx and Pxpx, which are not distinguished definitely (p=0.068).
Table4.44.P-values of the seven configurations compared on a pair-basis
PSpx
Pxpx
xPpx
xPsx
xpx
PpXx
xpXx
PSpx
Pxpx
xPpx
xPsx
xpx
PpXx
xpXx
0.068
0.005
0.900
< 0.001
< 0.001
< 0.001
0.068
0.900
0.043
< 0.001
0.002
< 0.001
0.005
0.900
0.003
< 0.001
0.001
< 0.001
0.900
0.043
0.003
< 0.001
< 0.001
< 0.001
< 0.001
< 0.001
< 0.001
< 0.001
1
0.705
< 0.001
0.002
0.001
< 0.001
1
0.683
< 0.001
< 0.001
< 0.001
< 0.001
0.705
0.683
Most remarkable above all is the total lack of significance in distribution pattern
among the three configurations belonging to the second group: they all consistently
display a heavy concentration in the foreign poems without any discernable difference among them. Given that the native group is the larger of the two in terms of
sample size (3229 verses, 54.84% vs. 2769 verses, 46.16%), the overwhelming presence
of the foreign counterpart for the second group of configurations is all the more striking. This problem therefore deserves in-depth examination.
On this problematics, we must acknowledge full debt to Kuhn ([1939] 1969: 489511;
see also Fidjestl 1999: 312317), who originally discovered the dominant occurrences of
the verse forms PpXx (the i-konungar type in his terms) and xpXx (the fyr konungi
type in his terms) in the poems of South German origin.26 By pointing out the comparably
large presence of the configuration PsXx in earlier West Germanic epic poetry such as
Beowulf and the Heliand (as substantiated in Table4.40 above), Kuhn claimed that the
North counterpart developed under the influence of West Germanic metrical practice.
25Since the sequence PxpXx is too small to be susceptible to meaningful statistical analysis, this
extremely rare configuration will not figure in the following discussion.
26The configuration xpx, however, was not treated by Kuhn ([1939] 1969), who was primarily
concerned with the trisyllabic sequences, notably pXx.
269
The statistically significant concentration of the verse form PpXx on the poems of
Continental origin, as confirmed above, seems to be in keeping with Kuhns account
in its essentials. The chronologically earlier composition of West Germanic epics and
the presence of the analogous metrical form there would undoubtedly constitute a
strong argument for Kuhns thesis. It should be recalled in this connection, however,
that suspension of resolution for the sequence in question is more stringent and widespread in fornyrislag. Of no less importance, what is largely attested in the two West
Germanic epic poems is the sequence PsXx, rather than PpXx, which figures most
prominently in the group of eddic poetry in question. In view of these demonstrable
differences, it would hardly be appropriate to ascribe the suspension of resolution
in this context entirely to the West Germanic influence and characterize in correspondingly passive terms the related Norse convention as something like a product of
loan translation, as Kuhn would have us believe. Rather, a more active role must be
acknowledged on the part of Norse poets: artistically inspired and stimulated by West
Germanic practice, to be sure, they would have acted on their own by manipulating
the given material and reworking it creatively according to their own mode of composition which they were familiar with. More specifically, in line with the generalization
that extended the scope of suspension of resolution, not only the original sequence
PsXx but also PpXx were increasingly suspended from resolution to the point where
resolution was completely removed from the context at issue.
Kuhn ([1939] 1969) went on to claim that much the same mechanism would have
been responsible for the occurrence of the fyr konungi type (i.e., xpXx): according to Kuhns ([1939] 1969: 502) reasoning, this type, apparently unique to the Norse
tradition (Table4.29, section4.3.1), would also have emerged through translation of
the West Germanic original verses that were structured xpxx, xPXx, and xpxXx
among others. Again, we would take issue with Kuhns account that draws heavily on
a supposedly mechanical model of translation and thereby implies a lack of metrical originality on the part of the Norse poets. We would claim alternatively that once
the originally West Germanic sequence PsXx was incorporated in fornyrislag in a
generalized form as PpXx, it yielded to a further generalization in ways which are
characteristic of the Norse meter. More specifically, just as the inherited configuration PSpx gave rise to the derived form Pxpx in fornyrislag through removal of the
condition on the preceding stressed syllable, so the new configuration PpXx received
comparable treatment, whereby the sequence xpXx was constructed as a metrically
acceptable form by analogy through replacement of the primary stressed syllable (P)
with an unstressed syllable or a sequence thereof (x).27
27As pointed out in section2.6 above, the verse distribution of the configuration xpXx is significantly different from that of the two closely related variants of class C, namely, xPXx and xPxx:
it occurs as frequently in the b-verse as do the latter two in the a-verse. In view of the derivation
from PpXx as proposed in the text, the unique preference of the configuration xpXx for the b-verse
270
Resolution
Now that both PpXx and xpXx were accepted as legitimate forms in the meter,
it would have been only a short step to constructing PxpXx by further analogy: the
verse-final string pXx was thus allowed to serve the cadence not only for types D
and C, but also for typeD*, a minor type comprising five metrical positions. In this
way, the introduction of the sequence PsXx from West Germanic and the consequent
Norse generalizations that resulted in the construction of the configurations PpXx,
xpXx, and PxpXx established the scansion of the verse-final trisyllabic string pXx
as a sequence of three metrical positions by suspension of resolution, contrary to the
earlier practice of equating it with two positions.
The establishment of the three novel configurations PpXx, xpXx, and PxpXx
through the wholesale metrical reevaluation of the trisyllabic word form pXx would
have had further consequences: the creation of a new form xpx was thereby encouraged. As may be recalled, this sequence is virtually limited to the Norse meter: in
the West Germanic cognates, the resolved sequence xpxx was the norm, whereas
the one at issue was vanishingly rare (see Table 4.32 above). Exactly the contrary
situation obtains for fornyrislag, however, in which the resolved sequence is totally
unknown. Of no less significance, the configuration xpx is found in the foreign
group of eddic poems with as much preference as the other three, PpXx, xpXx, and
PxpXx (Table4.43). It may accordingly be inferred that this sequence, too, would
have been introduced first to the genre in question as an innovative form.
A further property characteristic of the sequence xpx in distinction from the
other three ending in the same disyllabic string px, namely, PSpx, Pxpx, and xPpx,
is the overwhelming presence of a long syllable in final position. Table4.45 illustrates
the varying proportions with which the final unstressed syllable is realized in terms
of syllable length or mora count. Following the characterization that is independently
motivated by Craigies law (section5.3; see also section2.1.3.2 above), the word-final
long syllable ends in more than two segments after the nucleus, so that the minimal
shape of the long syllable is -VCC# or -VVC# (trimoraic or longer); by contrast, any
syllable ending in a short vowel (-V#), a long vowel (-VV#), or a single consonant following a short vowel (-VC#) counts as short (mono- or bimoraic).
becomes subject to a principled account: the preference pattern in question can be attributed to a
transference of the analogous property of the underlying configuration PpXx, illustrated in Table2.47,
section2.10.4. Fishers exact test provides a p-value of 1, which means that the two distribution patterns being compared are indistinguishable.
271
Table4.45.Occurrences of long and short syllables in verse-final position of configurations ending

in px
Configuration
xpx
PSpx
Pxpx
xPpx
Long syllable
Short syllable
18 (66.67%)
30 (18.99%)
26 (31.33%)
55 (19.64%)
9 (33.33%)
128 (81.01%)
57 (68.67%)
225 (80.36%)
Total
27 (100%)
158 (100%)
83 (100%)
280 (100%)
With the p-values obtained of less than 0.001 (as against PSpx and xPpx) and of
0.002 (as against Pxpx), the configuration xpx is significantly differentiated from
the other three by virtue of the dominant occurrences of long syllables in verse-final
position. Given that the short syllable is by far the more frequent, the contrary pattern
unique to the sequence xpx requires explanation.
This may lead us to explore the motivation underlying the analogical building
of the sequence xpx. The construction of this new verse form would have been
functionally motivated rather than formally conditioned in the first place: of primary
concern would have been the use of the disyllabic word form pX# corresponding
to the trisyllabic counterpart pXx#, which had just been integrated in the metrical
system specifically for the poems of South German origin. Just as the trisyllabic form
pXx# was counted as a concatenation of three metrical positions (/ ), the disyllabic
counterpart had to match two positions (/ ) rather than one (/). Subject to a fundamental principle of four metrical positions per verse, the string pX to be assigned two
positions had to be preceded by another two positions. Since the short stressed syllable in question is qualified to serve as a lift, there are three metrical concatenations
to choose from for the preceding material: lift + drop (/); drop + lift (/); unrealized
lift + drop ([/]). The first two concatenations, however, were already in use, Pxpx
and xPpx. Therefore, the only feasible novel form had to be xpx ([/] /), namely,
typeA3 with the unresolved lift.
In accordance with the functional motivating force for creation, the newly composed verse form xpx was subject to a further constraint that was not applicable
to other instances of apparently the same string, as found in PSpx, Pxpx, and x
Ppx. Specifically, the sequence xpx was primarily targeted to the one ending in the
disyllable pX: it was designed to be a metrical template for the disyllabic variant that
alternated with the trisyllabic counterpart in the paradigm: for example, Sigurr (pX),
Sigurar (pXx).
The suggested origin of the configuration xpx would in turn make it hardly feasible to derive the sequence directly from the inherited configuration xPpx in parallel with the derivation of Pxpx from PSpx. Had this actually been the case, the
sequence xpx would have been attested as pervasively as the configuration Pxpx,
contrary to the facts (Table 4.43). Therefore, we must conclude that the removal of
the condition on the immediately preceding stressed syllable originally affected the
272
Resolution
sequence PSpx alone. From an evolutionary point of view, then, a more appropriate
account of the generalization of the rule for suspension of resolution that affected
fornyrislag in its entirety should be reformulated as follows:
(30)
Maximization of suspension of resolution on a formal basis (diachronically

viewed):
Resolution came to be suspended maximally regardless of the stress value of
the immediately preceding syllable insofar as it occupied a drop.
The restriction to the syllables aligned to a drop is subject to a credible account.

The identification of the string PS with Px necessitates a lesser amount of mental
effort than that involving the identification of P and x (as would be the case with the
first lift in the configuration xPpx), because the more similar entities are at stake.
The first pair is metrically equivalent, as they both scan as a concatenation of a lift
and a drop. In perceptual terms, too, the two strings are closer than the pair of the
primary-stressed and the unstressed syllable, the diametrically opposite units. Correspondingly, a slight weakening of a secondary-stressed syllable would have been
sufficient to treat the stress value of the preceding syllable as immaterial for suspending resolution. There is indeed metrical reason to assume that the Norse meter was
no longer maximally responsive to the prosodic properties of the first drop of class
A: in fornyrislag, the configuration PSPx is not as sharply differentiated from the
sequence PxPx as in Beowulf by the marked preference for the a-verse (Table4.46),
although in fornyrislag, too, the two configurations are still kept distinct with a statistical significance (p=0.003 for fornyrislag; p<0.001 Beowulf). By contrast, in the
Heliand meter the configuration PSPx was reduced to the sequence PxPx and consequently lost its independence as a distinct metrical form, as substantiated by the
p-value of 0.138 between the two configurations. This loss of distinguishability would
in turn have led to the demonstrably diminished use of the configuration PSpx in the
Heliand (Suzuki 2004: 64).
Table4.46.Verse distinction of PS#Px and Px#Px in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Configuration
A-verse
B-verse
Total
Fornyrislag
PS#Px
Px#Px
23 (45.10%)
236 (21.95%)
28 (54.90%)
839 (78.05%)
51 (100%)
1075 (100%)
Beowulf
PS#Px
Px#Px
134 (93.06%)
383 (43.67%)
10 (6.94%)
494 (56.33%)
144 (100%)
877 (100%)
Heliand
PS#Px
Px#Px
7 (58.33%)
347 (36.56%)
5 (41.67%)
602 (63.44%)
12 (100%)
949 (100%)
273
That the introduction of the new metrical forms PpXx, xpXx, PxpXx, and xpx in
fornyrislag was based on the Norse poets creative reworking of the West Germanic
material is tellingly illustrated by the metrical treatment of Sigurr in its disyllabic
and trisyllabic realizations. Again, we are fully indebted to Kuhns original thoughts
on the issues relating to this word. The set of the word forms of Sigurr, that is, Sigur,
Sigurar, Siguri, Sigurr, accounts for a vast majority of instances of the disyllabic
(px) and trisyllabic (pXx) endings of the innovative configurations, as Kuhns ([1939]
1969: 500501) data partly shows.28 The preponderance of Sigurr is indicated more
clearly in Table4.47, which represents the occurrences of Sigurr in the configurations
ending in px or pXx in the foreign group.29 As it turns out, Sigurr occurs in the configurations closely associated with the foreign group PpXx, xpXx, PxpXx, and
xpx with a significantly higher incidence than in the other three which lack such
an association PSpx, xPpx, and Pxpx.30 Thus, it will be appropriate to focus on
this word as a representative example and consider on that basis the emergence of the
innovative verse forms that are privileged in the foreign group of eddic poems.
Table4.47.Occurrences of word forms of Sigurr in configurations ending in px and pXx in the
foreign group of fornyrislag poetry
Configuration
PSpx
xPpx
Pxpx
PpXx
PxpXx
xpXx
xpx
Occurrence of Sigurr
0 (0%)
2 (1.52%)
11 (28.95%)
8 (47.06%)
2 (50.00%)
15 (60.00%)
14 (60.87%)
Total occurrence
52 (100%)
132 (100%)
38 (100%)
17 (100%)
4 (100%)
25 (100%)
23 (100%)
ON Sigurr derived from PGmc. *sigi-warduz victory-ward, cognate to OE Sigeweard

and OHG Sigwart. The Old Norse paradigm of Sigurr (nom. Sigurr, gen. Sigurar,
dat. Siguri, acc. Sigur) was a consequence of analogical leveling: the second constituent -var- of PN *Sig-var- (< *Sig-war- < PGmc *Sigi-ward-) in the oblique cases
28As mentioned in note 26 above, Kuhns ([1939] 1969) primary concern was with the trisyllabic
forms of Sigurr.
29PSpx (no example); xPpx (2 examples): Grp26.7, Fm32.1; Pxpx (11 examples): Grp19.5, Br5.1,
7.3, 8.5, Fm 40.1, Gr I 18.1, Sg 3.3, Gr II 2.1, Ghv 10.5, 18.3, 19.1; PpXx (8 examples): Grp 8.3, 20.6,
30.2, 36.4, Sg21.4, 64.6, GrII 1.8, 29.5; PxpXx (2 examples): Grp10.5, Br11.6; xpXx (15 examples):
Grp6.7, 25.1, GrI 1.4, 13.2, 17.10, 21.9, 27.8, Sg24.4, 63.6, 65.10, Hlr13.3, GrII 7.3, 11.10, 12.4, Od19.8; x
px (14 examples): Grp5.5, Rm17.1, Br1.1, 2.1, 6.5, GrI 22.3, Sg1.1, 6.5, 8.7, 11.7, 13.13, GrII 3.7, 4.3, 8.1.
30Understandably enough, the sequence PxpXx, which is attested in far smaller numbers than
the others, fails to display a statistically significant difference.
274
Resolution
was reshaped to -ur- by analogy to that in the nominative/accusative counterparts

Sig-ur- (< *Sig-vr- < PN *Sig-varu-: Kuhn [1939] 1969: 501, 503; Noreen 1970: 148,
235.1). In other words, had it not been for the analogical leveling in question, we
would have the paradigmatic alternation between Sig-ur- (nom./acc.; pX) and Sigvar- (gen./dat.; PXx; Kuhn [1939] 1969: 503; Noreen 1970: 395). With the first syllable
(P) being long, the oblique forms would have been counted as normal realizations of
the last three positions of types C and D, that is, xPXx and PPXx, respectively, in
distinction from their innovative variants xpXx and PpXx. As it was, however, such
scansions were infeasible, given the short stressed syllable that had arisen from analogical leveling. It should be noted in this connection that the West Germanic cognates
were invariably of the form PXx (or pxXx), since the initial w- of the second constituent was maintained throughout the paradigm. Thus, the West Germanic counterparts
of Sigurr defied incorporation into the novel metrical configurations ending in pXx.
In view of these discrepancies, the full integration of the reshaped native forms
of Sigurr in the innovative metrical configurations must be understood as a consequence of applying by analogical extension the originally West Germanic metrical
form to a native stock of vocabulary, rather than of borrowing West Germanic metrical
resources in their fixed form. The metrical treatment of Sigurr thus bears witness to
the Norse poets exploitation of Continental material through their strict conformity
to the native pattern.31
To recapitulate on the foregoing diachronic account, the three configurations, PSpx and xPpx (including xPsx) were of Common Germanic inheritance.
In fornyrislag, however, suspension of resolution became so pervasively reconstituted by maximal generalization that implementation of resolution was excluded as
nonmetrical:32 neither PSpxx nor xPpxx was allowed. Concomitant with such maximization of suspension in scope, the sequence PSpx gave rise to a new configuration
Pxpx through a partial elimination of the original restriction to the position immediately standing after a stressed syllable: suspension of resolution took place even
after an unstressed syllable. These innovative generalizations would have affected
fornyrislag in its entire metrical practice. As a consequence, the verse-final disyllabic
31The conspicuous presence of the trisyllabic forms of Sigurr led Kuhn ([1939] 1969: 503) to infer
that this name encouraged wider use of the otherwise extremely rare fyr konungi type. While in agreement with Kuhns view on the pivotal role of Sigurr in providing linguistic material for the novel configurations in question, we are more interested in an inner dimension of this phenomenon, namely,
the metrical evaluation of the word by the Norse poets. The point of our foregoing argument then is
to bring to light the poets innovation of applying the originally nonnative metrical schemes to the
distinctively native (or nativized) word forms.
32The massive increase of suspension of resolution at the expense of its implementation in
fornyrislag may in turn be ascribed to a radical decrease of prominence on nonprimary-stressed syllables or, in Russoms (1998: 105, 117, 210) terms, the deeper subordination of nonprimary-stressed
syllables to primary-stressed ones.
275
string px became established as a sequence of a lift and a drop after the two configurations of metrical positions, lift + drop (Pxpx) on the one hand, and drop + lift (x
Ppx) on the other. In other words, the disyllable px measured as a concatenation of
lift + drop was not allowed after the other combination of metrical positions, namely,
unrealized lift + drop.
Meanwhile, contact with Continental sources gave Norse poets access to a new
form, PsXx, in which the verse-final trisyllabic sequence sXx was counted as a sequence
of three metrical positions, lift + drop + drop, through suspension of resolution. The
originally West Germanic sequence PsXx immediately resulted in the emergence of
PpXx by analogical extension in fornyrislag. As was characteristic of this meter in
general as shown above, once incorporated into the vernacular meter, suspension of
resolution yielded to further generalization by analogy so much so that the presence of
the immediately preceding stressed syllable was no longer regarded as a constraint on
the practice. Consequently, the two new forms arose, namely, xpXx (typeC) and Px
pXx (typeD*). The composition of these three new verse forms was made possible by
the novel scansion of pXx# as a concatenation of lift + drop + drop through suspension
of resolution on the antepenultimate short stressed syllable. This innovation in turn
required the comparable reevaluation of the corresponding disyllabic form pX# that
was associated with the trisyllable pXx# through paradigmatic alternation. As a consequence, this sequence came to be assigned the metrical value of lift + drop in a new
configuration that was not allowed in earlier practice, namely, xpX (typeA3). More
specifically, the sequence xpx had been ruled out as unmetrical in traditional meter
as noted in the last paragraph; it was this excluded context that came to be exploited
for an innovative metrical practice; consequently, the disyllable pX (in distinction from
px) became metrically optimal after the overtly verse-initial drop, realized for the most
part as a sequence of unstressed syllables. Since the initial impetus that led to these
metrical innovations came from abroad, however, these four innovative configurations PpXx, xpXx, PxpXx, and xpX remained largely confined to the domain
of composition that was directly susceptible to the influx of West Germanic material,
namely, the group of foreign (i.e., South German) origin.
Distinctive of the foreign group, then, the innovated variant of type C, xpXx,
in turn would have brought about some inhibiting effect on the use of resolution on
the first lift in the context of typeC with the secondary-stressed, second lift, xpxSx.
As pointed out in section 4.2.3 above, the configuration xpxSx occurs with a significantly lower incidence in the foreign group than in the native one, in contrast to
the more or less even distribution between the two groups of the nonresolved counterpart, xPSx (Table4.12, section4.2.3). Apparently puzzling as it is, the avoidance
of the resolved variant in the foreign group lends itself to explanation, now that we
have arrived at an integrated account of suspension of resolution in fornyrislag from
a comparative perspective.
To be sure, this sequence with the resolved first lift should be as perfectly metrical
as the heavier counterpart xpxPx: unlike the configuration xpXx, it does not meet
276
Resolution
the condition for suspension of resolution (24) by virtue of the immediately following,
lexically stressed syllable S (or P); therefore, it should be free to receive resolution,
as is partly confirmed by the occasional occurrence of resolution before -Sx in the
foreign group, and as is fully evidenced by numerous examples of the corresponding
configuration in the native group, in which the novel verse form xpXx is not yet in
currency (Table4.12, section4.2.3).
An alternative generalization, however, would have been concurrently in rivalry
uniquely in the foreign group. Of particular importance here, the two configurations
pXx and pxSx ignoring the upbeat commonly involved can be instantiated by
the same stems in the form of simplex words on the one hand konungi (pXx; Sg
54.4) and konungom (pXx; Gr II 34.2) and in the form of compounds on the other
konungborno (pxSx; HHv 32.4) and konungborna (pxSx; HHII 48.10). Thus, the same
lexical items are subject to divergent metrical treatment, suspension of resolution on
the one hand, and implementation of resolution on the other. While the divergence
in itself is fully rule-governed and hence is not very likely to invite reorganization
toward further systematiciy, the diametrically opposite scansion of the same lexical
material that involves the same metrical entity the first lift of typeC would have
incurred some hesitation in the way of rigorous rule-based execution of versification.
In a sense, it would have seemed to be more reasonable to treat the same materials in
the same consistent way in the two broadly similar contexts in which they occur as
head of verse-final words.
Meanwhile, suspension of resolution is excluded as a matter of principle before
-Sx in the total absence of the word form pSx (to be distinguished from pxSx) in the
lexicon. By the same token, implementation of resolution before -Xx is out of the question, given that the sequence pxXx (to be distinguished from pXx) is unavailable as
lexical sources. This means that neither the nonexistent form pSx nor the unattested
one pxXx is open to manipulation for reorganization. Accordingly, the convergent reconciliation of the two divergent treatments in question would be viable only by suppressing the use of the resolved form pxSx in the new metrical milieu in which pXx is
being established as a legitimate form by innovation. By curbing occurrences of the
potentially conflicting form pxSx, the newly emergent configuration pXx gains a firmer
basis for establishment, and hence, the metrical innovation becomes more successfully
integrated in the system. It should be noticed in this connection that suspending resolution from the first lift of the sequence xpxSx and scanning accordingly the whole
configuration as / / is totally unmetrical as argued in section4.3.8 above, and categorically ruled out by the rule (24). Therefore, to preempt the potentially threatening
form xpxSx by inhibiting its use would be the only option available. In this way, the
use of the configuration xpxSx would have been avoided largely in order to promote
and optimize the innovative variant of typeC, xpXx. Since the innovation at issue is
confined to the foreign group, the underlying motivation for blocking the competing
form is unavailable to the native group, in which the traditional configuration xpxSx
is used with a significantly higher incidence compared with the foreign poems. Thus,
On Kaluzas law
277
the avoidance of the configuration xpxSx may be characterized as a consequence

of analogical assimilation to the novel form xpXx, the reorganization that is implemented by a functional motivation to accomplish local optimality whereby the same
lexical items are consistently excluded from resolution.
One may wonder at this point why the remaining configuration xpxPx evades
similar suppression in the foreign group. This differentiation from xpxSx would
probably have been motivated by the greater distinction between the primary-stressed
second lift (P) and the unstressed one -X than that between the secondary-stressed
one (-S) and the unstressed one (-X). Obviously, the primary-stressed syllable differs
maximally from the unstressed one in terms of inherent prominence, which would
have been instrumental in keeping the two configurations pxPx and pXx separate and
precluding a potential tension from arising between the two. Furthermore, given that
the sequence pxPx consists of two independent words in contrast to the concatenation pXx, the basis of analogy that underlies the confrontation of pxSx and pXx does
not seem likely to obtain. For these reasons, the heavy configuration pxPx would have
been kept at a distance from the novel form pXx, and consequently there would have
been no urge to reconstitute after the new model of pXx the traditional practice of
implementing resolution before the primary-stressed second lift.
4.4On Kaluzas law

4.4.1Introduction
Kaluzas law is a constraint on operation of resolution in Old English meter, particularly in the meter of Beowulf (Kaluza 1896; for an illuminating state-of-the-art report,
see Cable 2003): predicated on the distinction between short and long disyllables
(to be defined in the following subsection), it specifies the conditions for implementation and suspension of resolution in the contexts where a resolvable disyllable is
immediately preceded by a stressed syllable. Involved in the law are the following
metrical contexts that are specified in terms of verse types and prosodic configurations, where the targeted metrical positions and disyllables are underlined (Suzuki
1996: 207233):
(31)
SubtypeA1s (/ / ; PSpx): e.g., Beo 1682a gromheort guma (masc. n-stem

nom. sg.; long disyllable)
Type A2a (/ \ / ; PsxPx): e.g., Beo 208a sundwudu shte (masc. u-stem acc.
sg.; short disyllable)
Type C (/ / ; xPpx): e.g., Beo 1930a n t gna gifa (fem. -stem gen. pl.;
long disyllable)
Type C (/ / ; xPsx): e.g., Beo 177a t him gstbona (masc. n-stem nom.
sg.; long disyllable)
278
Resolution
Type C (/ / ; xPpxx; xPsxx): e.g., Beo 3128b on sele wunian (1 wk vb

stem; short disyllable)
Type D1 (/ / ; Ppxx; Psxx): e.g., Beo 2a odcyninga (-VC$; long disyllable)
Type D1 (/ / ; Ppxxx; Psxxx): e.g., Beo 2758a gold glitinian (-i$; short disyllable)
Type D2a (/ / \ ; PPpx; PPsx): e.g., Beo 2042a eald scwiga (masc. n-stem
nom. sg.; long disyllable)
Type D2a (/ / \ ; PpxSx; Ppxsx): e.g., Beo 2239a weard winegemor (masc.
i-stem; short disyllable)
Type E (/ \ /; PsxP): e.g., Beo 2779b mundbora ws (masc. n-stem nom. sg.;
long disyllable)
Type E (/ \ /; PsxxP): e.g., Beo 2650a gldegesa grim (-i$; short disyllable)
According to the law, with rare exceptions only the short disyllable may occur where
resolution is mandatory: for example, -wudu in the second position of typeA2a (/ \ /
; see [31] above). Conversely, only the long disyllable may be used where resolution
must be suspended: for example, gifa in the final two positions of typeC (/ / ; see
[31] above).
In this section, after reviewing the two major competing accounts of the distinction between short and long disyllables, we will examine what appear to be
remnants of Kaluzas law in fornyrislag through a comparison with the Old Saxon
Heliand and late Old English poetry.
4.4.2On defining short and long disyllables: two competing accounts

Concerning the basis of distinction between short and long disyllables, there are
two accounts standing in rivalry. On the one hand, the distinction involved is claimed
to be based on vowel quantity in pre-Old English, which can ultimately be ascribed
to the Proto-Germanic opposition between stressed and unstressed endings (or those
with circumflected and plain vowels, respectively) that terminate the disyllables concerned, as originally proposed by Kaluza (1896) and elaborated by Fulk (1992: 153
168, 419425). According to this account, the long disyllable ends in a consonant or a
long vowel in pre-Old English (a closed syllable), whereas the short one is characterized as ending in a short vowel (an open syllable). According to this account, Kaluzas
law may be conceived of as a generalization based on mora count, more specifically
on the opposition between monomoraic and more than monomoraic on the second
half of the disyllable involved.
On the other hand, the distinction is attributed to the one of vowel quality,
whereby short disyllables end in pre-OE *-i or *-u while long ones comprise all
remaining disyllabic strings, as claimed first by Bliss (1967) and subsequently refined
by Suzuki (1996). On the second view, Kaluzas law would privilege the least promi-
On Kaluzas law
279
nent disyllable in pre-OE i/u, namely, -V$Ci$ or -V$Cu$, as optimal for resolution, and
conversely forbid it from being scanned as two metrical positions through suspension
of resolution.
On either view, however, Kaluzas law would restrict resolution under the specified conditions to minimal disyllables and conversely block the least sonorous syllables those ending in i/u or short vowels in general from constituting metrical positions on their own through suspension of resolution. The critical difference between
the two accounts concerns the identification of minimal disyllables, ending in a short
vowel in general (-V$CV$) or in a high vowel in particular (-V$Ci$ or V$Cu$).
Apart from the basis of distinction, the metrists also hold different views on the
scope of Kaluzas law (Suzuki 1996: 205207). Ignoring minor contexts of verse-internal positions (except for the second position of typeA2a, the exemplary configuration subject to resolution), we may focus on the following major configurations for a
brief comparison: (i) typeA2a (PsxPx; PpxPx); (ii) typeD2a (PPsx; PPpx); (iii) typeC
(xPpx; xPsx); (iv) subtypeA1s (PSpx). Bliss and Fulk are most restrictive by limiting operation of the law only to types A2a and D2a; Suzuki extends it to (sub)types A1s
and C; Hutcheson (2004: 321) and Kaluza (1896: 126) go so far as to include types B (x
Pxpx; xPxsx) and E (PSxpx) in addition to the preceding four types. In opposition,
Suzuki (1996: 220222), following Fulk (1992: 172) in this respect, claims on substantive grounds that types B and E are immune to Kaluzas law in their finial position.
Bliss (1967: 35) seems to assume that typeB (and still others) would have followed
Kaluzas law in more archaic meter, and this supposition is followed by Hutcheson
(1995: 94n85; 2004: 314315, 321). In the absence of a complementary distribution
between short and long disyllables in types B and E that is comparable to those
in the other types the fact that even Kaluza and Hutcheson would not dispute we
may exclude these two types from consideration. Also noteworthy is that these metrical positions of types B and E are not immediately preceded by a stressed syllable, in
contrast to the others.
Table4.48 shows the distributions of short and long disyllables, as specified by
the two competing accounts, in the relevant verse types given in (30) above (Suzuki
1996: 207233).33 Since long disyllables contain those ending in a consonant, and
since these consonantal disyllables (-VCVC/-VCVCC) are in the majority, we may disregard them for the sake of obtaining a sharper view of the differing presence of the
two opposites (short versus long) within the vocalic disyllables (i.e., those ending in
vowels, -VCV/-VCVV), as represented in Table4.49.
33Since Fulks distinction based on accentual properties concerns only word-final positions (including constituents of compounds), the word-internal contexts are disregarded for purposes of comparison. For word-internal positions, Fulk (1992: 271) makes a distinction between open and short syllables instead.
280
Resolution
Table4.48.Occurrences of short and long disyllables in Beowulf according to Suzuki and Fulk
Verse type
Resolution
Short
Long
Total
A1s (PSpx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
3 (4.35%)
9 (13.04%)
66 (95.65%)
60 (86.96%)
69 (100%)
A2a (PsxPx; PpxPx)
Resolved
Suzuki
Fulk
66 (92.96%)
71 (100%)
5 (7.04%)
0 (0%)
71 (100%)
C (xPpx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
3 (1.13%)
11 (4.15%)
262 (98.87%)
254 (95.85%)
265 (100%)
C (xPsx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
21 (9.33%)
29 (12.89%)
204 (90.67%)
196 (87.11%)
225 (100%)
C (xPpx; xPsx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
24 (4.90%)
40 (8.16%)
466 (95.10%)
450 (91.84%)
490 (100%)
D2a (PpxSx;Ppxsx)
Resolved
Suzuki
Fulka
8 (80.00%)
9 (90.00%)
2 (20.00%)
1 (10.00%)
10 (100%)
D2a (PPsx; PPpx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
3 (6.25%)
3 (6.25%)
45 (93.75%)
45 (93.75%)
48 (100%)
E (PsxP)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
1 (16.67%)
1 (16.67%)
5 (83.33%)
5 (83.33%)
6 (100%)
C (xPpxx)
Resolved
Suzuki
Fulk
15 (93.75%)
1 (6.25%)
16 (100%)
D1 (Ppxx; Psxx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
0 (0%)
16 (100%)
16 (100%)
D1 (Ppxxx; Psxxx)
Resolved
Suzuki
Fulk
16 (88.89%)
2 (11.11%)
18 (100%)
E (PsxxP)
Resolved
Suzuki
Fulk
6 (75.00%)
2 (25.00%)
8 (100%)
See Fulk (1992: 420).
Table4.49.Occurrences of short and long disyllables in Beowulf according to Suzuki and Fulk
(excluding those ending in a consonant)
Verse type
Resolution
Short
Long
Total
A1s (PSpx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
3 (13.64%)
9 (40.91%)
19 (86.36%)
13 (59.09%)
22 (100%)
A2a (PsxPx; PpxPx)
Resolved
Suzuki
Fulk
66 (92.96%)
71 (100%)
5 (7.04%)
0 (0%)
71 (100%)
C (xPpx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
3 (3.90%)
11 (14.29%)
74 (96.10%)
66 (85.71%)
77 (100%)
On Kaluzas law
Verse type
Resolution
Short
Long
281
Total
C (xPsx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
21 (18.26%)
29 (25.22%)
94 (81.74%)
86 (74.78%)
115 (100%)
C (xPpx; xPsx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
24 (12.50%)
40 (20.83%)
168 (87.50%)
152 (79.17%)
192 (100%)
D2a (PpxSx;Ppxsx)
Resolved
Suzuki
Fulk
8 (80.00%)
9 (90.00%)
2 (20.00%)
1 (10.00%)
10 (100%)
D2a (PPsx; PPpx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
3 (12.50%)
3 (12.50%)
21 (87.50%)
21 (87.50%)
24 (100%)
E (PsxP)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
1 (33.33%)
1 (33.33%)
2 (66.67%)
2 (66.67%)
3 (100%)
C (xPpxx)
Resolved
Suzuki
Fulk
15 (100%)
0 (0%)
15 (100%)
D1 (Ppxx; Psxx)
Suspended
Suzuki
Fulk
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
2 (100%)
D1 (Ppxxx; Psxxx)
Resolved
Suzuki
Fulk
16 (88.89%)
2 (11.11%)
18 (100%)
E (PsxxP)
Resolved
Suzuki
Fulk
6 (85.71%)
1 (14.29%)
7 (100%)
The major difference between the two generalizations concerns the word-final syllables
that end in short, nonhigh vowels in pre- and early Old English, especially - (> -e), as
exemplified as follows:
(32)
-stem acc. sg. PGmc. *-N > eOE - > OE -e

fem./neut. n-stem nom. sg. PGmc. *-N > eOE - > OE -e
1. sg. wk. pret. PGmc. *-dN > eOE *-d > OE -de
These and other similar endings are identified as long in our framework of classification, whereas they are categorized as short according to Fulks. In brief, the range
of short endings is more limited in our conceptualization, as they are restricted to
pre-OE -i and -u. While not very numerous in occurrence both in terms of types and
tokens the crucial endings do make some difference in the distribution pattern in
one metrical context, namely, subtypeA1s. At the end of the configuration PSpx, in
our view there are 3 short endings as against 66 long ones (Table 4.48) or 19 when
excluding consonantal endings (Table 4.49). By contrast, the proportions of short
endings rise radically according to Fulk, as he himself admits (Fulk 1992: 173, 275n4):
9 short endings as against 60 long ones (Table4.48) or 13 when only vocalic endings
are counted (Table4.49). Of vital importance here is not so much the increase itself
in the proportions of short endings, as the resultant difference in distribution pattern
that proves to be of statistical significance. Specifically at issue is the difference in the
282
Resolution
proportions of short disyllables between this context and another one that seems to be
very similar otherwise, that is, the configuration xPpx (typeC). Commonly at stake
is the verse-final resolvable disyllabic word (rather than a constituent of a compound)
that is aligned to two metrical positions, lift + drop, through suspension of resolution.
Given the comparable conditions involved, these two configurations should be
indistinguishable in terms of the proportions of short to long disyllables that occur in
the last two positions. As it turns out, no significant difference is in evidence according
to our system of classification, with p-values of 0.105 (consonantal endings included)
and 0.122 (consonantal endings excluded). By contrast, the two configurations differ
significantly on Fulks analysis, given p-values of 0.010 and 0.013, respectively. Therefore, following Fulks definitions of short and long disyllables, subtype A1s will
diverge from typeC by its failure to use maximal use of long disyllables for suspension
of resolution. Insofar as principled reasons for this divergence have yet to be adduced,
we must call into question the empirical adequacy of the underlying classificatory
system that is proposed by Fulk. This may then count as a major substantive argument
for Suzuki (and Bliss) in opposition to Fulk (and Kaluza).34 For the sake of maintaining continuity with earlier practice, however, we will stick to the familiar designations, short and long disyllables, rather than high and nonhigh, throughout the
following discussion.
Finally, a few words are in order on the function of Kaluzas law, as characterized on the basis of the notion of the minimally sonorous disyllable, -V$Ci$/-V$Cu$.
The restriction of the law to a position immediately preceded by a stressed one (prototypically a lift) has a functional motivation. Given the syntagmatic scale of metrical prominence, the closer a position is to the beginning of a verse, the more prominent it is (section1.2; Suzuki 1996: 374). Furthermore, resolution effects an increase
in prominence, since the affected position is realized by a larger syllable quantity
(disyllable) than when occupied normally by a monosyllable. In typeA2a, the prime
context for obligatory resolution after a lift, unconstrained operation of resolution
on the second position would result in a considerable deviation from the underlying
contour of metrical strength, lift + heavy drop, by bringing about a disharmonious
modulation of prominence on the surface in which the first lift would be in danger of
being overshadowed by the expanded second position in terms of actualized prominence. In order to keep to a minimum the resultant variance between underlying
and surface prominence profiles, then, only the least prominent disyllable is allowed
to realize the second position. Since /i/ and /u/ are of minimal sonority among the
34The refutation does not directly bear on Fulks original view, however, since he specifically restricts Kaluzas law to types A2a and D2a, as noted above. Given the analogous complementary distribution of short and long disyllables involving other types including subtype A1s and type C as
demonstrated in Suzuki (1996), Hutcheson (2004), and the examination above, the minimal scope of
the law that Fulk assumes seems to be untenable on empirical grounds.
On Kaluzas law
283
vowels by virtue of their narrowest oral cavity involved, and since open syllables are
less substantial than closed ones, the disyllables to be chosen (unless resolution is
categorically ruled out) turn out to be those ending exactly in these vowels. The functional basis of Kaluzas law can therefore be sought in the privileging of the minimal
disyllables for obligatory resolution. Through a binary opposition to these privileged
disyllables, the remaining ones are determined as eligible for the opposite process,
namely, suspension of resolution.
4.4.3Kaluzas law in fornyrislag?

Having established the empirical ground for defining the short and long disyllables,
and identified therewith the phonological basis of Kaluzas law, we may now turn
to fornyrislag to see whether the law applies in the Norse meter. Since all vowels
corresponding to pre-OE -i and -u disappeared prehistorically in North Germanic, as
illustrated in (33) below (compare Noreen 1970: 153; Boutkan 1995: 62), Kaluzas law
would long have lost its phonological basis of operation, even if it had once existed
there. Moreover, the prime context for optimal resolution, namely, the configuration
Psx#Px with the resolved first drop (corresponding to a legitimate variant of typeA2a
in Beowulf), is totally absent in eddic poetry. The inaccessibility to this privileged
context in the Norse versification obliterated the basis for determining properly the
optimal value of px#/sx# for obligatory resolution. Since the correct identification of
the short disyllable as ending in the least sonorous vowel (i.e., /i/ or /u/) constitutes
the foundation of Kaluzas law, the absence of this defining factor militates utterly
against the functioning of the law in fornyrislag.
(33)
-stem nom. sg.: ON gif gift, OE giefu

neut. a-stem nom.-acc. pl.: ON skip ship, OE scipu
i-stem nom. sg.: ON star place, OE stede
u-stem nom. sg.: ON sunr son, OE sunu
1. sg. pres. ind.: ON gef give, OE gibu
HH39.4 ec var einn fair eira (xxPpxPx) is the only sequence that could possibly be
scanned as typeA2a (with anacrusis). In that case, the heavy drop, fair, would yield
to resolution despite its status of being a long disyllable (-VC$) in violation of Kaluzas
law. Given the categorical immunity of the heavy drop to resolution in fornyrislag
(Sievers 1893: 65), however, the verse in question should better be scanned as typeD
(with anacrusis). This verse would in turn constitute a variant of the configuration
PpxSx with the resolved second lift that is realized by a long disyllable, again in defiance of the law (compare Beo 2239a weard winegemor, given in [31] above).
All things considered, we have no reason to expect that fornyrislag was still governed by Kaluzas law. There is a slight indication, however, that the law may actually
284
Resolution
have been in effect. At stake are the configurations PpXx and PsXx (section 2.10.4;
Sieverss typeD3; Sievers 1893: 34; Suzuki 2010a: 1922), in which the second lift is
suspended from resolution. As listed in section2.10.4 above, there are fifteen instances
of PpXx and five of PsXx in the corpus, some of them being reproduced in (34) below
for the sake of easy reference:
(34)
Vsp17.6ltt megandi [P#pXx]

Vkv 33.8 qvn Vlundar [P#pXx]
Grp 8.3 snotr, Siguri [P#pXx]
Of central concern here, the penultimate syllable is invariably long (or closed; X): no
example is attested in which the same position is occupied by a short syllable (i.e.,
ending in a vowel; *Ppxx/Psxx), as pointed out in sections 2.10.4 and 4.3.6 above. This
opposition seems to be reminiscent of the contrast between the configurations Ppxx/
Psxx (with the short second lift) and Ppxxx/Psxxx (with the resolved second lift) in
the meter of Beowulf, as represented in (35) and (36) below (Suzuki 1996: 224225).
In it, this opposition is subsumed under Kaluzas law, as may be recalled (see [31]
above). The seemingly analogous phenomenon in fornyrislag might accordingly
prompt us to assume that Kaluzas law is in force in the Norse meter as well, contrary
to expectation.
(35) Ppxx/Psxx
Beo 2a odcyninga (similarly, 2694b)
Beo 46b umbrwesende
Beo 258b andswarode (also 340b)
Beo 372b cnihtwesende (also 535b)
Beo 1004b swlberendra
Beo 1039b hahcyninges
Beo 1155b eorcyninges
Beo 1210b feorh cyninges
Beo 1684b woroldcyninga (similarly, 3180b)
Beo 2382b scyninga
Beo 2503b Frscyning[e]
Beo 2912b fyll cyninges
(36) Ppxxx/Psxxx
Beo 286a Weard maelode
Beo 737a mg Higelces (also 758b, 914a; similarly, 813b, 2386b, 2958b)
Beo 744a unlyfigendes (similarly, 468b, 1308b, 2908b)
Beo 2062a losa (li)figende
Beo 2161a hwatum Heorowearde
Beo 2424a feorh elinges
On Kaluzas law
285
Beo 2708a sibelingas

Beo 2758a gold glitinian
Beo 2206b nefan Hererces
Beo 3056b hord openian
With the underlying phonological distinction long lost (see [33] above) and in the
absence of further evidence for earlier operation of Kaluzas law, the metrical generalization allegedly observed in fornyrislag seems unlikely to have been an indigenous reflex of the law. Rather, the verse forms PpXx and PsXx must be regarded
as adoptions from the South German tradition on grounds of a demonstrably heavy
concentration in the poems of South German content, as detailed in section 4.3.9
above (see also Kuhn [1939] 1969: 489511; Suzuki 2010a: 3238). Correspondingly,
the metrical generalization at issue would have come into being in fornyrislag contingently as a consequence of the influx of South German poetic material: therefore,
the metrical rule in question was most plausibly a borrowing, rather than a native
convention.
The introduction of the configurations PpXx/PsXx more precisely the borrowing of PsXx and the subsequent analogical building of PpXx and the concomitant
emergence of the exclusive use of the long disyllable pX/sX, rather than a transferring
of Kaluzas law in its entirety on the basis of the whole array of verse configurations
involved, may thus provide a prima facie account of the minimal range of association
between the long disyllable and suspension of resolution that we observe in fornyris
lag. The next question to be addressed then is why such a restricted use was made of
Kaluzas law in the Norse meter. Restated in more specific terms, did the eddic poets
fail to adopt the law in its original form which existed in the source meter presumably because of their inadequate mastery of the original metrical practice or due to
their exposure to a limited amount of metrical data? Or was the law already in a disintegrated shape there to be borrowed? In order to answer these questions, we need to
examine at length the substance of Kaluzas law in the source meter.
The fragmentary nature of Old High German sources, however, makes it hardly
viable to draw detailed and substantive information from them. No instances of the
configurations PpXx/PsXx are attested in the Hildebrandslied (Hild; Lhr 1982; Fulk,
Bjork, and Niles 2008). There is, however, a single example of their resolved counterpart: Hild 4a sunufatarungo, scanned as pxsXXx (typeD). In it, the resolved second
lift, -fatar- father, ends in a consonant in violation of Kaluzas law,35 which requires
resolution to occur on the short disyllable (-i/-u) after a stressed position (the first lift
occupied by sunu- son in this case; compare Beo 2239a weard winegemor).
35Even if syllabification operated in purely phonological terms in disregard of morphological constituency and gave accordingly -fata$ instead of -fatar$, the fact remains unchanged that the resultant disyllable counts as long, as it fails to end in a high vowel.
286
Resolution
Another possible breach of Kaluzas law would be Hild 5a garutun se iro ghamun,
scanned as typeA2b by Sievers (1893: 167) and followed by Lhr (1982: 248) among
others. On this scansion, the second drop, -hamun, is resolved but filled by a long
disyllable ending in a consonant. This verse, however, could alternatively be scanned
as type D*, in which case the long disyllable, corresponding to the sequence of a
heavy drop and a normal one through suspension of resolution, obeys the law, which
disallows the short disyllable from being suspended from resolution. Therefore, the
example in question must be regarded as inconclusive. Much the same can be said of
Hild 5b gurtun sih iro suert ana.
In addition, there are two verses that conform to Kaluzas law: Hild 47b wwurt
skihit (subtypeA1s); Hild 55b ibu d dr nc reht habs (typeC). Long disyllables as
they are, the verse-final words are suspended from resolution in accordance with the
law. In view of the stochastic nature of the law, however, a breach or two on the one
hand, and a few conforming examples on the other, which are scattered across different verse types, do not carry much weight. The small-sized corpus available is of no
decisive import after all.
Nonetheless, general phonological considerations may suggest that Old High
German meter is unlikely to have been subject to Kaluzas law. For example, Old High
German is characterized by the abundance of secondarily developed short syllables
like Old Saxon (Lehmann 1956: 114). In light of this and other linguistic properties,
Kaluzas law would as implausibly have been in force in Old High German as in Old
Saxon, as will be discussed further in the following section (see also Suzuki 2004:
211217).
4.4.4Kaluzas law in the Heliand

Given the indeterminacy of Old High German data, we must turn to the Heliand
for a fuller elucidation of the Continental West Germanic meter with regard to
Kaluzas law in general and the verse forms PpXx/PsXx in particular. As illustrated
in (37) below, in the Heliand, too, the configuration Psxx clearly shows the close
association between the long disyllable and suspension of resolution that obtains
in Beowulf and fornyrislag.36 Specifically, none of the twenty examples of typeD
with the short second lift has the immediately following position (penultimate position) filled by a short syllable: in eighteen verses, the penultimate syllable ends in
a consonant, while in the remaining two, it ends in a vowel that originates from
the PGmc. thematic vowel *-a-, rather than pre-OS -i/-u. Thus, all of the disyllables
36No instance of the configuration Ppxx is attested in the Heliand (Table4.39, section4.3.6). For the
sake of consistent reference, however, we will continue to use the pair-based representation Ppxx/
Psxx in the following discussion.
On Kaluzas law
287
involved constitute long ones in the Heliand, apparently as much in conformity to

Kaluzas law as in Beowulf (35).
(37)
Psxx (20 examples)

Hel 82b heancuninge (also 278b, 1120b; similarly, 1472a, 2981b)
Hel 91b heancuninges (also 130a, 5575b; similarly, 781b, 1939b, 2344b,
2377b, 2443b, 4258b)
Hel 222b aalboranes (similarly, 464b)
Hel 362b aalcuninges (also 2114a)
Hel 765b helmberandero
Hel 2767b thiodcuninge
By contrast, the resolved counterpart of the configurations Ppxx/Psxx, namely, Ppxxx,

displays a deviant pattern.37 As indicated in (38), there are five examples (including
two anacrustic ones, which are not counted in Table4.39), all having the antepenultimate syllable long according to the distinction between short and long disyllables:
(38)
Ppxxx (5 examples)
Hel 384a uuf uuacogeandi
Hel 526b Manag fagonoda
Hel 2244b uueros sorogodun
Hel 3029b that wf fagonode
Hel 5789b Thiu uuf soragodun
While the second syllables all end in vowels, none of them derives from pre-OS i/u:
the second syllables of fago- rejoice (2244b, 5789b) and sora-/soro- sorrow (2244b,
5789b) are epenthetic (compare OE fgnian and OE sorgian); that of wako- watch
(384a) is a reflex of the second class weak verb stem-formative, PGmc. *-- (*-jand-);
therefore, all of these disyllables count as long. Nonetheless, they yield to resolution
in contradiction to Kaluzas law, which requires short disyllables to occur instead, as
in Beowulf. With the exclusive appearance of long disyllables in the second position of
the configuration Ppxxx, then, the Heliand stands diametrically opposed to Beowulf:
in it, sixteen out of a total of eighteen instances have short disyllables, whereas long
disyllables occur only in two examples (see [36] and Table4.49 above). Needless to
say, this difference in distribution is of statistical significance, with a p-value of less
than 0.001.
37No instance of the configuration Psxxx happens to be attested in the Heliand. For the sake of
consistent reference, however, we will continue to use the pair-based representation Ppxxx/Psxxx in
the following discussion.
288
Resolution
As should be clear by now, the overall distribution pattern of short versus long
disyllables in the configurations Ppxx/Psxx on the one hand and Ppxxx/Psxxx on
the other fails to follow Kalauzas law in the Heliand in marked contrast to Beowulf,
which strictly adheres to the law. Rather than displaying a complementary distribution, the long disyllable prevails in either group of configuration to a total exclusion
of the short one in the Heliand: the distribution proves to be indistinguishable (p=1)
between the two groups that are treated divergently with respect to implementation
and suspension of resolution.
The above findings are far from surprising, however, when we consider applicability of Kaluzas law to the Heliand in general. As pointed out in broad terms in
Suzuki (2004: 211217), the Heliand meter is not governed by the law on the whole.
Yet the issue deserves more specific treatment, which is our concern in what follows.
As substantiated in Table4.50 below, it is the distributions of short disyllables in the
Heliand that deviate conspicuously from Kaluzas law. At stake are the following sets
of configurations that must undergo resolution: (i) PsxPx (originally type A2a, but
reconstituted as typeA1 in the Heliand; see below); (ii) xPpxx/xPsxx (typeC); (iii)
PpxSx/Ppxsx (typeD); (iv) PpxxP/PsxxP (typeE).
As far as typeA2a the prime metrical context for a maximal use of short disyllables is concerned, the two kinds of disyllables are evenly distributed in the Heliand,
resulting in a significant difference in distribution from Beowulf (p=0.003), as illustrated in (39) and Table4.50.38 This means that the short disyllable is no longer privileged for mandatory resolution in defiance of Kaluzas law.
(39)
PsxPx (11 examples)

Hel 1807b endi hsstedi kiusid (fem. i-stem acc. sg.; short disyllable)
Hel 1987b heriskepi manno (masc. i-stem acc. sg.; short disyllable)
Hel 2037a stnfatu sehsi (neut. a-stem nom. pl.; short disyllable)
Hel 2056b uuerdskepi thnan (masc. i-stem acc. sg.; short disyllable)
Hel 3452b uueroldsaca mit (fem. -stem acc. sg.; long disyllable)
Hel 3745b thingstedi halden (fem. i-stem acc. sg.; short disyllable)
Hel 3873b uuiersaca finden (fem. -stem acc. sg.; long disyllable)
Hel 4544a uuerdscepi mnan (masc. i-stem acc. sg.; short disyllable)
38It is of interest to note that on Fulks criterion we obtain a radically different distribution in which
the short disyllable prevails over the long one by ten to one: Hel 3452b, 3873b, 4712a, and 4885b are
categorized as containing short disyllables on Fulks view. Such a concentration of short disyllables
would mean that the Heliand observes the core of Kaluzas law. This seems to be extremely unlikely,
however, in view of the synchronic status in the Heliand meter of the configuration PsxPx being a
marked variant of typeA1, in which resolution is out of the question on metrical grounds, as argued
below, and also in the presence of numerous occurrences of long disyllables in the remaining contexts
of obligatory resolution (xPpxx/xPsxx; PpxSx/Ppxsx; Ppxxx/Psxxx; PpxxP/PsxxP), as substantiated below.
On Kaluzas law
289
Hel 4712a lustsama lra (fem. adj. acc. pl.; < PGmc. -z; long disyllable)
Hel 4756a lchamo Cristes (masc. n-stem nom. sg.; long disyllable)
Hel 4885b uugsaca frummien (fem. -stem acc. sg.; long disyllable)
In regard to the second group (see [40] and Table4.50), long disyllables are dominant
over short ones by nineteen counts as against six. This predominance of long disyllables in the context of obligatory resolution is obviously at variance with Kaluzas law.
(40)
xPpxx/xPsxx (25 examples)39

Hel 568b fon heencuninge (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 928b ef thu tharo forasagono (part of masc. n-stem gen. pl. WGmc.
*-nn; long disyllable)
Hel 1197b endi gea managa (-a; Goth. manags; long disyllable)
Hel 1422b eftho thero forasagono (part of masc. n-stem gen. pl. WGmc.
Hel 1530b ettha is lio huilican (-i; OE hwylc; short disyllable)
Hel 1732b endi spel managu (-a; Goth. manags; long disyllable)
Hel 1813b anthaad it thiu stedi niana (-a; OE nian; long disyllable)
Hel 1893a fora uueroldcuningun (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 2154b Th sagde heencuninge (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 2473b te heencuninge (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 2511b thar he heencuninge (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 2517b endi mr sorogot (epenthetic vowel; long disyllable)
Hel 2518b than hu hie heancuninges (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 2701a ht that sie frume fremidin (1st class wk verb formative -i; short
disyllable)
Hel 2712b that it nig uuero frumidi (1st class wk verb formative -i; short
disyllable)
Hel 2945b Reht s he th an is hugi tuehode (2nd class wk verb formative
PGmc. *--; long disyllable)
Hel 3049a thero uursagono (part of masc. n-stem gen. pl. WGmc. *-nn;
long disyllable)
Hel 3483b ni sindun niga gea beteran (comparative formative PGmc. *-iz-;
short disyllable)
39The form tugios you grant of Hel 2752b ef thu mi thera bede tugios in the M manuscript may
be regarded as a scribal error, as assumed by Holthausen (1921: 232n): it is represented as tuithos in
the C manuscript, which is confirmed by MHG zwden and OE tigian, both lacking /u/ as a syllable
nucleus; and the insertion of <g> before <i> at issue would have been due to a false inverted analogy
after the occasional loss of /g/ before /i/ as in toiu I show in the M manuscript as against togiu in the
C counterpart.
290
Resolution
Hel 3586b uuas im thiu fruma giiig (-i; short disyllable)

Hel 4114b S mag heenkuninges (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 4268b ni uuas im thiu frume giiig (-i; short disyllable)
Hel 5280b ne uuolda them thiedcuninge (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 5371a s mikil uuarf uuerodes (-o; OE weorod; long disyllable)
Hel 5873b Thuo uuurun c an thia burg cumana (pret. part. formative PGmc.
*-ana; long disyllable)
Hel 5959b Thuo bigunnun im quidi managa (-a; Goth. manags; long
disyllable)
With respect to the third set (see [41] and Table4.50), long disyllables are used in overwhelmingly large numbers, although the metrical position in question (the second
position) must be subject to resolution.
(41)
PpxSx; Ppxsx (43 examples)

Hel 245a god alomahtig (also Hel 1766b, 2337a, 4038b; epenthetic vowel; long
disyllable)
Hel 775a erl oarmdig (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 813a Krist alouualdo (also Hel 1297a, 1334a, 3139b, 3296a, 3954b, 3974b)
Hel 998a n alouualdand (epenthetic vowel; long disyllable)
Hel 1041a hh himilrki (also Hel 1500a, 3489a; -VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 1097a al oarsehan (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 1501a brd baluuuti short (wa-stem; short disyllable)
Hel 1619a fadar alamahtig (similarly, Hel 5635b; epenthetic vowel; long disyllable)
Hel 1922b fader alauualdan (epenthetic vowel; long disyllable)
Hel 2332a up alohlan (epenthetic vowel; long disyllable)
Hel 2620a hh heenrki (also Hel 3925a; -VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 3059a Crist cuning uuig (also Hel 5087a; -VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 3240a hr heencuning (also Hel 3922a, 4279a, 4449a, 5049a; similarly,
4703a; -VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 3508a n himilrki (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 3937b fan gode alouualdon (epenthetic vowel; long disyllable)
Hel 4052a theru idis alomahtig (epenthetic vowel; long disyllable)
Hel 4313a hut heentungal (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 4746b fader alothiado (epenthetic vowel; long disyllable)
Hel 5314a hard heritogo (also Hel 5476a, 5558a; ja-stem; long disyllable)
Hel 5398a n ruof reginscao (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 5443a thera idis opanlco (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 5948a eft opanlco (-VC$; long disyllable)
On Kaluzas law
291
The configurations PpxxP and PsxxP (see [42] and Table 4.50) type E with the
resolved heavy drop go so far as to display a maximal preference for long disyllables, in contradiction to Kaluzas law: the total of eighteen examples are all occupied
by long disyllables in their second position, as shown in (42) below.
(42)
PpxxP; PsxxP (18 examples)

Hel 159a Th uuar that heencuninges bodon (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 317a heancuninges bodo (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 537a heencuninges hugi (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 619a friugumono bezt (part of masc. n-stem gen. pl. WGmc. *-nn; long
disyllable)
Hel 631a thero uursagono uuord (part of masc. n-stem gen. pl. WGmc.
Hel 997b thit is, qua he, heencuninges sunu (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 1461b heencuninges suni (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 2087b heencuninges gebod (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 2735a heritogono an that hs (part of masc. n-stem gen. pl. WGmc.
Hel 2893a uueroldkuninges namon (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 2914a hh uueder afhaen (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 2993a uuamscaon biuueri (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 3001a folcskepi te frumu (neut. i-stem dat. sg.; long disyllable)
Hel 3033a uuamscaun biuuerid (-VC$; long disyllable)
Hel 3399a uursaguno uuord (part of masc. n-stem gen. pl. WGmc. *-nn;
long disyllable)
Hel 4935a uursagono uuord (part of masc. n-stem gen. pl. WGmc. *-nn;
long disyllable)
Hel 5427b uuamscaono mst (part of masc. n-stem gen. pl. WGmc. *-nn;
long disyllable)
Hel 5491a mnscaono megin (part of masc. n-stem gen. pl. WGmc. *-nn;
long disyllable)
We may hence generalize that the Heliand violates Kaluzas law by its failure to favor
the short disyllable in the contexts in which resolution is obligatory immediately after
a stressed syllable; on the contrary, the Old Saxon poem tends to favor the long one
if not absolutely.
Conversely, in regard to typeC, notably its representative configuration xPpx,
the proportion of long disyllables is significantly diminished in the Heliand, compared
with Beowulf (p<0.001; Table4.50). The Heliand thus does not disallow short disyllables from suspension of resolution as stringently as Beowulf, contrary to Kaluzas
law. Nonetheless, long disyllables still constitute a vast majority for the configuration at issue as for others, and preserve their original association with suspension of
292
Resolution
resolution in the Heliand. Indeed, a few metrical types, such as subtypeA1s, display
no significant difference in distribution pattern between the Heliand and Beowulf.
This might accordingly appear to be ascribable to the working of Kaluzas law in the
Heliand as well, if only to a limited extent. On closer analysis, however, an alternative
generalization will prove to be in effect there, as shown in the following paragraphs.
In summary, the complementary distribution between short and long disyllables
depending on implementation versus suspension of resolution is no longer in evidence in the Heliand, in defiance of Kaluzas law: short disyllables are no more associated with implementation than with suspension of resolution, whereas long ones
are just as compatible with operation as with suspension of resolution. In short, the
domain of long disyllables becomes considerably expanded at the expense of that of
short ones.
In this connection, a brief look at the Old English tradition will put in perspective
the singularity of the Heliand meter (and Continental West Germanic in general by
extrapolation). To be compared are the seven late Old English poems that are confidently datable to the tenth century at the earliest (Hutcheson 2004) the Battle of
Maldon (Mald; Dobbie 1942: 716), the Battle of Brunanburh (Dobbie 1942: 1620),
the Capture of the Five Boroughs (Capt; Dobbie 1942: 2021), the Coronation of Edgar
(Dobbie 1942: 2122), the Death of Edgar (DEdg; Dobbie 1942: 2224), the Death of
Edward (DEdw; Dobbie 1942: 2526), and Durham (Dobbie 1942: 27) the collection
of verses about one-sixth of Beowulf in total length. According to Hutcheson (2004),
these late Old English poems do not differ significantly from Beowulf in their adherence to Kaluzas law. More specifically, in the late poetry the distributions of short and
long disyllables as defined by Suzuki display no significant deviation from Beowulf
in types A2a, C, D2a (penultimate position), and subtype A1s,40 as illustrated in
Table4.50.41
40The same is true of Fulks definition of short and long disyllables, although Hutcheson (2004: 314)
claims that the configuration xPsx, a variant of typeC, is treated differently between Beowulf and
the late poetry on Fulks analysis. The p-value of 0.0833 obtained, however, cannot be regarded as significant at the level of confidence (i.e., 95%) we are concerned with here. Moreover, since types B and
E (verse-final lift) are outside the scope of Kaluzas law in our view as justified in section4.4.2 above,
we are rather skeptical about the importance of Hutchesons (2004: 315) observation that typeB is differentiated between Beowulf and the late poetry in regard to the use of disyllables: after all, breaches
of the law prevail both in Beowulf and the late poetry (Hutcheson 2004: 315), and whatever statistical
difference there obtains does not seem to have any bearing on the evolution of Kaluzas law.
41The data for these four configurations in the late Old English poetry are taken from Hutcheson
(2004), to which readers are referred for their exemplification. The corresponding figures for Beowulf
are based on our scansion, which is slightly different from Hutchesons; these few differences, however, are insubstantial and do not affect statistical analysis on the whole. In the presence of only one
relevant example, Mald 322a wlspere windan (43), the case of typeA2a is of course not conclusive, as
remarked correctly by Hutcheson (2004: 303).
On Kaluzas law
293
The general observance of Kaluzas law in the late Old English poetry is confirmed
by the configurations PpxSx/Ppxsx (2 examples; typeD2a with the resolved second
lift; see [43] below), which display a preference for short disyllables as in Beowulf and
in opposition to the Heliand (Table4.50). On the other hand, the case of xPpxx/x
Psxx (4 examples; typeC with the resolved second lift; see [43] below) is less than
definite: short and long disyllables are evenly distributed, with two counts for each.
What would appear to be the sole exception to the parallelism to Beowulf in terms of
conformity to Kaluzas law is constituted by Ppxxx/Psxxx (4 examples; typeD1 with
the resolved second lift, given in [43]): despite yielding to resolution, all of the disyllables concerned are long, in violation of the law. Overall, then, we may be justified
in concluding that the late Old English poetry deviates minimally from Beowulf in its
observance of Kaluzas law, in sharp contrast to the Heliand, which largely breaches
the law, especially by its excessive use of long disyllables for mandatory resolution.
(43)
Mald 322a wlspere windan (Psx#Px: i-stem; short disyllable)

Mald 66a lucon lagustramas (px#pxSx: u-stem; short disyllable)
DEdg 31a hle higeglawe (px#pxSx: i-stem; short disyllable)
Mald 82b wi fynd weredon (x#x#P#pxx: 1st class wk verb formative -i;
short disyllable)
Mald 256b ofer eall clypode (xx#P#pxx: 2nd class wk verb formative PGmc.
*--; long disyllable)
Capt 6b and Lincylene (x#Psxx; -i: short disyllable)
DEdw 34b s odkyninges (x#Psxx: -VC; long disyllable)
DEdw 10b byre elrdes (px#pxxx; Hutcheson 1995: 241; see also Suzuki
1996: 225; -VC; long disyllable)
DEdw 18b kynn elrdes (P#pxxx; Hutcheson 1995: 241; see also Suzuki
1996: 225; -VC; long disyllable)
Mald 42b bord hafenode (P#pxxx; also 309b; lack of i-umlaut on the stem;
long disyllable)
Table4.50.Occurrences of short and long disyllables in the Heliand, Beowulf, and late Old English
poetry
Short
Long
Total
Hel
Beo
Verse type
Poem
LOE
A1s (PSpx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
0 (0%)
3 (4.35%)
0 (0%)
45 (100%)
66 (95.65%)
5 (100%)
45 (100%)
p=0.277
69 (100%) p=0.277
5 (100%)
p=1
p=1
p=1
p=1
Hel
A2a (A1 in Hel)
Beo
(PsxPx; PpxPx)
LOE
6 (54.55%)
66 (92.96%)
1 (100%)
5 (45.45%)
5 (7.04%)
0 (0%)
11 (100%)
p=0.003
71 (100%) p=0.003
1 (100%)
p=1
p=1
p=1
p=1
294
Resolution
Short
Long
Total
Hel
Beo
Verse type
Poem
LOE
C (xPpx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
50 (9.77%)
3 (1.13%)
1 (7.69%)
462 (90.23%) 512 (100%)

262 (98.87%) 265 (100%)
12 (92.31%)
13 (100%)
C (xPsx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
11 (7.10%)
21 (9.33%)
0 (0%)
144 (92.90%) 155 (100%)

p=0.440 p=0.601
204 (90.67%) 225 (100%) p=0.440
p=0.374
15 (100%)
15 (100%) p=0.601 p=0.374
C (xPpx;
xPsx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
61 (9.15%)
24 (4.90%)
1 (3.57%)
606 (90.85%) 667 (100%)

p=0.006 p=0.501
466 (95.10%) 490 (100%) p=0.006
p=1
27 (96.43%)
28 (100%) p=0.501
p=1
C (xPpxx; x
Psxx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
6 (24.00%)
15 (93.75%)
2 (50.00%)
19 (76.00%)
1 (6.25%)
2 (50.00%)
D1 (D in Hel)
(Ppxx; Psxx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
20 (100%)
16 (100%)
20 (100%)
16 (100%)
D1 (D in Hel)
(Ppxxx; Psxxx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
0 (0%)
16 (88.89%)
0 (0%)
5 (100%)
2 (11.11%)
4 (100%)
5 (100%)
p=0.001
p=1
18 (100%) p=0.001
p=0.002
4 (100%)
p=1 p=0.002
D2a (D in Hel)
(PpxSx; Ppxsx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
1 (2.33%)
8 (80.00%)
2 (100%)
42 (97.67%)
2 (20.00%)
0 (0%)
43 (100%)
10 (100%) p<0.001
2 (100%) p=0.003
D2a (D in Hel)
(PPpx; PPsx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
4 (12.50%)
3 (6.25%)
0 (0%)
28 (87.50%)
45 (93.75%)
2 (100%)
32 (100%)
p=0.429
48 (100%) p=0.429
2 (100%)
p=1
p=1
E (PsxP)
Hel
Beo
LOE
0 (0%)
1 (16.67%)
3 (100%)
5 (83.33%)
3 (100%)
6 (100%)
p=1
p=1
Hel
E (PpxxP; PsxxP) Beo
LOE
0 (0%)
6 (75.00%)
18 (100%)
2 (25.00%)
18 (100%)
8 (100%)
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
p=1
p<0.001
p=0.175
p=1 p=0.175
25 (100%)
p<0.001 p=0.300
16 (100%) p<0.001
p=0.088
4 (100%) p=0.300 p=0.088
p=1
p=1
p<0.001 p=0.003
p=1
p=1
p=1
p=1
At this point, we are confronted with the following questions: Is it legitimate to conclude that Kaluzas law no longer operates in the Heliand, as seems most plausible?
Yet does this characterization not contradict the fact that the Old Saxon poem favors
long disyllables for suspension of resolution in a set of configurations, notably PSpx
(subtype A1s), xPsx (type C), PPpx/PPsx (type D), Ppxx/Psxx (type D), and PsxP
(type E), in the ways that are indistinguishable from Beowulf in statistical terms
(Table4.50)? In other words, does this apparent association of long disyllables with
suspension of resolution have nothing to do with Kaluzas law proper despite their
mutual resemblance on the surface? Is the grouping of these configurations, obvi-
On Kaluzas law
295
ously a subset of those subsumed under Kaluzas constraint on suspension of resolution, a pure coincidence?
We would claim that the meter of the Heliand is organized by an alternative generalization that arose through a reconstitution of Kaluzas law. Rather than being
based on the original parameter of whether a given disyllable ends in -i/-u or not, the
new distinction is predicated on whether it is open (or vocalic, i.e., ending in a short
vowel; -V$) or closed (or consonantal, i.e., ending in a consonant; -C$).42 To continue
to use the same label for the two classes of disyllables, short versus long, the short
disyllable is redefined as ending in an open syllable (-VCV$), whereas the long one
terminates in a closed syllable (-VCVC$). No reference is made thereby to the quality
of the vowel of the second syllable, high or otherwise. Table4.51 illustrates how the
open (vocalic) and closed (consonantal) disyllables are distributed in the major set of
verse types that is subject to Kaluzas law in the three meters under investigation here,
the Heliand, Beowulf, and the late Old English poetry, and whether the distribution
patterns differ between these meters in terms of p-values.
Table4.51.Occurrences of open and closed disyllables in the Heliand, Beowulf, and late Old English
poetry
Open
Closed
Beo
Poem
A1s (PSpx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
1 (2.22%)
22 (31.88%)
0 (0%)
44 (97.78%)
47 (68.12%)
5 (100%)
45 (100%)
69 (100%)
5 (100%)
A2a (A1 in Hel)

(PsxPx; PpxPx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
11 (100%)
71 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
11 (100%)
71 (100%)
1 (100%)
C (xPpx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
90 (17.58%)
77 (29.06%)
1 (7.69%)
422 (82.42%) 512 (100%)

p<0.001 p=0.708
188 (70.94%) 265 (100%) p<0.001
p=0.120
12 (92.31%)
13 (100%) p=0.708 p=0.120
C (xPsx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
56 (36.13%)
115 (51.11%)
8 (53.33%)
99 (63.87%) 155 (100%)

p=0.005 p=0.264
110 (48.89%) 225 (100%) p=0.005
p=1
7 (46.67%)
15 (100%) p=0.264
p=1
C (xPpx;
xPsx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
146 (21.89%)
192 (39.18%)
9 (32.14%)
521 (78.11%) 667 (100%)

p<0.001 p=0.244
298 (60.82%) 490 (100%) p<0.001
p=0.552
19 (67.86%)
28 (100%) p=0.244 p=0.552
C (xPpxx;
xPsxx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
17 (68.00%)
15 (93.75%)
3 (75.00%)
8 (32.00%)
1 (6.25%)
1 (25.00%)
Total
Hel
Verse type
LOE
p<0.001
p=1
p<0.001
p=0.313
p=1 p=0.313
p=1
p=1
p=1
p=1
p=1
p=1
25 (100%)
p=0.066
p=1
16 (100%) p=0.066
p=0.509
4 (100%)
p=1 p=0.509
42In the absence of long unstressed vowels in Old Saxon, the concatenation -V$CVV$ is ruled out
categorically.
296
Resolution
Open
Closed
Total
Hel
Beo
Verse type
Poem
D1 (D in Hel)
(Ppxx; Psxx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
2 (10.00%)
2 (12.50%)
18 (90.00%)
14 (87.50%)
D1 (D in Hel)
(Ppxxx; Psxxx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
5 (100%)
18 (100%)
2 (50%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
2 (50%)
5 (100%)
p=1 p=0.167
18 (100%)
p=1
p=0.026
4 (100%) p=0.167 p=0.026
D2a (D in Hel)
(PpxSx; Ppxsx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
23 (53.49%)
10 (100%)
2 (100%)
20 (46.51%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
43 (100%)
p=0.008 p=0.495
10 (100%) p=0.008
p=1
2 (100%) p=0.495
p=1
D2a (D in Hel)
(PPpx; PPsx)
Hel
Beo
LOE
11 (34.38%)
24 (50.00%)
1 (50.00%)
21 (65.63%)
24 (50.00%)
1 (50.00%)
32 (100%)
p=0.250
48 (100%) p=0.250
2 (100%)
p=1
p=1
E (PsxP)
Hel
Beo
LOE
1 (33.33%)
3 (50.00%)
2 (66.67%)
3 (50.00%)
E (PpxxP;
PsxxP)
Hel
Beo
LOE
8 (44.44%)
7 (87.50%)
10 (55.56%)
1 (12.50%)
20 (100%)
16 (100%)
3 (100%)
6 (100%)
p=1
p=1
LOE
p=1 p=0.487
p=0.202
p=1
p=1
p=1
18 (100%)
p=0.084
8 (100%) p=0.084
Most important is that the opposition between open and closed disyllables is correlated to implementation and suspension of resolution, respectively, in the Heliand and
also in Beowulf: particularly at issue are the configurations PsxPx/PpxPx and Ppxxx/
Psxxx where resolution is obligatory, as opposed to the others in which resolution
may not take place. It may be recalled in this connection that the distinction between
short and long disyllables as stipulated by Kaluzas law fails to show a comparable
pattern of polarized distribution in the Heliand in contrast to Beowulf. Specifically, by
totally excluding the opposite entity, the open disyllable makes a significantly larger
presence in the configurations PsxPx/PpxPx (11 open disyllables as against 0 closed)
and Ppxxx/Psxxx (5 open disyllables as against 0 closed) than does the short disyllable (6 short as against 5 long on the one hand, and 0 short as against 5 long on the
other; Table4.50). The distribution patterns based on the open versus closed disyllables are of significant difference from the corresponding ones predicated on the
short versus long disyllables, given p=0.035 and p=0.008, respectively. It should be
noted once again that, in sharp contrast to the identical pattern evinced by the open
disyllable (p=1), the distribution pattern of the short disyllable is far from definitely
lacking significant difference in the two groups of configurations despite the fact that
they are both involved in mandatory resolution (p=0.093). Also noteworthy is the
analogous association that Beowulf displays between open syllables and implementation of resolution (Table4.51): in fact, the patterns involved lack significant difference between the two works (p=1).
On Kaluzas law
297
Similarly, the configurations xPpxx and xPsxx, which display a marked preference for long disyllables in the Heliand in contrast to Beowulf, turn out to be closely
associated with open syllables: with a p-value of 0.004, the distribution pattern based
on the open versus closed disyllables differs significantly from that on the short
versus long disyllables. Of further interest, the association between open syllables
and operation of resolution obtains also in Beowulf in a way that is scarcely distinguishable from the Heliand (p=0.066).
Apparently at odds with this new correlation are the configurations PpxxP and
PsxxP: while associated with the long disyllable as exclusively as are Ppxxx and
Psxxx (Table4.50), they fail to display a comparably absolute correlation to the open
syllable in contrast to the latter pair (Table4.51). The configurations at issue therefore
do not seem to follow the new generalization to the fullest extent. Nonetheless, it does
obey the overall shift in generalization by undermining the absolute presence of the
long disyllable for implementation of resolution; what it falls short of achieving is a
total replacement by the emergent association with the open disyllable.
Of no less interest, the Heliand consistently displays stronger preferences for
closed disyllables than Beowulf in the metrical contexts where the distributions
involved differ significantly between the two poems: at issue are the configurations
PSpx and xPpx/xPsx. This means that the association between the closed disyllable and suspension of resolution is significantly stronger in the Heliand than in
Beowulf. Brought together, then, susceptibility to resolution in the Heliand is implicated in the distinction between open and closed disyllables, rather than that between
short and long disyllables as stipulated by Kaluzas law.
By contrast, while the opposition between preference for and avoidance of resolution is correlated to a moderate extent to the distinction based on open and closed
disyllables in Beowulf, as noted above, the association with the opposition between
short and long disyllables proves to be consistently more intimate. At stake are the
following three groups of configurations in which resolution must be suspended:
(i) PSpx; (ii) xPpx/xPsx; (iii) PPpx/PPsx. As far as the configuration PSpx is concerned, 47 instances out of the total of 69, 68.12%, are closed, whereas 66, 95.65%, are
long. Given a p-value of less than 0.001, the distributions observed are of significant
difference, with a markedly stronger association with the long disyllable in evidence.
For the configurations xPpx/xPsx, while 298 out of the total of 490 instances,
60.82%, are closed disyllables, as many as 466 examples, 95.10%, constitute long
ones; and this difference in proportions is of statistical significance with a p-value of
less than 0.001, thereby demonstrating that suspension of resolution is correlated to
the long disyllable more closely than to the closed counterpart. Finally, the configurations PPpx/PPsx are evenly distributed on the basis of the open versus closed distinction, whereas the long disyllable prevails with 45 counts (93.75%) as against 3 according to the categorization of short versus long disyllables; and again, given p<0.001,
the difference is significant, and the correlation of the long disyllable to suspension
of resolution is accordingly shown to be overriding that between the closed disyllable
298
Resolution
and suspension of resolution. Considered altogether, then, we cannot avoid the conclusion that in Beowulf implementation and suspension of resolution is conditioned
primarily by the distinction between short and long disyllables as prescribed in Kaluzas law; the law thus prevails over the alternative generalization that is predicated on
the opposition between open and closed disyllables.
In comparison, the situation in the Heliand does not as categorically favor the
long disyllable over the closed one as a definitive correlate to suspension of resolution. To be sure, the correlation to the long disyllable proves to be stronger with
respect to the configurations xPpx/xPsx with a p-value of less than 0.001. As for
the configuration PSpx, there is no difference proven in statistical terms (p=1): resolution is as maximally suspended from the closed disyllable as from the long one. And
for the configurations PPpx/PPsx and PsxP, despite the apparently stronger association between the long disyllable and suspension of resolution, the differences in distribution do not turn out to be conclusive, with p-values of 0.075 and 1, respectively.
The inconsistent privileging of the long disyllable over the closed one in the Heliand
is compatible with the claim presented above that the Old Saxon poem is governed
by the alternative generalization based on the opposition between open and closed
disyllables.
The foregoing considerations are confirmed in overall terms when we compare
statistically the differing extents to which the two competing distinctions based on
open/closed and short/long, respectively are correlated to implementation/suspension of resolution in the three groups of poetry under investigation here, the Heliand,
Beowulf, and the late Old English poetry. Of particular concern are the varying degrees
with which the entire occurrences of open and closed disyllables on the one hand
and short and long disyllables on the other are differentiated along the parameter of
implementation/suspension of resolution, and which of these two syllable distinctions has the property of being polarized in statistical terms along the parameter of
resolution. Table4.52 indicates the distributions of the two sets of opposite disyllables
in relation to resolution in the three groups of poetry in question.
Table4.52.Occurrences of short/long and open/closed disyllables relative to implementation/suspension of resolution in the Heliand, Beowulf, and late Old English poetry
Poem
Resolution
Short
Long
Total
P-value
Hel
Implementation
Suspension
13 (12.75%)
89 (87.25%)
102 (100%)
65 (8.47%)
702 (91.53%)
767 (100%)
Beo
Implementation
Suspension
111 (90.24%)
31 (4.93%)
12 (9.76%)
598 (95.07%)
123 (100%)
629 (100%)
p<0.001
LOE
Implementation
Suspension
5 (45.45%)
1 (2.86%)
6 (54.55%)
34 (97.14%)
11 (100%)
35 (100%)
p=0.002
p=0.194
On Kaluzas law
Poem
Resolution
Open
Hel
Implementation
Suspension
64 (62.75%)
161 (20.99%)
Beo
Implementation
Suspension
LOE
Implementation
Suspension
Closed
299
Total
P-value
38 (37.25%)
606 (79.01%)
102 (100%)
767 (100%)
p<0.001
121 (98.37%)
243 (38.63%)
2 (1.63%)
386 (61.37%)
123 (100%)
629 (100%)
p<0.001
8 (72.73%)
10 (28.57%)
3 (27.27%)
25 (71.43%)
11 (100%)
35 (100%)
p=0.014
As it turns out, it is only in the Heliand that the open versus closed distinction is significantly associated with implementation versus suspension of resolution (p<0.001) at
the expense of the short versus long distinction (p=0.194): characterized by opposite
preferences for implementation and suspension of resolution, respectively, open and
closed disyllables are involved in complementary distribution in stochastic terms; in
comparison, the distinction between short and long disyllables has no demonstrable
consequences for operation of resolution, with an invariable predominance of the
latter in either process. By contrast, both parameters play a distinguishing role in
early and late Old English poetry. The short versus long opposition is significantly
correlated to operation of resolution with p<0.001 for Beowulf and p=0.002 for the
late Old English poetry. The degree of association, however, differs markedly between
the two: on the one hand, short and long disyllables favor resolution and its suspension, respectively, in Beowulf; on the other, while long disyllables display a conspicuous preference for suspension of resolution in the late Old English poetry, short ones
are simply neutral, rather than being positively associated with operation of resolution. Specifically, with a p-value of 0.001, the correlation between short disyllables
and implementation of resolution is not as strong in the late poetry as in Beowulf. On
the other hand, the distinction between open and closed disyllables, too, significantly
differentiates implementation and suspension of resolution in Beowulf (p < 0.001)
and the late Old English poetry (p=0.014). As with the parameter of short versus long
disyllables, however, open disyllables are not as closely associated with operation of
resolution in the late poetry as in Beowulf (p=0.004). Beowulf thus stands out by the
rigorous organization of resolution on a dual basis along the two distinct parameters
of syllable properties.
The major accomplishment of the alternative generalization in the Heliand, then,
is that it recovered the lost association between resolution and syllable length by supplying a new correlate, the open disyllable, to implementation of resolution and concomitantly delimiting its opposite, the closed disyllable, for suspension of resolution.
As observed above, what is in immediate danger of obliteration is the short disyllable, whose original domain is increasingly encroached upon by the long one. As a
consequence, the phonologically motivated complementarity of implementation and
suspension of resolution in the earlier meter is restored largely in an analogous form
300
Resolution
in terms of syllable properties, and the current meter is thereby saved from disorganization with respect to operation of resolution.
In conclusion, the opposition between Ppxx/Psxx (suspension of resolution) and
Ppxxx/Psxxx (implementation of resolution) in the Heliand, presumably equivalent
to the West Germanic model on the Continent that found its way into fornyrislag, was
not part of Kaluzas law, because it had been superseded by the alternative generalization in question. Put another way, there had been two largely overlapping, but potentially competing generalizations available in Old English meter, with one outranking
the other as a better account. For reasons yet to be clarified (see below), the ranking of
the two oppositions was reversed in the Heliand, with that of open and closed disyllables overriding the other. And it was this new generalization, specifically the correlation between suspension of resolution and closed disyllables, that was transmitted to
fornyrislag, in which the original distinction would have been opaque on account of
the inapplicability of resolution to the second lift and the heavy drop.
A question arising then is: Why was Kaluzas law lost in the Heliand meter in
the way it was? More specifically, why did only the association between short disyllables and implementation of resolution break down, in contrast to that between long
disyllables and suspension of resolution, which was kept largely intact? And why
was Kaluzas law replaced by the other generalization in the Heliand meter? Drawing
on our earlier work (Suzuki 2004: 214216), we will provide explanatory accounts in
terms of the interplay of metrical, phonological, and morphological factors.
Metrically, typeA2a largely fell out of use. It deserves reiterating here that this
type provided a prime context for the privileged use of short disyllables for obligatory
resolution. In the Heliand, however, this verse type lost its distinctive status so that
the corresponding configurations (PsxPx and PSPx; e.g., Hel 3838a sspel sagde)
were recategorized as variants of typeA1 (/ / ; Suzuki 2004: 2933). As a consequence, the second position involved was identified with that of PxPx (e.g., Hel 140a
drohtines engil), namely, the normal drop () rather than the heavy one (\). In accordance with this reanalysis, the concatenation sx ceased to serve as an exemplary case
of resolution; rather, it came to be scanned simply as a polysyllabic string of weakly
stressed syllables.
Moreover, the incidence of these two configurations became radically diminished. The disruption of the traditional use of poetic compounds in the metrical
context in question and the resultant dearth of material necessary for the tradition-bound proper scansion would have made it hard to reproduce the identity of
the short disyllable in full conformity to the original practice. Since the reproduction of Kaluzas law critically depended on the correct distinction of short disyllables
from the remainder, the diminished availability of the major context and the consequentially lowered presence of short disyllables themselves largely undermined
the basis of the law: owing to an impoverished exposure to the material, the traditional law became in danger of disintegration and subsequent remaking, if not total
elimination.
On Kaluzas law
301
Added to these metrical disrupting factors is an assemblage of phonological and

morphological changes: the identity of the unstressed high vowels /i/ and /u/ became
increasingly difficult to maintain largely on account of (i) the leveling of unstressed
vowels, (ii) the reduced functional load of high vowel endings, (iii) the analogical loss
of the original alternation between -i/-u and zero, and most crucially, (iv) extensive
occurrence of vowel epenthesis. First, OS unstressed /i/ and /u/ occasionally fluctuated with /e/ and /o/, respectively, with a further merge of /o/ to /e/ (Galle 1993:
8991, 9294): for example, Hel 327 sunu son in the nominative singular in the M
manuscript corresponds to suno in the C, P, and V ones (Sehrt 1966: 516). This indicates the increasingly fuzzy phonetic substance and reduction in distinguishability of
unstressed high vowels.
Second, the presence of pre-OS unstressed /i/ and /u/ as exponents of morphological marking was diminished in no small measure. Specifically, the feminine -stem
nominative singular ending, originally -u/zero (Galle 1993: 203n1; Boutkan 1995:
225), was largely replaced by the nominative accusative marker -a: geba gift (nom.
acc. sg.), thiod/thioda people (nom.acc. sg.); and further, many of these -stems
such as lra learning came to be inflected analogically as n-stems not least by virtue
of the form of the nominative singular ending -a that happened to be shared by the
two declension classes (Galle 1993: 204n1). In comparison, Old English is more conservative in this respect: the corresponding ending was kept in its original form, as in
OE giefu (nom. sg.) gift, giefe (acc. sg.) versus od (nom. sg.) people, ode (acc.
sg.); and accordingly the status of -stems was kept stable without signs of assimilation to n-stems: compare OE lr learning and OS lra. This loss of the original ending
obviously reduced the availability of unstressed high vowels and made retention of
Kaluzas law less feasible.
Third, pre-OS unstressed /i/ and /u/ were retained after short stems, but lost
after long ones by high vowel deletion. As Bliss (1967: 31) observed and Suzuki (1996:
259262) elaborated further, the resultant alternation between -i or -u and zero would
in turn have contributed to the integration of a short stem and the following ending
through equation to a corresponding long stem without an overt ending: for example,
hugi mind, i-stem nom. acc. sg., would have been parsed as an integral unit on the
basis of its morphological equivalence with comparable long stems, wurm worm, for
instance. This formal integrity would then have supported treating -i and -u as inseparable from the preceding stem, and strengthened thereby the maximal resolvability of
the disyllables ending in these vowels, namely, short disyllables.
This morphophonological alternation, however, was in part obscured by later
analogical change. A case in point is the 1. sg. pres. ind. ending -u. Etymologically,
this ending derives from PGmc. *-, which should have been subject to high vowel
deletion after long stems, and thereupon manifested the alternation between -u and
zero. As it turns out, however, the resultant alternation was eliminated by analogical leveling, whereby the overt marker -u was extended to after long stems (Boutkan
1995: 309): thus, we have, for example, gibu I give and drinku I drink, rather than
302
Resolution
*drink. The invariant presence of high vowels irrespective of the size of the preceding
stems, a new distribution pattern that resulted from loss of the high vowel alternation, is analogous to that of those high vowels that derived from earlier long counterparts, masc. i-stem nom. pl. -i (< PGmc. *-eies), hugi and wurmi, for example. The
new pattern would presumably have weakened the structural basis for optimizing
high vowels for resolution, because it would on the contrary have suggested the equation of disyllables -VCi/-VCu (e.g., gibu) with -VCCi/-VCCu (e.g., drinku), a disyllabic
sequence of long syllable + i/u, rather than a long monosyllable pure and simple, -VC
(e.g., *drink). Such a reevaluation would rather have lent support to the scansion of
short disyllables as two metrical positions, lift (or heavy drop) + drop, through suspension of resolution.
Finally, a vowel developed secondarily between a liquid (/r/ or /l/) and the following consonant (Galle 1993: 109111). This extensive vowel parasiting gave rise to
a wealth of open disyllables that yielded to resolution in defiance of Kaluzas law, that
is, despite not being short disyllables in etymological terms. In this way, vowel para
siting would have contributed to an increased presence of open disyllables as targets
of resolution at the expense of short disyllables.
The above cluster of metrical, phonological, and morphological changes in Old
Saxon converged to result in a replacement of the increasingly opaque Kaluzas law
with the generalization based on the distinction between open and closed disyllables. It should be remembered that the open versus closed opposition is not a novel
organization that is totally unfounded in the classical Old English meter as realized in
Beowulf: it has a certain amount of empirical validity as a descriptive basis. Because
of its less extensive coverage and weaker degree of regularity, however, this alternative account lay latent as a minor generalization and was preempted by Kaluzas law,
as discussed above. In this way, the new generalization was inherent in earlier meter
as a potential regularization. What happened distinctively to the Heliand is that the
cluster of metrical, phonological, and morphological changes deprived Kaluzas law,
the major generalization, of its empirical basis and brought thereby the latent alternative account to the foreground as the substitute for the traditional law.
The linguistic and metrical environment in Continental West Germanic proves to
be outstandingly different from that in Old English. The late Old English poetry was
not subject to the whole complex of these changes. Indeed, the frequency of typeA2a
decreased markedly (see Hutcheson 1995: 187188), but its status as a distinct verse
type remained unchallenged in the virtual absence of the configuration PSxPx in
the late poetry as in Beowulf; accordingly, it continued to serve as a major context of
obligatory resolution. Also persistently well-preserved was the linguistic material that
contained pre-OE -i and -u: late Old English was not affected by the leveling of the
original -stem nominative singular marker by the accusative counterpart, an analogical change that occurred in Old Saxon and Old High German. The 1. sg. pres. ind.
ending -u/zero was replaced by -e in Old English (West Saxon and Kentish), presumably a subjunctive marker -e (< - < PGmc. *-ain; compare Suzuki 1988; Boutkan 1995:
On Kaluzas law
303
309310). Whatever the exact source of this innovation, the Old English form -e is
less likely to have endangered the identifiability of high vowels based on high vowel
alternation than the Old Saxon invariable ending -u. No less importantly, svarabhakti
vowels did not develop in Old English as extensively as in Old Saxon.
Thus, finding himself unable to reproduce Kaluzas law in his own poetic medium,
which was considerably different from its insular cognate in linguistic and metrical
details, the Heliand poet worked out a solution by carrying the latent tendency inherent in the model meter to its logical conclusion and establishing it as an independent
generalization in the new meter. By a strict enforcement of the new rule, the relatively
weak complementary distribution of open and closed disyllables that had obtained
in the classical meter became further strengthened through a fuller polarization,
as represented in Table 4.52. We may therefore be led to surmise that the replacement of Kaluzas law with this alternative generalization constituted one of the many
ingenious achievements of metrical reorganization by the Heliand poet with his keen
sense of structural details and masterful exploitation of available linguistic resources
(Suzuki 2004: 330344).
4.4.5Kaluzas law in fornyrislag revisited

The foregoing discussion has established beyond a reasonable doubt that the Continental model of the fornyrislag constraint on Ppxx/Psxx was not Kaluzas law itself,
but a reconstitution of it in Continental West Germanic. We have yet to determine,
however, the extent to which the Norse meter adopted and adapted the new generalization. Since resolution is obligatory only for the first lift in fornyrislag, the use of
open syllables as targets of mandatory resolution in other metrical positions is immaterial in the Norse meter. As Table4.53 makes evident, apart from the configurations
Ppxx and Psxx under consideration, the proportions of closed disyllables in the contexts where resolution must be suspended are never as comparably high as those in
the Heliand in statistical terms. To be sure, the sequences PPpx and PPsx in fornyris
lag in general (i.e., the two groups combined) do not differ significantly from those
in West Germanic, given p = 0.151. These two configurations, however, display no
stronger preference for closed syllables than the two others (i.e., PSpx and xPpx/x
Psx) in fornyrislag. On the whole, then, the data in Table4.53 seem to indicate that
the maximal use of closed syllables for suspension of resolution is limited to the configurations Ppxx and Psxx in fornyrislag. This may imply that the eddic poets would
have played little constructive part in adopting the constraint at issue: the emergence
of the generalization would have been no more than an epiphenomenon that arose as
parasitic on the influx of the configurations PsXx and PpXx to the Norse meter; there
would have been little room there for the poets active engagement. As demonstrated
in section4.3.9 above, however, there is good reason to assume that the configuration
PpXx came to be used extensively only in fornyrislag by analogical extension of the
304
Resolution
less prominent counterpart PsXx occurring in the West Germanic model. Accordingly,
the eddic poets did make some creative use if only on a very limited scale of the
generalization concerning syllable length and suspension of resolution.
The above picture remains hardly changed, when we take an exclusive look at
the eddic poems of South German content, the group that is the more likely to have
been influenced by the Continental metrical practice than that of native content. As it
turns out, the proportions of open to closed syllables are of no significant difference
between the two groups, as indicated in Table4.53, with relevant p-values recorded in
the rightmost column: even the poems of South German material prove to have been
no more affected than the native ones by the Continental West Germanic regulation
of resolution. We may therefore conclude that the new generalization established in
the Heliand meter exerted no demonstrable effect on the way suspension of resolution
was practiced in fornyrislag, apart from the use of the configurations PpXx/PsXx.
Table4.53.Occurrences of open and closed disyllables according to verse form in the foreign and
native groups of fornyrislag poetry
Verse type
-V$
Foreign group
-VC$
Total
-V$
Native group
-VC$
Total
P-value
25
(48.08%)
27
(51.92%)
52
(100%)
45
(42.45%)
61
(57.55%)
106
(100%)
p=0.609
C
74
(xPpx; xPsx) (42.53%)
100
(57.47%)
174
(100%)
102
(42.68%)
137
(57.32%)
239
(100%)
p=1
D
(PPsx; PPpx)
13
(40.63%)
19
(59.38%)
32
(100%)
35
(56.45%)
27
(43.55%)
62
(100%)
p=0.192
D
(Ppxx; Psxx)
0
(0%)
17
(100%)
17
(100%)
0
(0%)
3
(100%)
3
(100%)
p=1
A1s (PSpx)
The overall negative assessment that we reached above, however, needs rethinking
in light of the configurations xpXx (typeC with the short first lift; e.g., Gr II 34.2
af konungom; section2.8.3) and PxpXx (typeD* with the short second lift; e.g., Grp
10.5 sru Sigurar; section2.12.1). As examined at length in sections 2.8.3 and 2.12.1
above, these two configurations constitute marked variants of types C and D*, respectively. There are twenty-eight examples of this typeC variant in the corpus. The scansion of xpXx as typeC is unique to fornyrislag: along with the sequence xpxx with
the short penultimate syllable, it is subsumed under typeA3 in the West Germanic
meters through resolution of the disyllables involved, pX and px (section4.3.1): for
example, Beo 386a Bo on ofeste (xpXx); Hel 585a qua that he thesero uueroldes
(xpXx); Beo 720a Cm t recede (xpxx); Hel 2450a ac uuerad thar s farlorana
(xpxx). As detailed in Suzuki (2010a: 31, 38) and reiterated in section4.3.9 above,
the scansion of the configuration xpXx as typeC was made possible by generalizing
On Kaluzas law
305
suspension of resolution analogically with the result of implementing it even after an

unstressed position. Of vital importance at this point is that this generalization did
not affect the sequence xpxx: it failed to be legitimated as typeC, in contrast to the
configuration xpXx. This selective generalization would seem to suggest that the
eddic poets were careful enough not to lump together the two disyllables pX and px
indiscriminately: on the contrary, they were admirably sensitive to the distinction in
syllable length, fully in accordance with the Continental West Germanic practice they
modeled after.
Much the same can be said of the configuration PxpXx, which is no less exclusive to fornyrislag as a variant of typeD*. There are four examples in the corpus, as
follows (section2.12.1):
(44)
Vkv 18.9 scca ec ann Vlundi

Grp 10.5 sru Sigurar
Br 11.6gtva Sigurar
Gr II 24.5 qvmo konungar
In the West Germanic meters, this configuration, occurring also infrequently, scans as
typeA1 with the resolved second lift, as does a minimally distinct one, Pxpxx, with
the short penultimate syllable: compare Beo 2783a r ws on ofoste (PxpXx) and Hel
125a uueran an thesero uueroldi (PxpXx) with Beo 1547a ngan eaferan (Pxpxx) and
Hel 1265a cnsles cumana (Pxpxx), respectively. Again, the reevaluation as a variant of
typeD* in fornyrislag was brought about as a consequence of the analogical extension
pointed out above, whereby resolution came to be suspended even in the absence of
the immediately preceding stressed syllable. What deserves particular notice about this
relaxation of the original restriction is that the configuration Pxpxx remained unaffected, despite its numerous occurrences in the source meter: it did not undergo analogous reanalysis to be sanctioned as typeD*. The systematic exemption of this sequence
from suspension of resolution and the consequential rescansion may testify to the constructive strategy of the Norse poets in using imported metrical resources.
Should the foregoing conjecture be plausible, we would be led to conclude that
the Norse poets creatively applied the constraint on suspension of resolution to a
novel context. This analogical extension then testifies that the constraint in question
was built into their own meter ready for further exploitation, rather than being left
unattended as an accidental property of the imported configurations.
4.4.6Conclusion
Depending on the distinction of minimal disyllables (short disyllables ending in
pre-OE i and u) from others (long disyllables), Kaluzas law constrained operation
of resolution in classical Old English verse, notably Beowulf: after a stressed syllable,
306
Resolution
only the least sonorous disyllable was qualified for resolution and hence constituted
a single position; by contrast, other, nonminimal disyllables were scanned as two
metrical positions through suspension of resolution.
This constraint, however, fell out of use in the Continental West Germanic verse
craft as a consequence of the complex of metrical, phonological, and morphological changes that took place exclusively there. Yet, rather than being totally eliminated, the law was replaced by an alternative generalization based on the opposition
between open and closed disyllables: as a substitute for the long disyllable defined by
the original organization, the closed disyllable was largely favored in the contexts of
suspending resolution, whereas the open one, taking the place of the short one in the
earlier generalization, came to prevail maximally where resolution was implemented.
In earlier meter, too, this alternative could have been made available as a potential
regulation with some factual support, but it had to remain preempted by Kaluzas
law with its greater empirical adequacy. When the originally dominant rule became
no longer capable of serving as an adequate generalization in the changed linguistic
and metrical environment on the Continent, the potential one came to the fore as an
actual regularization.
Through the subsequent contact between the North Germanic and Continental
West Germanic traditions, the metrical configurations PpXx and PsXx found their
way into Old Norse fornyrislag meter as marked variants of typeD. Concomitantly,
the constraint against the short penultimate syllable was induced from the virtual
absence of the minimally distinct configurations Ppxx and Psxx in the Continental
meter. The rule thus abducted was in turn strictly followed in fornyrislag when a
novel verse form xpXx was created by analogy to PpXx as a variant of typeC: despite
numerous occurrences in the source material, the similarly structured configuration
xpxx was not accepted concurrently with xpXx, precisely because the string px, as
opposed to pX, constituted an open disyllable; by virtue of the new constraint, it was
disqualified for suspension of resolution, and the scansion of this sequence as typeC
with the short first lift was rejected as unmetrical, in sharp contrast to the well-formed
configuration xpXx.
As pointed out in sections 2.3.2 and 4.3.4 above, the configuration xpx ends in
a long syllable more often than not, that is, xpX, with a statistical significance. This
close association was explained in functional terms in section4.3.9 above: the original motivation for constructing this novel configuration by analogy to the sequences
PpXx, xpXx, and PxpXx was to integrate as correspondingly metrical the disyllabic
forms (pX) that alternated with the trisyllabic counterparts (pXx) of the same words,
such as Sigurr (pX) as against Sigurar (pXx). The initial impetus for creating these
forms unique to the Norse meter was the configuration PsXx, which was introduced
from the Continent. The formation of this configuration was originally regulated by
the alternative generalization to Kaluzas law on the Continent (section4.4.4). Upon
contact with the Continental sources, this model configuration made its way onto
Scandinavian soil, along with the replacement of Kaluzas law that was ingrained
On Kaluzas law
307
in the materials. By figuring out the underlying generalization through ingenious

abduction, the Norse poets would have identified the existence of a long or closed
syllable immediately after a short stressed syllable as a pivotal factor for suspension
of resolution. As a consequence, the targeted sequence was specified as xpX, rather
than more broadly as xpx without regard to the quantity of the final syllable. In this
way, the functionally motivated close association between the configuration xpx
and the final long syllable came to be organized in formal terms.
5The cadence
The cadence is a metrical constituent located at the end of a verse and a line. To determine whether there is any such entity to be recognized as significant in a given metrical system and to identify its exact form and the range of its variation (if any) is
an empirical issue that must be addressed in intrinsic terms specific to each meter.
Furthermore, where a given metrical entity is not yet established in fixed form, but
is still found in an ongoing process toward full integration or simply in a gradient
state of variation, exclusive concerns with the internal structure will hardly lead to
a wholly explanatory account. In this light, a comparative Germanic approach will
figure centrally in this chapter. Through statistical and comparative investigations of
Old Germanic alliterative verse, we will show that fornyrislag has a marked preference for the trochaic cadence lift + drop (/), in sharp contrast to its West Germanic
cognates as epitomized in Beowulf and the Heliand: specifically, the composition of
the b-verse and hence the line is strongly regulated by the trochaic cadence lift + drop
in the prosodic shape of Px; and this favored cadence may be regarded as an innovation that is unique to the Old Norse meter. This unique feature will in turn be claimed
to have induced the radical redistribution and reorganization in fornyrislag of the
three major verse classes in Old Germanic meter, classes A, B, and C.
5.1Preference for / in verse-final position

The relative frequency in use of the five verse classes (A, B, C, D, and E) in fornyrislag verse largely differs from those in Beowulf and the Heliand. It is sharply distinguished by the marked increase of classes A and C at the expense of classes B, D,
and E, as indicated in Table5.1 (compare Table3.23, section3.3 above; compare also
Sievers 1885; 1893: 6667, 156).1 Of particular significance is the diametrically opposite development of the three verse classes (classes A, B, and C) in Old Norse and
Old Saxon meters: in comparison with the pattern observed in Beowulf, arguably the
standard of reference for Old Germanic metrical studies, class B is radically decreased
for the benefit of classes A and C in fornyrislag, while it is drastically increased at the
cost of the same two classes (and also of the two minor ones) in the Heliand.
1Primarily concerned with the verse-ending unit, we treat classes D and D* together in this chapter because of the common cadence involved ( ). Excluded from the data are two-position verses
in fornyrislag (section2.14), class D/E a neutralization of classes D and E in fornyrislag (section2.13.5) and Beowulf, hypermetric verses in Beowulf (Suzuki 1996: 355364) and the Heliand (Suzuki 2004: 295323), verses containing biblical names in the Heliand (Suzuki 2004: 27), and several
groups of ambiguous verses in Beowulf and the Heliand.
310
The cadence
Table5.1.Occurrences of the five verse classes in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Class
Fornyrislag
Counts
Beowulf
Counts
Heliand
Counts
A
B
C
D
E
3556
451
1420
425
103
59.71
7.57
23.85
7.14
1.73
2857
1042
1130
667
415
46.75
17.05
18.49
10.91
6.79
4625
3151
1790
1021
481
41.79
28.47
16.17
9.22
4.35
Total
5955
100
6111
100
11068
100
Running Fishers exact test confirms that fornyrislag and the Heliand, respectively,
differ significantly from Beowulf in regard to the distribution of the major verse
classes: in both cases, we get a p-value of less than 0.001, which means that the distribution of the three verse classes is significantly different between fornyrislag and
Beowulf on the one hand, and between the Heliand and Beowulf on the other. We are
thus justified in addressing the divergence of the three meters as regards the relative
frequency of the three verse classes.
Of particular interest, the divergent metrical development in Old Norse and Old
Saxon the increase of classes A and C at the expense of class B on the one hand, and
the increase of class B at the expense of classes A and C on the other was predicated
on the same grouping (but implemented in opposite directions), classes A and C on
the one hand and class B on the other. A question arising then concerns the recurrent
grouping of the three classes in the two metrical traditions, as opposed to the other
two logically possible two-way groupings, (i) class A versus classes B and C, and (ii)
classes A and B versus class C. The occurrence of exactly the same pattern in the two
distinct meters would suggest that the grouping at issue was far from coincidental;
rather, it seems to be more likely that the metrical transformations in question were
based on some structural property that is common to classes A and C to the exclusion
of class B. To put it the other way around, there was plausibly a structural basis for
singling out class B in distinction from classes A and C.
A cursory look at verse structure will show that classes A and C have the cadence
lift + drop (/ ) in common (fallend in Sieverss [1893: 31] terms), in contrast to class
B, which ends in the reverse pattern, drop + lift (/; steigend). We may accordingly be
led to assume that the grouping involved was motivated by the structural opposition
in the cadence form, lift + drop versus drop + lift. Seen in this light, the distribution
pattern that is characteristic of fornyrislag may be generalized by an increasing preference for the cadence lift + drop: in fornyrislag, the verses ending in lift + drop are
favored at the expense of those with the reverse cadence structure. Inasmuch as the
two minor types, classes D and E, also do not share the favored cadence, their occurrence is also curtailed correspondingly (Table5.1). In fact, the occurrences of these

Preference for the cadence / in the b-verse

311
two classes in fornyrislag and Beowulf differ significantly, with p-values of less than
0.001 in both cases.
In the following section, we will see that the cadence lift + drop is not only favored
as a verse-final property in general as shown above, but more importantly it figures
as a highly privileged ending of the b-verse and hence of the line, the metrical unit
standing immediately above the verse.
5.2Preference for the cadence / in the b-verse

5.2.1Class B (//)
In the last section, we saw that class B is extremely underrepresented in fornyrislag
in favor of classes A and C. The greatly diminished use of class B, however, is subject
to a further restriction, namely, the distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse.
As illustrated in Table5.2, class B occurs more frequently in the a-verse. This verse
distribution stands in sharp contrast to the situations obtained in Beowulf and the
Heliand, in which class B is used with greater preference in the b-verse.
Table5.2.Verse distinction of class B in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
A-verse
Counts
%
334
302
751
74.06
29.09
23.91
B-verse
Counts
%
117
736
2390
25.94
70.91
76.09
Total
Counts
451
1038
3141
%
100
100
100
As it turns out, fornyrislag is diametrically opposed to Beowulf and the Heliand with
respect to the distribution pattern of class B: while in the latter two works, class B
appears overwhelmingly in the b-verse, exactly the converse obtains in fornyrislag,
in which class B occurs with a similarly outstanding frequency in the a-verse. Furthermore, given the broadly comparable corpus size of fornyrislag eddic poetry and
Beowulf (see Table5.1), it can be said that the radical decrease of class B materialized primarily through that in the b-verse, whereas the use in the a-verse remains
hardly affected. It may therefore follow that class B is avoided principally in the
b-verse, rather than falling out of favor in general terms. Since class B is the only
class among the three under consideration that ends in drop + lift, we may restate
that this cadence tends to be avoided in the b-verse in fornyrislag. The avoidance of
the verse-final drop + lift in the b-verse in turn may be explained as a consequence
of the ascendancy of the reverse configuration lift + drop as a favored cadence for the
b-verse in fornyrislag.
312
The cadence
5.2.2Class C (/ /)
Among the rich varieties of class C as treated in section 2.8.2 above, of immediate
interest are those variants that have their second lift realized by a primary stress (P or
p), since we are mainly concerned here with the optimality of the verse-final form Px,
and since we already accounted for the graded preference patterns that are predicated
on stress and syllable length in section2.8.2 above. Depending on the syllable quantities of the first and second lifts, class C is divided into three variants, Sieverss (1893:
34) types C1 (xP#Px), C2 (xpx#Px), and C3 (xP#px).2 Type C1 is obtained through
realization of both lifts by a long stressed syllable (P); type C2 is distinguished by
resolution of the first lift, that is, realization by the sequence of a short stressed syllable and an unstressed counterpart (px); and typeC3 is realized when the second lift
is aligned to a short stressed syllable alone (p) through suspension of resolution, and
the following unstressed syllable consequently constitutes a verse-final drop.
Table5.3 shows the distribution of the three variants of class C (types C1, C2, and
C3) in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand, as exemplified in (1).
Table5.3.Verse distinction of the three variants of class C in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Configuration
A-verse
Counts
%
B-verse
Counts
%
Total
Counts
Fornyrislag
C1 xP#Px
C2 xpx#Px
C3 xP#px
70
47
165
43.21
12.30
59.14
92
335
114
56.79
87.70
40.86
162
382
279
100
100
100
Beowulf
C1 xP#Px
C2 xpx#Px
C3 xP#px
14
20
46
12.17
14.71
17.62
101
116
215
87.83
85.29
82.38
115
136
261
100
100
100
Heliand
C1 xP#Px
C2 xpx#Px
C3 xP#px
41
107
53
22.04
22.77
11.65
145
363
402
77.96
77.23
88.35
186
470
455
100
100
100
2It may be recalled that in our earlier account (section2.8.2), we made no distinction between the
configurations xPPx and xpxPx. While this undifferentiated treatment is indeed justified as far as
we are concerned exclusively with the composition of the second lift as we were then, the interaction
with the way in which the first lift is realized turns out to be of no less metrical significance as was
discussed in section4.2.3 above and will be shown further in the following. The designations types C1,
C2, and C3 are adopted here purely for the convenience of reference: since they are all reducible to the
same underlying configuration / /, they are simply realization variants of the same type (typeC;
section3.3), rather than distinct verse types that would otherwise be implied by the labels in question.


(1)
313
Hym6.3 Ef, vinr, vlar [x#P#Px] C1

Sg 15.3 um borin Bula [x#px#Px] C2
Vsp57.7 leicr hr hiti [x#P#px] C3
Beo 1202a one hring hfde [xx#P#Px] C1
Beo 2570a t gescipe scyndan [x#xpx#Px] C2
Beo 1233a druncon wn weras [xx#P#px] C3
Hel 1871a thene uueg uusit [xx#P#Px] C1
Hel 331a te thera maga minnea [x#xx#px#Px] C2
Hel 200a uuas im fel fagar [x#x#P#px] C3
Differentiating fornyrislag most sharply from the meters of Beowulf and the Heliand
is the treatment of the verse form xP#px (C3): relative to the other two variants, it
occurs in fornyrislag with a significantly lower proportion than in the West Germanic
meters (p<0.001 as against Beowulf, and p=0.002 as against the Heliand); and more
outstandingly, the configuration in question has a demonstrably low presence in the
b-verse in fornyrislag, in contrast to its heavy concentration there in the West Germanic counterparts. With p-values of less than 0.001 resulting from Fishers exact test
for comparison between fornyrislag and Beowulf on the one hand and fornyrislag
and the Heliand on the other, we may conclude that the distribution of xP#px in
fornyrislag is significantly differentiated from those in Beowulf and the Heliand by
the preference for the a-verse. We are then required to provide an explanatory account
for this unique feature of fornyrislag.
A further notable distinguishing property of fornyrislag is the graded distribution of the three class C variants: while the variant with suspension of resolution
(xP#px; C3) is attested more frequently in the a-verse, the one with the resolved
first lift (xpx#Px; C2) occurs overwhelmingly in the b-verse; and between these two
extremes is located the sequence with both lifts realized by a long stressed syllable
(xP#Px; C1), which shows an apparently weak preference for the b-verse,3 a pattern
more or less contrary to that of the unresolved variant (xP#px; C3). In more rigorous
terms, the distribution patterns of these three variants are significantly distinguished
from each other, given p-values of less than 0.001 (between C1 and C2, and between C2
and C3) and equal to 0.002 (between C1 and C3) by Fishers exact test. By contrast, the
two West Germanic meters do not show anything approaching such a neatly graded
preference pattern. More specifically, as far as Beowulf is concerned, the distribution
of type C2 the variant with the least polarized pattern of distribution and corresponding to typeC1 in fornyrislag in this respect is indistinguishable from that of
3Statistically, however, the seemingly weak preference for the b-verse displayed by this configuration is not significant, in light of a p-value of 0.265 as against the theoretically expected even distribution between the a-verse and the b-verse. This configuration is thus actually differentiated from the
other two by the lack of preference for either verse.
314
The cadence
typeC1 (p=0.584) on the one hand and that of typeC3 (p=0.482) on the other. As
regards the Heliand, while significantly differing from typeC3 (p=0.001), typeC1
the variant with the least polarized pattern of distribution and thus corresponding to
typeC1 in fornyrislag is nondistinct from typeC2 (p=0.918).
The key to an understanding of the issue hinges on the b-verses preference
for the cadence lift + drop in fornyrislag that we identified above. Although class
C, regardless of its varied manifestations, ends in the preferred cadence in question
(/ ), it seems to differ in relative degrees of preference depending on its particular
realizations. As substantiated in Suzuki (1996; 2004), the prototypical, hence optimal
realization of the lift is the long stressed syllable (P), or more technically the monosyllabic and bimoraic prosodic unit. On this ground, its exclusive alignment to the short
stressed syllable (p) monosyllabic and monomoraic through suspension of resolution is of insufficient prominence and must therefore be valued as less than optimal.
Accordingly, the sequence xP#px is preferred in the b-verse to a lesser extent and
occurs with a correspondingly lower incidence there. On the other hand, the a-verse
does not share the strong predilection for the cadence at issue. The overall consequence is that the variant xP#px occurs more frequently in the a-verse than in the
b-verse.
We are in turn confronted with the differential preference for the other two variants, types C1 and C2, both of which have the second lift realized optimally by the long
stressed syllable in accordance with its prototypical association. Why are these two
variants differentiated in the way they are, then, and why are they not treated indiscriminately in terms of distribution pattern as in the West Germanic meters?
At this point, the configuration of the two consecutive lifts in typeC comes into
the picture, as it has already figured centrally in earlier discussions (sections 4.2.3
and 4.3.5). The second of the two lifts occurring in succession is precluded from its full
prominence because of the immediately preceding more saliently perceived entity,
the first lift (compare Sievers 1893: 27, 198200; Cable 1974: 6574; Suzuki 1996: 187).
By virtue of this syntagmatically motivated attenuating effect, then, the second lift of
typeC tends to be denied its otherwise optimal realization by the long stressed syllable. Accordingly, the variant xP#Px is the least valued among the three variants and
occurs with the lowest frequency throughout the three metrical traditions (Table5.3).
As a strategy for avoiding this mismatch and implementing instead a more appropriate
realization, the second lift is rendered susceptible to suspension of resolution (Suzuki
1996: 231232) to a degree that is unprecedented in other verse types: by exclusive
alignment to the short stressed syllable, the second lift receives a lowered prominence
in accordance with the syntagmatically motivated constraint. The unresolved variant
xP#px thus occurs with by far the highest frequency in Beowulf (Table5.3).
In fornyrislag, however, a totally different, new factor comes into play, namely,
the predilection for the cadence lift + drop, as repeatedly referred to so far in this
section. Since this preference is couched in terms of abstract metrical structure (i.e.,
a concatenation of a lift and a drop) and hence remains unspecified according to


315
context, it evades conditioning by the immediately preceding lift, and accordingly

overrides the traditional force for associating the second lift of typeC with the short
stressed syllable through suspension of resolution. The optimal cadence lift + drop
demands typeC of its prototypical realization by the string of a long stressed syllable
and an unstressed one, as elsewhere.
While the verse-final string px no longer counts as an optimal realization of
the cadence of class C in fornyrislag, the relative attenuation of the second of the
two lifts occurring in succession does not cease to exist, as it is presumably based
on general prosodic properties. Therefore, where the second lift is fully realized by
the long stressed syllable in defiance of its attenuated prominence but at the same
time in conformity to the optimal realization of the cadence lift + drop, the preceding first lift is more likely to receive a metrical boost in accordance with the relative
difference in prominence involved. The extra prominence on demand is provided by
the alignment to a disyllable through resolution: by resolution, the lift is realized by
a disyllabic sequence as opposed to a monosyllable; because of the resultant extra
syllable quantity, that is, disyllabic/bimoraic, the lift in question manifests a greater
prominence. The higher incidence of the variant xpx#Px (C2) than xP#Px (C1) is
thus subject to explanation: this is a consequence of adding extra prominence to the
first lift, rather than subtracting prominence from the second lift that gives rise to the
variant xP#px. In either case, the underlying motivation is the same but the means
are different: to encode prosodic differences between the two consecutive lifts by distinct metrical devices, suspension of resolution on the second lift on the one hand,
and resolution on the first lift on the other. In this way, on account of the special configuration clashing lifts obtained in class C, the full realization of the second lift as
part of the desirable cadence materializes when the first lift is resolved. Therefore, the
variant xpx#Px (C2) counts as the optimal form for realizing the cadence in question
and appears in the b-verse with maximal frequency in fornyrislag.
Since resolution on the first lift of typeC is motivated by the association of the
second one with a long stressed syllable, this metrical device is unlikely to be implemented when the second lift is realized by a short stressed syllable. The combination
of resolution on the first lift and suspension of resolution from the second counterpart
would be simply redundant (compare Sievers 1893: 198200). As it is, there is only one
example of the sequence xpx#px in the corpus: Vsp14.2 Dvalins lii.
To recapitulate, while uniformly ending in the cadence lift + drop, class C is
divided into the three variants in regard to the realization of their constituent lifts
in traditional versecraft. With the privileging of the same cadence for the b-verse in
fornyrislag, these three variants were subject to reevaluation and thereupon underwent redistribution in terms of their usage pattern. The variant xP#px (C3), which
had been most commonly used in earlier practice, was suppressed in the b-verse
because of the less than optimal prominence of the second lift, monomoraic (p) rather
than bimoraic (P). Instead, the variant xpx#Px (C2) was radically increased and used
overwhelmingly in the b-verse, since in it the prosodic potential of the second lift was
316
The cadence
assured of its full realization by virtue of the resolution on the immediately preceding
lift, and the privileged string Px was thereby allowed to occur at the end of a verse.
The variant xP#Px (C1) was rated at a midpoint between the above two: while the
second lift was given a bimoraic value through alignment to the long syllable (P), it
was precluded from its full realization in conflict with the preceding, equally monosyllabic, first lift. In this way, the scale of optimality for realization of the second lift
as part of the targeted cadence is correlated to the graded frequency of occurrence in
the b-verse relative to the a-verse: xpx#Px > xP#Px > xP#px.
5.2.3Class A (//)
In the preceding two sections, we examined how two of the three major verse classes
were reconstituted and reorganized in terms of their realization and distribution by
the emergent preference for the cadence lift + drop in the b-verse. Now we turn to
consider the remaining class, class A. Since one of its variants, type A3 ([/] / ;
section2.3), is virtually limited to the a-verse on account of the constraints on verse
composition and distribution,4 it has to be excluded from our examination. At issue
is therefore typeA1.5
This type, however, is involved in a wide-ranging variation particularly in regard
to the realization of the first drop in Old Germanic meter in general (section2.1.1; see
also Suzuki 1996: 149158; 2004: 2966). Most notably, the larger size and greater
prominence of the first drop is correlated to the more frequent occurrence in the
a-verse. This regularity, also applicable to fornyrislag (section2.1.1), thus constrains
our approach to looking into the effects (if any) that the emergent cadence brought
about on the use of typeA1. Specifically, we should concentrate on by far the most frequent variant of typeA1, namely, Px#Px, the first drop of which is least prominent and
therefore lacks extra properties that are conducive to a greater demand for appearing
in the a-verse.
4While typeA3 is strictly limited to the a-verse in Beowulf and the Heliand, it appears occasionally
(but not as random exceptions due to corruption) in the b-verse in fornyrislag (sections 2.3.1 and
6.1). This change is explained as a consequence of the reanalysis of typeA3 whereby the first lift is
left intact in metrical representation through alignment to null language material. The retention of
two lifts in the underlying form in turn makes the occurrence of this type in the b-verse possible. Concomitantly, the nonrealization of the first lift on the surface requires a lengthening of the first drop as
compensation. The resultant maximal size of the first drop, then, is held responsible for the extremely
heavy but not exclusive concentration on the a-verse as a consequence of the stronger association of the larger first drop with the a-verse (sections 2.1.1 and 2.3.1). For details, see section6.1 below.
5Since typeA2 (A2a: / \ / ; A2b: / / \; / \ / \; section2.2) can be viewed as a variant of typeA1
with extra prominence added to a drop, we will not distinguish between these two in the following
discussion.


317
Table5.4 illustrates the varying distribution of the sequence Px#Px in fornyris

lag, Beowulf, and the Heliand, as exemplified in (2).
Table5.4.Verse distinction of Px#Px (typeA1) in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
A-verse
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
(2)
236
383
347
21.95
43.67
36.56
B-verse
Counts
%
839
494
602
78.05
56.33
63.44
Total
Counts
%
1075
877
949
100
100
100
Hym24.5 Sciz san [Px#Px]

Beo 11a gomban gyldan [Px#Px]
Hel 187a lra lstin [Px#Px]
Fishers exact test shows that the distribution pattern of fornyrislag is significantly
different from that of Beowulf and that of the Heliand, respectively. With a p-value of
less than 0.001 in both cases, we are allowed to reject the null hypothesis that the distribution pattern does not significantly differ between the two bodies of verse under
consideration (fornyrislag and Beowulf on the one hand and fornyrislag and the
Heliand on the other).
With the distributional difference thus statistically supported, we may conclude
that the sequence Px#Px shows a significantly stronger preference for the b-verse in
fornyrislag than in the other two works. This enhanced association of the sequence
Px#Px with the b-verse can in turn be attributed to the cadence lift + drop that has been
accorded a privileged status for the composition of the b-verse in fornyrislag. In this
way, class A has been partly reorganized in its usage in harmony with the emergent preferred cadence lift + drop in the b-verse in the meter: unless special conditions that are
favorable to occurrence in the a-verse apply such as the one applicable to typeA3
class A is increasingly used in the b-verse by virtue of its inherent cadence lift + drop.
This transformation not only concerns the relative proportion between the
a-verse and the b-verse, as we have seen; it also bears on absolute occurrences of the
unmarked variant of typeA1, Px#Px, in the b-verse. The change comes to light most
clearly when we compare the relevant figures between the three works (Table 5.4).
As may be recalled, the corpus size of fornyrislag verse and Beowulf is virtually the
same; furthermore, that of the Heliand almost equals those of fornyrislag poetry and
Beowulf combined. In this light, the number of occurrences in the b-verse in fornyris
lag proves to be outstandingly larger than in the other two. Of no less significance, the
frequency in the a-verse is lower in fornyrislag than in either work. The privileged
use of the cadence lift + drop in the b-verse thus leads to the conspicuous presence of
Px#Px there and conversely its marked underrepresentation in the a-verse.
318
The cadence
At this point, a further variant of class A may be adduced in support of our claim
that this class is reorganized in its use by the privileged cadence lift + drop for the
b-verse in fornyrislag. At stake here is the variant of typeA1, PxSx (section2.1.3.4),
that is to say, a compound word that constitutes a verse on its own, distributed as in
Table5.5 and exemplified in (3).
Table5.5.Verse distinction of PxSx in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
A-verse
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
(3)
14
126
26
B-verse
Counts
%
25.00
62.69
33.77
42
75
51
75.00
37.31
66.23
Total
Counts
%
56
201
77
100
100
100
Hym2.4 miscorblinda [PxSx]

Beo 23a wilgesas [PxSx]
Hel 1780a eldibarnun [PxSx]
In fornyrislag, the variant PxSx displays a similar distribution pattern to the variant
Px#Px treated above. In fact, Fishers exact test results in the p-value 0.620, meaning
that there is no significant difference between the two variants in terms of verse distribution (section2.1.3.4). This stands in sharp contrast to Beowulf (but not to the Heliand
this time), in which the two variants are distributed in opposite ways: the difference
proves to be statistically significant with a p-value < 0.001. As argued in Suzuki (1996:
346), the predominance of the variant PxSx in the a-verse in Beowulf is attributed to
the marked status of the a-verse in contrast to the unmarked b-verse; since the realization of the lift by a secondary-stressed syllable is obviously exceptional in formal and
quantitative terms, this irregular property tends to be carried by the marked a-verse.
By contrast, fornyrislag follows a distinct rule of its own, the ubiquitous cadence
lift + drop in the b-verse. In terms of metrical structure (/ / ), the variant PxSx is
no different from Px#Px: both end in the increasingly favored cadence (/). Furthermore, since the first drop of the variant PxSx is realized by a single unstressed syllable
that is not in word-initial position, the sequence PxSx counts as a minimal structure
of typeA1 that is equivalent to Px#Px: as may be recalled, the unstressed word-initial
syllable (#x-) does not share the close association with the b-verse that the word-final
counterpart (-x#) has distinctively (section2.1.1). Without any conditions conducive
to larger occurrences in the a-verse, then, the variant PxSx is treated in the same way
as the variant Px#Px (section2.1.3.4), so that both are used with greater preference in
the b-verse.


319
5.2.4Class A with anacrusis (//)

Anacrusis is an optional element that appears at the head of a verse that begins with a
lift (section3.1). While classes A, D, and E are eligible for anacrusis, this extra segment
is expected to occur only in class A in significantly large numbers as it actually does,
given by far the highest incidence of class A and the extremely low frequency of the
latter two minor classes in themselves (see Table5.1), Our primary concern in the following discussion therefore will be with class A with anacrusis (class aA, including
types aA1, subtype aA1s, aA1-, and aA2a).
Table5.6 shows the distribution of class A with anacrusis in fornyrislag, Beowulf,
and the Heliand, as exemplified in (4).
Table5.6.Verse distinction of class A with anacrusis in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Counts
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
(4)
18
40
729
A-verse
46.15
83.33
64.74
B-verse
Counts
%
21
8
397
53.85
16.67
35.26
Total
Counts
%
39
48
1126
100
100
100
Vkv 33.9 n bri minni [x#Px#Px]

Beo 2681a geswc t scce [xP#x#Px]
Hel 263a ne forhti thu thnun ferhe [x#Px#x#xx#Px]
Most outstandingly, the Norse meter is distinguished from both Beowulf and the
Heliand by what would appear to be the reverse distribution pattern: while in the
latter two poems, class A with anacrusis occurs predominantly in the a-verse, it
appears in the b-verse with a slightly higher frequency in fornyrislag poetry. In statistical terms, however, class A with anacrusis occurs without a notable bias to the
verse distinction (section 3.1). Nonetheless, the distribution pattern in fornyrislag
differs significantly from those in the West Germanic cognate meters: with p-values of
less than 0.001 and equal to 0.026 by Fishers exact test, fornyrislag is differentiated
from Beowulf and the Heliand, respectively, by the absence of the significant association between anacrusis and the a-verse. The removal of the correlation in question,
however, comes as no surprise in light of our foregoing considerations. Fornyris
lag increasingly yields to the demand to use the cadence lift + drop in the b-verse.
Since class A with anacrusis ends in this privileged configuration, this verse form,
too, succumbs to enhanced occurrences in the b-verse. It may therefore follow as a
matter of course that the verse form in question is redistributed so that it may no
longer appear predominantly in the a-verse. Thus, the emergent canonical cadence
320
The cadence
for the b-verse overrides the traditional rule for anacrusis that induces its occurrence
in the a-verse by virtue of the extra metrical element involved which is more compatible with the relatively greater prominence of the a-verse (section 3.1; Suzuki 1996:
344, 347).
Of particular interest, the innovation in fornyrislag of eliminating the favored
use of anacrustic class A in the a-verse stands in contrast to the novel pattern established for class B, treated in section5.2.1 above, whereby it is dissociated from the
b-verse and used instead overwhelmingly in the a-verse. This contrast readily yields
to an explanatory account. In structural terms, class A with anacrusis and class B constitute a minimal pair: both have the first four metrical positions in common, namely,
//; the only difference is the presence versus absence of in verse-final position.
The opposition between these otherwise identical two configurations is thus ascribed
to the determining role that the cadence lift + drop assumes in organizing verse
distribution in fornyrislag. The presence of the verse-final drop after a lift creates
the cadence that is highly valued for the b-verse, whereas its absence results in the
cadence drop + lift that is maximally opposed to the optimal counterpart. Therefore,
class A with anacrusis, which was a prerogative of the a-verse according to earlier
metrical practice, is detached from that privileged distribution pattern; by contrast,
class B is disfavored in the b-verse by virtue of its diametrically opposite cadence
structure.
The remaining difference in the redistribution of these two types has to do with
the varied extent to which their traditional distributions are reorganized: while class
A with anacrusis is only dissociated from the predominance of the a-verse, class B is
not only discharged from its original concentration in the b-verse, but also encoded
with the opposite preference for the a-verse. This difference may be attributed to the
distinct status of the two endings involved, / and /: the verse-final concatenation
/ is far from disfavored in the a-verse, as it appears in no small numbers there; therefore, class A with anacrusis, too, continues to be allowed to occur in the a-verse. By
contrast, the b-verse is more closely associated with the cadence /, as we have seen
so far; accordingly, it is structurally less tolerant in permitting whatever is contradictory to this favored verse ending; this therefore accounts for the extra requirement
imposed on class B for its avoidance from the b-verse.
As pointed out at the outset of this section, anacrusis is largely confined to class
A. Yet there are several examples of class D with anacrusis (it should be recalled that
classes D and D* are combined in this chapter; note1), whereas no instance of anacrustic class E happens to be attested in fornyrislag verse (section3.1). The distribution of these rare anacrustic class D verses, as exemplified in (5), is represented in
Table5.7.

The optimal prosodic form of the cadence /: Px

321
Table5.7.Verse distinction of class D with anacrusis in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
A-verse
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
(5)
3
35
222
60.00
94.59
85.06
B-verse
Counts
%
2
2
39
40.00
5.41
14.94
Total
Counts
%
5
37
261
100
100
100
Hdl 23.6 oc tveir Haddingiar [x#P#PXx]

Beo 1554a Gewold wgsigor [xP#Psx]
Hel 5410a that folc frgoian [x#P#Pxx]
At first glance, the distribution pattern of class D with anacrusis would appear to be
contrary to that of class A with anacrusis (Table 5.6): the a-verse dominates at the
expense of the b-verse. The preference for the a-verse thus seems to make fornyrislag
indistinguishable from the West Germanic meters in this respect. This state of affairs
is apparently confirmed by Fishers exact test: with the p-value of 0.063, fornyris
lag is not significantly different from Beowulf; nor can it be distinguished from the
Heliand, given a p-value of 0.171.
On this basis, Suzuki (2008a: 69) unwarrantedly concluded that class D with anacrusis remained unaffected by the redistribution that occurred on the class A counterpart, and went on to propose an explanation for this alleged differential treatment.
As a matter of fact, however, the distribution of classes aA and aD is of no significant
difference, given p=0.658. Seen in this light, it is statistically unfounded to assume
that these two types are distinguished from each other by the opposite preferences,
for the a-verse on the one hand and for the b-verse on the other, despite the apparent
contrast in terms of percentages without regard to the actual numbers of occurrences
involved. What remains indisputable, then, is that, in contrast to Beowulf, fornyris
lag fails to favor the a-verse as a recipient of anacrusis; and that the sample of class
D with anacrusis is too small to motivate meaningful analysis on statistical grounds.
5.3The optimal prosodic form of the cadence /: Px

Through a detailed investigation of the differing ways in which the verse-final drop
is realized in terms of mora count, Pipping (1903: 109) came out with a formulation
of the following rule: the verse-final drop is realized in the b-verse by a single mora
more frequently than by two moras or more.6 In view of Pippings (1903: 2, 109) tabu-
6Enmorig ultima str oftare i jmn vers n tv- eller flermorig (Pipping 1903: 109).
322
The cadence
lation of the data and his further reasoning (see the following paragraph), however,
of central importance is the distinction (if any) between the a-verse and the b-verse
with regard to use of the monomoraic drop at the end of the verse, rather than the proportions of varying moraic values of the final drop within either verse. In accordance
with the shift in emphasis due, the original rule should best be restated as follows:
the verse-final drop is realized by a single mora more frequently in the b-verse than
in the a-verse.
Generalizing on the basis of his discovery above that the b-verse is shorter than
the a-verse, Pipping went on to draw a rather far-fetched conclusion that the b-verse
ends in a pause.7 This claim obviously presupposes that the a-verse and the b-verse
must be equal in their total duration up to the exact count of moras as far as the
verse-final drop is concerned. This underlying assumption, however, lacks empirical
support and looks scarcely plausible. First, verses can vary no less widely in length
with respect to other metrical positions, notably verse-initial and medial drops.
When calculating the length of the verse, we must accordingly take into account the
entire mora value of the verse involved. Second, it is generally acknowledged that the
a-verse is the more substantial heavier or longer than the b-verse, regardless of
the composition of their final drop in terms of mora count. This compositional asymmetry, however, does not compel us to postulate an obligatory pause at the end of
the b-verse, a special metrical entity that is invoked as a compensation for the allegedly too short duration of the b-verse. Third, according to Pipping, the shorter final
drop is a tendentious property of the b-verse. By contrast, a pause is postulated as an
obligatory constituent of the b-verse. The postulation of such a structural unit even
for those b-verses that are not significantly shorter than their a-verse counterparts
seems to be too gratuitous. After all, the number of metrical positions constitutive of
a verse is largely constant irrespective of verse distinction; therefore, whatever difference is ascertainable between the a-verse and the b-verse in the verse-final drop has
primarily to do with realization details in stochastic terms of the particular metrical
position concerned, much as with other positions.
Despite the grave reservations expressed above, Pippings insight is undoubtedly
worthy of serious attention and further exploration. Of vital interest to the issue of the
cadence is the variation in the number of moras that are constitutive of the final drop
in Px at the end of a verse. Building on Pippings data and adding necessary adjustments in terms of scansion and presentation, we reexamine the two major verse types
(section3.3) and their variants that end in the cadence Px, namely, types A1, and C
(xPPx and xpxPx). As it turns out, they display the variations in the number of
moras in their final drop along the distinction of the a-verse and the b-verse, as indicated in Table5.8.
7Hraf drager jag den slutsatsen, att den jmna versens slut utmrktes genom en paus (Pipping
1903: 2).


323
Table5.8.Mora count of the verse-final drop in types A1 and C in fornyrislag

Type
Verse
Monomoraic
Polymoraic
Total
A1
A-verse
B-verse
464 (61.70%)
878 (68.43%)
288 (38.30%)
405 (31.57%)
752 (100%)
1283 (100%)
A-verse
B-verse
51 (43.59%)
270 (63.23%)
66 (56.41%)
157 (36.77%)
117 (100%)
427 (100%)
Total
A-verse
B-verse
515 (59.26%)
1148 (67.13%)
354 (40.74%)
562 (32.87%)
869 (100%)
1710 (100%)
For both types, the b-verse ends in the monomoraic drop with a significantly higher
incidence than the a-verse, with p-values of 0.002 (type A1) and of less than 0.001
(typeC), respectively. And the same generalization remains valid when put together
(p<0.001). Thus, Pippings observation in the revised form holds good on statistical
grounds, although he did not conceptualize his rule explicitly as such. By contrast,
Pippings original formulation proves to be inapposite, because monomoraic is more
frequent than polymoraic in the a-verse as well as in the b-verse, in regard to typeA1
and the combination of types A1 and C, as revealed in Table5.8.
With regard to the cadence, we may generalize that, while the verse and the line
both display a preference for the cadence Px with the monomoraic drop, the line is distinguished by the significantly stronger association. Since the single mora concerned
is invariably constituted by a vowel, a word-final unstressed one may be identified
as the optimal realization of the verse-final drop. This is scarcely surprising, given
that the word-final unstressed vowel serves as the nucleus of the word-final syllable,
which constitutes the prototypical realization of the drop in general (Suzuki 1996:
167168, 387). Of particular significance about the metrical organization in fornyris
lag is that the association with this optimal variant of the verse-final drop is differentiated on the dimension of distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse, and further
that it is the b-verse, rather than the a-verse, that is loaded with a stronger correlation.
Accordingly, the optimality of the word-final vowel may be regarded specifically as a
property of the cadence Px in the b-verse, and should therefore be localized by generalization in the domain of the line: the cadence Px is most likely to terminate in a
vowel at the end of the line.
In order to place in perspective the privileged treatment of the word-final vowel
as a cadence-final element in fornyrislag, it is appropriate to compare with the state
of affairs in Beowulf, which is represented in Table5.9.
324
The cadence
Table5.9.Mora count of the verse-final drop in types A1 and C in Beowulf

Type
Verse
Monomoraic
Polymoraic
Total
A1
A-verse
B-verse
446 (47.65%)
463 (47.63%)
490 (52.35%)
509 (52.37%)
936 (100%)
972 (100%)
A-verse
B-verse
11 (32.35%)
118 (54.38%)
23 (67.65%)
99 (45.62%)
34 (100%)
217 (100%)
Total
A-verse
B-verse
457 (47.11%)
581 (48.86%)
513 (52.89%)
608 (51.14%)
970 (100%)
1189 (100%)
As should be clear, type A1 is undifferentiated in terms of mora count of the final

drop along the parameter of the a-verse and b-verse distinction, with a p-value of 1.
Moreover, monomoraicity is not privileged in either verse. The situation in type C,
however, would appear to be different: with a p-value of 0.026, the b-verse displays a
stronger association with the monomoraic drop than the a-verse. Yet the single mora
is not demonstrably favored at the expense of more than one mora in statistical terms,
in sharp contrast to fornyrislag: with a p-value of 0.388, the apparent dominance of
monomoraicity in the b-verse in Beowulf does not differ from the hypothetical even
distribution of mono- and polymoraicity, whereas the larger occurrence of monomoraicity in the b-verse in fornyrislag is statistically significant with a p-value of
less than 0.001. Finally, when the two types are brought together, the a-verse and the
b-verse are of no significant difference in their use of varying size of the final drop in
Beowulf, given p=0.436: in either verse, the monomoraic one is as likely to occur as
is the polymoraic one.
As the above comparison with Beowulf shows, the privileging of the word-final
vowel as the optimal realization of the final drop is far from a ubiquitous feature.
While derivable from the prototypicality of the minimal word-final syllable as a drop
as indicated above, its actual differentiation for metrical organization from other syllable variants with varying moras such as -VC$ and -VCC$ is an empirical issue of
individual meters: Beowulf fails to be sensitive to the distinction, whereas fornyrislag
successfully incorporates it into the system.
The optimal realization of the canonical cadence / as Px, namely, a long stressed
disyllable ending in a monomoraic unstressed syllable (= an unstressed vowel), in
turn constrains the use of the diametric opposite the least optimal cadence / in
the meter. At stake is the restriction on the way in which the verse-final lift is realized in preferential terms. This constraint largely overlaps the set of rules that has
been known in the literature as Craigies law (Craigie 1900; Kuhn [1937] 1969: 475483;
Gade 1995: 2930, 3335; rnason 2009). While Craigie formulated the rules primarily
in regard to drttkvtt, he also showed their relevance to fornyrislag, especially the
strict variety employed in skaldic poetry. According to Craigies findings, which may


325
be rephrased and simplified in our terms for ease of exposition,8 when monosyllabic
nominals occur as the last constituent of types D or E, immediately before the cadence
/ in drttkvtt, or verse-finally in fornyrislag, they are almost invariably of the form
-VC# (e.g., li support) or -VV# (e.g., kn knee), as opposed to any longer strings
like -VCC (e.g., land land) or -VVCC (e.g., steinn stone). By contrast, other lexical
items such as verbs, adverbs, and pronouns are not subject to such a restriction. Put
another way, as far as fornyrislag is concerned, the verse-final strong position must
not exceed two moras when it is occupied by a monosyllabic substantive.
Subsequently, through a thorough examination Alexander (1981) reconfirmed the
overall validity of Craigies law for eddic poetry, and arrived at a more precise formulation of the law. Among several conditions that he imposed explicitly on the rule, the
following are of particular interest:
(i) Proper nouns do not follow the rule (e.g., R 24.3 ht Halr oc Drengr; typeB).
(ii) The verse-final lift of catalectic verses does not follow the rule (e.g., Gr I 26.1
er vi hll; typeA3-).9
By providing numerous examples that fall under the two categories of systematic
exception prescribed above, however, Alexander obscured, rather than clarified, the
conspicuous extent to which the law otherwise prevails in overall terms. Furthermore,
many of the putative violations that Alexander lists actually do not disobey the rule,
because the monosyllabic nouns involved are aligned to the verse-final drop, rather
than to the lift: for example, rk26.7 sv var hon fs (typeA3); HH1.3 hnigo heilog
vtn (typeD). On the whole, a serious problem with Alexanders presentation is that
he did not generalize the rule in terms of exact metrical terms, that is, with reference
to verse types and their internal organization based on metrical positions. Specifically, the verse-final lift not only occurs in typeE, but also and more abundantly in
typeB. Since this type is marginalized in drttkvtt, however, it is hardly surprising
that it did not figure centrally in Craigie (1900), given his primary concern with the
skaldic meter.10 There would be no excuse, however, for not bringing typeB to the
foreground in Alexander (1981).
In order to redress Alexanders shortcomings, we need to present the data concisely with a sharp focus on the treatment of nominals, and from a whole perspective
of fornyrislag eddic poetry (in line with our research strategy; section 1.1), rather
8We are not concerned here with that part of Craigies law that regulates differing lexical choice
between the odd and the even line (Craigie 1900: 354; Gade 1995: 30, 34). Nor do we need to treat the
laws implications for the metrical organization of drttkvtt, as Craigie explored vigorously.
9This restriction naturally derives from the presence of the verse-final drop in underlying metrical
representation, as proposed in section3.2 above.
10However, Craigie (1900: 351) did recognize the relevance of typeB, along with typeE.
326
The cadence
than on the basis of individual poems as he conceptualized it following the traditional

orientation. Since the verse-final lift is the sole place in which the restriction at issue
functions, types B and E are our only concerns here. We are most interested in examining the extent to which monosyllabic nouns and adjectives (including numerals) in
their independent occurrence obey the restriction stochastically in the entire corpus.
More specifically, we may want to determine the distribution of these substantives in
terms of mora count, notably the degree in which bimoraic nominals are represented
in opposition to longer forms (more than bimoraic) in the contexts at issue. Moreover,
it is necessary to put the distribution pattern in perspective by comparison with the
situation of the first lift which is embodied by the corresponding material, that is, the
monosyllabic substantives. Since the first lift of typeE is almost always realized by
polysyllabic words,11 we may concentrate on the rather minor variant of typeB that
satisfies the conditions, that is, the configuration xP#xP.
As shown in Table5.10,12 when taken individually, the results do not appear to be
striking. While bimoraic nominals are more likely to occur in the second lift of typeE
than longer forms (p=0.029), the observed difference in the corresponding place of
typeB proves to be only apparent without significant difference (p=0.268). When
combined, however, the overall distribution turns out to be statistically significant
(p=0.034). The picture changes dramatically, however, when we bring in the first lift,
which is virtually restricted to trimoraic or longer forms for alignment, for compari-
11There are two examples of typeE in which the first lift is realized by a monosyllabic noun: Hym32.5
Karl or um qva and Br16.3 svalt alt sal. The first instance, however, begins with a proper noun, and
accordingly is disqualified from the comparison.
12Type B (second lift), bimoraic (92 examples): Vsp 6.8, 7.3, 44.7, 49.7, 58.7, Hym 3.5, 3.7, 12.7, 21.5,
39.3, rk25.7, 30.6, Vkv3.8, 8.8, 17.10, 20.8, HH3.7, 13.5, 13.7, 17.3, 18.8, 21.3, 28.5, 31.7, HHv6.7, HHII
4.1, 8.3, 15.2, 18.3, 21.7, 39.7, 40.3, 41.3, 49.3, Grp22.8, 35.7, 47.6, 52.7, Fm33.3, Br4.7, 10.4, 10.7, 16.8, 17.3,
18.8, GrI 14.3, Sg7.6, 9.4, 30.4, 31.8, 35.7, 36.7, 37.6, 38.3, 39.7, 42.7, 47.6, 51.7, 52.5, 53.5, 54.6, 58.9, 60.10,
61.7, 62.3, Hlr6.7, GrII 3.3, 7.6, 12.10, 35.7, 35.9, 39.3, GrIII 1.3, 3.5, 4.7, Od3.8, 6.3, 7.3, 9.4, 13.3, 14.2,
25.3, Ghv3.9, 9.8, 18.4, Bdr8.7, 9.5, 14.7, Hdl24.7, 35.8, Grt4.3, 19.7; more than bimoraic (71 examples):
Vsp3.3, 19.7, 29.5, 32.7, 38.7, 45.11, 55.5, 56.3, Hym15.5, 18.7, rk1.7, 8.5, 11.5, 24.9, 32.8, 32.9, Vkv1.5, 22.1,
22.2, 28.5, 33.4, 33.6, HH6.7, 8.1, 20.3, 27.1, 27.2, 27.3, 37.5, 43.5, 47.7, 48.9, 50.9, 51.7, 54.3, 54.7, 56.4, HHII
10.7, 13.9, 17.1, 27.7, 33.7, 35.5, 46.5, 51.1, Grp7.8, 42.1, 52.5, Rm14.3, 26.1, 31.8, Fm33.7, Sg2.2, 38.7, 55.4,
67.7, Hlr8.5, 9.7, 10.7, 13.5, GrIII 3.7, Od4.3, 8.1, 11.7, Ghv20.5, Bdr4.2, 7.2, 11.3, R47.2, Grt19.2, 22.2.

Type E (second lift), bimoraic (39 examples): Vsp6.3, 8.7, 14.7, 16.7, 23.3, 25.3, 51.8, Hym5.7,
9.3, rk27.4, Vkv7.4, 16.2, 30.4, HH11.2, 13.8, 24.5, 35.3, HHv2.2, 8.7, 43.3, HHII 12.6, Grp27.7,
33.6, Rm14.2, Br16.3, Sg22.2, GrII 6.4, 21.7, 24.4, 38.3, 38.7, 44.3, GrIII 6.2, Od3.6, R10.5,
Hdl38.3, Grt11.8, 13.8, 14.4; more than bimoraic (15 examples): Vsp56.10, Hym3.2, 28.3, rk18.2,
20.2, 23.2, HH41.3, HHv4.3, 35.7, HHII 36.9, 50.3, Sg14.2, Hdl35.6, Grt1.3, 13.3.

Type B (first lift), bimoraic (2 examples): HH44.8, GrII 39.3; more than bimoraic (40 examples): Vsp1.8, 3.3, 7.3, 24.2, 26.4, 29.5, 33.3, Hym10.7, 13.2, 32.8, rk26.3, 28.3, 32.5, HH21.3,
27.3, 28.5, HHv10.7, 38.5, 38.6, Grp2.3, 16.5, 28.7, 46.5, GrI 8.5, 27.7, Sg45.7, 47.6, 58.9, GrIII
1.3, 3.7, 8.7, Od1.3, 7.3, 8.1, 17.4, Ghv13.7, Bdr11.7, R38.1, Hdl24.7, Grt7.5.

Type E (first lift), more than bimoraic (1 example): Br16.3.


327
son. Accordingly, the first and the second lift differ conspicuously in their association
with bimoraic words with a p-value of less than 0.001. Hence, we may be justified in
concluding that the second lift of types B and E, namely, the verse-final lift, displays
a significant preference for bimoraic nominals. Notwithstanding Alexanders (1981:
195) contention to the contrary, however, our data do not substantiate any significant difference between the a-verse and the b-verse in their conformity to the rule.
Specifically, the b-verse indeed appears to be more strict in observing the rule, but
no statistical significance is attached to the difference between the two verses: typeB
(p=0.157; 63 bimoraic and 56 others in the a-verse; 29 bimoraic and 15 others in the
b-verse); type E (p = 1; 20 bimoraic and 8 others in the a-verse; 19 bimoraic and 7
others in the b-verse).
Table5.10.Occurrences of bimoraic and longer nominal forms in types B and E
Bimoraic
Second lift (typeB)
Second lift (typeE)
Second lift (types B and E)
First lift (typeB)
First lift (typeE)
First lift (types B and E)
92 (56.44%)
39 (72.22%)
131 (60.37%)
2 (4.76%)
0 (0%)
2 (4.65%)
More than bimoraic

71 (43.56%)
15 (27.78%)
86 (39.63%)
40 (95.24%)
1 (100%)
41 (95.35%)
Total
163 (100%)
54 (100%)
217 (100%)
42 (100%)
1 (100%)
43 (100%)
Having established the stochastically motivated generalization on the preferred use

in the verse-final lift of bimoraic nominals at the expense of longer forms, we must
provide an explanatory account of the constraint: Why is this specific mora-based
restriction imposed on the linguistic realization of the verse-final lift? Alexander
(1981: 199200), referring to Kuhn ([1939] 1969: 524 [sic]; should be [1937] 1969: 483),
is in favor of a synchronic account predicated on word weight in general terms: nominals that exceed their lightest forms would count as too prominent or heavy to be
compatible with the relatively low salience of the verse-final lift. This explanation
is well in keeping with what may be derived from the syntagmatic scale of metrical
positions in general (section1.2), and the largely complementary mora-based distribution of nominals between the first and the second lift in particular (Table 5.10).
Plausible as it is on the whole, this weight- (or more generally, prominence-) based
account seems to be framed in too broad terms to be convincingly explanatory. While
the verse-final lift is determined as of the least prominence or weight, and this characterization is true of all of the Old Germanic alliterative traditions, Craigies law is
found to be unique to the Norse meters (Alexander 1981: 193). In view of the rules
parochial nature, some characteristically Norse metrical properties would have been
involved in the emergence and observance of the law.
At this point, we may invoke for explanation the Norse poets sensitivity to the
organization of the cadence that is unparalleled in their West Germanic colleagues,
328
The cadence
as uncovered in the foregoing examination. Specifically, the verse and the line are
organized powerfully by the optimal cadence / , notably its prototypical form Px,
the long disyllable whose second syllable is monomoraic. Given this canonical verseending, the verse-final lift of types B and E must be regarded as its exact opposite,
the least optimal ending. Inasmuch as the verse-final position (drop) is filled by a
single mora in its prototypical realization, any other mode of alignment must be characterized as deviant and undesirable in proportion to a growing number of moras
and an increasing degree of stress it involves. Since the least optimal cadence / is
constituted by a lift, the difference on the second dimension can by no means be
manipulated, insofar as monosyllabic nominals are specified as the range of material
to choose from.13 The remaining parameter of mora count, however, is controllable,
since stressed syllables may vary in the range of moras that they are capable of carrying. In order to minimize the deviation from the canonical cadence, then, the poets
would have contrived to keep the least optimal cadence / in its least perceptible form
by paying careful attention to the parameter of mora count in aligning the verse-final
lift to language material. Given that the minimal form of a monosyllabic stressed word
contains two moras, it is only reasonable to set the threshold at this value by prioritizing the bimoraic word form in the verse-final lift. Furthermore, since class 1 words are
inherently of maximal prominence and accordingly constitute the greatest threat to
the generalization on the cadence structure, they alone are designated as qualified for
the special treatment at issue. Thus, the bimoraic constraint on the use of nominals in
the verse-final lift derives from the optimal cadence Px, the long disyllable ending in a
monomoraic syllable. The derived rule serves the supplementary function of minimizing the deviation from the canonical cadence by rendering least obtrusive the otherwise most disturbing verse-final lift that has yet to be completely removed from the
system.
5.4Further variants of the cadence /: px and P

In the preceding sections, we have identified the cadence lift + drop as a significant
metrical unit in fornyrislag, and singled out the prosodic sequence Px with the
vocalic x (or monomoraic x) as its optimal realization. The purpose of this and the following sections is to determine further prosodic variants of the cadence /, namely,
px and P.
13Of course, other options for manipulating the parameter of stress are available: one can use
items with a lesser degree of stress, such as class 2/3 words, peripheral members of class 1 (e.g., past
participles and proper nouns), or constituents of compounds.

Further variants of the cadence /: px and P

329
5.4.1The prosodic form px

In a relatively wide range of metrical configurations, the cadence / may be realized by the sequence of short stressed syllable + unstressed syllable of any moraic
value, px. This string has an increased presence by virtue of an innovation that was
uniquely introduced to fornyrislag, that is, the generalization of suspension of resolution whereby the string of a short stressed syllable and an unstressed syllable of
any length (px) is permitted to fill the concatenation of lift + drop in verse-final position without notable restriction (sections 2.1.3.2, 2.3.2, 4.3.3, and 4.3.4). While in the
West Germanic meters suspension of resolution is allowed only when the immediately preceding position is occupied by a stressed syllable (Sievers 1893: 27, 197198;
Suzuki 1996: 231232; 2004: 205), this restriction is abolished in fornyrislag so that
the short disyllable px standing verse-finally is regularly scanned as two metrical
positions, a lift and a drop, rather than a lift standing on its own. Consequently,
a number of novel configurations are introduced to the meter, such as Pxpx (a
variant of subtypeA1s; section2.1.3.2) and xpx (a variant of typeA3; section2.3.2),
as reproduced in (6).
(6) SubtypeA1s: Grp 21.3 lisast fyrir [Px#px]
Type A3: HHII 43.1 N em ec sv fegin [x#x#x#x#px]
The presence of the verse-final px is enhanced not only by the novel variants of class
A as treated above, but also by the increased occurrence of the traditional type A1
variant ending in px, namely, the prototype of subtypeA1s, PSpx. This configuration
is used with a greater incidence in fornyrislag than in Beowulf and the Heliand. At
issue are the differing proportions of subtypeA1s to typeA1 in fornyrislag, Beowulf,
and the Heliand, as represented in Table5.11.
Table5.11.Proportion of subtypeA1s to typeA1 in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
A1s
158 (7.20%)
59 (3.00%)
40 (1.35%)
A1
2035 (92.80%)
1908 (97.00%)
2923 (98.65%)
Total
2193 (100%)
1967 (100%)
2963 (100%)
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
Notwithstanding the still marginal status, the rate of subtypeA1s thus proves to be
by far the highest in fornyrislag among the three works compared, with a significant
difference (p<0.001). Since subtypeA1s is distinguished from typeA1 by the cadence
px, its relatively frequent occurrences in the Norse meter mean that the string px is
represented more strongly there than in the West Germanic cognates.
In summary, through the extended suspension of resolution, the string px
appears as a manifestation of the cadence of lift + drop (/) in broader contexts and
330
The cadence
in larger numbers than in the West Germanic meters. Consequently, while the versefinal sequence px is open to two competing scansions in West Germanic, / on the
one hand and / on the other, it is reevaluated consistently as aligned to the two positions (as formulated in [24], section4.3.8 above). This disyllable can accordingly be
identified as a reduced and marked variety of the long counterpart Px that realizes
the same metrical concatenation (compare Boer 1916: 63). Instead of aligning the lift
to the minimally bimoraic stressed material, suspension of resolution allows it to be
realized by a monomoraic one. Lacking at least in a mora, the resultant lift is characterized as correspondingly reduced in prominence, which in turn accounts for the
marginal status of the string concerned (px) due to the less than full realization of the
underlying metrical unit /.
5.4.2The prosodic form P

Another innovation bearing on the variation of the cadence is the establishment of
catalectic verses as metrically legitimate forms (section 3.2). The catalectic verse is
characterized by the absence on the surface of the verse-final drop that is found in
normal verse types. As far as the canonical cadence / is concerned, we accordingly
have four variants of catalectic verse, types A1- (/ / []; section2.4), A2a- (/ \ / [];
section2.5), A3- ([/] / []; section2.6), and C- (/ / []; section2.9), corresponding
to types A1 (//), A2a (/ \ /), A3 ([/] /), and C (/ /), as reproduced for the
sake of convenience in (7).
(7)
Type A1-: R 16.2 sveigi rocc [Px#P]

Type A2a-: Gr II 22.5 lyngfiscr langr [PS#P]
Type A3-: Od 4.1 Hvat er frgst [x#x#P]
Type C-: Sg 28.2 fyr mann hvern [x#P#P]
As demonstrated in section3.2 above, the catalectic ending / [] is differentiated significantly from the full one / that is constitutive of types B and C, despite their apparent identity on the surface. Supported further by an array of evidence for characterizing catalexis as zero realization of the verse-final drop with its underlying status
unchanged, the catalectic ending must accordingly be identified as a third variant
of the privileged cadence /: this variant constitutes a marked option for realization
of the cadence by the complete reduction on the surface of one of the constituent
metrical positions. Since the integration of catalectic verses into the metrical system
provides a necessary condition for this monosyllabic variant, the dual scansion of /
is totally unfounded in the West Germanic tradition: in it, the verse-final lift is invariably measured as a single metrical position in the most transparent way.

Further variants of the cadence /: px and P

331
5.4.3The three variants of the cadence /: Px, px, and P

To recapitulate, fornyrislag has at its disposal the three realizations of the cadence
lift + drop (/): (i) the long disyllable (long stressed + unstressed; Px);14 (ii) the short
disyllable (short stressed + unstressed; px); (iii) the long monosyllable (P). While
the long disyllable is demonstrably counted as full and unmarked, the latter two are
characterized as reduced variants of the first: for the long monosyllable the underlying drop is left unrealized through alignment to null language material, whereas for
the short disyllable the underlying lift is realized by a short stressed syllable alone.15
Capable of occurring freely after the three verse openings, lift + drop (/), drop + lift
(/), and (lift) + drop ([/] ), these three variant realizations are fully opposed and
integrated into the metrical paradigm and ranked in terms of markedness, as represented in Table5.12. The table shows further the frequencies of the three variants
for classes A and C.16 Of paramount importance, this tripartite organization of the
cadence / constitutes an innovation that sharply differentiates the Norse metrical
tradition from its West Germanic counterpart, in which the long monosyllable as a
realization of / is totally lacking and the remaining two are not fully opposed: only
the full variant Px appears after the verse opening in West Germanic, as the configuration xpx is scanned as typeB3 with the resolved lift, rather than typeA3 with
the short lift.
Table5.12.The three realization variants of the cadence / in classes A and C in fornyrislag
Variant
Status
Px
px
P
Full (unmarked)
Reduced (weakly marked)
Reduced (strongly marked)
Total
Class A
Class C
2124 (78.81%)
290 (10.76%)
281 (10.43%)
544 (60.38%)
280 (31.08%)
77 (8.55%)
2695 (100%)
901 (100%)
14The terms long and short disyllables being used here should not be confused with the same
labels for the pair of disyllables (-V$Ci/u$ and -V$CV$/-V$CVC$) that are differentially involved in
Kaluzas law (section4.4). Given the mutually exclusive contexts in which the respective notions appear, there should scarcely be room for ambiguity in reference.
15The opposition between full and reduced roughly corresponds to Heuslers (1956: 146147) distinction between klingend sounding and stumpf blunt. However, we are not committed to Heuslers
temporal conceptualization of the meter in terms of measures in general and to his postulation of a
pause as a metrical unit in particular (see section1.2 above).
16Type A3 is excluded from the count, since it is overwhelmingly associated with the a-verse on
account of its excessively long upbeat.
332
The cadence
As far as the two marked members are concerned, the disyllable px occurs with a
significantly greater incidence than the monosyllable P in class C (p < 0.001).17
Accordingly, px can be characterized as unmarked as against P within the marked
group itself. Given the above paradigmatic organization of the three variant verseendings corresponding to the underlying metrical concatenation lift + drop, the
relation between the two marked strings px and P must be regarded as anything
but directly involved in derivation.18 They constitute alternative reductions of the
full form Px: the two reduced variants are structurally linked through the intermediary of the full one, Px. What is derivationally related are therefore Px and px on
the one hand and Px and P on the other. Inasmuch as the concatenations px and P
are not directly related and px may count as less marked than P where a distinction
is appreciable, the notion of resolution is obviously out of the question. For resolution, the long monosyllable counts as unmarked as against the short disyllable px
(section4.2).
The three variants are distinguished not only in overall occurrences, but also in
terms of verse distribution, as indicated in Table5.13. The full variant appears with a
significantly higher incidence in the b-verse than in the a-verse, whereas the monosyllabic one displays the contrary pattern of a larger number of occurrences in the
a-verse. Between these two extremes stands the short disyllable, which is more or less
evenly distributed. The three variants thus constitute a scalar distinction in verse distribution that is of statistical significance, as shown in Table5.13. Of vital importance,
this scale corresponds perfectly to the three-way difference in markedness, whereby
Px and P are the least and the most marked, respectively, with px standing in the
middle. The correlation between the two scales may then be expressed as follows: the
less marked the cadence is, the more frequent it is in the b-verse. We may therefore
generalize that the unmarked variant Px serves as the optimal cadence of the b-verse
and hence of the line; and that the degrees of deviation from this privileged one determine the extent to which the variants concerned decrease in occurrence there and
conversely increase in the a-verse.
17From a different theoretical perspective and with reference to Vspalone, Boer (1916: 63) observed
on the more frequent occurrence of the cadence px than P in the configurations that largely correspond to typeA1 in our terms.
18In this respect, our earlier characterization of px as the resolution of P (Suzuki 2009) is ill-conceived and has to be rejected.
Conclusion: the overall proportion of verses ending in lift + drop
333
Table5.13.The three cadence variants Px, px, and P according to verse distinction
Variant
Px
px
P
A-verse
B-verse
Total
927 (34.02%)
1798
(65.98%)
297
(51.92%)
2725
(100%)
572
(100%)
141
(38.84%)
363
(100%)
275 (48.08%)
222 (61.16%)
Px
px
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
5.5Conclusion: the overall proportion of verses

ending in lift + drop
Fornyrislag is sharply distinguished from its West Germanic cognate meters as exemplified in Beowulf and the Heliand in regard to the distribution of its three verse classes,
classes A, B, and C. First, the minimal and prototypical variant of type A1, Px#Px,
occurs in the b-verse with a conspicuously higher frequency than in the a-verse to the
extent that is unparalleled in the Old English and Old Saxon meters (section5.2.3).
Second, the distribution pattern of another variant of typeA1, PxSx, which is minimally distinct from Px#Px, runs counter to that in Beowulf by the marked preference
for the b-verse (section5.2.3). Third, in fornyrislag, class A with anacrusis displays
the distribution pattern that is opposed to those of the West Germanic counterparts by
appearing in the a-verse and the b-verse without a statistically significant difference
in frequency (section5.2.4). Fourth, the transformation in the opposite direction, and
in a further strengthened form, occurs in class B, which tends to be avoided in the
b-verse in favor of the a-verse in fornyrislag, the distribution pattern that is precisely
opposite to that in Beowulf and the Heliand (section5.2.1). Fifth, class C is subject to
a radical redistribution in fornyrislag, whereby its three major variants are graded
as regards their frequencies of use in the a-verse versus the b-verse, whereas in the
West Germanic meters these variants all occur in the b-verse with an consistently high
incidence (section5.2.2).
These divergent metrical transformations that are unique to fornyrislag are
subject to a unitary, principled account when we assume that the sequence lift + drop
is identified as a privileged cadence for the b-verse: seen in this light, the changes in
question can all be understood to have been implemented in order to make maximal
use of this optimal cadence, which serves as an underlying structural motivation.19
19At this point, we are confronted with a fundamental question: Why did the cadence lift + drop
come to be favored in the first place? Although this issue awaits fuller treatment in future investiga-
334
The cadence
Through the above metrical reorganizations that are thus induced by the ascendancy of the sequence lift + drop as an optimal cadence for the b-verse in fornyrislag,
well over eight out of every ten instances in the b-verse end in lift + drop, as shown in
Table5.14, where classes A and C embody verses provided with the optimal cadence
in question, in contrast to all other classes.20
The attested percentage in the b-verse is higher than that in the a-verse with a statistical significance, as substantiated by Fishers exact test (p<0.001). The conspicuous presence of verses ending in lift + drop in the b-verse proves to be still more outstanding when compared with the situation in Beowulf and the Heliand: the p-values
of less than 0.001 obtained by Fishers exact test demonstrate that the proportion of
classes A and C to others in the b-verse is significantly different from those in Beowulf
and the Heliand. No less importantly, the preponderance of classes A and C in the
a-verse distinguishes fornyrislag from Beowulf and the Heliand. Thus, fornyrislag is
markedly distinguished from the West Germanic meters by its strong preference for
lift + drop in both verses, which may therefore be identified as a unique innovation
of fornyrislag. Yet, the closest association with this optimal cadence is a privilege of
the b-verse, and therefore the string lift + drop must primarily be characterized as the
canonical cadence of the line.
Table5.14.Proportion of verses ending in lift + drop (types A and C) to others in fornyrislag,
Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Classes A + C
Counts
%
Counts
Others
Total
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
A-verse
B-verse
2422
2554
80.71
85.22
579
443
19.29
14.78
3001
2997
100
100
Beowulf
A-verse
B-verse
2262
1725
71.45
54.47
904
1442
28.55
45.53
3166
3167
100
100
Heliand
A-verse
B-verse
3579
2836
65.00
50.31
1927
2801
35.00
49.69
5506
5637
100
100
tion, we would speculate that the privileging of the trochaic cadence at issue was motivated by an
interplay of the preponderance of the concatenation lift + drop as a constituent of the most frequent
class (class A), as evidenced in Beowulf (Table5.1), and of the increasing regularization of word forms
toward P(x) in Old Norse through syncope, encliticization, loss of prefixes, and nondevelopment of
svarabhakti vowels among other phonological and morphological processes (compare Lehmann
1956: 8093 and Russom 1998: 209).
20Excluded from the data are the verses containing biblical names in the Heliand and hypermetric
verses in Beowulf and the Heliand. Compare note1 above.
6Alliteration
This chapter is concerned with the metrical and lexical bases of alliteration. The
central issues to be explored on the metrical dimension are (i) identifying the preference patterns that the verse types display in choosing the alliterative modes (single
versus double alliteration), and (ii) providing explanatory accounts of these varying
selection patterns in terms of the syntagmatic and paradigmatic organization of metrical positions involved. On the lexical dimension, we will investigate the differing
likelihoods that class 1 words, the prototypical lexical items to be aligned to the lift,
serve as alliterative elements depending on the verse distinction (the a-verse versus
the b-verse), particular lifts (the first versus the second), verse types, and other parameters. In addressing these central issues, we will be drawing on the wealth of isolated
findings obtained so far on the metrical phenomena related to alliteration, and integrating them into an innovative system of the Norse meter through a comparison with
the West Germanic metrical traditions (Beowulf and the Heliand).
6.1The rules of alliteration

Placement of alliteration in fornyrislag is regulated by the following set of rules
(compare Sievers 1893: 3738; Suzuki 1996: 277; Russom 1998: 216):
(1)
The rules of alliteration

a. The a-verse and the b-verse must be bound by alliteration.
b. The first lift takes precedence over the second in alliteration: the first lift
must alliterate in each verse.
c. Only in the a-verse may the second lift alliterate; in the b-verse only one lift
alliterates.
Rule (1a) constitutes a grounding principle of alliterative verse by requiring all verses
to be alliterative. There is, however, a scattering of lines apparently without alliterative elements, as listed in (2).
(2)
List of lines without alliteration

rk28.56 Svaf vtr Freyiatta nttom
Vkv 9.34hr brann hrsiallurr fura (9.3 with double alliteration)
Vkv 26.1 nam Bvildr (26.2 lacking)
Sg 6.34 nam hon sv bertum at mlaz
Sg 13.12 Reir var Gunnarroc hnipnai
Sg 39.12 eim htomc (39.1 with double alliteration; 39.2 lacking)
Sg 50.12 go allir,hugo at rom
Sg 63.12 ero varomInacrs sonom
336
Alliteration
Gr II 17.34 hvat ec vra hyggiu (17.3 with double alliteration; 17.4 lacking)
Gr II 19.12 Valdarr Dnomme Iarizleifi
Gr II 19.910 screyttar brynior,steypta hilma
Od 12.12 Man ec, hvat mltirenn um aptan
Od 16.34 hana qva hann scmeyvera scyldo
Ghv 5.12 Uro rbrra hefndir
Ghv 13.34 vilda ec hrindastr gri eira
Ghv 14.78Inacrs sonom (14.7 lacking)
Ghv 18.12 Fiol man ec blva (18.2 lacking)
Ghv 20.78 um hiartaini sorgir (20.7 defective)
R 8.56 kropnir knar (8.5 with double alliteration; 8.6 lacking)
R 47.78oc her fella (47.7 lacking)
In the absence of fully preserved verses to be paired with, any attempt at restoring
alliteration is doomed to be a failure, of course. Disregarding these few unfortunate
instances like Ghv 18.12 and 20.78, there are several lines that may be rectified
as alliterative or may yield to explanation for the apparent absence of alliteration,
with varying degrees of plausibility. Od 12.12 can be rectified in a straightforward
way: following See, La Farge, Picard, Schulz, and Teichert (2009: 888), we reallocate
mltir from verse 1 to verse 2: the resultant line, Man ec, hvat / mltir enn um
aptan, becomes fully metrical with alliteration on /m/. The absence of alliteration
in rk28.56 is claimed to be well-motivated, rather than erroneous, by attributing
it to the need to compose a line that is parallel in structure to the fully legitimate
one, rk26.56 t vtr Freyia / tta nttom, which occurs in the exactly corresponding location within the stanza (See, La Farge, Picard, Priebe, and Schulz 1997: 566).
The three lines, Sg 63.12, Gr II 19.12, and Od 16.34, are regarded by some scholars
as displaying alliteration on /v/ varom (Sg 63.1), Valdarr (Gr II 19.1), and vera
(Od 16.4) on the one hand, and on vowels Inacrs (Sg 63.2), Iarizleifi (Gr II 19.2),
and scmey (Od 16.3) on the other (Lehmann and Dillard 1954: 113, 141, 146; See,
La Farge, Picard, Schulz, and Teichert 2009: 462464, 685, 901). Of related interest,
the aforementioned rk 28.56, too, can be subsumed under this group, whereby
vtr (rk 28.5) and tta (rk 28. 6) allegedly instantiate the /v/-vowel alliteration
(Lehmann and Dillard 1954: 152; compare See, La Farge, Picard, Priebe, and Schulz
1997: 566). In this light, the contorted line that is pressed to model after the preceding line could be saved from being lacking in alliteration.1 While /sp/, /st/, and /sk/
alliterate exclusively with the identical clusters, an imperfect alliteration involving
different /s/-clusters, /sk/ and /st/, may be invoked to account for Gr II 19.910 as
an imperfect alliteration (compare See, La Farge, Picard, Schulz, and Teichert 2009:
1Alternatively, in order to design a maximal parallelism, one might opt for the postulation of
/v/-vowel alliteration for rk26.56 as well as rk28.56, following Lehmann and Dillard (1954: 152).
337
689). Even if we allowed /v/-vowel alliteration and /s/-alliteration involving /sp/,

/st/, and /sk/, it would remain indisputable that the lines concerned would be highly
irregular. For whatever reason incompetent composition, careless transmission, or
imprecise alliteration full alliteration failed to occur, these verses must be regarded
as less than perfectly metrical, except for the transparent case of Od 12.12, which can
be readily improved by simple realignment in verse identification.
Rule (1b) forbids the second lift from alliterating on its own at the expense of the
first one. While Rule (1c) allows the second lift optionally to alliterate in the a-verse,
it is only in combination with the first lift that it is qualified for alliteration; in other
words, it is solely as a participant in double alliteration that the second lift counts as
eligible for alliteration. By the joint operation of Rules (1b) and (1c), the following patterns of alliteration are accepted as metrical (a = alliterating lift; x = nonalliterating
lift): aa (double alliteration; limited to the a-verse); ax (single alliteration; both in the
a-verse and the b-verse). There is no possibility for the pattern xa to arise, in which the
second lift outranks the first one by exclusively carrying alliteration.
At this point, one might object that the excluded pattern in question (xa) is exactly
the one that is realized by typeA3, as usually held and epitomized in the following
quotations:
Unter A3 fasse ich endlich die Verse mit Alliteration bloss im zweiten Fuss zusammen (Sievers
1885: 11).
Als bewusste kunstform scheint sich alliteration der zweiten hebung allein nur bei versen des
typus A zu finden (Sievers 1893: 38).
I udda vers r alliteration enbart p andra hjningen vanlig (Pipping 1903: 111).
A3, d.h. alliteration auf zweiter hebung allein (Wenck 1905: 127).
As argued in section 2.3 above, however, we do not subscribe to this conventional

view; rather, elaborating on Blisss (1967: 6162) insight into the meter of Beowulf, and
drawing on our analysis of the same meter (Suzuki 1996: 4759), we claim that typeA3
realizes only one lift; more specifically to fornyrislag, the verse-initial sequence of
unstressed syllables preceding the lift (= the second lift according to Sievers and
others) constitutes the first drop as a whole, and the otherwise expected verse-initial
lift (the first lift) is simply missing on the surface: it is left unrealized, corresponding
as it does to null linguistic material. While some word or other normally the first
one constitutive of the verse-initial sequence is scanned as the first (nonalliterating)
lift by Sievers and others, the string of weak elements in its entirety is aligned to the
first drop on our scansion; the first lift is there only at the underlying level. Accordingly, the so-called xa pattern is no more than a degenerate manifestation of single
alliteration: there is no room for another lift in the actualized form. Schematically,
then, at issue is the pattern a without x before or after the alliterative element in
typeA3. Or more illuminatingly, following the metrical representation of typeA3 as
(/) / , we may wish to opt for the symbol (x)a to indicate explicitly that the first lift
is absent on the surface but present in the underlying structure.
338
Alliteration
The proposed interpretation of the alliterative pattern of type A3 in fornyris

lag (x)a, rather than xa by recourse to the zero realization of the first lift involved
has interesting consequences for the types significant difference in distribution
between the North and West Germanic meters. As shown at length in section 2.3.1
above, typeA3 occurs in the b-verse as well as in the a-verse in fornyrislag, whereas
it is absolutely prohibited in the b-verse in Beowulf and the Heliand. We can readily
provide a credible account of this difference: in the West Germanic meters, the initial
string of unstressed syllables in typeA3 is aligned to two drops, since the first lift is
demoted to a drop by partial suppression (Suzuki 1996: 4759). Consequently, typeA3
contains only a single lift in its underlying metrical representation, schematically
/ , as opposed to (/) / , the Norse counterpart of typeA3.
Thus, typeA3 in the West Germanic tradition is categorically excluded from the
b-verse, primarily because it violates the rule of composition for the b-verse, which
requires two lifts to be present in metrical representation.2 By contrast, the Norse
counterpart does not contravene the same constraint on the structure of the b-verse,
as it comprises two lifts, one of which happens to be unrealized on the surface; rather
than by partial suppression as in the West Germanic meters, the underlying first lift
is suppressed completely from manifestation. In more precise terms, then, typeA3 is
identified as none other than a variant of typeA1 in fornyrislag on the basis of the
underlying structure / / which is commonly involved. Therefore, there is no principled obstacle to composing the so-called typeA3 in the b-verse in fornyrislag, as
other variants of typeA1 such as PxPx with the varying size of the first drop and
subtypeA1s are permitted to occur there as well, although they are contingent on
specific conditions that govern their probabilities of occurrence.
And yet the fact remains uncontestable that this type is strikingly underrepresented in the b-verse (section 2.3.1). We are accordingly faced with the immensely
uneven distribution between the a-verse and the b-verse, rather than the categorical
restriction to one of them: at issue is a matter of relative preference, as opposed to one
of absolute exclusion as in West Germanic. Correspondingly, a principled explanation
for the difference in question has not so much to do with alliterative pattern or the
canon of two lifts and two drops a matter of categorical regulation as with proba-
2Also relevant would be the differing ways in which the maximal opposition between the first and
the second lift in the b-verse is encoded in terms of word class distinction. As shown at length in section6.3.4 below, in Beowulf the second lift of the b-verse is expressly marked as the weakest in prominence by its least likelihood of being realized by class 1 words. This explicit downgrading mechanism
would make it utterly implausible for the same position to serve as the determiner of alliteration in the
line the lift of maximal prominence a new function that occurrence of typeA3 in the b-verse would
inevitably impose on its sole lift available. By contrast, since fornyrislag does not have this marking
device at its disposal (section6.3.4), the occurrence of typeA3 in the b-verse would not encounter
comparable difficulty in metrical organization.
339
bilistic properties of the realization variant of typeA1 involved a variation within a

single verse type.
The conspicuous presence of type A3 in the a-verse is somewhat paralleled by
that of typeA1 with the polysyllabic first drop (section2.1.1). As may be recalled, the
larger size of the first drop elevates occurrences of the a-verse. By far the more concentrated occurrence of typeA3 in the a-verse yields to a cogent account along the same
line of reasoning. The size of the first drop differs significantly between types A1 and
A3 (compare Table2.1 in section2.1.1 and Table2.21 in section2.3.1). As indicated in
Table6.1, while disyllables account for more than 80% of all occurrences of typeA1
with the polysyllabic first drop (PxPx), trisyllabic or longer strings occur in almost
two-thirds of typeA3 (xPx). The difference is evidently significant, with a p-value of
less than 0.001 obtained when comparing the distributions of disyllables and longer
sequences between the two configurations under consideration. Thus, the demonstrably larger size of typeA3 accounts for its heavier concentration in the a-verse.
Table6.1.Size of the polysyllabic first drop of types A1 and A3
Syllables
Type A1
Counts
Type A3
%
Counts
2
3
4
5
6
435
77
6
1
0
83.82
14.84
1.16
0.19
0
211
312
57
8
1
35.82
52.97
9.68
1.36
0.17
Total
519
100
589
100
Therefore, in sharp contrast to the unmetrical mode xa, the so-called (x)a pattern of
alliteration in the b-verse, realized as it is in type A3, does not count as metrically
objectionable at all in fornyrislag: on the contrary, it is firmly controlled and fully
integrated into the system as a legitimate variant of typeA1 based on the well-motivated parameter of the size of the first drop.
Truly exceptional to Rule (1c), however, is the occurrence of double alliteration in
the b-verse, as exemplified by the following eight verses (compare Pipping 1903: 111;
Lehmann and Dillard 1954):
(3)
List of b-verses with double alliteration

Vsp36.4 Slr heitir s (compare Lehmann and Dillard 1954: 128)
Hym9.2 ec viliac ycr
rk7.6 illt er me lfom
rk25.6 bta in breiara
Grp 50.2 at hvton hennar
340
Alliteration
Gr I 17.8 ti n inni
Sg 18.8mg moldo (compare Wenck 1905: 9; See, La Farge, Picard,
Schulz, and Teichert 2009: 354)
Od 1.6 fyr ior ofan
On the other hand, the following verses that Pipping (1903: 111) adduced as further
examples of b-verses with double alliteration are for the most part scanned otherwise
with single alliteration with greater plausibility, as indicated at the end of each verse
below:
(4)
Hym30.6 hann er harari (followed by Lehmann and Dillard 1954: 64); typeC
Br 16.12 ero eirofa (not followed by Lehmann and Dillard 1954: 32); typeC
Gr I 18.8 yfir lingom (not followed by Lehmann and Dillard 1954: 160);
typeC
Sg 7.2 iromc eptir ess (assumed as possible by Lehmann and Dillard 1954:
84); typeA1Hdl 11.10 hvat er hersborit (not followed by Lehmann and Dillard 1954: 69);
typeC
Grt 8.6 oc at litom (not followed by Lehmann and Dillard 1954: 11); typeC
We will not be deeply concerned here with what is called cross alliteration, whereby,
in addition to the first lifts of the two verses bound by alliteration, the second lifts
also correspond with each other in initial sounds usually represented as ab/ab as
exemplified in the following:3 Vsp10.34 dverga allra, / enn Durinn annar; rk7.56
Illt er me som, / illt er me lfom (see also [3] above); 18.78 nema inn hamar /
r um heimtir; 23.56 fiol ec meima, / fiol ec menia; HHv 35.12 Rei vargi, /
er recqvi var; Gr I 8.12 Silf scylda ec gfga, / silf scylda ec gtva; Od 10.12 Hnca
ec af v / til hilpar r; Ghv 10.12 ri vissa ec elda, / ri vissa ec arna; Hdl 4.12
r mun hon blta, / ess mun hon biia; 37.12 Hann Gilp um bar, / hann Greip um
bar. Of particular interest is the fact that many of the verses paired with cross alliteration are not only matched in alliterating elements, but also paralleled in regard to
the phrasal expressions used, as observed in rk7.56, 18.78, Gr I 8.12, Ghv 10.12,
and Hdl 37.12, given above. Despite superficial resemblances to the contrary, the following examples which Gering presented as displaying cross alliteration should not
be treated as such, because the verse-initial words in Sg 44.910 (unz, enn) and Gr II
6.12 (lengi) and the medial one in Gr II 34.5 (eigi) are better regarded as drops due to
their nonmaximal prominence on lexical grounds or due to the resultant verse type
that does not occur very often, namely, typeD*: Sg 44.910 unz af mli / enn mein komi
3For a cataloguing of verses that allegedly evince this alliterative pattern, see Gering (1924: 67, 11,
1516, 23, 28, 35, 39, 43, 48, 182, 187, 191, 197, 205, 208, 213, 216, 220).
The metrical basis of alliteration
341
(Gering 1924: 197); Gr II 6.12 Lengi hvarfaac, / lengi hugir deilduz (Gering 1924: 205);
Gr II 34.56 verr eigi mr / verr at yni (Gering 1924: 205).
On account of the sporadic occurrences, cross alliteration obviously lacks structural underpinnings for organization, which may justify our excluding it from further
consideration. Moreover, given that cross alliteration is manifested by many pairs
of verses that constitute parallel expressions, we may suspect that it would scarcely
have been targeted as an independent mode of alliteration; it would rather have been
an incidental consequence of verbal parallelisms that are primarily designed. Of
further interest, this mode of alliteration apparently violates Rule (1c), which restricts
alliteration to one lift in the b-verse. Of course, one could relax the regulation by interpreting it to concern an individual alliteration: on this interpretation, both lifts may
be allowed to take part in alliteration, insofar as they are involved in separate instantiations. This would in turn imply that the exceptional mode of alliteration at issue
cross alliteration should count as more acceptable than double alliteration in the
b-verse, which concerns two lifts as participants in a simplex alliteration.
By contrast, the so-called chiastic (or transverse) alliteration, schematically
represented as ab/ba, does not constitute a legitimate concurrence of alliteration
in distinction from genuine instances of cross alliteration discussed above. Taking
rk19.56 lto und hnom / hrynia lucla as a typical example, while the alliteration
on hnom and hrynia involves lifts (the only manifest lift of typeA3 and the first lift
of typeA1, respectively), the other alleged alliteration on /l/ cannot be determined
as such in the strict sense: the verse-initial syllable l- in the a-verse does not count
as a lift; rather, it is aligned to the first drop along with the following two syllables,
as argued in depth in section2.3.1 above. Insofar as the first lift of the b-verse (corresponding to b in the above representation /ba) is conceptualized as a primary carrier
of alliteration (the head stave; section 6.3.4), the corresponding second alliterative
element of the a-verse (corresponding to b in the above representation ab/) must be
identified as the sole lift on the surface, given Rule (1b), with the result that the preceding apparently alliterating onset (a in ab/) must be denied a status of a lift. In this
way, since chiastic alliteration necessarily involves the first drop, it cannot satisfy our
definition of alliteration, which is a privilege of the lift.
6.2The metrical basis of alliteration

6.2.1Variation in alliterative pattern within verse types
Throughout the foregoing investigation, the distribution of single and double alliteration in the a-verse has figured most prominently only second to the distinction
between the a-verse and the b-verse in determining scansion and identifying verse
types and their variants. Drawing on the findings obtained from these specific examinations, this section explores in more general terms the meter-internal basis of select-
342
Alliteration
ing single and double alliteration in the a-verse (compare Wenck 1905: 125139), and
contextualizes the major findings in a Germanic perspective through a comparison
with the West Germanic meters, Beowulf and the Heliand.
6.2.1.1Type A1
Beginning with typeA1, we found out that the size of the first drop as measured in
terms of syllable numbers has a significant bearing on choosing the mode of alliteration: specifically, the polysyllable is less likely to manifest single alliteration than
the monosyllable with a statistical significance (p=0.012), as indicated in Table6.2,
in which the verses that are constituted by single words, that is, PxSx, are excluded
from count on account of their strong inherent bias toward single alliteration.
However, while the monosyllable displays a closer association with single alliteration
(p = 0.040), the polysyllable does not demonstrably favor one mode of alliteration
at the expense of the other: it is simply neutral in terms of preference for alliterative pattern. By contrast, the polysyllabic first drop displays a definite preference for
double alliteration in Beowulf, whereas the monosyllabic counterpart is insensitive
to preferential patterning of alliteration. Still another pattern of distinction is recognized in the Heliand: while both variants of the first drop favor double alliteration,
the polysyllabic one far outranks the monosyllabic one by its significantly stronger
association with double alliteration.
Table6.2.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first
drop in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
First drop
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
Fornyrislag
Monosyllable
Polysyllable
245 (57.11%)
154 (47.68%)
184 (42.89%)
169 (52.32%)
429 (100%)
323 (100%)
Beowulf
Monosyllable
Polysyllable
280 (53.03%)
30 (7.35%)
248 (46.97%)
378 (92.65%)
528 (100%)
408 (100%)
Heliand
Monosyllable
Polysyllable
179 (38.25%)
154 (11.77%)
289 (61.75%)
1154 (88.23%)
468 (100%)
1308 (100%)
A similar, but more outstanding distinction of alliteration is predicated on the morpholexical property of the first drop: when it is filled exclusively by a word-final syllable, the verse is more likely to manifest single alliteration than double alliteration
(p<0.001), as illustrated in Table6.3, in which, as before, the verses of the form PxSx
are not included in counting. By contrast, verses with the first drop otherwise composed display no particular preference for either mode of alliteration in statistical
terms. Notice that the apparently higher incidence of double alliteration proves to be
hardly of statistical value at a significance level of 0.05 (p=0.053). In any event, the
343
two distributions displayed by word-final syllables on the one hand and other materials on the other differ with a statistical significance (p<0.001).
While the significantly stronger inclination of word-final syllables to single alliteration compared with other materials is a recurrent feature that is commonly observed
in the three works concerned the p-values involved are all less than 0.001 the
degrees of association vary among the individual works: in fornyrislag and Beowulf
alike, the monosyllabic first drop realized by word-finals is closely associated with
single alliteration, without significant difference between these two works (p=0.318),
whereas in the Heliand the association is not statistically significant, with single and
double alliteration likely to occur with an indistinguishable probability (p=0.595). As
for the remaining materials, it is fornyrislag that diverges in distribution pattern: as
pointed out in the preceding paragraph, single and double alliteration cannot be said
to be differentiated definitively, with the p-value slightly above 0.05 (p=0.053). By
contrast, in West Germanic the first drop composed by the non-word-finals displays
a marked preference for double alliteration, although Beowulf is distinguished from
the Heliand by a still stronger association (p=0.015). Taken all together, we may be
led to conclude that fornyrislag is distinguished from Beowulf and the Heliand by the
markedly lower presence of double alliteration.
The smaller incidence of double alliteration in fornyrislag becomes all the more
striking when we are reminded that the Norse meter allows relatively heavy verbs
full verbs with lexical content to occur in the first drop of typeA1 (section2.2.1), a
latitude that is hardly known to the West Germanic tradition. Despite such liberal use
of comparatively prominent materials as realizations of the weak position in question, the resultant verses are less likely to manifest double alliteration in fornyrislag
than those with presumably smaller prominence in West Germanic, in which lexical
verbs class 2 words are unlikely to occupy the corresponding position.
Table6.3.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to the composition of the first drop in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
First drop
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
Fornyrislag
-x#
Others
173 (73.31%)
226 (43.80%)
63 (26.69%)
290 (56.20%)
236 (100%)
516 (100%)
Beowulf
-x#
Others
266 (69.45%)
44 (7.96%)
117 (30.55%)
509 (92.04%)
383 (100%)
553 (100%)
Heliand
-x#
Others
166 (47.84%)
167 (11.69%)
181 (52.16%)
1262 (88.31%)
347 (100%)
1429 (100%)
While resolution on the first lift has no significant bearing on alliterative pattern in
typeA1 (p=0.349; section4.2.1), there is a suggestive indication that resolution on
the second might be significant (p=0.089; section4.2.7): the resolved second lift is
344
Alliteration
slightly (if at all) more favorable to double alliteration than the nonresolved counterpart (= long syllable). When the same position is filled by a short syllable alone
through suspension of resolution, however, a more pronounced difference in alliterative pattern emerges. At issue is subtypeA1s (PS#px/Px#px), which is less likely
to manifest single alliteration than its minimally distinct variant of typeA1, namely,
Px#Px, with a p-value of 0.007 (Table6.4). It may as well be mentioned again in this
connection that the difference in stress on the second position whether it is occupied by the second element of a compound or the final syllable of a simplex word is
irrelevant for the identity of subtypeA1s in fornyrislag (sections 2.1.3.2 and 2.1.3.3).
Table6.4.Alliterative pattern of subtypeA1s and typeA1, with the second position filled by a wordfinal syllable
Configuration
A1s: PS#px
A1s: PS#px (PS= pn)
A1s: Px#px
A1s: total
A1: Px#Px
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
26 (55.32%)
6 (60.00%)
6 (54.55%)
38 (55.88%)
21 (44.68%)
4 (40.00%)
5 (45.45%)
30 (44.12%)
47 (100%)
10 (100%)
11 (100%)
68 (100%)
173 (73.31%)
63 (26.69%)
236 (100%)
Another force that is responsible for the variation in alliterative pattern in typeA1 in
the a-verse is anacrusis. As demonstrated in section3.1 above, this device is restricted
to the configurations with the monosyllabic first drop subsumed under the representation PxPx in fornyrislag. The total of twelve relevant verses falls into the following three variants: Px#Px (seven examples), P#x#Px (four examples), and P#xPx
(one example). Ignoring the last one because of impracticability of statistical analysis there are no examples of P#xPx without anacrusis we obtain the following two
contingency tables (Table6.5), which represent the distribution of the configurations
Px#Px and P#x#Px, respectively, along the two parameters of single/double alliteration and of presence/absence of anacrusis.
Table6.5.Alliterative pattern of Px#Px and P#x#Px with or without anacrusis
Configuration
aA1 (xPx#Px)
A1 (Px#Px)
aA1 (xP#x#Px)
A1 (P#x#Px)
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
2 (28.57%)
173 (73.31%)
2 (50.00%)
72 (37.31%)
5 (71.43%)
63 (26.69%)
2 (50.00%)
121 (62.69%)
Total
7 (100%)
236 (100%)
4 (100%)
193 (100%)
As far as the configuration Px#Px the minimal variant of typeA1 is concerned,

anacrusis has a demonstrable effect on alliterative pattern: it enhances the incidence
of double alliteration significantly, with a p-value of 0.020. By contrast, with respect
345
to the configuration P#x#Px, the presence or absence of anacrusis stands independent of alliterative pattern in light of a p-value of 0.632.4 The lack of significant difference in the latter case yields to understanding, when we take into account the
inherent association between the configuration P#x#Px and double alliteration that
appears to be of comparable strength to that between the configuration xPx#Px and
double alliteration (p=1).
Despite apparent dissimilarities, an analogous situation is found in Beowulf, in
which anacrusis operates in inverse proportion to the lowering of prominence in the
first drop (Suzuki 1996: 315322), in sharp contrast to fornyrislag (section3.1): anacrusis occurs most frequently on the configuration Px#Px in fornyrislag, whereas it is
virtually incompatible with this form in Beowulf.5 In it, anacrusis serves as a comarker
of increased metrical prominence. Since the configuration Px#Px is minimal in prominence among the wide variety of typeA1, anacrusis is prohibited from operating on
this sequence which has the least amount of prominence.
Of particular interest in the present context is the configuration P#x#Px in
Beowulf: anacrusis is attested six times there, all accompanied with double alliteration. The alliterative pattern of this configuration, with and without anacrusis, is
shown in Table6.6. As it turns out, the p-value resulting from the test is 1: there is
thus no evidence that anacrusis induces double alliteration on its own, a situation
comparable to that in fornyrislag in regard to the same configuration.
The Heliand, in which anacrusis may freely appear regardless of the size of the first
drop in typeA1 (Suzuki 2004: 162163, 167168), offers a more complicated picture:
while anacrusis has no demonstrable effects on alliterative pattern in the configurations Px#Px (p = 0.728) and P#x#Px (p = 1), it significantly decreases (rather than
increases) double alliteration for the configuration P#xPx, in which the first drop is
realized exclusively by a prefix (p=0.017). Such a disruption of correlation between
anacrusis and double alliteration in the Heliand may be explained as a natural consequence of the reanalysis that is unique to this poem whereby anacrusis constitutes
an independent metrical position, capable of being added to any configuration that
begins with a lift (Suzuki 2004: 166).6
4If we include in the statistical analysis the single verse of P#xPx, Gr II 3.1 Unz mr fyrmuno
(with double alliteration), on account of the commonly involved, word-initial first drop, #x-, we get
a p-value of 1.
5According to Klaeber (1950), Beo 414a under heofenes hdor is the only example of type aA1 with
the word-final first drop. According to Fulk, Bjork, and Niles (2008), however, this verse is read with a
short stem vowel in the last word (haor), and scanned accordingly as typeB, that is, xxpxxpx, rather
than type aA1 xxpxxPx.
6While anacrusis has lost its correlation to double alliteration as regards the morphological status
of the monosyllabic first drop of typeA1, it occurs more frequently when the first drop of the same
verse type is realized by polysyllables than by monosyllables, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
346
Alliteration
Table6.6.Alliterative pattern of PxPx and xPxPx in Beowulf and the Heliand

Meter
Configuration
Beowulf
xP#x#Px
P#x#Px
xPx#Px
Px#Px
Heliand
xP#x#Px
P#x#Px
xP#xPx
P#xPx
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
0 (0%)
3 (2.59%)
6 (100%)
113 (97.41%)
6 (100%)
116 (100%)
47 (50.00%)
166 (47.84%)
47 (50.00%)
181 (52.16%)
94 (100%)
347 (100%)
1 (3.33%)
2 (2.63%)
29 (96.67%)
74 (97.37%)
30 (100%)
76 (100%)
14 (58.33%)
10 (26.32%)
10 (41.67%)
28 (73.68%)
24 (100%)
38 (100%)
Returning to fornyrislag, the observed association between anacrusis and double

alliteration in the Norse meter may be regarded as a property inherited from earlier
practice, as fully represented in Beowulf, and also partly in the Heliand: the original
likelihood of anacrusis occurring with double alliteration would also have persisted
in the North Germanic tradition. In it, anacrusis became integrated with the minimal
prominence of the first drop of typeA1 by the mechanism elucidated in section3.1.
The original function of marking increased prominence, however, would have been
unaffected by the reanalysis, since this role was inherently implicated in anacrusis,
which added to overall prominence by virtue of its presence. Accordingly, even after
the use of anacrusis was restricted to the minimal configuration, it remained capable
of signaling enhanced prominence by means of the heightened incidence of double
alliteration.
6.2.1.2Types A2a and A2b
The occupation of a drop in typeA1 by a lexically stressed syllable, either primary or
secondary, creates distinct verse types, types A2a and A2b, in fornyrislag (section2.2).
These two increased types are each distinguished from the minimal variant of typeA1
(Px#Px) by the contrary alliterative pattern (p < 0.001 in either case), that is, the
marked preference for double alliteration as opposed to that for single alliteration
(Tables 2.16 and 2.18; see further sections 2.2.1 and 2.2.2 above).
An analogous polarization of alliterative patterning is also observed in Beowulf,
and to a more outstanding extent: while the minimal configuration Px#Px is comparably associated with single alliteration, types A2a and A2b display a virtually exclusive association with double alliteration. In statistical terms, the alliterative pattern of
the configuration Px#Px is no different between fornyrislag and Beowulf (p=0.318),
as noted above; by contrast, the increased types differ significantly in alliterative patterning between the two meters: p=0.012 for typeA2a on the one hand, and p<0.001
for typeA2b on the other (Table6.7). This contrast between the two meters thus reinforces in part the generalization presented above that, while sharing the significantly
347
enhanced incidence of double alliteration in the configurations that are more prominent than the minimal one Px#Px, fornyrislag is still differentiated from Beowulf
by the conspicuously weaker representation of double alliteration (compare Wenck
1905: 126).
The Heliand, however, makes a divergent picture in this respect: while the configuration PxPS (typeA2), corresponding to types A2b in the other two meters, is
maximally associated with double alliteration as in Beowulf, the configuration PSPx
(typeA1) remains undifferentiated in its alliterative preference from the minimal one
Px#Px (p=0.125). In fact, these two configurations are also indistinguishable in verse
distribution (p = 0.432). The lack of significant distinction in the two major metrical properties, then, motivates the identification of the two configurations with a
common verse type, namely, typeA1 (Suzuki 2004: 2930). The Heliand thus has at its
disposal only a single increased type, rather than two. This sole increased type, A2 (/
/ \), which corresponds to typeA2b in compositional terms in the other two meters,
is treated no differently from the corresponding ones in Beowulf by being encoded
with a maximal manifestation of double alliteration. The failure of the apparently
increased configuration PS#Px to favor double alliteration in the Heliand is therefore
attributed to its status of being actually nondistinct from that of Px#Px by virtue of the
commonly involved word-final monosyllables: -x# and -S# are reevaluated as metrically equivalent in the Heliand.
In contrast to the Heliand, fornyrislag has two increased types that are derivative of typeA1, much as with Beowulf. It follows as a matter of course that both configurations PSPx and PxPS are significantly differentiated from Px#Px in alliterative
pattern. What strikes us as puzzling about the Norse meter, however, is the weaker
association of the two types with double alliteration in comparison with Beowulf
(types A2a and A2b) and the Heliand (type A2), which display identically maximal
preferences for it. This distinctive character of fornyrislag was observed in general
terms by Wenck (1905: 126).7
As substantiated in sections 2.2.1 and 2.2.2 above, the two types are demonstrably
distinguished from the minimally distinct configuration Px#Px both in terms of verse
distribution and alliterative pattern. There is therefore no doubt about their distinct
metrical status, thereby implying that either type has a heavy drop as opposed to a
normal one in its metrical representation, / \ / (typeA2a) and / / \ (typeA2b). In
this respect, fornyrislag is organized analogously to Beowulf and distinctly from the
Heliand.
The question arising then concerns the nature of the heavy drops involved in the
two meters and concomitantly of the language materials that occupy the positions
at issue. Given that the heavy drop is opposed to the normal one by metrical cat-
7Beschwerung der senkungen durch nebentne wirkt in der Edda nicht so steigernd auf die relative hufigkeit der doppelalliteration ein wie im wgerm.
348
Alliteration
egorization, it seems to be plausible to assume that the distinction between the two
categories is not organized identically in the two meters. More specifically, while the
two kinds of drop are strictly distinguished in Beowulf, they are presumably demarcated less categorically in fornyrislag: the boundary between the two weak positions
should be more or less fuzzy, and their difference is accordingly more a matter of
degree than of kind. As a consequence, the two types with a heavy drop substituting for a normal one, namely, types A2a and A2b, are differentiated from typeA1 to
a lesser extent: they are encoded with weaker preferences for double alliteration and
the a-verse than their counterparts in Beowulf and the Heliand, which are maximally
distinguished from the regular configuration with the two normal drops.
The above account prompts us to reconsider in a new light the lower incidence
of double alliteration in PxPx with the polysyllabic first drop in fornyrislag than
in West Germanic (Table 6.2). In Beowulf, these relatively heavy realizations of the
first drop do not motivate us in identifying the position involved as heavy and concomitantly scanning the verses concerned as typeA2a (Suzuki 1996): the nonminimal
configurations are significantly differentiated from typeA2a in verse distribution and
alliterative pattern (Tables 6.2 and 6.7); specifically, they fail to share the maximal
association with the a-verse with double alliteration characteristic of typeA2a. Much
the same applies to fornyrislag: the group of configurations subsumed under Px
Px, excluding Px#Px, are not as closely linked to the a-verse with double alliteration
as is typeA2a (compare sections 2.1.1 and 2.2.1). What is more important, these nonminimal configurations are far from favoring double alliteration at all, in contrast to
typeA2a, in fornyrislag. In this light, it would appear out of the question to ascribe
the lack of preference for double alliteration on the part of the configurations represented by PxPx to the less than strictly demarcated status of the heavy drop in
fornyrislag, precisely because they do not contain a heavy drop themselves.
On closer consideration, however, the status of the heavy drop turns out to be of
vital importance in determining the nature of the nonminimal first drop. As argued in
Suzuki (1996: 158, 168169; 2004: 56), by virtue of its relatively enhanced prominence
the nonminimal first drop of typeA1 may be characterized as deviant from its prototypical realization by means of the word-final -x#, and conversely as approaching its
opposite, the heavy drop. Yet it cannot be fully identified with the latter, as shown in
the above paragraph. The nonminimal normal drop thus stands in the boundary zone
at the intersection of the two kinds of drops: it is peripheral both to the normal and to
the heavy drop in their prototypical forms.
On account of the partial resemblance in terms of prominence to the heavy drop,
and the concomitant deviation from the normal one at that, the nonminimal drop
may yield to analogous treatment to the prototypical material for the heavy drop by
the mechanism of category extension (Suzuki 1996: 158). It is at this point that the
exact way of execution can vary, depending on the categorial status of the heavy drop
itself which serves as a model for analogy. In Beowulf, the maximal opposition of the
heavy to the normal drop that obtains there is instrumental in assigning the corre-
349
spondingly strong attributes to the nonminimal drop; hence a marked preference for
the a-verse with double alliteration materializes. By contrast, in fornyrislag the less
than full distinction of the heavy drop from the normal one cannot afford to supply
the nonminimal drop with its distinguishing properties to a comparable extent: given
that even the heavy drop in its prototypical form fails to maximize preference for the
a-verse with double alliteration, the analogical extension cannot be expected to be
implemented vigorously. Consequently, the nonminimal first drop of typeA1, which
is situated at a midpoint between the two extremes, is differentiated from the normal
and the heavy drop, respectively, by the higher and lower incidences of the a-verse
and double alliteration. Specifically with regard to double alliteration, the peripheral realizations at issue fall short of displaying a particular preference for alliterative
pattern, in contrast to the prototypical ones of the normal and the heavy drop, which
are closely associated with single and double alliteration, respectively. In this way, the
less than definitive status of the heavy drop of typeA2a provides a credible account of
the similarly weak presence of double alliteration that obtains when the first drop of
typeA1 is occupied by unstressed materials other than word-final syllables.
Table6.7.Alliterative pattern of types A2a and A2b (or their comparable configurations) in
fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Configuration
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
Fornyrislag
PSPx (A2a)
PxPS (A2b)
4 (19.05%)
16 (28.07%)
17 (80.95%)
41 (71.93%)
21 (100%)
57 (100%)
Beowulf
PSPx (A2a)
PxPS (A2b)
4 (2.96%)
0 (0%)
131 (97.04%)
103 (100%)
135 (100%)
103 (100%)
Heliand
PSPx (A1)
PxPS (A2)
1 (14.29%)
1 (1.96%)
6 (85.71%)
50 (98.04%)
7 (100%)
51 (100%)
6.2.1.3Type A1The catalectic variant of type A1 (type A1-) is attended by single alliteration in the
a-verse with an outstanding incidence (Table6.8; see also section2.4 above). While
the minimal variants of type A1- (Px#P) and type A1 (Px#Px) are indistinguishably
biased toward single alliteration (p=0.171), the longer variants do differ significantly
(p<0.001), with typeA1- being far more likely to manifest single alliteration, which
actually prevails over double alliteration. The predominance of single alliteration in
the nonminimal variants of type A1- deserves particular notice, given that type A1tends to be more weighty in the first drop than typeA1 (section2.4), and that the more
prominent first drop is the more conducive to double alliteration in general terms. Of
related interest, typeA1 differs significantly in alliterative pattern between its minimal
350
Alliteration
and nonminimal variants as shown earlier (p<0.001), whereas the catalectic counterpart consistently favors single alliteration regardless of the composition of the first
drop involved (p=0.369). Type A1- is thus distinguished from typeA1 by its persistent association with single alliteration that is unaffected by the variation of the first
drop.
The similarity between typeA1 with the relatively long first drop and typeA2a
in terms of alliterative pattern and verse distribution is motivated by the deviation
from the prototypical first drop, and conversely the approximation to the heavy drop,
by the large-sized first drop of typeA1, as argued in the preceding section. However,
since typeA1- retains its close association with single alliteration intact by the varying
size of the first drop, it would be out of the question to invoke for explanation a similar
analogical extension based on the heavy drop.
The overriding issue, then, is the unchanged correlation between the nonminimal variants of typeA1- and single alliteration that is no less strong than is the case
with the minimal one. The key to a solution should naturally be sought in the null
realization of the second drop concerned. As argued in section2.4 above, the expansion of the first drop of type A1- may be explained as a compensation for the suppression of the second one on the surface: the unrealized final drop would make the
verse below the threshold of desirable prominence level, thereby setting into play
a compensatory mechanism by way of reinforcing the other drop. In this light, the
apparently weighty first drop of typeA1- cannot be regarded as qualified for functioning as an independent inducer of double alliteration: it simply arises as a substitute
for the missing unmarked second drop, which does not bear on variation in alliterative pattern. Thus compensating for the unrealized second drop, the nonminimal
variants of typeA1- may count as equivalent to the minimal variant Px#Px of typeA1.
In this capacity, therefore, they inherit the corresponding alliterative pattern largely
intact.
Table6.8.Alliterative pattern of types A1- and A1 in fornyrislag
Verse type
Configuration
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
A1-
Px#P
PxP
Total
17 (89.47%)
109 (77.30%)
126 (78.75%)
2 (10.53%)
32 (22.70%)
34 (21.25%)
19 (100%)
141 (100%)
160 (100%)
A1
Px#Px
PxPx
Total
173 (73.31%)
226 (43.80%)
399 (53.06%)
63 (26.69%)
290 (56.20%)
353 (46.94%)
236 (100%)
516 (100%)
752 (100%)
351
6.2.1.4Type B
To a limited extent, type B is involved in a patterned variation between single and
double alliteration in the a-verse. On the one hand, the size of the first drop, ranging
in syllable numbers from one to four, has no consequences for the distribution of
single and double alliteration (p = 0.403; Table 6.9; see further section 2.7 above).
The same is true of Beowulf as well, given a p-value of 0.403 (compare Suzuki 1996:
158159). The Heliand differs in this respect. In it, monosyllables and polysyllables in
the first drop differ in their correlation to alliterative pattern (p<0.001): the polysyllabic first drop is significantly associated with single alliteration, whereas the monosyllabic one is neutral to alliterative patterning despite the apparent predominance of
double alliteration.
Table6.9.Alliterative pattern of typeB according to the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first drop
in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
First drop
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
Fornyrislag
Monosyllable
Polysyllable
118 (78.67%)
152 (82.61%)
32 (21.33%)
32 (17.39%)
150 (100%)
184 (100%)
Beowulf
Monosyllable
Polysyllable
34 (70.83%)
131 (63.59%)
14 (29.17%)
75 (36.41%)
48 (100%)
206 (100%)
Heliand
Monosyllable
Polysyllable
34 (40.96%)
407 (67.27%)
49 (59.04%)
198 (32.73%)
83 (100%)
605 (100%)
On the other hand, the second drop affects alliterative pattern in fornyrislag
depending on the opposition between monosyllabic and disyllabic in composition
(Table6.10): with a p-value of 0.008, the disyllabic second drop is far more likely to
manifest double alliteration than the monosyllabic counterpart; with the disyllabic
drop, single and double alliteration have the same probability of occurrence (p=1),
whereas more than 80% of typeB verses with the monosyllabic second drop realize
single alliteration.
This contrast between the monosyllabic and the disyllabic second drop in typeB
is identical to the one that attends on the first drop of typeA1, and also analogous
to the opposition between the word-final and any other variants of the first drop
of type A1, both treated earlier (section 6.2.1.1). In general terms, the more prominent opposites the disyllabic first and second drops of types A1 and B, respectively, and the nonminimal first drop of typeA1 fail to manifest the marked preference for single alliteration that the least prominent counterparts characteristically
display.
352
Alliteration
Table6.10.Alliterative pattern of typeB according to the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic second
drop in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Second drop
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
Fornyrislag
Monosyllable
Polysyllable
263 (82.19%)
7 (50.00%)
57 (17.81%)
7 (50.00%)
320 (100%)
14 (100%)
Beowulf
Monosyllable
Polysyllable
125 (64.10%)
40 (67.80%)
70 (35.90%)
19 (32.20%)
195 (100%)
59 (100%)
Heliand
Monosyllable
Polysyllable
308 (64.57%)
133 (63.03%)
169 (35.43%)
78 (36.97%)
477 (100%)
211 (100%)
Of particular interest in this connection, the above correlation finds no parallels in

Beowulf and the Heliand: in neither work does the difference between the monosyllabic and the disyllabic second drop have any demonstrable effect on alliterative
pattern in the a-verse, given p-values of 0.643 (Beowulf; compare Suzuki 1996: 162
163) and 0.731 (the Heliand). The two works, however, have access to an alternative
parameter for organizing the alliterative pattern in typeB.
At issue is resolution, implementation of which considerably lowers the incidence of single alliteration that will otherwise figure prominently (Table 6.11): in
effect, resolution neutralizes predominant occurrences of single alliteration by bringing about a balanced distribution of single and double alliteration. The exact place of
resolution that is conducive to such neutralization, however, differs between the two
works: Beowulf is found to be sensitive to resolution both on the first lift (p=0.004)
and the second one (p = 0.006), whereas in the Heliand only the resolved second
lift diminishes occurrences of single alliteration, with p<0.001 for the second lift as
against p=0.900 for the first. At the other extreme is fornyrislag, in which resolution
is all but absent and thus incapable of exerting any appreciable effect on alliterative pattern. Given this correlation between resolution and alliterative pattern in the
West Germanic tradition, the virtual inaccessibility of resolution to typeB in fornyris
lag would have motivated exploring an alternative means of control over alliterative
pattern in the Norse meter.
Table6.11.Alliterative pattern of typeB according to resolution in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the

Heliand
Meter
Fornyrislag
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
First lift
Long
Resolved
270 (81.08%)
0 (0%)
63 (18.92%)
1 (100%)
333 (100%)
1 (100%)
Second lift
Long
Resolved
270 (80.84%)
0 (0%)
64 (19.16%)
0 (0%)
334 (100%)
0 (0%)
Meter
Beowulf
Heliand
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
353
Total
First lift
Long
Resolved
155 (67.98%)
10 (38.46%)
73 (32.02%)
16 (61.54%)
228 (100%)
26 (100%)
Second lift
Long
Resolved
151 (68.33%)
14 (42.42%)
70 (31.67%)
19 (57.58%)
221 (100%)
33 (100%)
First lift
Long
Resolved
391 (63.99%)
50 (64.94%)
220 (36.01%)
27 (35.06%)
611 (100%)
77 (100%)
Second lift
Long
Resolved
321 (69.63%)
120 (52.86%)
140 (30.37%)
107 (47.14%)
461 (100%)
227 (100%)
6.2.1.5Type C
Turning to type C, we concentrate on the group of variants in which the two lifts
involved are occupied by separate words, since the occurrence of single compounds
in these positions results in a radical decrease of double alliteration, as in other verse
types. A further distortion is yet to be removed before we investigate a range of possible factors that may affect alliterative pattern: at stake is the correlation between the
two lifts in terms of their realization forms. Specifically, implementation of resolution
(px) on the first lift is compatible only with the long syllable (P) in the second one, as
examined in detail in section4.2.3 above; in other words, the configurations xpxpxx
and x.pxpx are strictly disallowed with rare (if any) exceptions. These co-occurrence
restrictions lead us to focus on the three configurations xpxPx, xPPx, and xPpx
and to make the following two pairwise comparisons (Table6.12). On the one hand,
comparing the first two configurations will reveal how much effect resolution on the
first lift may exert on alliterative pattern. On the other hand, examining the last two
configurations will show whether the distinction of length in the second lift may incur
variation in alliterative patterning.
As it turns out, resolution on the first lift plays no significant role in conditioning
alliterative pattern, given a p-value of 0.257, notwithstanding the apparent difference
on the surface as pointed out by Wenck (1905: 130): whether or not resolution operates, single and double alliteration are likely to occur with indistinguishable probabilities. Much the same applies to Beowulf (p=0.704) and the Heliand (p=0.202).
Again, despite the apparently enhanced incidence of double alliteration in conjunction with resolution on the first lift, no significant difference is actually ascertained in
statistical terms: the alliterative pattern remains neutral to resolution, with single and
double alliteration occurring without notable difference in frequency.
With respect to the configurations xPPx and xPpx, however, there is a significant difference in alliterative pattern, with a p-value of 0.028: the long second lift
decreases the incidence of single alliteration by neutralizing the preference for it that
is characteristic of the short second lift. Since the long syllable is obviously of greater
354
Alliteration
prominence than the short one, the neutralization achieved by the long second lift
is fully in harmony with the correlation between larger prominence and lesser single
alliteration that has been observed in various guises so far in types A1 (size and morphological status of the first drop), A2 (heavy drop due to stronger stress), and B (size
of the second drop). Exactly the same situation holds in Beowulf with a corresponding p-value of 0.007. The Heliand, however, fails to share the same correlation with a
comparable definiteness, given a p-value of 0.084.
Table6.12.Alliterative pattern of typeC according to resolution in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the
Heliand
Meter
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
35 (50.00%)
18 (38.30%)
35 (50.00%)
29 (61.70%)
70 (100%)
47 (100%)
35 (50.00%)
109 (66.06%)
35 (50.0%)
56 (33.94%)
70 (100%)
165 (100%)
5 (35.71%)
5 (25.00%)
9 (64.29%)
15 (75.00%)
14 (100%)
20 (100%)
First lift
Long
Resolved
Second lift
Long
Short
First lift
Long
Resolved
Second lift
Long
Short
5 (35.71%)
34 (73.91%)
9 (64.29%)
12 (26.09%)
14 (100%)
46 (100%)
First lift
Long
Resolved
23 (56.10%)
47 (43.93%)
18 (43.90%)
60 (56.07%)
41 (100%)
107 (100%)
Second lift
Long
Short
23 (56.10%)
39 (73.58%)
18 (43.90%)
14 (26.42%)
41 (100%)
53 (100%)
A further variation of typeC involves catalexis, the derivation of typeC- (section2.9).

It is in order then to examine how it affects alliterative pattern. Since catalectic verses
have their final drop unrealized on the surface, their second lift invariably ends in a
long syllable, as short primary-stressed syllables are incapable of building words on
their own. For this structural reason, we are concerned exclusively with the configuration xPPx as the regular correspondent of the catalectic xPP: the shorter counterpart xPpx does not have a corresponding catalectic variant, *xPp. Table 6.13
compares the alliterative patterns of these two configurations.
Table6.13.Alliterative pattern of types C- and C
Verse type
Type C- (xPP)
Type C (xPPx)
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
47 (87.04%)
53 (45.30%)
7 (12.96%)
64 (54.70%)
54 (100%)
117 (100%)
355
With a p-value of less than 0.001, the configurations at issue differ significantly in their
alliterative pattern: the catalectic variant displays a radically increased incidence of
single alliteration, which occurs nearly nine times out of ten, whereas the regular
counterpart is neutral in their selection of single and double alliteration (section2.9).
Of further significance, with a p-value of 0.003, the catalectic variant displays
a markedly stronger association with single alliteration than the minimal variant of
type C which has been identified above as the most closely associated with single
alliteration among the variants of type C, namely, the configuration xPpx. Of the
two parameters that have been shown to bear on the alliterative pattern of type C,
catalexis the realization of the final drop by zero language material proves accordingly to be outranking the syllable length of the second lift in determining alliterative
pattern. It should be noted in this connection that the two conditioning factors are
mutually exclusive in their scope of operation: catalexis is incompatible with suspension of resolution on the second lift; the otherwise resulting configuration xPp
would be totally unacceptable.
6.2.1.6Type D
As demonstrated in section2.10.1 above, fornyrislag makes no distinction between
the normal and the heavy drop for class D; therefore all configurations with four
metrical positions that begin with two consecutive lifts are subsumed under a single
common verse type, typeD / / . This means that stress on the penultimate position
plays no role in determining verse types. In fact, the configurations PPSx, PPsx, PPXx,
and PPxx do not differ significantly in alliterative pattern, as indicated in Table6.14:
whether the verses with compound names are treated separately on their own or in
combination with the configurations PPXx/PPxx or PPSx/PPsx, the resulting p-values
are all well above 0.05. Stress thus lacks correlation to alliterative pattern in fornyris
lag, in sharp contrast to Beowulf, which distinguishes three types in class D, depending on the stress on the last two positions, that is, types D1 (/ / ), D2a (/ / \), and
D2b (/ / \); and while single alliteration predominates in typeD1, double alliteration
is the rule for the latter two types (Suzuki 1996: 95110).
Table6.14.Alliterative pattern of typeD
Configuration
PPXx/PPxx
PPSx/PPsx (PSx/Psx = proper noun)
PPSx/ PPsx (PSx/Psx = common noun)
Single alliteration
15 (50.00%)
5 (38.46%)
13 (29.55%)
Double alliteration
15 (50.00%)
8 (61.54%)
31 (70.45%)
Total
30 (100%)
13 (100%)
44 ( 100%)
No more distinctive is the length for the penultimate position: whether or not taking
stress degrees into consideration, the difference between short and long syllables
in the penultimate position fails to display significant correlation to the distinction
356
Alliteration
between single and double alliteration in the a-verse, with all relevant p-values well
over 0.05 (Table6.15).
Table6.15.Alliterative pattern of types D and DConfiguration
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
Long (PPXx)
Short (PPxx)
6 (66.67%)
9 (42.86%)
3 (33.33%)
12 (57.14%)
9 (100%)
21 (100%)
Long (PPSx; PSx = proper noun)

Short (PPsx; Psx = proper noun)
2 (33.33%)
3 (42.86%)
4 (66.67%)
4 (57.14%)
6 (100%)
7 (100%)
Long (PPSx; PSx = common noun)

Short (PPsx; Psx = common noun)
7 (41.18%)
6 (22.22%)
10 (58.82%)
21 (77.78%)
17 (100%)
27 (100%)
Long (total)
Short (total)
15 (46.88%)
18 (32.73%)
17 (53.13%)
37 (67.27%)
32 (100%)
55 (100%)
Type D (excluding PSxx)

Type D- (excluding PSx)
36 (31.30%)
6 (42.86%)
79 (68.70%)
8 (57.14%)
115 (100%)
14 (100%)
Furthermore, the parametrical variations of the two lifts resolved versus long syllables for the first lift, and long versus short syllables for the second one are shown
to have no effect on alliterative pattern, with a p-value of 1 in both cases. This is duly
expected, given that either variation is extremely limited in scope, with the long variants overwhelming in both lifts. Thus, no effective control is exercised on alliterative
pattern in typeD in metrical terms.
Because of the extremely small sample size, anacrusis cannot be demonstrated
to have a significant bearing on alliterative pattern for typeD: while all three typeD
a-verses with anacrusis (rk 8.1, HH II 3.1, Gr I 8.7) manifest double alliteration,
comparing this with the distribution of thirty-six instances of single alliteration and
seventy-nine double alliteration that obtains where unaccompanied with anacrusis
(Table 6.15) results in a p-value of 0.552. We have thus no statistical evidence for
anacrusis enhancing double alliteration for typeD, in contrast to typeA1 discussed
above.
The role of catalexis seems to be hardly more effective: in contrast to types A- and
C-, catalectic verses of typeD (typeD-) do not display a significantly stronger preference for single alliteration in statistical terms (p=0.382), as represented in Table6.15
(compare the last two rows). Overall, then, typeD is insusceptible to organization of
alliterative pattern: none of the potential factors stress on the two drops, length of
the first three positions, anacrusis, and catalexis proves to be in effective force.
357
6.2.1.7Type E
Much the same applies to typeE, which is left unorganized in its alliterative pattern
on the whole. The lack of control over this type, however, is readily understandable,
given its low presence in the metrical system and the outstanding homogeneity in its
realization. Altogether, there are only 47 typeE a-verses (Table2.53, section2.13.1);
they are represented predominantly 36 out a total of 47 (76.60%) by the configuration PSxP, where PSx or PS constitutes a compound common noun; another 9 verses
contain a compound proper noun of the forms PSx or PS, such as Aurvangr (Vsp14.7)
and Rgheimr (HHv 43.3); the remaining 2 are heavy realizations with the first drop
aligned to an independent word; further, both lifts and the heavy drop are invariably
realized by long syllables.
Of vital importance in this regard is the total absence in fornyrislag of the configurations PXx#P and PX#x#P as variants of typeE: they are recategorized as variants
of typeA1- (section2.4), in contrast to the West Germanic meters, in which they are
scanned as typeE. The integrity of the configuration PXxP as a variant of typeE provides a parameter predicated on stress for distinct alliterative patterning in Beowulf
and the Heliand: the configuration PSxP starting with a compound common noun
is more likely to manifest double alliteration than the configuration PXxP, with a
p-value of 0.041 (Beowulf: 8 single alliteration vs. 11 double alliteration for PXxP; 18
single alliteration vs. 75 double alliteration for PSxP), and of 0.001 (Heliand: 43 single
alliteration vs. 26 double alliteration for PXxP; 49 single alliteration vs. 87 double
alliteration for PSxP), respectively.
Of further interest, the configuration PsxP with the short first drop is not licensed
as a legitimate variant of typeE in fornyrislag (section2.13.1). This entails that length
in the second position is incapable of serving as a significant factor for conditioning
the alliterative pattern.
With the otherwise most conspicuous contrast between lexical and nonlexical
stresses out of force, fornyrislag still has access to at least two potential parameters
along which typeE can vary in alliterative pattern, namely, the opposition between
common and proper nouns on the one hand, and that between the configurations
PSx#P and PS#x#P on the other. Both of these parameters, however, turn out to be
of no significance (Table 2.53, section 2.13.1). On the one hand, the configuration
PSxP with a common noun is represented by 28 examples of single alliteration and
8 of double alliteration; the corresponding configuration with a proper noun has 8
occurrences of single alliteration and a single one of double alliteration; the resulting
p-value by Fishers exact test is 0.661. On the other hand, the configuration PSx#P
occurs 29 times with single alliteration and 8 times with double alliteration; PS#x#P
displays single alliteration 7 times and double alliteration once; accordingly, we
obtain a p-value of 1 by the same test. In this way, the two potential factors remain
unexploited for organization of alliterative pattern in typeE.
358
Alliteration
6.2.1.8Double alliteration and increased prominence: uniformity in diversity

Throughout the foregoing examinations of variation of alliterative pattern within verse
types, a common property has recurrently emerged as distinctive of fornyrislag. That
is, fornyrislag is distinguished from the West Germanic meters by weaker associations
between increase in prominence and double alliteration. First, while the polysyllabic
first drop (x) and the non-word-final monosyllabic counterpart (#x#), both of typeA1,
are closely associated with double alliteration in Beowulf and the Heliand, they simply do
not favor single alliteration in fornyrislag, rather than go so far as to privilege implementation of double alliteration at the expense of single alliteration (section6.2.1.1). Second,
types A2a and A2b in fornyrislag are indeed significantly linked to double alliteration,
and yet they are markedly weaker in their association than in Beowulf (section6.2.1.2).
Third, the realization of the second lift of typeC by a long primary-stressed syllable (x
PPx) in fornyrislag does not result in as much increase of double alliteration as does
the corresponding configuration in Beowulf (section6.2.1.5). Fourth, the configurations
PPSx and PPsx fail to enhance double alliteration in fornyrislag, whereas they maximize it in Beowulf, thereby constituting distinct verse types (section6.2.1.6).
We are accordingly required to account for why double alliteration, despite its
correlation to increase in prominence, occurs far less frequently in fornyrislag than
in Beowulf. In addressing this issue, we must bear in mind that the association in
itself between double alliteration and increased prominence holds no less significantly in the Norse meter: at issue therefore is the weakening of inducing power that
is still at work. Given the perseverance of the correlation in question, a most natural
line of explanation would be to assume that prominence is enhanced through relevant metrical processes to a lesser extent in fornyrislag; and that double alliteration
is implemented correspondingly on a limited scale. We may further ascribe the diminished degrees of prominence enhancement ultimately to the reduction in prominence
on nonprimary-stressed syllables, a major phonological change that is distinctively
characteristic of Old Norse and has been adduced from time to time so far, as a basis
of explanation (e.g., sections 2.2.1, 3.1, and 3.2).
As pointed out in earlier discussions, there are a number of independent metrical phenomena that would most plausibly have been occasioned by the reduced
prominence on nonprimary-stressed syllables. First, secondary-stressed short disyllables sx are immune to resolution in fornyrislag, whereas they may be resolved in
the West Germanic meters. Thus, the configuration PsxPx, for example, is ruled out as
unmetrical in fornyrislag, whereas it is accepted as a legitimate variant of typeA2a
in Beowulf. This insusceptibility to resolution may be ascribed to the weakening of
secondary stress in North Germanic whereby the sequences concerned become hardly
distinguishable from unstressed disyllabic strings xx, which are categorically unqualified for resolution (section4.1).
Second, while subtype A1s is largely limited to the configuration PSpx in the
West Germanic tradition, it is expanded to include the sequence Pxpx as well in
fornyrislag (section 2.1.3.2): the secondary-stressed syllable S that constitutes the
359
second element of a compound is thus treated as equivalent to the unstressed one or

a concatenation thereof.
Third, full finite verbs, representative of class 2 words, appear as freely in the
first drop of typeA1 in fornyrislag, as do words of the least prominent class, such
as pronouns and prepositions (section2.2.1). This convergent licensing of classes 2
and 3 as occupants of the drop can be interpreted as a consequence of the leveling
of prominence on nonmaximally stressed syllables: the originally stronger stress on
finite verbs has been weakened so much that it has become equivalent to the minimal
one falling on function words.
Fourth, the trisyllabic sequence PXx comes closest to the shorter counterpart Pxx
with a medial short syllable in the Norse meter: the string PXx is as capable of constituting the first two positions of typeA1 as is Pxx in fornyrislag (section2.1.3.3); on the other
hand, the sequence PXx is excluded as a realization of the first three positions of typeE,
much as is the string Pxx (section2.13.3). By contrast, the sequence PXx is sharply distinguished from Pxx in Beowulf and the Heliand: it is treated on a par with the sequence PSx
as a constituent of typeE, whereas Pxx is disqualified from such a scansion.
Fifth, catalexis, a metrical feature unique to the North Germanic tradition, is
characterized as an extreme case of syllable reduction whereby zero realization of an
unstressed syllable counts as a full metrical position the verse-final drop on its
own (section3.2): the covert variant is as legitimate as is the monosyllable normally
realized on the surface.
Finally and notably related to the last point, there are some indications that even
class 1 words are more likely to undergo prominence reduction under special conditions in fornyrislag than in West Germanic: as discussed in section 2.3.1 above,
nouns and adjectives may be scanned as drops, rather than lifts, particularly when
they function as predicate in conjunction with vera (predicate nouns referred to by
Kuhn [1933] 1969: 8286; see also Gering 1924: 198; Heusler 1956: 108109), as in HHII
49.1 Ml er mr at ra and Sg 16.3 gott er at ra. Although comparable instances are
found in West Germanic, such as Beo 316a Ml is m to fran (Kuhn [1933] 1969: 84),
they are only sporadic and isolated; by contrast, far larger numbers are attested in
fornyrislag. Irrespective of particular analysis presented for these phenomena, they
may reasonably be related to the overall weakening of stress that primarily affects
nonprimary-stressed syllables as examined so far.
The weaker effects of increased prominence on incidence of double alliteration in
fornyrislag might alternatively be interpreted as a relaxation of the original association concerned, rather than the smaller degrees of prominence enhancement actualized as adduced above: in other words, implementation of alliteration might have
become less sensitive to variation in prominence in the Norse tradition. In this connection, catalexis deserves special attention as a crucial criterion for evaluating the
two competing accounts.
As shown in section6.2.1.3 above, typeA1- strongly favors single alliteration, irrespective of the varying realization of the first drop. This close association between
360
Alliteration
catalexis and single alliteration in fornyrislag constitutes a converse of that between

increased prominence and double alliteration which is represented maximally in
Beowulf. In this light, the correlation that is in effect uniquely in fornyrislag may be
characterized as a generalization of the original association by analogical extension.
Specifically, the implementation of double alliteration that was prompted by enhanced
prominence in earlier meter has been reconstituted in more general terms as the selection of alliterative pattern depending on variation in prominence: the probability of
single alliteration decreases in proportion to the increase in prominence. Since the
two modes of alliteration, single and double, can be differentiated in terms of prominence realized single alliteration is less prominent than double alliteration by virtue
of the smaller number of repetitive segments involved and the resultant lesser amount
of echoing we may further generalize that alliterative pattern is largely in harmony
with the overall prominence of given verses: alliteration is indexical of a verse in terms
of prominence; its value covaries with the overall prominence involved.
According to the above interpretation, the association between alliteration and
prominence in earlier practice has been expanded and strengthened in the Norse
meter, rather than loosened and undermined. Catalexis is thus integrated with the
traditional organization of alliterative pattern as a further parameter: with a decrease
in prominence that it brings about, catalexis is associated with an increase of single
alliteration. This novel correlation between catalexis and single alliteration established in fornyrislag, therefore, gives credence to the view advanced above that the
diminished incidence of double alliteration in fornyrislag was a consequence of
reduction of prominence on nonprimary-stressed syllables in North Germanic, rather
than of a weakening of the traditional correlation: rather, inherited intact from earlier
versification, the underlying convention was reinvigorated by generalization in the
new prosodic environment.
To conclude, despite the less pronounced profile on the surface, fornyrislag still
conforms to the traditional rule that double alliteration is a privilege of relatively
prominent (long or weighty) verses. More importantly, the meter has expanded on the
rule by analogical reconstitution, whereby catalexis is incorporated as a further factor
for controlling alliterative pattern: by virtue of its inherent association with a loss of
prominence, catalexis is encoded with an increase of single alliteration. The association between alliteration and verse prominence thus receives fuller articulation and
reinvigoration on Scandinavian soil.
6.2.2Verse classes and alliteration

Having determined the range of variation in alliterative pattern within each verse
class and type, we now have ready for comparison the set of basic configurations that
are least affected by additional forces for increasing double alliteration. We accordingly examine in this section how alliterative pattern varies, first, between regular
361
verse classes in regard to their minimal variants, and, second, between the North Germanic and West Germanic meters with respect to each verse class; and subsequently
we offer explanatory accounts of the observed variations across classes from a comparative perspective.
For class A (section 6.2.1.1), the configuration Px#Px counts as minimal in the
three meters alike. The status of anacrusis, however, differs between North and
West Germanic: while it is immaterial in the West tradition on account of the tradeoff between anacrusis and the sequence Px#Px, it significantly bears on alliterative
pattern in fornyrislag, as it specifically operates on the configuration in question
and displays a marked preference for double alliteration in its own right. Accordingly,
the minimal variant is identified as Px#Px without anacrusis for fornyrislag, and as
Px#Px with or without anacrusis for Beowulf and the Heliand. Their respective alliterative patterns are represented in Table6.16. While fornyrislag and Beowulf do not
differ in the proportions of single and double alliteration (p=0.318; compare Russom
1998: 70) with the prevalence of single alliteration, the Heliand diverges from both by
the lack of predominance of single alliteration (p<0.001).
As far as class B is concerned (section6.2.1.4), the configuration xPxP with the
monosyllabic second drop counts as minimal in fornyrislag, whereas the size of the
second drop is irrelevant for the West Germanic meters. Instead, resolution contributes to the identification of the minimal variant in Beowulf and the Heliand: while both
lifts must be excluded from resolution for constitution of the minimal configuration in
Beowulf, the first lift may be resolved in the corresponding variant in the Heliand. As it
turns out (Table6.16), fornyrislag is distinguished both from Beowulf (p=0.004) and
the Heliand (p<0.001) by the significantly higher presence of single alliteration, whereas
the two West Germanic meters are hardly distinguishable in this respect (p=0.711).
With regard to class C (section6.2.1.5), the configuration xPpx displays the least
preference for double alliteration, and it is therefore characterized as minimal. As
represented in Table 6.16, the three meters are all nondistinct in their treatment of
alliterative pattern for this minimal variant: p=0.374 (for fornyrislag and Beowulf);
p=0.398 (for fornyrislag and the Heliand); p=1 (for Beowulf and the Heliand).
As for class D (section6.2.1.6), since no single configuration can be identified as
minimal given the lack of significant difference among the variety of configurations
involved, it seems to be appropriate to single out the most frequent one for comparison, as the minimal variant occurs in the a-verse with the greatest incidence in the
classes discussed so far. At issue, then, is the configuration PPSx comprising all variations in resolution and length. As with class B, the representative variant of class D
in fornyrislag is distinguished from that in Beowulf by the significantly higher frequency of single alliteration (p<0.001; Table6.16). Similarly, if not as outstandingly,
the alliterative pattern differs between fornyrislag and the Heliand, (p=0.035), while
the two West Germanic poems are also distinguished from each other on the same
parameter (p=0.001). Beowulf thus radically differs from the two poems by the exclusive dominance of double alliteration.
362
Alliteration
Since fornyrislag has at its disposal only the configuration PSxP as a member
of class E (sections 2.13.1 and 6.2.1.7), this must be chosen as a minimal variant for
comparison (Table6.16). Parallel to class B, but to a much more exaggerated extent,
fornyrislag is differentiated from Beowulf and the Heliand by the overwhelming
occurrence of single alliteration (p<0.001), whereas double alliteration prevails in
the West Germanic meters, with an almost significant difference observed between
the latter two in turn (p=0.055).
Table6.16.Alliterative pattern of the minimal variants of verse classes in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and
the Heliand
Class
Meter
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
173 (73.31%)
266 (69.45%)
213 (48.30%)
63 (26.69%)
117 (30.55%)
228 (51.70%)
236 (100%)
383 (100%)
441 (100%)
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
263 (82.19%)
141 (71.21%)
321 (69.63%)
57 (17.81%)
57 (28.79%)
140 (30.37%)
320 (100%)
198 (100%)
461 (100%)
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
109 (66.06%)
34 (73.91%)
39 (73.58%)
56 (33.94%)
12 (26.09%)
14 (26.42%)
165 (100%)
46 (100%)
53 (100%)
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
18 (31.58%)
0 (0%)
11 (15.49%)
39 (68.42%)
70 (100%)
60 (84.51%)
57 (100%)
70 (100%)
71 (100%)
Fornyrislag
Beowulf
Heliand
36 (76.60%)
22 (20.37%)
56 (31.28%)
11 (23.40%)
86 (79.63%)
123 (68.72%)
47 (100%)
108 (100%)
179 (100%)
With regard to the varied proportions of single and double alliteration across verse
classes in fornyrislag, single alliteration prevails in the minimal variants of all verse
classes, with the exception of class D. The overall distribution in the Norse meter
stands in contrast to those in Beowulf and the Heliand, in which the corresponding
configurations of classes D and E commonly display a preference for double alliteration; and such predominance of double alliteration can be explained by recourse to
their greater prominence due to the presence of secondary-stressed syllables that constitute a heavy drop, which occupies the penultimate or the second position: PPSx
and PSxP. In fornyrislag, however, typeE is treated distinctly from typeD and identically with the other three, with dominant occurrences of single alliteration. Obviously, the presence of secondary-stressed syllables does not play a determining role
in fornyrislag, given that, differentiated from class D, class E is closely associated
with single alliteration despite the occurrence of a heavy drop in it. The existence of
prominent syllables in the drop must accordingly be preempted by some other force.
363
Noteworthy in this connection is another differential treatment unique to

fornyrislag: the minimal variants of classes B and C differ significantly in their incidence of single alliteration, with a far heavier concentration in type B (p < 0.001);
by contrast, the two corresponding configurations are indistinguishable in Beowulf
(p=0.856) and the Heliand (p=0.636) alike. The differential treatment in fornyris
lag seems to be motivated on structural grounds: the two configurations at issue are
diversified by the cadence, / (class B) on the one hand and / (class C) on the
other. This structural feature, then, may be held responsible for the significant difference between the two types in the extent to which single alliteration predominates:
the verse-final lift favors single alliteration more strongly than the verse-final drop;
hence, class B displays a still stronger preference for single alliteration than class C.8
This close association of the verse-final lift with single alliteration in turn can be
identified as a major factor for the predominance of this alliterative pattern in class E
as opposed to class D: classes E and D end in a lift and a drop, respectively. Thus, the
verse-final lift outranks secondary stress as a primary factor for determining alliterative pattern in fornyrislag.
To recapitulate the alliterative patterns of the minimal configurations of the five
verse classes from a comparative perspective, fornyrislag is distinguished from the
West Germanic meters by a greater incidence of single alliteration, wherever significant difference is in evidence. Specifically, the minimal variants of classes B, D, and E
in fornyrislag display significantly stronger associations with single alliteration than
in Beowulf and/or the Heliand; furthermore, that of class A in fornyrislag (and also
in Beowulf) manifests single alliteration with a greater incidence than in the Heliand.
The preponderance of single alliteration in the minimal variants in fornyrislag
finds another manifestation in the more frequent occurrence of typeA3 (section2.3)
than in the West Germanic meters. Virtually limited to the a-verse and equipped
with only a single lift on the surface which is necessarily alliterative this verse
type numbers 705 examples in fornyrislag (Table3.23), but it drops to 307 and 397
(Table2.20) instances in Beowulf and the Heliand, respectively. The proportions of this
type in class A differ significantly between any two of the three meters involved, all
with a p-value of less than 0.001: thus, typeA3 occurs most frequently in fornyrislag,
and least of all in the Heliand. As it turns out, then, this scalar difference corresponds
exactly to the differing rates of single to double alliteration in the three meters: single
alliteration is implemented in order of decreasing preference in fornyrislag, Beowulf,
and the Heliand. This parallelism seems to be far from accidental: since typeA3 is
characterized as a variant of typeA1 with a distinctive pattern of single alliteration (x)
a, the general preference for single alliteration in fornyrislag is expected to favor this
configuration in corresponding fashion.
8The role of the cadence will be treated in greater detail below in connection with the overall
characterization of verse classes in terms of alliterative pattern.
364
Alliteration
In this way, fornyrislag is distinguished by the significantly larger presence of

single alliteration from the West Germanic meters, both in terms of the minimal configuration of each verse class and of the range of class-internal variation observed.
Given the closer associations with single alliteration on these dimensions, it is
expected that this mode of alliteration is represented more heavily in each verse class
in fornyrislag than in the West Germanic meters. As it turns out, the expectations
are fully borne out by the facts, as is made evident in Table 6.17. The table shows
the alliterative pattern of each class comprising all of its variants, except for catalectic verses and hypermetric verses which are limited to North and West Germanic,
respectively as well as typeA3 with the fixed alliterative pattern (x)a which all
require separate treatment.
Table6.17.Alliterative pattern of verse classes in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the Heliand
Meter
Fornyrislag
Class
A
B
C
D
D*
E
Total
Beowulf
A
B
C
D
D*
E
Total
Heliand
A
B
C
D
D*
E
Ex
Total
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
504 (51.38%)
270 (80.84%)
397 (75.05%)
45 (34.88%)
11 (25.58%)
36 (76.60%)
477 (48.62%)
64 (19.16%)
132 (24.95%)
84 (65.12%)
32 (74.42%)
11 (23.40%)
981 (100%)
334 (100%)
529 (100%)
129 (100%)
43 (100%)
47 (100%)
1263 (61.22%)
800 (38.78%)
2063 (100%)
460 (32.33%)
211 (69.87%)
474 (89.27%)
81 (32.79%)
34 (23.29%)
29 (21.64%)
963 (67.67%)
91 (30.13%)
57 (10.73%)
166 (67.21%)
112 (76.71%)
105 (78.36%)
1423 (100%)
302 (100%)
531 (100%)
247 (100%)
146 (100%)
134 (100%)
1289 (46.32%)
1494 (53.68%)
2783 (100%)
463 (17.72%)
504 (67.11%)
465 (81.87%)
58 (28.86%)
22 (3.54%)
106 (37.99%)
7 (16.28%)
2150 (82.28%)
247 (32.89%)
103 (18.13%)
143 (71.14%)
600 (96.46%)
173 (62.01%)
36 (83.72%)
2613 (100%)
751 (100%)
568 (100%)
201 (100%)
622 (100%)
279 (100%)
43 (100%)
1625 (32.01%)
3452 (67.99%)
5077 (100%)
The overall alliterative pattern of the three meters may be characterized as follows.
In fornyrislag, single alliteration prevails: nearly two in every three a-verses display
single alliteration (p<0.001). In terms of verse classes, only classes D and D* favor
double alliteration; class A is neutral in selection of the single and double modes;
365
and the remainder classes B, C, and E display a marked preference for single
alliteration. In Beowulf, double alliteration is dominant, with slightly more than half
of a-verses manifesting double alliteration (p=0.007). With respect to class-specific
patterns, only classes B and C are favorable to single alliteration; and the remaining classes are biased toward double alliteration. In the Heliand, double alliteration
prevails, with an even stronger association with it than in Beowulf: two out of three
a-verses display double alliteration (p < 0.001), the proportion that is exactly the
opposite of the one in fornyrislag. As regards the individual classes, only classes
B and C favor single alliteration, with the rest significantly associated with double
alliteration, much as in Beowulf.
Exclusively common to the three classes (B, C, and E) that are closely associated
with single alliteration in fornyrislag is that they either begin with a drop and/or end
in a lift; conversely, the classes that do not particularly favor single alliteration either
begin with a lift or end in a drop or both. Accordingly, we may identify the initial drop
and the final lift as independent structural conditions for favoring single alliteration.
Of further interest is whether or not the three classes involved differ significantly in
the relative occurrences of single and double alliteration. We have the following p-values: p=0.055 between classes B and C; p=0.556 between classes B and E; and p=1
between classes C and E. Particularly important in this regard is that class B, which
uniquely satisfies both conditions, appears to be differentiated from one of the other
two (class C) in the association with single alliteration (at a significance level of 0.10).
In this light, we might be inclined to hold the clustering of the two conditions in question to be somehow responsible for the distinction: feeding each other, the two factors
may apply cumulatively in effect.
On closer examination, the above supposition would strike us as more convincing.
As may be recalled, the minimal variants of classes B and C xPxP on the one hand
and xPpx on the other are sharply differentiated in their degrees of association
with single alliteration: the representative configuration of class B displays a stronger
preference for single alliteration (p<0.001). This differential treatment seems to be
ascribable to the difference in the cadence, as has been proposed above. We then find
ourselves faced with the apparently puzzling situation: while the minimal, prototypical variants of the two respective classes are distinguished definitely, the classes as
a whole appear to be differentiated far less sharply (if at all) in regard to alliterative
pattern.
A credible solution to the problem will be provided by a close look at other variants of these two classes. At issue is the nature of the second lift: while in class B it
is realized normally by a primary-stressed syllable, it is in large measure filled by
a nonprimary one in class C, for which the light variants xPSx, xPsx, xPXx,
and xPxx make an outstanding presence. Specifically, 246 a-verses belonging to
class C have their second lift realized by a nonprimary stress, as against 283 examples of xPPx/xPpx; by contrast, class B has only 16 light verses as opposed to
318 regular ones. Given that the realization of the two lifts by single words radically
366
Alliteration
increases the occurrence of single alliteration, the barely appreciable difference in

alliterative pattern between classes B and C taken as a whole should most feasibly
be ascribed to the conspicuous presence of light verses in class C in comparison with
class B.
This suspicion is indeed verified when we examine the alliterative pattern of the
two classes, with an exclusive reference to their regular variants with the primarystressed second lift. Of the 318 class B verses in question, 254 (79.87%) manifest single
alliteration, whereas 162 (57.24%) out of a total of 283 class C verses with the second
lift aligned to a primary-stressed syllable realize single alliteration. Running Fishers
exact test on the contingency table thus obtained gives a p-value of less than 0.001.
We may therefore conclude that class B is inherently associated with single alliteration more closely than class C; accordingly, the conspicuous representation of light
variants in class C is to be held responsible for distorting the overall picture by their
intrinsic bias toward single alliteration.
The foregoing discussion, then, compels us to reconsider the interaction of the
two conditions for implementation of single alliteration: rather than working in isolation and unaffected by each other, they interact in an additive way. Since class B
meets both conditions by virtue of the initial drop and the final lift involved, it is
subject to a stronger demand for single alliteration, and hence it is distinguished from
the other classes by its overwhelming incidence of single alliteration.
Having identified the pair of structural conditions for inducing single alliteration
at the expense of double alliteration, we are in turn confronted with an array of more
fundamental questions: Why do the two particular conditions bring about the same
effect of boosting single alliteration? What is the basis for their pairing as it actually
obtains? Why is this pair chosen, rather than other logically possible combinations,
such as a pair of the verse-initial lift and the verse-final drop?
To answer these questions in a principled way, we need to take into account a
string of metrical positions, rather than single entities in isolation. The verse-initial
drop is necessarily followed by a lift, as a succession of drops () is not allowed at
the beginning of a verse at the most abstract level of metrical representation.9 Similarly, the verse-final lift is invariably preceded by a drop, as lifts are not permitted to
follow each other (/ /) at the end of a verse. Thus considered, the two conditions that
had to be independently specified above can be unified as the common concatenation
of a drop and a lift (/) located at either edge of a verse.
Seen in this light, the apparently arbitrary pairing of the two specific conditions
ceases to be so. Among the four possible combinations, the two pairings of the verseinitial lift and the verse-final lift, and of the verse-initial drop and the verse-final drop,
are ruled out as a matter of principle, because the resulting two strings at the edges of
9It may be recalled that a long stretch of upbeat at the head of typeA3 is assigned to a single drop,
which is in turn preceded by the underlying initial lift (section2.3).
367
a verse must necessarily fail to be matched in either case: in the former pair, we have
/ or / / at the beginning and / at the end; and in the latter pair, we have / at the
beginning and / or at the end. The remaining combination of the verse-initial
lift and the verse-final drop, however, could result in a proper match: we have / or
/ / at the beginning and / or at the end. Yet the successful matching (/) is far
from determined unequivocally: we must make what would appear to be an arbitrary
choice of the string of lift + drop among the four alternatives. Thus, the clustering of
the verse-initial lift and the verse-final drop cannot be derived in a uniform way from
a single concatenation of metrical positions.
A question arising next concerns the nature of the sequence /: Why does this
string, rather than its reversal / , favor single alliteration, rather than double alliteration? To provide a principled account of this issue would also serve as a supplementary and more substantive explanation than has been proposed on formal grounds
above of why the combination of the verse-initial lift and the verse-final drop fails
to enhance implementation of single alliteration, in contrast to its mirror image.
Obviously, the concatenation of a drop and a lift ( /) constitutes a rising contour
of prominence, whereas its reversal, a falling counterpart (compare Sievers 1893: 31;
Wenck 1905: 125132). Thus formulated, our original question may be reduced to the
following: Why does the rising contour favor single alliteration, rather than double
alliteration? Why does the falling one induce double alliteration, rather than single
alliteration?
Thus, we must explore the association of the rising contour with single alliteration on its own terms. At this point, it is of paramount importance to recall the generalization stated above (section6.2.1.8) that single alliteration is of lesser prominence
than double alliteration simply by virtue of the smaller amount of repetitive elements
actualized. In this light, the association under investigation here may be reformulated
as being predicated on the corresponding value of prominence in the rising contour
relative to the falling counterpart. This in turn implies specifically that the rising
contour, functioning as a correlate of single alliteration, should carry lesser prominence than the falling one. Can this claim bear empirical scrutiny at all?
There is a clear indication inherent in the linguistic structure of Old Germanic
that the rising contour of weak + strong is of lower prominence than the falling
counterpart of strong + weak. At issue is the contrastive accentual pattern that holds
between nouns/adjectives and related verbs, both beginning with prefixes. Prefixed
nominals (with the exception of ga-/ge-/gi-) are stressed on word-initial syllables,
whereas corresponding verbals carry stress on their stems. The canonical pattern is
therefore strong + weak for nouns and adjectives, and weak + strong for verbs. Since
unstressed prefixes are largely lost in Old Norse as noted above from time to time, it
may be useful to turn to Old English (Beowulf) for clear exemplification (Campbell
1977: 73). The following pairs of derivationally related words, taken from Beowulf,
will serve as representative examples:
368
(5)
Alliteration
oferhygd pride 1740b vs. oferhycgan despise 2345a

Beo 1740b oferhygda dl [pxSx#P]
Beo 2345a Oferhogode [xxpxx#P]
oranc ingenuity vs. encan think
Beo 2087a so ws oroncum [x#x#PSx]
Beo 2643b na hte [Px#xPx]
ymbsittend neighboring peoples vs. ymbsittan sit round
Beo 1827a t ec ymbsittend [x#x#PSx]
Beo 564a symbel ymbston [Px#xPx]
As shown in section1.2 above, nouns and adjectives belong to class 1: they are most
likely to serve as lifts. By contrast, verbs in their prototypical function are finite and
thus members of class 2, and accordingly less qualified to occupy strong metrical
positions. Since lifts are defined as strong or maximally prominent metrical positions,
the lexical items that are optimal for the positions in question should most plausibly
be characterized as of greater inherent prominence than those less likely to fulfill that
function. Specifically, then, nominals are perceived as more prominent than verbals.
Of vital importance are the correlation between the maximally prominent nominals and the falling contour of prominence, strong + weak, on the one hand, and
that between the less prominent verbals and the rising contour, weak + strong, on
the other. In this way, these associations evidently indicate that the rising contour
embodies a lesser amount of prominence than the falling counterpart in Old Germanic. Hence, it follows as a matter of course that the rising contour correlates to
single alliteration, rather than double alliteration, by virtue of their relatively weaker
prominence commonly involved.
As pointed out above, the occurrence of the rising contour at either edge of a verse
brings about the same consequence of promoting single alliteration: classes B, C, and
E privilege single alliteration, with class B outranking the other two with its maximal
correlation. On the other hand, the remaining two classes, A and D, do not favor single
alliteration, since they do not rise in contour of prominence at either edge of a verse.
These two classes are, however, no less differentiated in their alliterative pattern, as
observed above: while class A is neutral to the distinction between single and double
alliteration, class D shows a preference for double alliteration; the alliterative patterns of these two classes thus differ significantly with a p-value of less than 0.001.
The identification of the string of drop + lift as conducive to single alliteration has
interesting implications for the two classes distinct degrees of dissociation from this
mode of alliteration and conversely of affinity with double alliteration. Class A (/
/) contains a string of drop + lift in the middle, whereas class D (/ / ) has none.
Given this structural difference, we would be led to hold the presence or absence of
the rising contour responsible for the distinction at issue. Since the string of a drop
and a lift does not occur at the edge of a verse but in the middle of it, class A does not
satisfy the condition for elevated implementation of single alliteration. Relative to
369
class D without the remotest resemblance to the sequence weak + strong, however,
it may be perceived as more favorable to single alliteration and conversely as less
amenable to double alliteration. As a consequence, the two classes yield to the scaled
differentiation in terms of alliterative pattern as they are actually implicated.10
One might wonder at this point why the occurrence of the string / at the edge is
of greater consequence than that in the middle. It would again be instructive to invoke
for explanation the analogy to the word stress pattern. Just as the stress contour is
primarily determined at the word boundary, the edge assumes a crucial role in establishing the dominant contour.
Furthermore, of the two word boundaries initial and final the beginning
one seems to be primary: the sequence of prefix + stem invariably occurs at the
beginning of a word, whereas the same concatenation does not always terminate
the word concerned: it may be followed by suffixes and endings. This ranking of the
two edges has significant consequences for metrical treatment. As may be recalled,
in Beowulf and the Heliand only classes B and C are favorable to single alliteration,
while class E is associated with double alliteration as are classes A and D. Such a
grouping of verse classes is determined by the restriction of the rising contour to the
left (or initial) edge: by this property, classes B and C are exclusively distinguished
from the rest.
The access limited to the initial rising contour for determining alliterative pattern
of verse classes in the West Germanic tradition has notable implications for the treatment of classes B and C: while class C should hardly differ in alliterative pattern
between the West and North Germanic meters, class B should be differentiated in
such a way that the West Germanic meters display a weaker association with single
alliteration. To rephrase the other way around, class B in fornyrislag should be
more amenable to single alliteration on account of the added factor of the final rising
contour that is uniquely involved.
To verify what seems to be a simple prediction as made above, however, necessitates further thinking on the details. As has been shown to be the case with class C
in the Norse meter, this class is represented by light verses to a significantly higher
extent than any other class. In fact, class C comprises 449 light verses and 82 regular
ones in Beowulf, and 358 light and 210 regular ones in the Heliand; by marked contrast, class B consists of 48 light and 254 regular verses in Beowulf, and 63 light and
688 regular ones in the Heliand. For the purposes of systematically removing the distorting effects exerted by light verses on the alliterative pattern in class C, we must be
concerned exclusively with regular verses where the second lift as well as the first one
10Incidentally, class D*s greater likelihood of realizing double alliteration than class As may be
attributed to the presence of an extra position standing between the lifts, as it adds to the overall
prominence of the verses concerned. The same applies to the difference between anacrustic with
five positions and regular with four positions verses.
370
Alliteration
are occupied by primary stresses. For the sake of consistency, we should correspondingly take into consideration only regular verses for class B, too. The contingency
tables that concern us, then, are represented in Table6.18.
Table6.18.Alliterative pattern of regular variants of classes B and C in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and
the Heliand
Meter
Class
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
Fornyrislag
B (xPxP)
C (xPPx/xPpx)
254 (79.87%)
162 (57.24%)
64 (20.13%)
121 (42.76%)
318 (100%)
283 (100%)
Beowulf
B (xPxP)
C (xPPx/xPpx)
165 (64.96%)
44 (53.66%)
89 (35.04%)
38 (46.34%)
254 (100%)
82 (100%)
Heliand
B (xPxP)
C (xPPx/xPpx)
441 (64.10%)
116 (55.24%)
247 (35.90%)
94 (44.76%)
688 (100%)
210 (100%)
In accordance with the prediction, Beowulf and the Heliand are distinguished from
fornyrislag by the weaker association of class B with single alliteration, with a
p-value of less than 0.001 in either case. By contrast, the alliterative pattern of class C
does not differ significantly between the West and North Germanic meters (p=0.614
for fornyrislag and Beowulf, and p=0.713 for fornyrislag and the Heliand).
A still further distinguishing property of the overall alliterative pattern of
classes B and C in fornyrislag can be explained by the additional accessibility to
the final rising contour in the Norse meter. As is evident in Table 6.17, class C as a
whole manifests single alliteration with a significantly higher incidence than class B
both in Beowulf and the Heliand (p<0.001). By contrast, the pattern apparently gets
reversed in fornyrislag, with class B seemingly more favorable to single alliteration.
Although this distribution in the Norse meter is not as overwhelmingly significant
with a p-value of 0.055 as in the West Germanic ones, it remains indisputable that
fornyrislag no longer prioritizes class C in association with single alliteration. This
change in ranking in terms of overall susceptibility to single alliteration is subject
to a principled account by making reference to the increased amenability of class B
to single alliteration by virtue of the newly introduced condition of the final rising
contour in fornyrislag.
A Norse innovation would thus have been to generalize the earlier constraint so
as to include the right (or final) edge as well; as a result, class E can now be treated
on a par with classes B and C in fornyrislag. This generalization may be explained
as part and parcel of the increasing importance of the cadence in metrical organization in fornyrislag, as considered in detail in chapter5 above. The growing fixation
of the string / at the end of a verse would plausibly have enhanced sensitivity to
the opposite counterpart / at the same location and promoted its role in metrical
organization, as eloquently testified by the bimoraic constraint on the verse-final lift
The lexical basis of alliteration
371
(Craigies law; section5.3). Moreover, the secondary effect of the medial sequence /
on alliterative pattern materializes only in the Norse meter: in West Germanic, class A
displays at least as strong a preference for double alliteration as class D. This expansion may be attributed to a further analogical extension of the string / to verseinternal position.
6.3The lexical basis of alliteration

While the three-way distinction of word classes provides a stochastic basis for choosing alliterative lifts in overall terms as commonly acknowledged (section1.2), we have
yet to explore in more rigorous terms the extent to which the lexical distinction at
issue bears on the opposition between single and double alliteration. Is the alliterative pattern in the a-verse conditioned on a comparably lexical basis? Also worthy of
examination from the same lexical perspective is the difference (if any) between the
a-verse with single alliteration and the b-verse, which have been demonstrated to be
far from identical in verse organization.
In the following lexical-based examination, we will focus on types A1, B, and
C, primarily because the remaining types are biased toward specific word classes,
notably class 1, due to their inherent structural properties. Type A2a begins with a
compound noun, and so does typeE most frequently; conversely, types A2b and D
largely end in a comparable nominal. Similarly, subtypeA1s prototypically contains
nominal compounds in the first two positions. Moreover, we will be concerned exclusively with those variants of types A1, B, and C in which the second lift as well as the
first are occupied by primary-stressed syllables for the obvious reason of the maximal
association of nonprimary-stressed lifts with lack of alliteration. By the same token,
typeA3 is excluded from consideration, as it comprises only one lift in explicit form.
Furthermore, our primary concern will be the role that class 1, the class of
maximal prominence, as a whole plays in organizing alliterative pattern in opposition to the other two classes with lesser prominence. While alliterative pattern and
verse distinction can be affected by grammar-based variations within the class, such
as distinctions between nouns and nominal forms of verbs (e.g., Wenck 1905: 2526,
2930), syntactic relations (e.g., subordination vs. coordination; Wenck 1905: 69,
1013), and word order (e.g., adjective + noun vs. noun + adjective; Wenck 1905:
1320) involved, we will not explore these finer details on the class-internal dimension. Interested readers are referred to Wenck (1905), Pipping (1935: 3858), Heusler
(1956: 108115), and other studies for meticulous descriptions and insightful observations relating to issues of meter-syntax interface.
372
Alliteration
6.3.1Type A1
As indicated in Table6.19, the selection of alliterative pattern in the a-verse correlates
significantly to the linguistic realization of the first and second lifts in typeA1. More
specifically, single alliteration displays a stronger association with the realization of
the first lift by class 1 as opposed to a combination of classes 2 and 3 (p=0.001); conversely, double alliteration appears to be correlated to the occurrence of class 1 words
(rather than those of the other two) in the second lift more closely than is single alliteration; this apparent difference, however, is not definitely significant, given p=0.062.
We may nonetheless generalize that single and double alliteration are favored by a
greater incidence of class 1 words in the first and the second lift, respectively.
Analogous differentiations apply to the distinction between the a-verse and the
b-verse in general and that between the a-verse with single alliteration and the b-verse
in particular. As far as the first lift is concerned (Table6.19), the b-verse is more likely
to have its first lift occupied by class 1 words than the a-verse with single alliteration
(p=0.015) and the a-verse with double alliteration (< 0.001). Taking into account the
above observation on the significant difference between single and double alliteration in the a-verse (p=0.001), we may postulate the following scale: b-verse > a-verse
with single alliteration > a-verse with double alliteration (put simply, b-v > ax > aa;
A > B means that A ranks higher than B according to a given scale). With regard to
the second lift (Table6.19), the b-verse is less likely to have its second lift filled by
class 1 words than the a-verse with single alliteration (p=0.025) and the a-verse with
double alliteration (p<0.001). The latter two verses, however, are not distinguishable
(p=0.062), as observed in the preceding paragraph. We may therefore generalize the
three-way distinction in scalar terms as follows: aa ax > b-v (A B denotes A appears
higher in the scale than B without statistical support).
Table6.19.Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeA1
Word
class
1
2
3
Total
First lift
A-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
295 (73.93%)
90 (22.56%)
14 (3.51%)
399 (100%)
B-verse
221 (62.61%) 1025 (79.89%)

115 (32.58%) 187 (14.58%)
17 (4.82%)
71 (5.53%)
353 (100%)
1283 (100%)
Second lift
A-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
B-verse
323 (80.95%)
48 (12.03%)
28 (7.02%)
304 (86.12%)
46 (13.03%)
3 (0.85%)
968 (75.45%)
270 (21.04%)
45 (3.51%)
399 (100%)
353 (100%)
1283 (100%)
At this point, we may naturally wonder how (if at all) the lexical distinction in question relates to the morphophonological counterpart between the word-final monosyllable and the word-initial one that we found to be associated with alliterative pattern
in the preceding section. At issue then is the extent to which and the manner in which
373
the lexical distinction bears on the differentiation of the three groups of verses in the
subset of typeA1 in which the first drop is realized by monosyllables. As it turns out,
the occupation of the first lift by class 1 words displays a significantly closer association with the word-final monosyllable than when the same position is realized
by members of the other two classes (p=0.005 for the a-verse and p<0.001 for the
b-verse; Table 6.20). By contrast, the occurrence in the second lift of varying word
classes displays no significant correlation to the distinction between word-finals
and word-initials for the a-verse (p=0.190; Table6.21), whereas class 1 is less closely
associated with word-finals in the b-verse than the other two classes put together
(p<0.001).
Table6.20.Word classes in the first lift and monosyllables in the first drop of typeA1
Word class
1
2
3
-x#
A-verse
#x#
196 (58.68%) 138 (41.32%)

32 (41.56%) 45 (58.44%)
8 (44.44%) 10 (55.56%)
Total
-x#
B-verse
#x#
Total
334
77
18
730 (80.31%)
72 (58.54%)
37 (66.07%)
179 (19.69%)
51 (41.46%)
19 (33.93%)
909
123
56
Table6.21.Word classes in the second lift and monosyllables in the first drop of typeA1
Word class
1
2
3
-x#
A-verse
#x#
193 (53.61%) 167 (46.39%)

32 (64.00%) 18 (36.00%)
11 (57.89%)
8 (42.11%)
Total
360
50
19
-x#
B-verse
#x#
599 (74.04%)
197 (84.19%)
43 (95.56%)
210 (25.96%)
37 (15.81%)
2 (4.44%)
Total
809
234
45
Given the correlation now ascertained between class 1 and the word-final syllable in
regard to the first lift, we are prompted to ask whether one of the parameters involved
is reducible to the other, or whether the two are at work independently of each other.
To this end, all we need to do is examine the working of one factor while controlling
that of the other: specifically, we are concerned on the one hand with the distinction
between word-initial and word-final syllables relative to alliterative pattern under
the condition that the first lift is fixed at class 1, and on the other with the relation
between word classes and alliterative pattern on the condition that the first drop is
realized by the word-final syllable. On the assumption that one of the two parameters
reduces to the other, we would predict that the difference in the word-internal location of monosyllables should prove to be lacking significance with respect to alliterative pattern and verse distinction: the proportion of word-finals to word-initials would
fail to be differentiated along the parameter of single and double alliteration and that
of verse difference. Alternatively, we would expect that the distinction in word classes
374
Alliteration
should have no significant bearing on alliterative pattern and verse distinction: distribution of single and double alliteration and that of the b-verse and the a-verse with
single alliteration would be orthogonal to the lexical difference involved.
As Table6.22 reveals, however, the word-final syllable is demonstrably associated
with single alliteration more closely than is the word-initial one, under the condition
that class 1 words invariably fill the first lift (p < 0.001). Similarly, with a constant
appearance of the word-final syllable in the first drop, single alliteration occurs with
a greater proportion than does double alliteration insofar as the first lift is occupied
by class 1 (p=0.003; Table6.23). In this light, we must conclude that the two factors
the word-final syllable and class 1 are associated on an independent basis with
distinction in the mode of alliteration in the a-verse; neither is reducible to the other.
In regard to the differentiation between the a-verse with single alliteration and
the b-verse, however, neither parameter proves to be significant on its own (p=0.148
for the monosyllabic first drop; p = 0.901 for the word classes in the first lift). It is
accordingly their combined forces that differentiate the two verses in question: the
b-verse is characterized by the higher incidences of class 1 words in the first lift and of
word-finals in the first drop than the a-verse with single alliteration. Accordingly, the
scale that we posited earlier in this section is confirmed: b-v > ax > aa.
Table6.22.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with the monosyllabic first drop and the first lift occupied
by class 1
Monosyllabic
-x#
#x#
Total
A-verse
B-verse
152 (75.62%)
49 (24.38%)
44 (33.08%)
89 (66.92%)
730 (80.31%)
179 (19.69%)
201 (100%)
133 (100%)
909 (100%)
Table6.23.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with the first drop occupied by

the word-final syllable according to the word class of the first lift
Word class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
B-verse
152 (87.86%)
15 (8.67%)
6 (3.47%)
44 (69.84%)
17 (26.98%)
2 (3.17%)
730 (87.01%)
72 (8.58%)
37 (4.41%)
173 (100%)
63 (100%)
839 (100%)
A similar examination is required for the relation between the word-final syllable in
the first drop and class 1 words in the second lift. At first glance, double alliteration
retains its close association with class 1 words as occupants of the second lift even
375
when the first drop is controlled as aligned to a word-final (Table6.24). Statistically,

however, the apparently higher representation of class 1 in double alliteration proves
to be lacking in significance as against the a-verse with single alliteration, given a
p-value of 0.466, although it is still distinguishable from the b-verse (p = 0.013).
Hence, it follows that the occurrence of class 1 in the second lift cannot be singled out
as an independent factor for inducing double alliteration. This parameter, however,
plays a significant role in distinguishing between the a-verse with single alliteration
and the b-verse: with a p-value of 0.019, the b-verse is less likely to have its second lift
occupied by class 1 words than the a-verse with single alliteration. The resultant scale
may be represented as follows: aa ax > b-v.
Table6.24.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with the first drop occupied by
the word-final syllable according to the word class of the second lift
Word class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
B-verse
139 (80.35%)
24 (13.87%)
10 (5.78%)
54 (85.71%)
8 (12.70%)
1 (1.59%)
599 (71.39%)
197 (23.48%)
43 (5.13%)
173 (100%)
63 (100%)
839 (100%)
By contrast, when the second lift is fixed at class 1, the word-final syllable is demonstrated to be still prevalent in single alliteration, whereas the word-initial syllable displays an analogously strong association with double alliteration (p<0.001 between
the a-verse with single and double alliteration; Table6.25). The word-final syllable
thus proves to be of overriding significance in its differentiating effects on alliterative
pattern in the a-verse, compared with the occurrence of class 1 words. With regard
to the differentiation between the a-verse with single alliteration and the b-verse,
however, the same parameter lacks significance, given p=0.246, although the incidence of word-finals appears to be higher in the b-verse. Hence, we arrive at the following scale: b-v ax > aa.
Table6.25.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with the monosyllabic first drop and
the second lift occupied by class 1
Monosyllabic
-x#
#x#
Total
A-verse
B-verse
139 (69.85%)
60 (30.15%)
54 (33.54%)
107 (66.46%)
599 (74.04%)
210 (25.96%)
199 (100%)
161 (100%)
809 (100%)
376
Alliteration
Thus, the two parameters the word classes in the second lift and the distinction
between word-finals and word-initials work in a complementary manner in differentiating among the three verses. Their combined effects bring about the overall
graded distinction aa > ax > b-v (or aa < ax < b-v depending on a parameter of
reference).
6.3.2Type B
The occupation of the first and second lifts of typeB by the three distinct word classes
has a significant bearing on alliterative pattern, as represented in Table6.26. As for
the first lift, the b-verse is distinguished from the a-verse with single alliteration by
the conspicuous presence of class 1 words in the first lift (p<0.001). While apparently
similar distinctions seem to obtain for the remaining pairs, they prove to be lacking
in significance (p=0.121 for the pair of the a-verse with single alliteration and that
with double alliteration; p=0.067 for the pair of the a-verse with double alliteration
and the b-verse). Accordingly, the scale may be represented as follows: b-v aa ax
(b-v > ax).
These two pairs, however, significantly differ in the ways in which the second lift
is realized in lexical terms: the a-verse with double alliteration is differentiated both
from the a-verse with single alliteration and the b-verse by the preponderance of class
1 in the second lift with a p-value of less than 0.001 in either case. Also of interest is
that the same parameter distinguishes between the a-verse with single alliteration
and the b-verse (p=0.023) in such a way that class 1 words are more likely to occur
in the second lift in the b-verse. We accordingly arrive at the following scale: aa > b-v
> ax.
Table6.26.Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeB
Word
class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
Single
alliteration
First lift
Double
alliteration
143 (56.30%)
91 (35.83%)
20 (7.87%)
43 (67.19%)
20 (31.25%)
1 (1.56%)
254 (100%)
64 (100%)
B-verse
Second lift
A-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
91 (80.53%) 76 (29.92%)
20 (17.70%) 100 (39.37%)
2 (1.77%) 78 (30.71%)
113 (100%)
254 (100%)
B-verse
47 (73.44%)
12 (18.75%)
5 (7.81%)
48 (42.48%)
47 (41.59%)
18 (15.93%)
64 (100%)
113 (100%)
As with the first drop of typeA1, the opposition between word-initial and word-final
monosyllables occurring in the second drop correlates to verse distribution and alliterative pattern between the b-verse and the a-verse with single alliteration (p=0.009)
and between the b-verse and the a-verse with double alliteration (p = 0.001) as
377
shown in Table2.36, section2.7 above. In this light, it will be necessary to examine

how the two factors the lexical and the phonological distinction interact and
whether the one works independent of the other in relevant subsets of typeB verses.
Table6.27 shows the effects that the word class distinction in the first lift brings
about on alliterative pattern under the controlled condition that the second drop is
filled by word-final syllables. Conversely, Table 6.28 indicates the way in which the
opposition between word-initial and word-final syllables as exponents of the second
drop affects alliterative pattern, with the constant presence of class 1 words in the first
lift. As it turns out, the word class distinction constitutes a significant factor on its own
as far as it differentiates between the a-verse with single alliteration and the b-verse
(p<0.001). As for the remaining comparisons, we obtain p=0.151 for the pair of the
a-verse with single alliteration and that with double alliteration, and p=0.372 for the
pair of the a-verse with double alliteration and the b-verse. Hence, the whole scale
emerges as: b-v aa ax (b-v > ax). By contrast, it is only in relation to the difference
between the a-verse with double alliteration and the b-verse that the phonological difference serves as a distinguishing factor (p=0.015). As with the word class distinction,
the opposition within the a-verse, that is, the one between single and double alliteration, fails to be marked on its own by the phonological criterion, which gives the following results: p=0.166 for the pair of the a-verse with single alliteration and that with
double alliteration; p=0.174 for the pair of the a-verse with single alliteration and the
b-verse. Accordingly, we arrive at the following scale: b-v ax aa (b-v > aa).
Table6.27.Alliterative pattern of typeB with the second drop occupied by the word-final syllable
according to the word class of the first lift
Word class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
B-verse
113 (58.25%)
63 (32.47%)
18 (9.28%)
28 (71.79%)
11 (28.21%)
0 (0%)
81 (79.41%)
19 (18.63%)
2 (1.96%)
194 (100%)
39 (100%)
102 (100%)
Table6.28.Alliterative pattern of typeB with the monosyllabic second drop and the first lift occupied by class 1
Monosyllabic
-x#
#x#
Total
A-verse
B-verse
113 (83.09%)
23 (16.91%)
28 (71.79%)
11 (28.21%)
81 (90.00%)
9 (10.00%)
136 (100%)
39 (100%)
90 (100%)
378
Alliteration
We may in turn make an analogous examination on the comparable variation of the

second lift. Table6.29 provides the alliterative pattern that emerges depending on the
lexical distinction in the second lift under the controlled condition that the second
drop is occupied by word-final syllables. As it turns out, the varying proportions with
which the second lift is realized by class 1 words constitute significant differences
among the three groups of verses concerned. Specifically, the three distinct verses
are ranked in order of decreasing occurrence of class 1 words, as follows: aa > b-v > ax
(p<0.001 between the first pair, and p=0.044 for the last one).
On the other hand, Table6.30 gives the distribution of the three distinct groups
of verses along the parameter of the binary distinction of the second drop, with the
overarching condition that the second lift is realized by class 1 words. The phonological parameter makes a significant distinction only between the a-verse with double
alliteration and the b-verse, with a p-value of 0.010. The corresponding figures are
p=0.106 for the pair of the a-verses with and without alliteration, and p=0.312 for
the pair of the a-verse with single alliteration and the b-verse. The resulting scale is
represented as follows: b-v ax aa (b-v > aa).
Table6.29.Alliterative pattern of typeB with the second drop occupied by the word-final syllable
according to the word class of the second lift
Word class
A-verse
B-verse
1
2
3
64 (32.99%)
75 (38.66%)
55 (28.35%)
31 (79.49%)
3 (7.69%)
5 (12.82%)
46 (45.10%)
42 (41.18%)
14 (13.73%)
Total
194 (100%)
39 (100%)
102 (100%)
Table6.30.Alliterative pattern of typeB with the monosyllabic second drop and the second lift
occupied by class 1
Monosyllabic
-x#
#x#
Total
A-verse
B-verse
64 (88.89%)
8 (11.11%)
31 (75.61%)
10 (24.39%)
46 (95.83%)
2 (4.17%)
72 (100%)
41 (100%)
48 (100%)
In conclusion, the three parameters the word-initial versus word-final opposition

in the second drop, the word class distinction in the first lift, and that in the second
lift contribute to the distinction of the three groups of verses partly in interdependent and partly in independent ways. The contributions by the lexical classes prove
379
to be largely independent of the phonological distinction. The first lift of the b-verse
is occupied by class 1 words more frequently than that of the a-verse, and the occurrence of the same lexical class in the first lift appears to be more conducive to double
alliteration than to single alliteration. On the other hand, class 1 words are more likely
to occur in the second lift of the a-verse with double alliteration than of the other
two verses, and the b-verse is more likely to host the same class in the second lift
than the a-verse with single alliteration. As for the phonological distinction, wordfinal syllables are more likely to realize the second drop in the b-verse than in the
a-verse in general, and this association is independent of the lexical difference. On
the finer details, however, the same parameter does not prove to be significant on its
own: that is, the apparent difference in occurrences between the a-verses with single
and double alliteration, and that between the a-verse with single alliteration and the
b-verse, lack statistical significance.
6.3.3Type C
The first and second lifts of type C are filled diversely by the three different word
classes, as indicated in Table6.31. As in types A1 and B, the b-verse hosts class 1 words
in the first lift with the highest frequency. In statistical terms, the difference between
the maximal (b-verse) and the minimal (a-verse with single alliteration) incidence
of class 1 words proves to be significant, with a p-value of 0.003. Those between the
adjacent pairs are not, however: p=0.263 for the a-verses with single and double alliteration; p=0.228 for the a-verse with double alliteration and the b-verse. We therefore
arrive at the scale as follows: b-v aa ax (b-v > ax). With respect to the second lift,
the a-verse with double alliteration is distinguished significantly by the conspicuous
presence of class 1 words both from the a-verse with single alliteration and the b-verse
with p-values of less than 0.001, although the apparent difference between the latter
two is not of statistical significance (p=0.179). Accordingly, we should represent the
relations schematically as follows: aa > ax b-v.
Table6.31.Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeC

Word
class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
Single
alliteration
118 (72.84%)
33 (20.37%)
11 (6.79%)
162 (100%)
First lift
Double
alliteration
B-verse
Second lift
A-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
B-verse
96 (79.34%) 455 (83.95%)

25 (20.66%) 62 (11.44%)
0 (0%)
25 (4.61%)
95 (58.64%)
44 (27.16%)
23 (14.20%)
96 (79.34%) 285 (52.58%)

16 (13.22%) 232 (42.80%)
9 (7.44%)
25 (4.61%)
121 (100%)
162 (100%)
121 (100%)
542 (100%)
542 (100%)
380
Alliteration
As may be recalled, long syllables that occupy the second lift display a correlation to
an increased incidence of double alliteration and that of the b-verse (section6.2.1.5).
It will be worthwhile, then, to consider a possible relationship between this parameter and the word class distinction in detail. Table6.32 shows the association between
long and short syllables in the second lift and varying lexical classes in the first lift.
Obviously, class 1 words in the first lift and long syllables in the second lift are associated, compared with the corresponding relation between syllable length and classes
2/3 (p<0.001). It is therefore necessary to explore how the one factor works on its own
without interaction with the other.
Table6.32.Word class in the first lift and syllable length in the second lift of typeC
Word class
1
2
3
Long
465 (69.61%)
65 (54.17%)
14 (38.89%)
Short
Total
203 (30.39%)
55 (45.83%)
22 (61.11%)
668 (100%)
120 (100%)
36 (100%)
We are thus interested to see the distribution of word classes that obtains for the first
lift when the second one is filled by long syllables on the one hand, and the distribution of syllable length in the second lift while the first one is realized by class 1 words
on the other. As Table6.33 makes evident, class 1 words occur most frequently in the
b-verse, followed by the a-verse with single alliteration and then by that with double
alliteration. The differences observed, however, are only partially significant: while
the two polar opposites the b-verse and the a-verse with double alliteration differ
significantly (p = 0.007), the adjacent pairs do not (p = 0.175 for the two a-verses;
p=0.663 for the a-verse with single alliteration and the b-verse). The following scale
results accordingly: b-v ax aa (b-v > aa).
Table6.34 shows the varying proportions of long to short syllables in the second
lift under the condition of the fixed presence of class 1 words in the first lift. The preponderance of long syllables in the b-verse proves to be striking in sharp contrast to
the a-verse irrespective of its alliterative pattern (p<0.001 in either case), whereas the
difference between the latter two is insignificant (p=0.126). Hence, we may posit the
scale as follows: b-v > aa ax.
381
Table6.33.Alliterative pattern of typeC with the second lift realized by long syllables, according to
the word class of the first lift
Word class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
B-verse
45 (84.91%)
8 (15.09%)
0 (0%)
47 (73.44%)
17 (26.56%)
0 (0%)
373 (87.35%)
40 (9.37%)
14 (3.28%)
53 (100%)
64 (100%)
427 (100%)
Table6.34.Alliterative pattern of typeC with the first lift occupied by class 1, according to the
length of the second lift
Syllable
A-verse
B-verse
Long
Short
45 (38.14%)
73 (61.86%)
47 (49.47%)
48 (50.53%)
373 (81.98%)
82 (18.02%)
Total
118 (100%)
95 (100%)
455 (100%)
With respect to the relation between the two properties involving the second lift,
that is, the distinctions in syllable length and word classes, long syllables cannot be
regarded as a privileged attribute of class 1. On the contrary, when comparing class
1 and classes 2/3 as before, we are confronted with the unexpected pattern in which
long syllables are more likely to occur in classes 2 and 3 combined (Table6.35): while
classes 1 and 2 are hardly distinguishable (p=0.353) despite the superficial difference,
classes 1 and 3 differ significantly (p<0.001). Since class 1 words and long syllables
have in common the property of being more prominent than their opposite entities,
the trade-off relation at issue may lead us to suspect that the two factors defy unitary
treatment. More specifically, given the opposite directions of force, it would be out of
the question to expect that the two factors may reduce to each other.
Table6.35.Word class and syllable length in the second lift of typeC
Word class
1
2
3
Long
297 (62.53%)
193 (66.10%)
54 (94.74%)
Short
Total
178 (37.47%)
99 (33.90%)
3 (5.26%)
475 (100%)
292 (100%)
57 (100%)
As it turns out, the two parameters work independently: under the fixed condition
that the second lift is filled by class 1 words, long syllables are far more likely to materialize in the same position in the b-verse than in the a-verse regardless of the lat-
382
Alliteration
ters alliterative pattern (p<0.001; Table6.36). And, similarly, they are more likely to
occur in the a-verse with double alliteration than in the a-verse with single alliteration (p<0.001; Table6.36). Accordingly, the following scale obtains: b-v > aa > ax. On
the other hand, insofar as long syllables serve as realizations of the second lift, the
a-verse with double alliteration is more likely to contain class 1 words in its second lift
than the b-verse (p<0.001; Table6.37), which is in turn more likely to host them in the
same position than the a-verse with single alliteration (p=0.008; Table6.37). We may
accordingly postulate the scale as follows: aa > b-v > ax.
Table6.36.Alliterative pattern of typeC with the second lift occupied by class 1, according to the
length of the second lift
Syllable
Long
Short
Total
A-verse
B-verse
18 (18.95%)
77 (81.05%)
50 (52.63%)
45 (47.37%)
229 (80.35%)
56 (19.65%)
95 (100%)
95 (100%)
285 (100%)
Table6.37.Alliterative pattern of typeC with the second lift realized by long syllables, according to
the word class of the second lift
Word class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
B-verse
18 (33.96%)
13 (24.53%)
22 (41.51%)
50 (78.13%)
7 (10.94%)
7 (10.94%)
229 (53.63%)
173 (40.52%)
25 (5.85%)
53 (100%)
64 (100%)
427 (100%)
Since the parameter of syllable length on the second lift and that of word classes are
fully independent of each other in their effects, it is necessary to examine the distribution of differing word classes in both lifts under the condition that the second lift is
realized by short syllables. As shown in Table6.38, the a-verse with double alliteration ranks first in incidence of class 1 words in the first lift, followed by the b-verse
(p=0.055 compared with the a-verse with double alliteration) and the a-verse with
single alliteration (p=0.010 compared with the a-verse with double alliteration). The
scalar relation may accordingly be represented as follows: aa b-v > ax. As regards
the second lift (Table6.39), the b-verse is significantly distinguished from the a-verse
with single and double alliteration alike (p=0.001 against the former and p<0.001
against the latter) by the markedly lower incidence of class 1 words. The latter two
verses are indistinguishable, however (p = 0.195). Accordingly, the following scale
results: aa ax > b-v.
383
Table6.38.Alliterative pattern of typeC with the second lift realized by short syllables, according to
the word class of the first lift
Word class
A-verse
B-verse
1
2
3
73 (66.97%)
25 (22.94%)
11 (10.09%)
48 (85.71%)
8 (14.29%)
0 (0%)
82 (71.30%)
22 (19.13%)
11 (9.57%)
Total
109 (100%)
56 (100%)
115 (100%)
Table6.39.Alliterative pattern of typeC with the second lift realized by short syllables, according to
the word class of the second lift
Word class
A-verse
B-verse
1
2
3
77 (70.64%)
31 (28.44%)
1 (0.92%)
45 (80.36%)
9 (16.07%)
2 (3.57%)
56 (48.70%)
59 (51.30%)
0 (0%)
Total
109 (100%)
56 (100%)
115 (100%)
In conclusion, the likelihood of class 1 words occurring in typeC differs widely among
the three distinct verses, depending on their location (that is, the first and second
lifts) on the one hand and on syllable length in the second lift on the other. The scalar
distinctions that obtain in such context-dependent ways are summarized as follows.
Table6.40.Scalar distinctions in the likelihood of containing class 1 words in the first and second
lifts of typeC, according to the length of the second lift
First lift
Second lift
Long second lift
Short second lift
b-v ax aa
aa > b-v > ax
aa b-v > ax
aa ax > b-v
6.3.4Generalizations: a comparative perspective

Subject to local conditions specific to each type, the likelihood of class 1 words occurring in the two lifts differs widely among the three groups of verses in types A1, B,
and C, as we have shown in the preceding three sections. From an overall perspective
in disregard of local conditions such as syllable length and syllable-internal positioning however, we can recognize common features recurring in the pattern of the
major scalar distinctions, as summarized below:
384
(6)
Alliteration
Likelihood of occurrence of class 1 words

First lift:
Type A1: b-v > ax > aa
Type B: b-v aa ax (b-v > ax)
Type C: b-v aa ax (b-v > ax)
Second lift:
Type A1: aa ax > b-v
Type B: aa > b-v > ax
Type C: aa > ax b-v
As far as the first lift is concerned, the b-verse invariably ranks first in the likelihood
of hosting class 1 words. By contrast, the a-verse with double alliteration is most likely
to accommodate these words in the second lift.
The above two associations seem to be most in keeping with the hierarchical relation that obtains among the three different lifts (the first, second, and third) in the
line, which can be ascribed to differing degrees of prominence involved. Given that
among the verse types under consideration the first lift in the b-verse (or the third
one in the line) must exclusively carry alliteration, it is granted a privileged status of
being the chief stave (hfustaf) or a binder of alliteration according to Snorri Sturlusons metrical conceptualization (Faulkes 1991: 4). By virtue of this privilege, it is
only natural that this position is identified as most outstanding, that is, of the greatest prominence in perceptual terms. And it is this maximal prominence inherent in
this position that attracts class 1 words most strongly, that is, words loaded with the
highest degree of prominence in lexical terms.
As for the second lift in the verse, since alliterative lifts are generally conceptualized as more prominent than nonalliterative ones (Heusler 1956: 99), the second lift
of the a-verse with double alliteration is characterized as more prominent than those
located in verses that manifest only single alliteration, the a-verse or the b-verse. In
light of this relative difference in prominence between alliterative and nonalliterative
lifts, class 1 words are duly expected to appear with a greater incidence in the second
lift with alliteration than without; in this way, among the second lifts in the three
distinct verses, the one standing in the a-verse with double alliteration serves as the
most privileged site for class 1 words by virtue of the maximal prominence required.
The foregoing account, however, can be misleading: one might be tempted to generalize that the prominence-based characterization applies to Old Germanic poetry in
general and Old English Beowulf in particular, because of the latters presumably prototypical status in metrical terms. Upon inspection, however, the prediction turns out
to be misconceived, as substantiated in Tables 6.41 (typeA1), 6.42 (typeB), and 6.43
(typeC), which give the distributions of word classes in the two lifts according to the
three-way verse distinction in Beowulf.
In typeA1 (Table6.41), class 1 words are more likely to occur in the first lift of the
a-verse with single alliteration than in the b-verse (p<0.001), whereas the b-verse and
385
the a-verse with double alliteration are indistinguishable in incidence of class 1 words
in the same position (p=0.158). Hence, the scale may be represented as follows: ax >
b-v aa. As for the second lift, the a-verse, with single and double alliteration alike,
differs from the b-verse by the higher occurrence of class 1 words (p < 0.001); the
apparent difference between the two a-verses, however, is not of statistical significance (p=0.083). Accordingly, we obtain the following scale: aa ax > b-v.
Table6.41.Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeA1 in Beowulf
Word
class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
First lift
Single
alliteration
Double
alliteration
300 (95.85%)
12 (3.83%)
1 (0.32%)
506 (76.78%)
148 (22.46%)
5 (0.76%)
313 (100%)
659 (100%)
B-verse
A-verse
Second lift
B-verse
Single
alliteration
Double
alliteration
781 (79.78%)
156 (15.93%)
42 (4.29%)
257 (82.11%)
39 (12.46%)
17 (5.43%)
570 (86.49%)
86 (13.05%)
3 (0.46%)
514 (52.50%)
434 (44.33%)
31 (3.17%)
979 (100%)
313 (100%)
659 (100%)
979 (100%)
As far as typeB is concerned (Table6.42), the a-verse with double alliteration displays
a stronger preference for class 1 words in the first lift than that with single alliteration
(p=0.021). Apparently standing between these two extremes on this parameter, the
b-verse is distinguished neither from the a-verse with double alliteration (p=0.249)
nor from the a-verse with single alliteration (p = 0.055). Accordingly, the following
scale obtains: aa b-v ax (aa > ax). By contrast, the likelihood of class 1 words occurring in the second lift differs significantly between any pairs of the three verses with
p-values of less than 0.001, which may be ranked in order of decreasing probabilities:
aa > ax > b-v.
Table6.42.Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeB in Beowulf
Word
class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
Single
alliteration
131 (79.39%)
31 (18.79%)
3 (1.82%)
165 (100%)
First lift
Double
alliteration
B-verse
81 (91.01%) 604 (85.80%)

5 (5.62%) 84 (11.93%)
3 (3.37%)
16 (2.27%)
89 (100%)
704 (100%)
A-verse
Single
alliteration
77 (46.67%)
64 (38.79%)
24 (14.55%)
165 (100%)
Second lift
Double
alliteration
B-verse
71 (79.78%) 200 (28.41%)

17 (19.10%) 483 (68.61%)
1 (1.12%)
21 (2.98%)
89 (100%)
704 (100%)
As regards typeC (Table6.43), the a-verse with double alliteration is distinguished

from the a-verse with single alliteration (p = 0.009) and the b-verse (p = 0.048),
respectively, by the higher likelihood with which class 1 words occupy the first lift.
386
Alliteration
The latter two verses do not differ significantly, however (p=0.104). We accordingly
obtain the following scale: aa > b-v ax. As for the second lift, the a-verse, whether
with single or double alliteration, is commonly differentiated from the b-verse by the
higher incidence of class 1 words, with p-values of less than 0.001; on the other hand,
the two a-verses are indistinguishable on the same parameter (p=0.492). The resultant scale is as follows: aa ax > b-v.
Table6.43.Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeC in Beowulf
Word
class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
First lift
B-verse
Single
alliteration
Double
alliteration
28 (63.64%)
12 (27.27%)
4 (9.09%)
34 (89.47%) 336 (75.34%)

3 (7.89%) 91 (20.40%)
1 (2.63%)
19 (4.26%)
44 (100%)
38 (100%)
446 (100%)
Second lift
A-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
28 (63.64%)
15 (34.09%)
1 (2.27%)
44 (100%)
B-verse
27 (71.05%) 152 (34.08%)

10 (26.32%) 285 (63.90%)
1 (2.63%)
9 (2.02%)
38 (100%)
446 (100%)
To summarize the above array of observations, the varying likelihoods of class 1 words
occupying the first and second lifts in the three distinct groups of verses in Beowulf
are represented in scalar terms as follows:
(7)
Likelihood of occurrence of class 1 words in Beowulf

First lift:
Type A1: ax > b-v aa
Type B: aa b-v ax (aa > ax)
Type C: aa > b-v ax
Second lift:
Type A1: aa ax > b-v
Type B: aa > ax > b-v
Type C: aa ax > b-v
Comparing fornyrislag (6) and Beowulf (7) across verse types, we are led to make the
following generalizations on varying probabilities of occurrence of class 1 words in the
two lifts. With regard to the first lift, the b-verse ranks first in fornyrislag, although it is
not always founded on statistical grounds. By contrast, the b-verse never ranks first with
statistical significance in Beowulf. On the second lift, the a-verse with double alliteration
is largely distinguished from the other two by the maximal incidence in fornyrislag.11
11It may be recalled here that, even where the a-verse with double alliteration does not rank first
in statistical terms (typeA1), it is still distinguished from the second-ranking verse (the a-verse with
single alliteration) at a significance level of 0.10 (p=0.062).
387
Similarly, the a-verse with double alliteration displays a maximal preference for
class1 words in Beowulf, although this closest association is not always definite in
statistical terms. By marked contrast, the b-verse consistently ranks lowest on this
variable in Beowulf.
Fornyrislag and Beowulf have thus proved to be partly convergent and partly
divergent in their differential use of class 1 words as realizations of the two lifts. The
two meters agree on their treatment of the second lift in the a-verse with double
alliteration as the more privileged site for accommodating class 1 words than the
corresponding positions in the other two verses. This perfect parallelism finds a
credible account in the relative difference in prominence between alliterating and
nonalliterating lifts: since alliteration serves as a means of enhancing prominence
(section6.2.1.8), alliterative lifts count as more prominent than nonalliterative ones.
Because of the prominence explicitly added, the second lift of the a-verse with double
alliteration is characterized as of greater prominence than those occurring in other
verses; the position in question, then, displays the strongest preference for words of
maximal prominence, namely, class 1 words, as its optimal realizations.
By contrast, it is on the treatment of the b-verse that fornyrislag and Beowulf seem
to be diametrically opposed: while the first lift of the b-verse is chosen as the most
amenable to occupation by class 1 words in fornyrislag, the second one is singled out
as the least likely to be filled by the same class in Beowulf. As is commonly held, the
second lift of the b-verse (or the fourth lift in the line) is identified as the weakest in
prominence among the four present in the line, primarily on its own intrinsic terms
by virtue of its principled exclusion from alliteration (Wenck 1905: 7), and secondarily and externally through opposition to the first lift located in the same verse that is
of the highest prominence due to its obligatory manifestation of alliteration, as noted
above. This minimal prominence inherent in the second lift of the b-verse is transparently marked out in Beowulf (but not in fornyrislag) by the persistently lowest
incidence of class 1 words there. By contrast, the maximal prominence residing in the
first lift of the b-verse finds a direct reflection in the highest incidence of class 1 words
in this position in fornyrislag, whereas this attribute fails to be expressed in corresponding fashion in Beowulf. The two meters thus make use of complementary means
of expressing the polar opposition in prominence between the two lifts in the b-verse:
fornyrislag adopts a positive option of marking the maximum value, while Beowulf
conversely opts for a negative solution of representing the minimum. Thus, the apparently divergent tactics that are implemented in the two meters accomplish the same
objective of marking the maximal differential in prominence standing between the
two constituent lifts of the b-verse.
7The stanza
In contrast to the West Germanic cognate meters, fornyrislag has at its disposal a still
higher metrical unit over the line: a group of lines is united as an integral set to form
a stanza. The existence of this higher unit is evidenced among others by markings in
the Codex Regius (lason and Gunnlaugsson 2001): with a certain range of inconsistencies apart, the beginning of each stanza is inscribed there by means of capital
letters. Given the authenticity of stanzaic composition, our primary concerns in this
chapter are the role of the stanza as a metrical organizer and conversely the metrical
organization of the stanza in itself.1
7.1Preliminaries
As illustrated in Table 7.1, out of a total of 756 stanzas composed in fornyrislag in
the corpus,2 721 stanzas, slightly more than 95% of the total, consist of ten verses
or less; within the range of variation observed from two to fourteen in the number of
constituent verses, eight-verse stanzas are by far the most common (Sievers 1893: 64;
Heusler 1956: 258260), accounting for 521 counts, 68.92% of the entire population;
two-verses more or less than this standard are then the second and the third highest
in frequency, with 79 (10.45%) and 71 (9.39%) examples, respectively.
Considered by individual poems, while the vast majority reproduce the overall
distribution observed above, a few display deviant patterns in their own different
ways (compare Heusler 1956: 258259). Grp has a uniquely homogeneous structure: all of its 53 constituent stanzas comprise eight verses. Similarly, Rm and Fm
are consistently organized by eight-verse stanzas, insofar as they are composed in
fornyrislag. R is the only poem in which the standard of the eight-verse stanza
does not prevail overwhelmingly; while it is indeed the most frequent, numbering
16 stanzas (34.04%) in a total of 47, it outranks the second one (six-verse stanza) by
a minimal margin of one count. Moreover, in it the widest possible variety of stanzas
is represented, ranging continuously between two and fourteen. Vkv and Ghv are
noteworthy in another respect: while the eight-verse stanza outnumbers others,
these poems stand out by the relatively high incidences of less typical varieties of
stanzas.
1For a complementary account of the stanza in terms of syntactic connection, see Neckel (1908);
see also Alexander (1929: 511) and Hartman (2011: 283n84).
2HHv12 is disregarded because of its mixed character: the first four verses in fornyrislag are followed by three verses in ljahttr. For details, see note2, introduction, Part II.
390
The stanza
Table7.1.Occurrences of stanzas according to

constituent verse numbers
Number of verses
Counts
8
10
6
4
12
14
2
521
79
71
49
30
5
1
68.92
10.45
9.39
6.48
3.97
0.66
0.13
Total
756
100.00
Boer (1916), and Ent (1924) in his wake, made detailed examinations of the distinct
ways of composing verses according to their location in the stanza. We owe them
immensely for the valuable observations and accounts they came out with concerning
the stanza-based organization of the meter. Before building further on their accomplishments below, it may be appropriate here to make a brief evaluation of their work
in general terms (for specific criticisms, see the following sections).
Committed to the temporalist conception of meter, Boer and Ent assumed that the
verse consists of two measures, each beginning with a lift (see section3.1 above), and
that the basic structure of the measure is (Px in our representation). Measures
shorter than this canonical form, like P and px, are characterized as shortened; by
contrast, whatever concatenations are longer than the string Px, such as pxx and Pxx,
are identified as lengthened measures. With reference to a selection of eddic poems
(Vspand Hymby Boer, and rk, Sg, Hlr, and Od by Ent), then, the two metrists examined varying occurrences of the shortening (verkorting) and lengthening (verlenging),
particularly in the first measure, depending on its location in the stanza. Most importantly, they disclosed graded distinctions with which the two processes occur in differential and largely complementary manners according to stanza-internal location,
and identified the allegedly consistent pattern that is common to all of the six poems
they investigated. Specifically, shortening and lengthening occur in the four sets of
verses as follows, arranged in increasing and decreasing order, respectively: verse
1 verse 5 verses 3/7 verses 2/4/6/8. Thus, verse 1 (the stanza-initial verse) outranks the other verses by the lowest rate of shortened first measures and the highest
proportion of lengthened ones; at the other extreme, the b-verse in general (= verses
2/4/6/8) stands out with the highest frequency of shortening and the lowest one of
lengthening; and in between, verse 5 and verses 3/7 are found closer to verse 1 and
verses 2/4/6/8, respectively, with respect to the relative incidences of shortened and
lengthened first measures.
In the following investigation, we will explore a host of metrical phenomena that
are organized in terms inherent to stanza-internal location, reexamine in widened
Preliminaries
391
contexts the scalar distinction that Boer and Ent identified, and propose more comprehensive and integrated accounts on the basis of a larger dataset.
Since the vast majority (ca. 95%) of stanzas comprise ten verses at the most
(Table7.1), we may dismiss from our statistical analyses below the remaining exceptionally overlong stanzas containing twelve or fourteen verses because of their too
small sample size. The status of the ten-verse stanza may also be questionable, on
account of the far more limited occurrences of verses 9 and 10 involved than their
earlier 1 through 8 counterparts: while verses 1 through 8 are attested in numbers
ranging from 754 (verse 3) to 637 (verses 7 and 8) and account for the range in percentage between 12.57% and 10.62%, verses 9 and 10 number 114 each and amount
to no more than 1.90% each.3 In the presence of these conspicuous discrepancies
in sample size, then, we should best exclude from consideration any stanzas that
contain more than eight verses.
Of no less importance, we should beware not to lump together all of the remaining stanzas that do not exceed the limit of eight verses. Primarily at stake here is the
internal constituency of the stanza, more specifically the organization of the stanza on
the basis of a pairing of half-stanzas (section7.6). By treating stanzas of differing size
altogether ranging from two to eight we might lose control over the stanza-internal
break that would lend itself to variation in location from stanza to stanza. As a result,
we would miss whatever information and generalizations may be drawable from this
potentially significant unit. Accordingly, we should carry out our investigation with
exclusive reference to the standard eight-verse stanza. By imposing this restriction
on the data, we can eliminate possible distortions that may otherwise creep into the
corpus in regard to the locus of the half-stanza boundary.
We should further point out that when addressing stanza-internal locations,
we must take into account the overarching distinction between the a-verse and the
b-verse as given: it governs distributions of verse types and their realization variants
in fundamental ways as uncovered throughout the foregoing chapters. In this light,
we will carry out investigations separately for the two groups of verses, verses 1, 3, 5,
and 7 (a-verses) on the one hand, and verses 2, 4, 6, and 8 (b-verses) on the other, and
then compare the two sets as appropriate.
3Counts and percentages of individual verses are as follows: verse 1: 750 (12.50%); verse 2: 749
(12.49%); verse 3: 754 (12.57%); verse 4: 752 (12.54%); verse 5: 706 (11.77%); verse 6: 705 (11.75%); verse
7: 637 (10.62%); verse 8: 637 (10.62%); verse 9: 114 (1.90%); verse 10: 114 (1.90%); verse 11: 35 (0.58%);
verse 12: 35 (0.58%); verse 13: 5 (0.08%); verse 14: 5 (0.08%).
392
The stanza
7.2Distribution of verse classes, verse types,

and their variants in the stanza
The purpose of this section is to examine distributions of verse types and their major
variants within the stanza. Of central concern are the following questions: Do verse
types and their realizations vary in their distribution depending on the location in
the stanza in which they occur? Do particular places in the stanza favor or disfavor specific verse types and realization variants? If there are variations in evidence
that are predicated on stanza-internal locations, how should we account for them
in principled ways? Are individual variations reducible to common motivating forces
underlying them? This section deals with the first two questions, leaving the last two
for section7.6, in which explanations and generalizations are provided from a larger
perspective.
7.2.1Types A1, A2, and A3

Type A1 is implicated in a wide-ranging variation in its first drop. First, type A1
displays a varied distribution in the stanza depending on the number of syllables
involved in the first drop, as indicated in Table7.2. With a focus on the distinction
between mono- and polysyllables, verse 1 is distinguished from the other three by the
significantly larger presence of the polysyllabic first drop (p<0.001 against verses 3
and 7; p=0.012 against verse 5). Verse 5 in turn stands out from verses 3 and 7 by the
same property (p<0.001 in either case). Verses 3 and 7, however, are indistinguishable from each other on this parameter (p = 0.780). Thus, verses 3 and 7 display a
preference for the monosyllabic first drop (p<0.001); verse 5 remains neutral to the
distinction at issue (p=1); and in distinction from these three, only verse 1 is associated significantly with the polysyllabic first drop (p=0.018).
Table7.2.Occurrences of typeA1 in the a-verse according to size of the first drop and location in the
stanza
Syllables
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
1
46 (35.11%)
96 (72.73%)
66 (50.77%)
96 (74.42%)
2
66 (50.38%)
32 (24.24%)
50 (38.46%)
26 (20.16%)
3
14 (10.69%)
4 (3.03%)
13 (10.00%)
7 (5.43%)
Total
4 (3.05%)
0 (0%)
1 (0.77%)
0 (0%)
1 (0.76%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
131 (100%)
132 (100%)
130 (100%)
129 (100%)
In regard to the distinction between word-finals and word-initials in the monosyllabic

first drop (Table7.3), we find verse 1 is differentiated from verses 3 and 7 (p<0.001),
and also from verse 5 at a confidence level of 90% (p=0.079); and verses 3 and 7 are
indistinguishable (p = 0.878), which may therefore rightfully be treated as a single
393
Distribution of verse classes, verse types, and their variants in the stanza
group. At a significance level of 0.10, verse 1 uniquely displays a marked preference

for word-initials (p=0.088), verse 5 is neutral to the distinction (p=1), and verses 3
and 5 favor word-finals (p=0.038 and p=0.074, respectively). Bringing together the
above observations, then, we may generalize that verse 1 exclusively displays a significant tendency to avoid the minimal variant of typeA1, Px#Px, whereas conversely
verses 3/7 tend to favor it, and verse 5 remains neutral to the choice between wordinitials and word-finals.
Table7.3.Occurrences of typeA1 with the monosyllabic first drop according to location in the
stanza
A-verse
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
-x#
14 (30.43%)
61 (65.59%)
32 (48.48%)
59 (64.13%)
#x
32 (69.57%)
32 (34.41%)
34 (51.52%)
33 (35.87%)
Total
46 (100%)
93 (100%)
66 (100%)
92 (100%)
B-verse
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
-x#
150 (80.21%)
131 (74.43%)
164 (78.47%)
146 (76.84%)
#x
37 (19.79%)
45 (25.57%)
45 (21.53%)
44 (23.16%)
Total
187 (100%)
176 (100%)
209 (100%)
190 (100%)
By contrast, the b-verse is undifferentiated in terms of the distinction between the

monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first lift: the relative size of the first drop of typeA1
remains unchanged regardless of its location in the stanza (Table7.4): throughout the
b-verse, the monosyllabic first drop occurs by far the most frequently (p=1 for verses
2 and 4; p=0.710 for verses 2 and 6; p=0.517 for verses 2 and 8; p=0.799 for verses 4
and 6; p=0.596 for verses 4 and 8; p=0.797 for verses 6 and 8). Further, given that the
b-verse is associated with the monosyllabic first drop more closely than the a-verse
(section2.1.1), we may posit the following scale in order of decreasing size of the first
drop in statistical terms: 1 > 5 > 3/7 > 2/4/6/8.
The scale postulated above appears to be no different from the relative distinctions that Boer (1916: 5760, 7677) and Ent (1924: 3943, 90, 9899, 135136, 157, 160
161) brought to light in their limited dataset, especially in regard to the incidence of
lengthened first measures that are not preceded by verse-initial upbeat. Both scales
indeed overlap insofar as they commonly refer to the observation that typeA1 (or its
equivalents in Boer and Ents framework) has its first drop realized in varying size
in correlation to location in the stanza. There are, however, fundamental differences
between the two generalizations: while Boer and Ent stated the gradations as descriptive generalizations couched in purely observational terms and specific to individual
poems, we presented the scale in inferential statistical terms as a generalization that
is claimed to be valid for the entire corpus of eddic poetry composed in fornyrislag.
In other words, our scalar distinction is designed to be a stochastic-based, variable
rule constitutive of the metrical system of fornyrislag, rather than its contingent realizations through individual works of eddic poetry. Furthermore, as will be shown in
due course, the b-verse is not necessarily fixed at the point on the scale that is maximally removed from verse 1 (or verses 1/5), contrary to Boer and Ents generalization.
394
The stanza
Table7.4.Occurrences of typeA1 in the b-verse according to size of the first drop and location in the
stanza
Syllables
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
1
197 (83.83%)
182 (83.87%)
217 (85.10%)
198 (86.09%)
Total
33 (14.04%)
29 (13.36%)
35 (13.73%)
29 (12.61%)
5 (2.13%)
6 (2.76%)
3 (1.18%)
3 (1.30%)
235 (100%)
217 (100%)
255 (100%)
230 (100%)
As shown in Table7.3, the distinction between word-finals and word-initials in the monosyllabic first drop does not prove to be subject to variation according to stanza-internal
location in the b-verse (p=0.210 for verses 2 and 4; p=0.710 for verses 2 and 6; p=0.453
for verses 2 and 8; p=0.398 for verses 4 and 6; p=0.627 for verses 4 and 8; p=0.719 for
verses 6 and 8). Word-final syllables -x# prevail constantly in the b-verse regardless of
their particular stanza-internal locations. Therefore, the conspicuous preference for the
minimal variant of typeA1, Px#Px, that we brought to light in section2.1.1 above is characterized as a stable property of the b-verse in general which is independent of specific
positioning in the stanza. Since this b-verses overall close association with word-finals
in the first drop is demonstrably stronger than the a-verse (section2.1.1), the varying
associations with word-finals versus word-initials in the first drop of typeA1 lead us to
postulate the following scale of preference: 1 > 5 > 3/7 > 2/4/6/8 (in order of decreasing
association with word-initials); or 1 < 5 < 3/7 < 2/4/6/8 (to put it conversely in order of
increasing association with word-finals). This scale is exactly the same as that predicated on the parameter of syllable numbers, posited above.
Table7.5 indicates the distribution of subtypeA1s in the a-verse. We may be struck
by the binary grouping verses 1 and 5 on the one hand, and verses 3 and 7 on the
other which is based on the opposite pattern of occurrence of the configuration
in question. Specifically, verses 1 and 5 are differentiated from verses 3 and 7 by the
significantly low profile of the subtype: p=0.001 for verses 1 and 3; p=1 for verses 1
and 5; p<0.001 for verses 1 and 7; p=0.003 for verses 3 and 5; p=0.073 for verses 3
and 7; p<0.001 for verses 5 and 7. We may therefore conclude that subtypeA1s tends
to be avoided in verses 1 and 5 in the a-verse in favor of verses 3 and 7.
Such an uneven distribution of subtypeA1s in the a-verse stands in sharp contrast
to the homogeneous pattern that obtains in the b-verse, as represented in Table7.5:
any of the four verses is indistinguishable from any of the other three. SubtypeA1s is
thus distributed evenly throughout all of the constituent b-verses in accord with what
is expected on statistical grounds. Furthermore, in light of the closer association of
subtype A1s with the b-verse (Table 7.5 and section 2.1.3.1), we arrive at the following scale of the association between this configuration and stanza-internal position:
1/5 < 3/7 < /2/4/6/8. Verbally expressed, subtypeA1s is significantly less likely to occur
in verses 1 and 5 than elsewhere, and conversely it is maximally favored in the b-verse
in general without any distinction depending on stanza-internal location.
395
Table7.5.Occurrences of subtypeA1s according to location in the stanza

A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
8
25
9
37
10.13
31.65
11.39
46.84
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
29
26
32
34
23.97
21.49
26.45
28.10
Total
79
100.00
121
100.00
Total
As discussed in section2.1.3.2 above, the novel variant of subtypeA1s that is unique

to fornyrislag, namely, Pxpx, is involved in a variation of the first drop comparable
to the one involving the configuration PxPx. We may naturally want to examine
whether the configuration Pxpx is subject to an analogous distinction in the
a-verse relative to location in the stanza. More specifically, our pivotal concern is to
verify if verse 1 shows a tendency to avoid the minimal variant Px#px, as with the
one of typeA1, Px#Px. Table7.6 represents the distribution of subtypeA1s with the
unstressed, monosyllabic first drop, namely, Px#px and P#xpx.
Table7.6.Occurrences of subtypeA1s with the unstressed, monosyllabic first drop in the a-verse
according to location in the stanza
Monosyllabic
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
-x#
#x
Total
1 (20.00%)
4 (66.67%)
0 (0%)
3 (100%)
4 (80.00%)
2 (33.33%)
4 (100%)
0 (0%)
5 (100%)
6 (100%)
4 (100%)
3 (100%)
Although the small sample size available does not provide a definite picture, we seem
to detect a trade-off relation between word-finals and word-initials as correlative to
stanza-internal location: verses 1 and 5 display a minimal preference for word-finals,
to which verses 3 and 7 are diametrically opposed by their pronounced tendency to
use word-final syllables. This opposition between the two groups is supported in statistical terms, as we obtain a p-value of 0.015. Hence, we may represent the scale 1/5
> 3/7 in order of decreasing preference for word-initials. When we examine the correlation on an individual verse basis, however, the picture emerges as less than clear
as follows, because of the limited sample: p = 0.242 between verses 1 and 3; p = 1
between verses 1 and 5; p=0.143 between verses 1 and 7; p=0.076 between verses 3
and 5; p=0.500 between verses 3 and 7; p=0.029 between verses 5 and 7.
As it turns out, then, the distributional parallelism to the configuration Px#Px
falls short of being fully reproduced. Verse 1 cannot be regarded as exclusively
opposed to the sequence Px#px, as it is to the minimal variant of typeA1, Px#Px. Inas-
396
The stanza
much as verse 5 is treated as no different from verse 1, however, the pattern proves to
be analogous to the situation with subtypeA1s at large: the avoidance of subtypeA1s
in general that is commonly found in verses 1 and 5 is replicated in their treatment of
its minimal variant, Px#px.
This opposition between verses 1/5 and verses 3/7 finds another manifestation in
regard to the configuration PxSx (section2.1.3.4), as illustrated in Table7.7: it is limited
to verses 3 and 7; it never occurs in verses 1 and 5. In light of a p-value of 0.001, we
may be justified in concluding that this configuration is avoided in verses 1 and 5 in
favor of verses 3 and 7.
Table7.7.Occurrences of PxSx according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
0
3
0
4
0.00
42.86
0.00
57.14
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
10
6
8
8
31.25
18.75
25.00
25.00
Total
100.00
Total
32
100.00
At first sight, a somewhat similar dichotomy seems to obtain in the b-verse: verses
2 and 6 combined are distinguished from verses 4 and 8 by the larger presence of
the configuration PxSx as shown in Table 7.7. On statistical grounds, however, the
alleged dichotomy is of no significance (p=0.419). We must conclude then that only
in the a-verse is the occurrence of the configuration PxSx significantly organized on
the basis of stanza-internal locations, whereby the group of verses 1 and 5 is opposed
to that of verses 3 and 7.
Moving on to typeA1- (Table7.8), two-thirds of its attestations, 58 out of a total
of 87 (66.67%), occur in verses 1 and 5 combined as opposed to the pair of verses 3
and 7. Such an uneven distribution is statistically significant, given p < 0.001. This
pair-based association with typeA1-, however, does not find a parallel at the level of
individual verses: verses 1 and 5 are indistinguishable (p=0.630), as are verses 3 and
7 (p=0.416). We may hence postulate the scale 1/5 > 3/7 in order of decreasing likelihood of hosting typeA1-.
By contrast, the b-verse evinces a pattern of distribution that appears to be at
odds with that of the a-verse we have just uncovered. Verse 2 differs from verse 6 by
the significantly higher incidence of typeA1- (p=0.010), whereas it is indistinguishable from the other two verses 4 and 8 (p=0.318), which are in turn no different
not only from each other (p=1), but also from verse 6 (p=0.162). Correspondingly,
the first half-stanza is distinguished from the second one by the greater likelihood
of containing typeA1-. This dichotomy verses 2/4 vs. verses 6/8 turns out to be
unmatched with that observed in the a-verse verses 1/5 vs. verses 3/7. The b-verse
397
in general is in turn distinguished from the a-verse by the lower presence of typeA1(section2.4). We may accordingly represent the scale of preference as follows: 1/5 >
3/7 > 2/4 > 6/8. While less articulated in regard to the a-verse, this scale makes a distinction internal to the b-verse. Despite these differences in fine detail, the overall
hierarchical relation is essentially the same.
Table7.8.Occurrences of typeA1- according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
31
17
27
12
35.63
19.54
31.03
13.79
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
21
15
8
15
35.59
25.42
13.56
25.42
Total
87
100.00
Total
59
100.00
Turning to another short variant of type A1, namely, type A3 (Table 7.9), verse 1 is
differentiated from the other three verses by its close association with this configuration, given p<0.001 against verses 3 and 7, and p=0.014 against verse 5. On the same
parameter, verse 5 is in turn distinguished from the other two, in view of p<0.001 in
either case. Verses 3 and 7, however, do not differ significantly, as we obtain a p-value
of 0.398. The use of typeA3 in the a-verse is thus organized on the basis of the threeway distinction in preference, whereby the four verses involved are ranked in order of
weakening association with typeA3, as follows: 1 > 5 > 3/7. Given that no distinction
can be made among the four constituents of b-verses (Table7.9), and given also that
typeA3 occurs only infrequently in the b-verse (section2.3), we may be justified in
subsuming this scale under the fuller one that is observed recurrently, namely, 1 > 5
> 3/7 > 2/4/6/8.
Type A3 is involved in a further variation in distribution, that is, between the first
and the second half of the stanza. The configuration is more likely to appear in the
earlier part than the later one, given p=0.002. A similar pattern is recognized in the
b-verse as well, as shown in Table7.9. Specifically, with a p-value of 0.008, typeA3
is more likely to occur in verses 2 and 4 in combination than in verses 6 and 8 put
together. In this light, it may be appropriate to assume that the familiar scale of 1 > 5
> 3/7 > 2/4/6/8 is subject to further articulation in the b-verse: 1 > 5 > 3/7 > 2/4 > 6/8.4
4By contrast, the varying size of the initial upbeat has no consequences for location in the stanza.
This is hardly surprising, however, because this variation is immaterial in verse distribution (section2.3.1), whereas the corresponding ones in types A1 and A1- are highly significant in this respect.
398
The stanza
Table7.9.Occurrences of typeA3 according to location in the stanza

A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
184
71
147
61
39.74
15.33
31.75
13.17
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
10
10
5
4
34.48
34.48
17.24
13.79
Total
463
100.00
Total
29
100.00
At this point, it will be of interest to see whether similar patterns are shared by the
catalectic variant of typeA3, namely, typeA3- (Table7.10). As it turns out, verses 1 and
5 combined are distinguished from the other pair by the significantly higher incidence
of typeA3- (p<0.001). No finer distinctions, however, are ascertained presumably due
to the small sample involved. In the absence of this type in the b-verse (section2.6),
we may posit the following scale: 1/5 > 3/7 > 2/4/6/8.
Table7.10.Occurrences of typeA3- according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
10
4
7
0
47.62
19.05
33.33
0.00
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Total
21
100.00
Total
The apparent concentration of typeA2a in verses 3 and 7 is supported in statistical

terms (p < 0.001; Table 7.11): p = 0.031 between verses 1 and 3; p = 0.487 between
verses 1 and 5; p=0.031 between verses 1 and 7; p=0.001 between verses 3 and 5; p=1
between verses 3 and 7; p=0.001 between verses 5 and 7. We may accordingly be led to
assume that this type tends to be avoided in verses 1 and 5 to the advantage of verses
3 and 7. At first glance, the b-verse seems to be characterized by a similar pattern of
preference, whereby verses 4 and 8, corresponding to verses 3 and 7, are favored at the
cost of the other two. The apparent distinction, however, is not supported on statistical grounds (p=0.113).
399
Table7.11.Occurrences of typeA2a according to location in the stanza

A-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
Total
B-verse
2
9
0
9
10.00
45.00
0
45.00
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
20
100.00
Total
Counts
4
7
3
6
20.00
35.00
15.00
30.00
20
100.00
The larger presence of typeA2b in verses 1 and 5 combined at the expense of verses
3 and 7 is substantiated in statistical terms (p=0.004), while the distinctions on an
individual basis are of limited significance (Table 7.12): p = 0.003 between verses 1
and 3; p=0.817 between verses 1 and 5; p=0.479 between verses 1 and 7; p=0.011
and 7. Of interest, the overall pattern of this type is largely a mirror image of typeA2a
(Table7.11). In fact, the distributions of these two types differ significantly (p<0.001):
while typeA2a favors verses 3 and 7, typeA2b prefers verses 1 and 5, another instantiation of the recurrent binary opposition between these two groups of verses.
Table7.12.Occurrences of typeA2b according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
15
3
13
11
35.71
7.14
30.95
26.19
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
0
0
1
1
0.00
0.00
50.00
50.00
Total
42
100.00
Total
100.00
7.2.2Type B
The distribution of type B is characterized first of all by the outstandingly smaller
occurrence in verse 1 than elsewhere (Table 7.13), as demonstrated by the p-values
of less than 0.001 between verse 1 and either of verses 3 and 7, and of 0.003 between
verses 1 and 5. Among the remaining three verses, verses 5 and 7 differ significantly,
given p=0.005, while no distinction can be made between either of the other pairs:
p=0.255 between verses 3 and 5; p=0.119 between verses 3 and 7. Furthermore, this
type is subject to a patterned variation in distribution with regard to the recurrent
dichotomy into verses 1 and 5 on the one hand and verses 3 and 7 on the other: with
a p-value of less than 0.001, verses 3 and 7 are more closely associated with typeB.
400
The stanza
Brought together, typeB is used least of all in verse 1, and conversely favored most in
the group consisting of verses 3 and 7. Again, we may recognize a further manifestation of the recurrent scale, whereby verse 1 on the one hand and verses 3/7 on the
other are maximally removed, with verse 5 standing in between: 1 > 5 > 3/7. As usual,
such a graded preference pattern is foreign to the b-verse (Table7.13): in it, verse 2 is
differentiated from verse 4 (p=0.006) and verse 6 (p=0.031), but these distinctions
do not seem to make an appreciable pattern.
The scale 1 > 5 > 3/7 established above concerns the likelihood of hosting typeB,
represented in order of decreasing avoidance (or increasing preference; 1 < 5 < 3/7).
In marked contrast to the types of class A, however, the b-verse in general does not
articulate directly with verses 3 and 7 in the scale by displaying a yet stronger property
of this group: the b-verse cannot be placed next to verses 3/7 by virtue of the maximal
preference (or minimal avoidance) for typeB that characterizes the group of verses
3/7. On the contrary, in light of the far lesser occurrence of typeB in the b-verse than in
the a-verse, the b-verse has the closest resemblance to verse 1. The scalar distinction
involved must accordingly be represented as follows: 2/4/6/8 > 1 > 5 > 3/7 (or 2/4/6/8
< 1 < 5 < 3/7 in converse terms of increasing preference).5 It should thus be clear that
Boers and Ents scale 1 > 5 > 3/7 > 2/4/6/8 (or 1 < 5 < 3/7 < 2/4/6/8) is not the only
one to be acknowledged as viable.
Table7.13.Occurrences of typeB according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
31
69
57
86
12.76
28.40
23.46
35.39
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
28
12
15
23
35.90
15.38
19.23
29.49
243
100.00
Total
78
100.00
Total
5Boer and Ents metrical framework cannot deal directly with the distribution of typeB the configuration | | according to their representation (Boer 1916: 10) relative to location in the
stanza: insofar as the first measure remains basically unchanged in the form of Px resolution is vanishingly rare (Table4.7, section4.2.2) and the second drop is predominantly monosyllabic (Table2.36,
section2.7) neither shortening nor lengthening of the first measure can be invoked as significant
sources of variation. To resort to the presence of the verse-initial drop (optact or voorslag anacrusis in
Boer and Ents terms) for explanation would be no more revealing, either, as this constituent should
be most likely to occur in the b-verse (Boer 1916: 57; compare Ent 1924: 32, 89, 154), as stipulated in
their scale, verse 1 verse 5 verses 3/7 verses 2/4/6/8. It should also be noted that the configurations corresponding to our types B through E are not acknowledged as autonomous (Boer 1916: 1517):
with the verse form | | serving as a basic template (corresponding to our type A1), other
configurations constitute its derivatives through addition of anacrusis (section3.1) and shortening/
lengthening of the two measures.
401
7.2.3Type C
As shown in detail in sections 2.8.2 and 4.2.3 above, typeC comprises a host of variants primarily predicated on the binary opposition in terms of length of the two lifts,
long (P) versus resolved (px) in the first lift, and long (P or S) versus short (por s) in
the second one. We may wonder whether these parameters have any effect on distribution of typeC in particular locations in the stanza. The two parameters in question,
however, are far from independent, as discussed in section4.2.3 above: resolution on
the first lift is implemented only when the second lift is long; the sequences xpxpx
and xpxsx are thus virtually nonexistent. Hence, the configurations that are permitted to occur normally are xpxPx, xPPx, xPpx, xpxSx, xPSx, and xPsx. In
examining possible correlations to the two parameters, then, we must take into full
consideration the above syntagmatic restriction.
We may begin by investigating the role of the first lift in organizing the placement
of typeC in the stanza. Table7.14 compares the distribution of the configurations x
pxPx and xPPx in the a-verse and the b-verse, respectively. We obtain the following
p-values through a pair-based comparison: p=0.665 between verses 1 and 3; p=0.245
and 5; p=0.043 between verses 3 and 7; p=1 between verses 5 and 7. Thus, no single
verse can be isolated as distinctive in distribution pattern, except for verse 3, which
seems to be least likely to receive resolution. Nor is the recurrent opposition between
verses 1/5 and 3/7 in evidence (p=0.811). A new dichotomy, however, proves to be in
force here: the first half of the stanza comprising verses 1 and 3 and the second half
consisting of verses 5 and 7 are significantly differentiated: with a p-value of 0.011,
resolution on the first lift is more likely to occur in the latter half of the stanza the
second half-stanza than in the former.
This correlation, however, cannot be recognized in the b-verse (p=0.165). Instead,
verses 4/8 might appear to be associated more closely with resolution on the first
lift (p=0.066). Seen on an individual basis, the following p-values obtain: p=0.055
between verses 2 and 4; p=0.103 between verses 2 and 6; p=0.017 between verses
2 and 8; p=1 between verses 4 and 6; p=0.701 between verses 4 and 8; p=0.668
between verses 6 and 8. Thus, verse 2 is distinguished from verse 8 (and possibly
from verse 4) by the lower incidence of resolution, seemingly corresponding to verse
3 in the a-verse. Taking into consideration the larger occurrence of resolution in the
b-verse (Table7.14), we may combine the scale for the b-verse with that for the a-verse,
and postulate the following hierarchy for decreasing likelihood of realizing resolution
on the first lift according to location in the stanza: 4/8 > 2/6 > 5/7 > 1/3.
402
The stanza
Table7.14.Occurrences of typeC with the long primary-stressed second lift (xPPx and xpxPx)
according to length of the first lift and location in the stanza
A-verse
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
Long
Resolved
7 (70.00%)
11 (78.57%)
8 (40.00%)
10 (40.00%)
3 (30.00%)
3 (21.43%)
12 (60.00%)
15 (60.00%)
Total
B-verse
10 (100%)
14 (100%)
20 (100%)
25 (100%)
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
Long
20 (34.48%)
19 (19.39%)
13 (20.31%)
14 (16.47%)
Resolved
38 (65.52%)
79 (80.61%)
51 (79.69%)
71 (83.53%)
Total
58 (100%)
98 (100%)
64 (100%)
85 (100%)
The question arising next concerns the typeC variants with a secondary stress falling
on the second lift, namely, the configurations xpxSx and xPSx: Is an analogous
distinction in play? Since there is no instance of xpxSx in the a-verse (Table4.11,
section 4.2.3), however, only the b-verse is accessible for examination (Table 7.15).
No distinction is ascertained between any individual verses. Nor does any pairing of
verses prove to be correlated to the differing likelihood of resolution.
Table7.15.Occurrences in the b-verse of typeC with the long secondary-stressed second lift (xPSx
and xpxSx) according to length of the first lift and location in the stanza
B-verse
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
Long
12 (42.86%)
9 (34.62%)
11 (45.83%)
7 (31.82%)
Resolved
Total
16 (57.14%)
17 (65.38%)
13 (54.17%)
15 (68.18%)
28 (100%)
26 (100%)
24 (100%)
22 (100%)
Let us turn to consider the length of the second lift for a potential organization of the
distribution of typeC. As indicated in Table7.16, the opposition between long and
short in the second lift plays no notable role in this capacity in either verse: the distribution of long and short syllables is not involved in any significant differentiation
based on stanza-internal arrangement. Of particular interest in the present context,
the first and the second half of the stanza do not differ in their accommodations of
the long and the short second lift, given p-values of 1 (the a-verse) and 0.199 (the
b-verse).
Table7.16.Occurrences of typeC with the long first lift and the primary-stressed second lift (xPPx
and xPpx) according to length of the second lift and location in the stanza
A-verse
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
Long
7 (20.59%)
11 (25.00%)
8 (22.86%)
10 (25.64%)
Short
27 (79.41%)
33 (75.00%)
27 (77.14%)
29 (74.36%)
Total
34 (100%)
44 (100%)
35 (100%)
39 (100%)
B-verse
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
Long
20 (51.28%)
19 (43.18%)
13 (34.21%)
14 (38.89%)
Short
19 (48.72%)
25 (56.82%)
25 (65.79%)
22 (61.11%)
Total
39 (100%)
44 (100%)
38 (100%)
36 (100%)
403
No distinction is in evidence, either, when the second lift is filled by a secondarystressed syllable. As shown in Table7.17, the a-verse is utterly unorganized along the
two parameters, the length of the second lift and location in the stanza: p = 0.165
between verses 1 and 3; p=0.118 between verses 1 and 5; p=0.084 between verses
1 and 7; p = 0.786 between verses 3 and 5; p = 0.631 between verses 3 and 7; p = 1
between verses 5 and 7; p=0.181 between verses 1/3 and 5/7; p=0.327 between verses
1/5 and 3/7.
No more distinguishable is the b-verse, as shown by the following p-values:
p=0.755 between verses 2 and 4; p=1 between verses 2 and 6; p=0.451 between
verses 2 and 8; p=0.752 between verses 4 and 6; p=0.683 between verses 4 and 8;
p = 0.446 between verses 6 and 8; p = 0.814 between verses 2/4 and 6/8; p = 0.461
between verses 2/6 and 4/8.
Table7.17.Occurrences of typeC with the long first lift and the secondary-stressed second lift (x
PSx and xPsx) according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
Long
14 (70.00%)
18 (48.65%)
9 (42.86%)
13 (41.94%)
Short
Total
6 (30.00%)
19 (51.35%)
12 (57.14%)
18 (58.06%)
B-verse
20 (100%)
37 (100%)
21 (100%)
31 (100%)
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
Long
12 (50.00%)
9 (56.25%)
11 (50.00%)
7 (70.00%)
Short
12 (50.00%)
7 (43.75%)
11 (50.00%)
3 (30.00%)
Total
24 (100%)
16 (100%)
22 (100%)
10 (100%)
Distributed as shown in Table7.18, the catalectic variant of typeC, namely, typeC-,

appears to be favored in verses 1 and 5 put together in distinction from the other two,
though not supported statistically at a significance level of 0.05 (p = 0.077). This
pattern seems to be reminiscent of a similar but sharper distinction in the distribution
pattern of typeA1- (Table7.8) observed in section7.2.1 above: with a p-value of less
than 0.001, typeA1- is more likely to occur in verses 1 and 5 combined than in verses
3 and 7 combined. By contrast, the b-verse is left totally undifferentiated. No other
notable distinction seems to be in evidence concerning the distribution of typeC- in
terms of verse-internal location.
Table7.18.Occurrences of typeC- according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
12
6
13
10
29.27
14.63
31.71
24.39
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
Total
41
100.00
Total
Counts
4
5
5
4
22.22
27.78
27.78
22.22
18
100.00
404
The stanza
In conclusion, despite a rich potential for articulation because of the extensive variation involved, type C receives only a minor degree of control with respect to its
occurrence in the stanza. Specifically, the second half of the stanza, namely, verses
5 and 7, is significantly associated with resolution on the first lift: it is more likely to
be implemented in the latter half of the stanza. This correlation, however, involves
only part of the eligible variants: it concerns the configurations xpxPx and xPPx,
to the exclusion of xpxSx and xPSx. Moreover, the parameter chosen for organizing the stanza is not very common: while the binary grouping of verses 1 and 5 as
against verses 3 and 7 is a recurrent function, the division of the stanza into the first
and second halves is not widely observed; typeA3 is the only other parallel instance
(Table7.9, section7.2.1). In this light, the organization of typeC for stanza-internal
distribution must be characterized as rather isolated and less than fully integrated
into the whole system. Most importantly, the recurrent differentiation predicated
on the scale 1 > 5 > 3/7 > 2/4/6/8 (or 2/4/6/8 > 1 > 5 > 3/7) fails to be in force in regard
to typeC.
7.2.4Types D, D*, and E

Since these three types remain largely immune to internal variation on account of
their high homogeneity in composition and small membership involved (sections 2.10
through 2.13), it will be sufficient to treat them succinctly in a single section here. Type
D is distributed among the four major constituent verses of the a-verse, as represented
in Table7.19. Accordingly we obtain relevant p-values as follows: p<0.001 between
p<0.001 between verses 3 and 5; p=0.039 between verses 3 and 7; p=0.005 between
verses 5 and 7; p<0.001 between verses 1/5 and 3/7; p=0116 between verses 1/3 and
5/7. From these figures, we may conclude that typeD is associated most closely with
verse 3 and then verse 7; conversely, this type tends to be avoided in verses 1 and 5
without distinction. We may accordingly be led to posit the scale, represented in order
of decreasing avoidance of typeD: 1/5 > 7 > 3 (or in terms of increasing probability of
occurrence, 1/5 < 7 < 3).
The distribution in the b-verse, on the other hand, does not prove to be implicated
in any conceivable correlation to stanza-internal location, as type D is distributed
evenly among the four constituent verses (Table7.19). Given that typeD is more likely
to occur in the b-verse than in the a-verse (section2.10.1), we may be led to postulate
the following scale as a generalization on the likelihood of hosting typeD: 1/5 < 7 < 3
< 2/4/6/8. In other words, verses 1 and 5 display a minimal preference for this type. Of
particular interest, the scale, as far as it is conceived in abstract shape, may be characterized as an abbreviation on the one hand, and elaboration on the other, of the
hierarchy that is recurrently attested, 1 > 5 > 3/7 > 2/4/6/8: while the first two entities
405
are indistinguishable through neutralization, verses 3 and 7, which are usually undifferentiated, are treated differently.6
Table7.19.Occurrences of typeD according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
10
45
13
30
10.20
45.92
13.27
30.61
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
36
32
36
33
26.28
23.36
26.28
24.09
Total
98
100.00
137
100.00
Total
Unlike types A1- and C- treated earlier, the distribution of typeD- is insensitive to differentiation along stanza-internal location in general and the division into verses 1/5
and verses 3/7 in particular, in the a-verse and the b-verse alike (Table7.20).
Table7.20.Occurrences of typeD- according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
Total
Counts
B-verse
2
3
2
4
18.18
27.27
18.18
36.36
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
11
100.00
Total
Counts
2
4
2
2
20.00
40.00
20.00
20.00
10
100.00
When taken in isolation (Table7.21), typeD*, the five-position counterpart of typeD,

appears to be distributed without notable difference in location in the stanza in
the a-verse as well as in the b-verse. Examining the distribution relative to that of
the regular counterpart, however, we find that the two types display diametrically
opposed patterns in the a-verse (Table7.22): it is concentrated on verses 1 and 5 at the
expense of verses 3 and 7. The relevant p-values are obtained as follows: p=0.019
between verses 1 and 3; p=1 between verses 1 and 5; p=0.047 between verses 1 and
7; p=0.031 between verses 3 and 5; p=1 between verses 3 and 7; p=0.063 between
verses 5 and 7; p=0.002 between verses 1/5 and 3/7; p=0.683 between verses 1/3 and
5/7. As far as the b-verse is concerned, however, no comparable difference in distribu-
6According to Boer (1916: 5760, 7677) and Ent (1924: 3943, 9899, 135136, 160161), the closer
association of typeD with verses 3/7 and the b-verse in general would be subsumed under the shortening of the first measure, which as they generalized applies increasingly toward the right end of the
scale, verse 1 verse 5 verses 3/7 verses 2/4/6/8.
406
The stanza
tion is ascertained. Given the preponderance of typeD* in the a-verse, we may postulate the following scale: 1 > 5 > 3/7 > 2/4/6/8. This constitutes another manifestation of
the familiar scale 1 > 5 > 3/7 > 2/4/6/8.7
Table7.21.Occurrences of typeD* according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
Total
Counts
B-verse
8
8
9
6
25.81
25.81
29.03
19.35
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
31
100.00
Counts
Total
2
4
5
5
12.50
25.00
31.25
31.25
16
100.00
Table7.22.Occurrences of types D* and D according to location in the stanza

A-verse
Type D*
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
8 (44.44%)
8 (15.09%)
9 (40.91%)
6 (16.67%)
Type D
10 (55.56%)
45 (84.91%)
13 (59.09%)
30 (83.33%)
Total
18 (100%)
53 (100%)
22 (100%)
36 (100%)
B-verse
Type D*
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
2 (5.26%)
4 (11.11%)
5 (12.20%)
5 (13.16%)
Type D
36 (94.74%)
32 (88.89%)
36 (87.80%)
33 (86.84%)
Total
38 (100%)
36 (100%)
41 (100%)
38 (100%)
Overall, the distribution of typeE in the a-verse is organized on the basis of the usual
grouping of verses 1 and 5 on the one hand, and verses 3 and 7 on the other (Table7.23).
Specifically, this type figures less prominently in the former group, with a p-value of
less than 0.001. What strikes us as most peculiar, however, is the excessive occurrence in verse 3, accounting for nearly 60% of the total, a distribution that appears
to be somewhat analogous to typeD (Table7.19). The privileged status of verse 3 is in
fact borne out in statistical terms, as follows: p<0.001 between verses 1 and 3; p=1
between verses 1 and 5; p=0.222 between verses 1 and 7; p<0.001 between verses 3
and 5; p=0.009 between verses 3 and 7; p=0.222 between verses 5 and 7. The scale
may therefore be represented as follows, arranged in order of increasing likelihood
of hosting typeE: 1/5 < 7 < 3. This scale is analogous to that postulated above for the
increasing preference of typeD.
7Inasmuch as shortening of the first measure is structurally incompatible with type D* which
would be represented broadly as| | in which at least one weakly stressed syllable appears
between the lifts, this type would be grouped with typeA1 in Boer and Ents metrical framework (see
section7.2.1 above), and accordingly be amenable to lengthening, which operates increasingly toward
the left end of the scale, verse 1 verse 5 verses 3/7 verses 2/4/6/8.
407
Usually, however, where any single verse is distinguished from the others, it is
normally verse 1, whether it ranks highest or lowest in quantitative terms, as with the
configuration PxPx, typeA3, and some others. Or where verse 3 is determined as distinctive, it is almost always in conjunction with another verse, normally verse 7 and
exceptionally verse 1 (section7.2.3). In this light, the exclusive privileging of verse 3
as a location for typeE (and typeD; see above) must be regarded as unusual, and its
implications would seem to be difficult to figure out. The b-verse is left unorganized
in terms of stanza-based distribution. Since typeE is not biased toward either verse in
its distribution (sections 2.13.1 and 3.3), we may posit the overall scale as follows: 1/5
< 7/2/4/6/8 < 3, a hierarchy unparalleled elsewhere.8
Table7.23.Occurrences of typeE according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
4
21
4
9
10.53
55.26
10.53
23.68
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
10
9
7
9
28.57
25.71
20.00
25.71
Total
38
100.00
Total
35
100.00
7.2.5Verse classes
After having identified the stanza-internal distribution of verse types and their particular realizations, it will be good to obtain an overall picture of placement in the
stanza in regard to the verse classes at large. Table7.24 shows the ways in which the
verse classes are distributed in terms of stanza-internal location. As expected, the
proportions of each verse class in the b-verse are unaffected by stanza-internal location. By contrast, the occurrences of certain verse classes in the a-verse are differentiated along this parameter.
Of particular interest is class A, by far the largest verse class. Pair-based statistical
analyses result in the following p-values: p<0.001 between verses 1 and 3; p=0.002
between verses 1 and 5; p<0.001 between verses 1 and 7; p<0.001 between verses 3
and 5; p=0.901 between verses 3 and 7; p<0.001 between verses 5 and 7. Accordingly,
we may generalize that verse 1 is associated with class A most closely; that verses 3
8Insofar as type E is conceptualized as | | in tactic terms (Boer 1916: 10), it instantiates
lengthening of the first measure, as do types A1 and D*. Accordingly, this configuration should occur
in larger numbers toward the left end of the scale, verse 1 verse 5 verses 3/7 verses 2/4/6/8, which
is contrary to the facts, however,
408
The stanza
and 7 are linked most weakly with this class; and that verse 5 is found in between.9
We find the familiar three-way distinction recurring here. On the other hand, the
b-verse remains unarticulated, as no particular verse is associated with class A more
closely than any other: p=0.262 between verses 2 and 4; p=0.572 between verses 2
between verses 4 and 8; p=0.530 between verses 6 and 8.
Given the graded distinction in the a-verse 1 > 5 > 3/7, we may wonder about the
localization of the b-verse relative to this scale. As it turns out, the b-verse in general
is more likely to host class A than verses 3/7 (p=0.001), whereas it is less likely to do
so than verse 5 (p=0.001). We may therefore postulate the overall scalar distinction
as follows: 1 > 5 > 2/4/6/8 > 3/7 (in order of decreasing likelihood of hosting class A
verses).
Table7.24.Occurrences of verse classes according to location in the stanza
A-verse
D*
D/E
Total
Verse 1
384
(73.70%)
31
(5.95%)
80
(15.36%)
14
(2.69%)
8
(1.54%)
4
(0.77%)
0
(0%)
521
(100%)
Verse 3
266
(51.06%)
69
(13.24%)
107
(20.54%)
48
(9.21%)
8
(1.54%)
21
(4.03%)
2
(0.38%)
521
(100%)
Verse 5
338
(64.75%)
57
(10.92%)
96
(18.39%)
15
(2.87%)
9
(1.72%)
4
(0.77%)
3
(0.57%)
522
(100%)
Verse 7
263
(50.48%)
86
(16.51%)
122
(23.42%)
35
(6.72%)
6
(1.15%)
9
(1.73%)
0
(0%)
521
(100%)
B-verse
D*
D/E
Total
Verse 2
300
(57.58%)
28
(5.37%)
133
(25.53%)
38
(7.29%)
2
(0.38%)
10
(1.92%)
10
(1.92%)
521
(100%)
Verse 4
281
(54.04%)
12
(2.31%)
172
(33.08%)
36
(6.92%)
4
(0.77%)
9
(1.73%)
6
(1.15%)
520
(100%)
Verse 6
310
(59.39%)
15
(2.87%)
141
(27.01%)
38
(7.28%)
5
(0.96%)
7
(1.34%)
6
(1.15%)
522
(100%)
Verse 8
298
(57.31%)
23
(4.42%)
148
(28.46%)
35
(6.73%)
5
(0.96%)
9
(1.73%)
2
(0.38%)
520
(100%)
9The demonstrable preponderance of class A in verse 1 presumably gave rise to the generalization
that Boer (1916: 9, 13) made in a slightly exaggerated manner, namely, that the stanza almost always
begins with a lift. It should be noted in this connection that Boer scanned our typeA3 as beginning
with the overt first lift, as does typeA1.
409
7.3Anacrusis and catalexis

In this section, we examine in most general terms how marked actualizations of the
drop bear on stanza-internal distribution across verse-type boundaries. Specifically
at issue are anacrusis and catalexis, the two major metrical devices that deviate maximally from the prototypical mode of realizing the drop.
As shown in Table7.25, anacrusis is not significantly associated with any particular locations in the stanza, whether in the a-verse or in the b-verse. Put another way,
anacrusis is as likely to occur in one verse as in another anywhere in the stanza.10
Table7.25.Occurrences of verses with or without anacrusis (classes A and D) according to location
in the stanza
A-verse
Anacrusis
No anacrusis
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
5 (1.26%)
3 (0.96%)
3 (0.85%)
3 (1.01%)
393 (98.74%)
311 (99.04%)
350 (99.15%)
295 (98.99%)
Total
398 (100%)
314 (100%)
353 (100%)
298 (100%)
B-verse Anacrusis No anacrusis

Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
0 (0%)
4 (1.26%)
5 (1.44%)
4 (1.20%)
338 (100%)
313 (98.74%)
343 (98.56%)
329 (98.80%)
Total
338 (100%)
317 (100%)
348 (100%)
333 (100%)
By contrast, catalexis is encoded with patterned variations in the a-verse predicated

on location in the stanza. With a p-value of 0.004, verses 1 and 5 grouped together
as usual are associated with catalexis more closely than verses 3 and 7 in combination (Table 7.26). The two privileged verses are indistinguishable from each other,
however (p=1). Compare further p-values involving other pairs: p=0.055 between
p = 0.895 between verses 3 and 7; p = 0.036 between verses 5 and 7. On the other
hand, the b-verse displays only random distributions without any sign of structural
organization at all, as the proportions of catalectic to full verses do not differ significantly across the four constituent verses. Since the b-verse in general proves to be less
favorable to occurrences of catalectic verses than the a-verse (p<0.001), we may be
led to posit the following scale for the decreasing likelihood of accommodating catalectic verses: 1/5 > 3/7 > 2/4/6/8.
10Deserving repeated attention is the fact that our anacrusis constitutes only a very small subset of
the overarching (and misconceived; see section3.1 above) category corresponding to the verse-initial drop as well as anacrusis in our sense that Boer and Ent refer to by the terms optact or voorslag.
Therefore, it is little wonder that the alleged preference of the verse-initial upbeat for verses 3/7 and
the b-verse in general (Boer 1916: 57; Ent 1924: 32, 89, 133, 154) does not apply here.
410
The stanza
Table7.26.Occurrences of catalectic and full verses according to location in the stanza

A-verse Catalectic
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
55 (11.51%)
32 (7.60%)
51 (11.36%)
30 (7.14%)
Full
423 (88.49%)
389 (92.40%)
398 (88.64%)
390 (92.86%)
Total
478 (100%)
421 (100%)
449 (100%)
420 (100%)
B-verse
Catalectic
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
28 (5.94%)
26 (5.32%)
16 (3.27%)
25 (5.20%)
Full
443 (94.06%)
463 (94.68%)
473 (96.73%)
456 (94.80%)
Total
471 (100%)
489 (100%)
489 (100%)
481 (100%)
7.4Resolution and alliteration

In this section, we are concerned with whatever effects are exerted on stanza-internal
localization by varied realizations of the lift. Two phenomena are primarily at issue,
implementation and suspension of resolution on the one hand, and alliteration on
the other.
Resolution is implemented with a significantly higher incidence in the second
half-stanza (verses 5 and 7 combined) than in the first one (verses 1 and 3 combined),
as indicated by the following set of p-values: p=0.833 between verses 1 and 3; p=0.149
between verses 1/3 and 5/7; p=0.716 between verses 1/5 and 3/7. Quite unexpectedly,
the b-verse is subject to a sharper articulation, as follows: p=0.002 between verses
2 and 4; p=0.592 between verses 2 and 6; p=0.001 between verses 2 and 8; p=0.012
and 8; p=0.564 between verses 2/4 and verses 6/8; p<0.001 between verses 2/6 and
verses 4/8. Thus, verses 2 and 6 are paired on the one hand, and verses 4 and 8 on
the other, with the latter pair displaying a stronger preference for resolution on the
first lift. Moreover, each member of the one group is distinguished from each of the
other, so that the stanza-internal distinction is organized more firmly in the b-verse.
Given that resolution is more likely to occur in the b-verse (p<0.001; Table7.27), the
overall scale may be represented in order of decreasing association with resolution,
as follows: 4/8 > 2/6 > 5/7 > 1/3 (or to put it in inverse form, 1/3 < 5/7 < 2/6 < 4/8). As it
turns out, this scale is the same as the one we proposed for the resolution on the first
lift of typeC (section7.2.3). Since the same device resolution is at issue in both
cases, it seems only natural that the same scalar differentiation should be at work,
particularly because of the overwhelming occurrence of resolution in this context
(section4.2.3).
The cadence
411
Table7.27.Occurrences of the long and the resolved first lift according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
Long
494 (95.18%)
495 (95.56%)
484 (92.90%)
477 (91.73%)
Resolved
Total
25 (4.82%)
23 (4.44%)
37 (7.10%)
43 (8.27%)
B-verse
519 (100%)
518 (100%)
521 (100%)
520 (100%)
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
Long
Resolved
Total
447 (86.63%)
69 (13.37%) 516 (100%)
412 (79.38%) 107 (20.62%) 519 (100%)
445 (85.41%)
76 (14.59%) 521 (100%)
407 (78.57%) 111 (21.43%) 518 (100%)
As indicated in Table7.28, the proportions of single to double alliteration prove to be

constant throughout the a-verse in statistical terms, as demonstrated by the following
p-values without statistical significance: p=0.450 between verses 1 and 3; p=0.937
between verses 1/3 and 5/7; p = 0.159 between verses 1/5 and 3/7. This means that
alliterative pattern is unaffected by location in the stanza. The so-called (x)a pattern
is embodied exclusively by typeA3 (including its catalectic variant, typeA3-), which
has already been dealt with in section7.2.1 above. Since this configuration is sensitive
to an extensive variation based on stanza-internal arrangement, we must leave this
possibly distorting factor out of consideration here. Furthermore, in the absence of
double alliteration as a legitimate option, the b-verse is not amenable to the kind of
analysis that we can perform on the a-verse.
Table7.28.Alliterative pattern of the a-verse according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Single alliteration
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
214 (65.24%)
278 (62.33%)
239 (64.95%)
280 (60.87%)
Double alliteration
114 (34.76%)
168 (37.67%)
129 (35.05%)
180 (39.13%)
Total
328 (100%)
446 (100%)
368 (100%)
460 (100%)
7.5The cadence
In chapter5, we identified the string of metrical positions / as the privileged verseending unit, particularly in the b-verse. This section explores varied occurrences of
this cadence in the a-verse and the b-verse as conditioned by stanza-internal locations. Table7.29 gives the counts of verses ending in the cadence / (i.e., classes A
and C) and other concatenations according to location in the stanza.
412
The stanza
Table7.29.Occurrences of the cadence / and others according to location in the stanza

A-verse
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
Others
Total
464 (89.06%) 57 (10.94%) 521 (100%)

373 (71.59%) 148 (28.41%) 521 (100%)
434 (83.14%) 88 (16.86%) 522 (100%)
385 (73.90%) 136 (26.10%) 521 (100%)
B-verse
Verse 2
Verse 4
Verse 6
Verse 8
/
433 (83.11%)
453 (86.95%)
451 (86.40%)
446 (85.60%)
Others
88 (16.89%)
68 (13.05%)
71 (13.60%)
75 (14.40%)
Total
521 (100%)
521 (100%)
522 (100%)
521 (100%)
As it turns out, the distribution of the cadence in question differs significantly in ways
that are sensitive to placement internal to the stanza, as the following p-values indicate: p<0.001 between verses 1 and 3; p=0.007 between verses 1 and 5; p<0.001
between verses 1 and 7; p<0.001 between verses 3 and 5; p=0.444 between verses 3
and 7; p<0.001 between verses 5 and 7; p=0.330 between verses 1/3 and 5/7; p<0.001
between verses 1/5 and 3/7. With the closer association with verses 1 and 5 thus recognized, the cadence / is more likely to occur there than in verses 3 and 7; furthermore, given p = 0.007, verse 1 attracts the cadence more strongly than verse 5. We
may accordingly posit the following scale for decreasing likelihood of hosting verses
ending in the cadence / : 1 > 5 > 3/7.
As usual, the b-verse fails to display a patterned variation in contrast to the a-verse:
it gives an overall unarticulated, even distribution, independent of stanza-internal
arrangement, as substantiated by the following p-values: p=0.099 between verses 2
and 8; p=0.576 between verses 2/4 and 6/8; p=0.351 between verses 2/6 and 4/8. While
lacking statistical significance, verse 2 appears to be less favorable to the cadence / .
We will place this observation in the proper context in the following paragraph. In any
event, as far as the organization of the b-verse itself is concerned, we may be justified on
statistical grounds in concluding that the b-verse is insensitive to a stanza-internal variation in regard to the occurrence of the cadence / : the b-verse displays a close association with the canonical cadence consistently regardless of the location in the stanza.
Comparing the a-verse and the b-verse in their likelihood of realizing the optimal
cadence relative to the stanza-internal location, rather than in overall terms as we did
earlier in chapter5, brings a novel insight into the organization of the verse-ending
unit. Particularly at issue is the comparison of verse 1, the most favorable place for
accommodating the optimal cadence, with the four constituents of the b-verse. We
obtain the following p-values: p=0.007 between verses 1 and 2; p=0.340 between
verses 1 and 4; p=0.220 between verses 1 and 6; p=0.113 between verses 1 and 8. As
it turns out, verse 1 is distinguished only from verse 2 by the significantly higher probability of realizing the optimal cadence. Thus, while the b-verse is indeed associated
more closely with the optimal cadence than the a-verse in overall terms as we demonstrated earlier (section5.2), the fine-grained analysis based on the stanza has brought
to light that verse 1 is treated as equivalent to the b-verse in general, and that this
The metrical organization of the stanza
413
privileged treatment of verse 1 is implemented at the expense of verse 2, which does

not display the maximal preference for the cadence that the other b-verses as well as
verse 1 distinctively embody. Instead, verse 2 comes closest to verse 5 in its probability
of hosting the cadence (p=1). In conclusion, we may postulate the following scale for
decreasing probabilities with which the cadence / occurs relative to location in the
stanza: 1/4/6/8 > 2/5 > 3/7. In short, verse 1 and the b-verse with the exception of verse
2 are most likely to realize the optimal cadence, and verses 3/7 are least likely to do so.
Moreover, the downgrading of verse 2 may be interpreted as a counterbalance to the
upgrading of the immediately proximate a-verse, namely, verse 1.
7.6The metrical organization of the stanza

In the face of the assemblage of associations established above between stanza-internal location and metrical phenomena, we are now required to determine the structure
of the stanza, provide explanatory accounts on this formal basis for the individual
correlations, and, finally, reduce the specific analyses thus proposed to higher-order,
unitary explanations.
Before moving on, however, it may be appropriate to make critical comments on
Boers (1916) and Ents (1924) pioneering work on the stanza-based composition of
verses, especially their primary discovery of the scalar distinction, verse 1 verse
5 verses 3/7 verses 2/4/6/8, which were referred to from time to time in the above
discussions. While some of the criticisms were already made in sections 7.1, 7.2.1, 7.2.2,
7.2.5, and 7.3 above, it is necessary to give an overall evaluation at this point.
Boers and Ents work suffer from a number of inadequacies, descriptive and
theoretical. First, their database is quite limited, covering as it does only six pieces of
eddic poetry (section7.1). Second, their scale is presented as no more than a descriptive generalization: neither Boer nor Ent provided a principled explanation for the
basis of the scale by answering the fundamental question Why is the scale structured as it is? Third, they were concerned with only a small scope of metrical phenomena, notably the size of the first measure; consequently, the scale they arrived at
is of limited descriptive value, in light of the widened contexts that we have been concerned with; as explored above, and at greater length below, the metrical phenomena that are found to be associated with stanza-internal location are too varied to be
reducible to the simplistic scale that Boer and Ent came up with. Fourth, even where
their scale seems relevant, it manifests in various guises, full or reduced, according
to context, as shown in the foregoing investigations and more fully addressed in the
following. Fifth, since Boer and Ent were not committed to the verse-type-based conceptualization of the meter, their descriptions proved to be too broad to take care
of significant details in verse realizations; for example, they failed to distinguish
subtypeA1s from its unmarked counterpart, the configuration Px#Px (section7.2.1);
and they were incapable of addressing the distribution of typeB (note5, section7.2.2).
414
The stanza
Finally and most critically, some of their underlying assumptions are questionable
and gratuitous to say the least, notably the isochronic conception in general and the
consequential measure-based organization in particular, of Old Germanic meter.
The foregoing examinations converge to identify four major recurrent properties
of the correlations to stanza-internal location. First, whatever patterned variation
in distribution is in evidence is virtually limited to the a-verse; the b-verse remains
unorganized for the most part. Second, the variations observed largely constitute
binary oppositions that are grounded in stochastic and relative terms, with occasional further subdivisions (see below on the distinction between verses 1 and 5): one
member of an opposition is correlated positively to a given configuration, with which
the other is associated negatively. Third, the binary grouping of the four verses that
are constitutive of the a-verse is restricted in variety: either verse 1 is singled out as
uniquely distinctive from verses 3, 5, and 7, or it is differentiated in conjunction with
verse 5 from verses 3 and 7. The polarization is thus largely confined to the following
two patterns: (i) verse 1 vs. verses 3/5/7; and (ii) verses 1/5 vs. verses 3/7. Put another
way, the following logically possible patterns of binary opposition with rare exceptions of verses 1/3 vs. verses 5/7 are excluded as immaterial: verse 3 vs. verses 1/5/7;
verse 5 vs. verses 1/3/7; verse 7 vs. verses 1/3/5; verses 1/7 vs. verses 3/5. Fourth, while
verses 3/7 are by no means distinguishable in relative degrees of association (again
with rare exceptions), verses 1/5 are often implicated in further differentiation. No
less importantly, in such cases of finer distinction, it is always verse 1 that displays a
stronger correlation, whether positive or negative (see immediately below).
There are two ways in which the privileged verse or verse group at issue is associated with given metrical features in terms of distribution, positive on the one hand,
and negative on the other. Let us begin by summarizing the positive correlations:
(1) Verse 1 displays the strongest preference for the polysyllabic realizations of the
first drop of typeA1. By the same token, verse 1 is uniquely associated with wordinitials as the privileged realization of the monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 (i.e.,
P#x#Px).
(2) Type A1- is favored commonly by verses 1 and 5 as opposed to verses 3 and 7.
(3) The distribution of type A3 is characterized by a combination of the patterns
given in (1) and (2) above: this verse type occurs most frequently in verse 1 in
distinction from the other three verses, and also more frequently in verses 1 and 5
put together than in the other group of verses 3 and 7.
(4) Type A3- is more likely to occur in verses 1 and 5 in combination than in verses 3
and 7.
(5) Type A2b is differentiated from its mirror image, typeA2a (see below), by its larger
presence in verses 1 and 5.
(6) While the distribution of type C on the whole is insensitive to any significant
differentiation along the parameter of stanza-internal placement, its catalectic
variant, typeC-, appears to show a preference for verses 1 and 5.
415
(7) In contrast to typeD (see below), its five-position counterpart, typeD*, occurs
preferably in verses 1 and 5.
(8) Catalectic verses in general display a close association with verses 1 and 5, in
which they occur with a significantly higher incidence.
(9) Finally, verse 1 is more likely to end in the cadence / than the other three
a-verses; and verse 5 is in turn distinguished from verses 3 and 7 by the relatively
higher probability of realizing the optimal cadence.
On the other hand, the negative associations involving verse 1 or verses 1 and 5 as a
group are listed as follows:
(1) Exclusively verse 1 tends to avoid the minimal variant of typeA1 with the monosyllabic first drop (PxPx) and with word-finals in the first drop (Px#Px).
(2) The group of verses 1 and 5 disfavor the prototype of subtype A1s (PS#px) as
opposed to that of verses 3 and 7.
(3) By the same token, the same group shows a negative correlation to the minimal
variant of subtypeA1s (Px#px).
(4) The identical pattern of grouping is found in a maximized form in the distribution
of the configuration PxSx, which is totally absent in verses 1 and 5.
(5) Type A2a tends to be avoided in verses 1 and 5.
(6) Verse 1 stands out from the other verses by the notably diminished occurrence
of typeB. Verse 5 shares this characteristic in part, thereby making the group of
verses 1 and 5 less favorable to this type than the one of verses 3 and 7.
(7) Type D is not favored in verses 1 and 5 in contrast to verses 3 and 7, where it is
attested with a significantly greater frequency.
(8) Type E tends to be avoided in verses 1 and 5 in favor of verses 3 and 7.
The following table (Table7.30) provides an overall view on the correlations between
metrical configurations and a-verses according to their locations in the stanza. Key:
++ = very strongly positive; + = positive; = negative; = very strongly negative;
+/ = neutral; (+) = not supported statistically.
Table7.30.Metrical features according to location in the stanza
Configuration
PxPx (typeA1)
Px#Px (typeA1)
PxSx (typeA1)
PS#px (subtypeA1s)
Px#px (subtypeA1s)
PxP (typeA1-)
PS#Px (typeA2a)
PxPS (typeA2b)
xPx (typeA3)
Verse 1
+
+
++
Verse 5 Verses 3/7

+/
+/
+
+
+
+
+
+
416
The stanza
Configuration
xP (typeA3-)
xPxP (typeB)
xPP (typeC-)
/ / (typeD)
/ / (typeD*)
/ \ / (typeE)
Catalexis
Cadence /
Verse 1
+
(+)
+
++
Verse 5 Verses 3/7

+
+/
(+)
+
+
With respect to the associations with verse classes (rather than their varied realizations at the level of types and subtypes), class C deserves special attention: apart from
its extremely marked variant, typeC-, it is not subject to stanza-based organization
for distribution. By sharp contrast, the other classes, in their overall extensions, are
all involved in patterned distribution along the parameter at issue. A question arising
then is: Why is only class C treated differently from the rest? What is the formal basis
for its exclusion from patterned variation? This question inseparably relates to the
two divergent ways in which the remaining classes are distributed in verse 1 or verses
1/5: What determines preference for or avoidance from this privileged location?
As a look at the particular concatenations of metrical positions involved immediately shows, and as should be already familiar from the discussion on alliterative
pattern in section 6.2.2 above,11 the verse classes are differentiated by the varying
values in regard to the combination of the verse-initial and verse-final strings of metrical positions / . The general picture is illustrated in Table 7.31 (+ = present; =
absent).
Table7.31.Characterization of verse classes in terms of verse-initial and verse-final strings /
Verse class
Class A / /
Class B / /
Class C / /
Class D / /
Class D* / /
Class E / \ /
Initial /
+
Final /
+
As it turns out, classes B, D, and E possess neither of the strings at issue. Class A
stands at the other extreme: it contains both of them as its constituents in its underlying metrical representation. In between are found the remaining classes, C and D*,
11As may be recalled, the verse-initial / and the cadence / function as the two major factors that
curb the occurrence of single alliteration.
417
which have one of these units. The first group (classes B, D, and E) is avoided in verse
1 or verses 1/5, whereas the second one (class A) is favored there, as far as the most
abstract level of verse classes is concerned (section7.2.5).12 The middle group comprising classes C and D*, to which we will turn in the following paragraph, is less than
clear. In any event, focusing on the polarization involving the two extreme groups, we
may be justified in generalizing that the degrees of accessibility to the sequence / at
the edge determines the nature of the distribution of verse classes in verse 1 or verses
1/5: the higher, the more positive; the lower, the more negative. Given this generalization, the rather ambivalent treatment of the middle group might also yield to understanding: a case in point is the largely unarticulated class C on the one hand, and the
less than definite situation of class D* on the other, whose patterns of distribution are
not as sharply delineated as that of class A: while verses 1 and 5 put together are differentiated from the other group, they are not fully distinguishable on an individual
basis (section7.2.4).
When we take into consideration the difference between the initial and final
strings and make a distinction in their respective contributing force, we may find ourselves closer to a principled account. Suppose that the initial string counts as more
determining than the final counterpart, then the difference between classes C and
D* will be derived as a matter of course. Since class D* is distinguished from class C
by the presence of the initial sequence / , it should be amenable to a greater degree
of favor in verse 1 or verses 1/5 by virtue of the resultant higher value it obtains as
against its opposite, class C. Therefore, class D* receives more favorable treatment in
verses 1/5 than class C, which remains largely neutral in evaluation. As will be shown
later on, the prioritization of the initial constituent over the final one is motivated on
structural grounds.
Returning to the structural parallelism with the two strings that reduce implementation of single alliteration in the a-verse, it would seem to be far from a coincidence that the identical units are involved as a determining force in stanza-internal
distribution and alliterative pattern. By curtailing single alliteration, the two strings /
appearing at the edge of a verse lead to an increased operation of double alliteration
in the a-verse. Since double alliteration is a privilege of the a-verse, these two units,
which are conducive to maximal use of double alliteration, are naturally evaluated as
optimal attributes of the a-verse: their presence serves as a major source for creating
the formal identities of the a-verse in distinction from the b-verse, namely, double
alliteration.
12Of course, this class displays a maximal range of variation as far as specific realization variants
are concerned. In overall quantitative terms, however, it can be maintained that class A receives favorable treatment in verse 1 or verses 1/5: unless the first drop is aligned to a word-final syllable, the
class as a whole displays a marked preference for verse 1 or verses 1/5. On class-internal differentiations of class A, see below.
418
The stanza
Among the major four verses that are constitutive of the a-verse, verse 1 is of overriding importance, as it initiates the stanza. In this stanza-initiating capacity, verse 1
fulfills the double function of marking initiality, the beginning of the line and that of
a higher metrical unit, the stanza. By virtue of the isomorphic, two-layered functions
that it assumes, then, verse 1 can be characterized as representative or prototypical
of the a-verse. Given this structural parallelism, it seems natural that the configurations of metrical positions favored at the lower level of organization, the line, should
receive a comparably high valuation at the higher one, the stanza. Thus, the pairing
of the identical structural conditions serves as an organizing force for stanza-internal
distribution as well as for alliterative pattern. As a consequence, the verse classes
that do not have access to any of these highly valued units tend to be avoided as less
harmonious with the prototypical composition of the a-verse that is realized in verse
1 (or verses 1/5).
Having offered the comprehensive account of the variety of reactions that the individual verse classes make to stanza-internal organization, and therewith accorded
verse 1 (and verse 5 to a lesser degree; see below) the status of being the prototype
of the a-verse, we are well equipped for addressing the remaining problem that concerns the specific ranking obtained between the initial and final strings: Why does the
initial string outrank the final one in determining degrees of acceptability in detail?
At this point, we may invoke the structural parallelism based on the notion of initiality, as established above: much as verse 1 appearing at the beginning of a stanza is
identified as representative of the a-verse, the string / occurring at the beginning of
a verse counts as a major component of initiality in syntagmatic terms. Both entities
thus share the same structural property of being initial and exemplary. This formal
isomorphism, then, may be held responsible for privileging the initiality over finality, the ranking that is more harmonious and appropriate in structural terms than
the alternative, contrary one of finality over initiality in one of the two intersecting
domains, the verse as opposed to the stanza.
By virtue of the widest range of variations that it manifests, class A is subject
to diverse treatment in regard to distribution in the stanza at the levels of verse
types and their realizations. These diverse variants fall into two groups according
to positive or negative associations with verse 1 (or verses 1/5) that they are loaded
with. As listed in Table7.30 above, the positive group comprises the configurations
PxPx (type A1), PxP (type A1-), PxPS (type A2b), xPx (type A3), and xP
(typeA3-), whereas the negative one consists of the configurations Px#Px (typeA1),
PxSx (type A1), PS#px (subtype A1s), Px#px (subtype A1s), and PS#Px (type A2a).
As should be obvious at first glance, the composition of the first drop seems to
play a vital role in the diversification in question: the negative configurations have
their first drop filled by non-word-initial monosyllables, -x#, -x-, -S#, while the
positive counterparts contain other materials, namely, word-initial monosyllables
#x- and polysyllables of any composition xx. It should be pointed out emphatically that the exact shape of the cadence on the surface has no effect on variation
419
pattern:13 one of the two marked variants of the cadence, P, is subsumed under the
positive group, whereas the other, px, belongs to the negative counterpart. Since at
the level of verse classes the three variants of the cadence count as equivalent and
optimal by virtue of their underlying invariant value / , it should hardly be surprising that their surface forms fail to be decisive in further grouping.
Having presented a descriptive account of the divergent treatment of class A, let
us address the structural basis of the diversification itself: Why is the divergence the
way it actually is? Why does the non-word-initial monosyllable, rather than other syllable forms, bring about avoidance from, rather than preference by, verses 1/5? In this
connection, we should bring into consideration the status of verse 1 as a representative of the a-verse, and its polar opposite, the b-verse. As argued above, verse 1 plays a
leading role in the a-verse by fulfilling the unique dual function of marking initiality:
not only initiating the line as do a-verses in general, verse 1 also opens the stanza
at the same time. By virtue of this double initiation, verse 1 outranks other a-verses
in functional importance. This functionally privileged status, then, places verse 1 in
polar opposition to the b-verse, which completely lacks initiality in metrical organization. As demonstrated fully in section2.1.1 above, the prototypical variant of class A is
the configuration Px#Px, with the first drop realized by word-final monosyllables.14
It is this prototypical variant that is overwhelmingly favored in the b-verse among
all verse forms available there, not only of class A, but also of the whole set of verse
classes. We may therefore generalize that the configuration Px#Px is the representative embodiment of the b-verse.
The fundamental opposition between verse 1 and the b-verse, and the prototypical manifestation of the latter as Px#Px, may in turn be adduced as critical conditions for selecting a representative realization of verse 1: it should best be embodied by whatever form is other than the configuration Px#Px, which constitutes the
exemplar of its polar opposite. Such a structural reasoning, then, offers a motivation for verse 1s avoidance of the configuration Px#Px (including its marked variant,
PxSx): verse 1 thus most favors the variants of typeA1 that are farthest removed from
its prototype Px#Px, which is privileged in the b-verse. Given that the prototype of
typeA1 in the b-verse is identified by the realization of the first drop by word-final
syllables, subtypeA1s and typeA2a follow suit by generalization, thereby establishing the group comprising the configurations Px#Px, PxSx, PS#px, Px#px, and PS#Px
that is disfavored by verse 1. The creation of the negative group gives shape to the
opposite one, which is identified by its common failure to have the first drop filled
13Needless to say, there is no room for distinction in the verse-initial unit / , as the first drop is
invariably realized on the surface.
14Since the minor configuration PxSx is indistinguishable from the unmarked one Px#Px in terms
of verse distribution (section2.1.3.4), it is a matter of course that this marked variant is treated as no
different from the prototypical one.
420
The stanza
by non-word-initial monosyllables; thus emerges the positive group consisting of the

configurations PxPx, PxP, xPx, xP, and PxPS, which is highly valued in verse
1 (or verses 1/5) and accordingly occurs there with greater incidence.
As argued above, the distribution of class C remains largely exempt from restrictions on location in the stanza. Indeed, this class meets one of the two structural conditions for favorable treatment in verse 1, namely, the verse-final string / ; but the
relatively weaker force of this factor fails to bring about a notable effect on its own, in
distinction from the verse-initial string (the contrast to typeD* may be recalled here).
Against this background of general insusceptibility, why is only catalectic variant
typeC- amenable to favorable acceptance in verses 1 and 5? There appears to be hardly
any structural feature in this configuration that motivates its privileged treatment in
distinction from other variants of the same type. We would suspect that analogy to
type A1- is primarily responsible here. On account of the nonminimality of the first
drop, the catalectic variant of type A1 was qualified for favorable accommodation
in verses 1 and 5. The shared property of the zero realization of the final drop would
presumably have promoted comparable use of the corresponding variant of class C,
typeC-. Notice that class C itself is not at odds with preferential use in verses 1 and
5; the neutral status of the type at large, then, would not have prevented analogical
extension from occurring on its catalectic variant. The situation with class D is entirely
different, however: this class is rendered incompatible with favorable use in verses
1 and 5 due to the absence of both inducing factors, the verse-initial and verse-final
strings / . Comparable analogical extension would therefore have been blocked here.
The above discussion on the analogical motivation for the use of typeC- in verses
1 and 5 has further implications. Of the two cases involving catalectic variants, one
(typeC-) reduces to the other (typeA1-) in terms of causal relationship, as we have just
seen. This would mean that catalexis in itself has no immediately motivating force for
promoting occurrence in verses 1 and 5. In this light, we must conclude that catalexis
does not constitute an independent factor for controlling stanza-internal distribution,
despite the apparent indication at first glance (Table7.30). The decisive factor is rather
a more localized one: the absence of the minimal, that is, the word-final, monosyllabic first drop of typeA1.
The foregoing argument has established the privileged status of verse 1 (often
in conjunction with verse 5) in the stanza in general and in the a-verse in particular.
This overriding importance in turn serves as the metrical basis for singling out this
stanza constituent as uniquely distinctive in terms of distribution of verse types. More
often than not, however, verse 1 is accompanied by verse 5, rather than verses 3 or 7,
in attracting or avoiding certain verse types. We are accordingly required to address
this issue of the recurrent pairing of verses 1 and 5 for a control of verse distributions.
Specifically, why is verse 5, as opposed to the other two, grouped with the representative of the a-verse, namely, verse 1?
As is generally held (Sievers 1893: 64; Heusler 1956: 260), the stanza consists of
two parts, called half-stanzas; this intermediate constituent is motivated for the most
421
part by syntactic and semantic unity. Accordingly, the standard stanza consisting of
four lines (or eight verses) is divided into halves in terms of internal composition; and
each half-stanza is based on a coupling of two lines. The stanza is thus organized on
the basis of double articulation, whereby the smaller unit, the line, is paired to form
the half-stanza, and this intermediate unit is in turn coupled to form the maximal
level of metrical organization, the stanza.
Given this internal constituency of the stanza, verse 5 occupies the initial position by opening the second half-stanza, much as does verse 1 in regard to the first
counterpart. By this common capacity as initiators of half-stanzas, verses 1 and 5 can
be regarded as equivalent in function. This functional equivalence may therefore be
adduced as the metrical ground for the grouping of these verses to the exclusion of
verses 3 and 7, which appear in locations internal to the half-stanza, rather than at
its beginning. This structural equivalence, however, is only partial: as pointed out
above, only verse 1 is qualified to open the stanza as opposed to the half-stanza
by definition, whereas verse 5 is a stanza-internal constituent. The relation between
verses 1 and 5 is thus characterized by equivalence and opposition at the same time
and at two distinct levels of organization the stanza and the half-stanza. Such dual
organizations therefore form the source for their ambivalent identities relative to each
other: sometimes, verses 1 and 5 are treated distinctly, and at other times they are
treated as an integral set.
Of paramount importance in this connection is that, while verses 1 and 5 are often
treated as a group, as we have seen above, they may be distinguished so that verse
1, as opposed to verse 5, is maximally polarized in regard to a given parameter. The
privileging of verse 1 in distinction from verse 5, however, does not seem to take place
on a random basis; rather, it seems to materialize under specific conditions. More specifically, the distinction of verse 1 from verse 5 comes into effect in the configurations
PxPx (typeA1), Px#Px (typeA1), xPx (typeA3), and xPxP (typeB; Table7.30).
What is critically involved in these four contexts is the pair of polar opposites of the
cadence: while the prototypical realization (Px) of the optimal cadence (/ ) is realized in the first three configurations, the least optimal cadence variant (/) is constitutive of the last one. Also commonly at stake is a maximal contrast of these configurations in terms of the verse opening: while the optimal string / characterizes the
first three sequences, its polar opposite / is embodied by the last one. In this light,
it would seem to be warranted to generalize that the differentiation between verses
1 and 5 is implemented in the contexts in which the cadence as well as the opening
assume extreme values on the scale of gradable opposition predicated on the verse
opening and the verse ending. Corresponding to the maximization of the oppositions
at the edges of a verse, then, the stanza-internal distinction is differentiated in an
analogously maximal manner.
Part II.Mlahttr
Introduction
Introduction
Atlaml in grnlenzco (Am; Neckel and Kuhn 1983: 248263) is the only extant eddic
poem that is composed strictly in mlahttr (Hoffory 1889: 98; Sievers 1893: 7071;
Sjros 1906: 31; Boer 1916: 92; Zetterholm 1934: 1951). Following the scholarly tradition, then, we concentrate on this poem as a representative sample of this meter in its
prototypical form (chapter8). The canonical verse in this meter consists of five, rather
than four, metrical positions. The extra position is constituted by a drop, which is
either added before the verse-initial lift (anacrusis), or inserted after the first position
to redouble the first drop. As a consequence of such expansion in metrical structure,
mlahttr has access to an array of new verse types, A1* (/ / ), A2* (/ / \),
A3* ([/] / ), B* ( / /), and C* ( / / ), alongside the three inherited fiveposition types, aA1 (/ / ), aD (/ / ), and D* (/ / ), and in addition to
an isolated stock of four-position verse types, A1 (/ /), C (/ /), and D (/ / ).
Furthermore, the cadence / is standardized more persistently than in fornyrislag,
resulting in the overwhelming presence of classes A and C and the virtual removal of
classes B and E, which have the ending that is diametrically opposite to the optimal
cadence.
On the other hand, Atlaqvia in grnlenzca (Akv; Neckel and Kuhn 1983: 240
247) and Hamisml (Hm; Neckel and Kuhn 1983: 269274) display features of both
fornyrislag and mlahttr in such ways that they may broadly be characterized as
intermediary between the two (compare Sievers 1893: 78; Heusler 1956: 219; See,
La Farge, Horst, and Schulz 2012: 176, 844); accordingly, they will be referred to as
fornyrislag/mlahttr (section1.1). These mixed meters will be treated in depth in
chapters 9 and 10, respectively, and the metrical organization characteristic of each
will be determined in more precise terms than hitherto conceptualized. In these
two poems, the principle of five positions per verse is not as fully established as in
mlahttr: while expansion of drops is being implemented, many of the resultant
expanded realizations are not yet reorganized as comprising five positions in metrical representation. Accordingly, the two meters are still governed largely by the fourposition principle as is fornyrislag, despite an array of superficial resemblances to
mlahttr.
Still more interesting is Hrbarzli (Hrbl; Neckel and Kuhn 1983: 7887). This
poem is metrically mixed, composed as it is in fornyrislag/mlahttr and lja
httr.1 Of the sixty stanzas involved, the following thirty-eight are in fornyrislag/
mlahttr: 13, 516, 23, 2830, 3335, 3740, 4243, 4851, 5356, 5859.
1Compare, in this connection, See, La Farge, Picard, Priebe, and Schulz (1997: 163), who put it cautiously enough in terms of mlahttr/fornyrislag, rather than simplistically mlahttr (or fornyris
lag). Taking into account the absence from Hrbl of several prototypical features of mlahttr, as will
426
Introduction
See, La Farge, Picard, Priebe, and Schulz (1997: 163) regard the first four verses
(i.e., two lines) of stanza 18 (consisting of twelve verses and eight lines) as composed
in mlahttr. This characterization, however, seems to be inconclusive: the verses
in question would be fully acceptable as ljahttr a-/b-verses. Indeed, the halfstanza form concerned here, namely, LLLFF (Hrbl 18.18; L = long line; F = full line;
compare Sievers 1893: 81; for details, see chapter14 below), is unique and unknown
elsewhere, although it occurs once as a full stanza in Skm 34.18; accordingly, one
might be tempted to dismiss such an unparalleled form as an illegitimate ljahttr
stanza. The stanzas and half-stanzas in Hrbl, however, are extremely varied in their
organization and realized in atypical form (section14.1): single prose lines often constitute autonomous stanzas (e.g., stanzas 21, 31, etc.; See, La Farge, Picard, Priebe,
and Schulz 1997: 163); and the otherwise basic structure LFLF is used only once in a
total of twelve stanzas composed in ljahttr (Table14.6, section14.1). In this light,
an appeal to the norm of stanza structure for determining metrical identity would
appear to be misguided.2 Since stanzas are far more likely to be composed homogeneously in a single meter, the burden of proof would lie on the alternative claim for a
metrical heterogeneity.
In any event, the meter of Hrbl is by far the closest to mlahttr; it will be demonstrated in chapter11 below that Hrbl is the only poem other than Am in which overall
metrical organization is governed by the principle of five positions per verse, which
has virtually displaced the four-position counterpart. Thus, the closest match with
Am in metrical terms is recognized in Hrbl, despite its dual organization partly based
on ljahttr.
Predominantly framed by ljahttr, both Hav and Grm contain small portions
that are composed in fornyrislag/mlahttr: 10 stanzas, 70 verses, out of a total of
164 stanzas, 1074 verses in Hav, and 1 stanza, 6 verses, out of a total of 54 stanzas,
be examined in depth in chapter 11 below, the label mlahttr/fornyrislag, corresponding to our

designation fornyrislag/mlahttr, would be most appropriate as a first approximation.
2By contrast, on the basis of stanza-internal structure we can make a convincing case for a cooccurrence of two meters fornyrislag and ljahttr in HHv12. In it, the stanzas are structured so
regularly that among the eighteen constituent stanzas in ljahttr, only two deviate from the canonical form LFLF (Table14.9, section14.1): stanzas 26 (LFLFFLF) and 28 (LFLFFFF). Moreover, given that
even these two aberrant instances begin with LF and contain more than two full lines, the degree of
deviation that stanza 12 would have to embody under the assumption that it is entirely in ljahttr
resulting in LLLF would appear too outrageous to be counted as remotely analogous in terms of internal structuration. On the other hand, half-stanzas normally consist of two long lines in fornyrislag
(see chapter7 above); and, in fact, there are no more than two stanzas that are structured differently:
stanza 32 contains three lines, which do not seem to be grouped into half-stanzas; and stanza 33,
comprising six lines, seems to be tripartite in its internal organization. Analyzing stanza 12 then as a
juxtaposition comprising a half-stanza of two lines in fornyrislag the canonical form and one of a
long and a full line in ljahttr again the canonical form would turn out to be fully motivated, as
it is free from making gratuitous assumptions on outer and inner structures of stanzas.
Introduction
427
359 verses in Grm (Table1.1, section1.1). In light of the extremely low proportions in
representation, even smaller than that of fornyrislag to ljahttr in Sd, we see no
more compelling reason for including them in the corpus than we do for Sd, which
was also excluded from examination on substantive grounds of metrical interference
(introduction, Part I). On the other hand, the exclusion of Hav and Grm is further
motivated by the fact that is peculiar to mlahttr: as pointed out at the outset, the
investigation of this meter including its possible variants must be carried out on the
basis of individual poems, because only a single exemplary work in this meter is available. Given the too small sample size of Hav and Grm, however, this poem-by-poem
approach to mlahttr is hardly expected to be revealing to our concerns with determining the metrical identities and organization at the underlying level: we are simply
denied access to a sufficient amount of information that would make a reconstruction of the underlying metrical system feasible. Accordingly, we will not deal with
these two poems as instantiations of fornyrislag/mlahttr in the following chapters,
although they are included in the index of scansion (pp. 972973).
8The prototype of mlahttr:

Atlaml in grnlenzco
Atlaml in grnlenzco is the only extant poem that is composed strictly in mlahttr.
The metrical identity of this meter is founded on the following two properties. First,
the principle of five metrical positions per verse displaces that of four positions
underlying fornyrislag, and this reorganization introduces a wealth of novel verse
types that are expanded with an extra drop to conform to the new principle. Second,
the cadence / is maximized in its organizing power so that the two verse classes
classes B and E that end in the diametrically opposite string / are almost entirely
eliminated from the inventory of legitimate classes.1 At the same time, the triple variants of this optimal cadence available to fornyrislag Px, px, and P are largely
unified under the unmarked one, Px, by standardization.
8.1Verse types and their realizations

8.1.1Type A1* (/ /)
Am gives 302 instances of the configuration PxPx that would be scanned as typeA1
in fornyrislag, as exemplified in (1):2
1The following four verses are excluded from consideration, as they are less than fully attested in
various ways: Am 21.5 (defective), 21.6 (without alliteration), 101.7 (without alliteration), 101.8 (lacking). For previous accounts of the meter couched in their own different frameworks, see Sievers (1885:
4562; 1893: 7079), Sjros (1906), Leonhardt (1907), Boer (1916: 91102), Gering (1926: 155166), Zetterholm (1934: 1951), Heusler (1956: 209214), Russom (2009: 7879, 8183, 8587), and Hartman
(2011: 228239).
2A-verse with single alliteration (87 examples): Am 3.3, 5.1, 5.7, 7.5, 7.7, 9.7, 11.7, 14.1, 14.5, 15.1, 19.1,
24.1, 24.5, 28.1, 30.11, 32.1, 33.1, 34.1, 35.1, 38.3, 39.1, 39.7, 41.1, 41.3, 42.1, 43.5, 47.1, 48.3, 48.7, 49.5, 50.1,
50.3, 51.1, 52.1, 54.3, 55.1, 56.5, 57.1, 57.7, 57.9, 58.7, 59.3, 60.1, 61.1, 63.5, 63.9, 64.1, 64.5, 66.1, 68.1, 69.1,
70.5, 73.5, 74.7, 75.3, 78.1, 79.7, 80.1, 80.3, 80.5, 82.1, 82.3, 83.1, 84.1, 84.3, 85.7, 86.5, 87.7, 89.5, 89.7, 91.1,
91.3, 92.5, 93.1, 94.1, 94.3, 96.5, 96.7, 97.1, 98.1, 98.3, 98.5, 99.1, 99.5, 100.1, 104.1, 105.5; a-verse with
double alliteration (95 examples): Am 2.3, 4.1, 9.1, 9.9, 10.1, 11.1, 11.5, 12.1, 12.7, 12.9, 17.3, 17.7, 18.1, 18.3,
19.5, 20.3, 20.7, 22.1, 22.3, 24.7, 25.1, 26.3, 29.1, 29.3, 30.1, 30.9, 31.3, 33.3, 34.3, 35.3, 35.5, 36.1, 37.1, 38.1,
39.5, 40.5, 42.3, 42.5, 43.1, 44.1, 44.3, 45.3, 46.5, 48.1, 49.7, 50.5, 52.9, 53.3, 54.1, 56.1, 56.7, 57.3, 58.1, 58.5,
59.7, 60.3, 60.5, 61.7, 65.5, 65.7, 66.5, 67.1, 67.3, 69.3, 69.7, 71.1, 71.3, 72.7, 73.1, 76.1, 77.1, 77.3, 78.3, 78.5, 81.1,
81.3, 82.5, 83.3, 83.5, 85.3, 86.1, 87.1, 87.5, 90.1, 92.1, 95.1, 95.5, 97.7, 98.7, 99.7, 100.5, 101.5, 103.1, 103.5,
105.1; b-verse (120 examples): Am 1.6, 2.2, 2.4, 2.6, 3.6, 4.2, 4.6, 5.8, 6.2, 8.2, 10.2, 10.4, 11.2, 13.2, 14.6,
15.2, 15.4, 17.2, 17.8, 20.2, 20.6, 20.8, 22.2, 22.4, 22.6, 25.2, 26.4, 26.6, 26.8, 28.4, 28.8, 29.2, 30.2, 30.4, 30.6,
30.8, 30.10, 30.14, 31.4, 33.2, 34.6, 35.4, 35.6, 37.4, 38.2, 39.4, 39.6, 39.8, 40.2, 40.6, 40.8, 42.6, 43.6, 47.2,
47.8, 48.8, 50.4, 52.2, 52.8, 53.8, 54.4, 54.8, 56.2, 56.4, 56.10, 57.2, 57.6, 58.4, 59.4, 59.8, 60.2, 61.2, 61.8,
62.2, 63.6, 64.2, 64.8, 65.4, 65.8, 66.8, 67.2, 68.2, 68.6, 69.6, 70.4, 71.2, 71.6, 73.8, 76.2, 77.6, 78.2, 78.6,
430
(1)
The prototype of mlahttr: Atlaml in grnlenzco
Am 4.1 Rnar nam at rsta [Px#x#x#Px]

Am 38.3 b s eir standa [P#x#x#Px]
Am 68.6 mist hefir r hollra [P#xx#x#x#Px]
Among these verses, two are exceptionally of the structure PxS#Px, and another two
are their heavy correspondent PxP#Px (with double alliteration occurring on the
first and third Ps; see [2] below; compare Leonhardt 1907: 11.1b). Also, there is one
instance of the configuration PxPxPx consisting of three class 1 words, in which the
second one is preceded and followed by unstressed syllables (2).
(2)
Am 4.6 sendimenn Atla [PxS#Px]

Am 18.3 hvtabiorn hugir [PxS#Px]
Am 12.9 vant er stafs vfi [P#x#P#Px]
Am 103.5 hyggia rf hveria [Px#x#P#Px]
Am 81.8 tt slct at frtta [P#x#P#x#Px]
An analogous example is found once in fornyrislag: Gr I 6.2 Hnalanz drtning

[PxS#Px]. The configuration PxP#Px with double alliteration occurring on the
first and last stressed syllables (PxPPx; P = alliterative) rather than on the first
two (PxPPx) is unattested in fornyrislag, whereas the configuration of the latter
type is in existence there, scanned as type D* (section 2.12.1). Therefore, this configuration unknown to fornyrislag (PxPPx) should be regarded as an innovation in
mlahttr.
The verse distribution and alliterative pattern of the configuration PxPx are
illustrated in Table 8.1. While mlahttr and fornyrislag are indistinguishable in
alliterative pattern (p = 0.215), they differ significantly in terms of verse distribution: in mlahttr, the configuration in question is associated more closely with the
a-verse; on the contrary, it displays a marked preference for the b-verse in fornyris
lag; accordingly, it is more likely to occur in the a-verse in mlahttr, and conversely
in the b-verse in fornyrislag, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
80.2, 81.2, 81.4, 81.6, 81.8, 82.2, 82.6, 83.6, 83.8, 84.4, 86.12, 87.6, 88.4, 89.6, 90.2, 94.4, 94.6, 95.6, 96.8,
96.10, 97.4, 98.6, 99.4, 100.2, 100.8, 102.2, 104.4, 104.6. Compare Sjros (1906: 38, 4144, 4950, 5455,
5758), Leonhardt (1907: 4, 8, 22, 26), Gering (1926: 160162), and Zetterholm (1934: 2426). Notice
that Gering referred to these verses as typeE*.
431
Table8.1.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx in mlahttr and fornyrislag

Meter
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
Mlahttr
182 (60.26%)
87 (47.80%)
95 (52.20%)
120 (39.74%)
302 (100%)
Fornyrislag
752 (36.95%)
399 (53.06%)
353 (46.94%)
1283 (63.05%)
2035 (100%)
Despite the overall similarity in concatenation of strong and weak syllables, the composition of the first drop in mlahttr is radically different from that in fornyrislag.
As indicated in Table8.2, larger numbers of syllables are involved in mlahttr than
in fornyrislag. While the monosyllabic first drop prevails in fornyrislag, the disyllabic one is by far the most common in mlahttr. We may generalize, then, that the
configuration corresponding to typeA1 in fornyrislag has its first drop expanded in
mlahttr.
Table8.2.Size of the first drop of PxPx in mlahttr and fornyrislag
Syllables
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
24
192
74
10
2
7.95
63.58
24.50
3.31
0.66
1517
434
77
6
1
74.55
21.33
3.78
0.29
0.05
Total
302
100
2035
100
Of no less importance, the prototypical variant of typeA1, Px#Px, is vanishingly rare:

only three examples are attested, as given in (3). In actuality, the proportions of the
word-final to the word-initial syllable (Table 8.3) differ with statistical significance
between the two Norse meters, with a p-value of less than 0.001. Thus, it cannot be
claimed that the first drop simply accommodates the larger size of syllable concatenations in mlahttr; rather, the minimal and optimal value is raised from monosyllables to disyllables, and within monosyllables from word-finals to word-initials.
In other words, the prototype of the first drop in the configuration corresponding to
typeA1 in fornyrislag undergoes displacement in mlahttr through reorganization,
as detailed below.
432
(3)
Am 35.1 Hgni svarai [Px#pxx]

Am 53.3 tto alla [Px#Px]
Am 60.5hfot hneccing [Px#Px]
Table8.3.Composition of the monosyllabic first drop of PxPx in mlahttr and fornyrislag

First drop
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
-x#
#x
3
21
12.50
87.50
1075
442
70.86
29.14
Total
24
100.00
1517
100.00
Unlike fornyrislag (section2.1.1), the a-verse and the b-verse are not differentiated
in regard to the size of the first drop of the configuration under consideration. More
specifically, the proportions of the monosyllabic first drop to the polysyllabic one do
not differ between the two verses (p=0.135; Table8.4). Nor is there any significant
difference ascertained in the proportions of mono-/disyllables to longer strings in
the first drop (p=0.896). Thus, the b-verse does not display a preference for smaller
size in mlahttr, in contrast to fornyrislag. Given the extreme rarity of the minimal
configuration Px#Px (see [3] above), we cannot demonstrate a lack of correlation
between the b-verse and the word-final syllable -x#. It appears anecdotally revealing,
however, that all of the three examples of Px#Px are attested in the a-verse. We might
be led to presume that the a-verse and the b-verse are not distinguished in this respect
as well. Brought together, then, the traditional asymmetry between the a-verse and
the b-verse in terms of their distinct preferences for particular variants of type A1,
as observed in the West Germanic tradition as well as in fornyrislag, is no longer in
force in mlahttr.
Much the same applies to alliterative distinction (Table8.4). The varying number
of syllables in the first drop has no significant effect on selection of single and double
alliteration in the a-verse; particularly, the difference between monosyllables and
disyllables in the first drop is shown to have no correlation to alliterative pattern
(p=0.466), again in marked contrast to fornyrislag (section2.1.1).
433
Table8.4.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx according to size of the first drop
Syllables
A-verse
B-verse
Total
18 (75.00%)
7 (38.89%)
11 (61.11%)
6 (25.00%)
24 (100%)
113 (58.85%)
55 (48.67%)
58 (51.33%)
79 (41.15%)
192 (100%)
42 (56.76%)
22 (52.38%)
20 (47.62%)
32 (43.24%)
74 (100%)
7 (70.00%)
2 (28.57%)
5 (71.43%)
3 (30.00%)
10 (100%)
2 (100%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
1 (50.00%)
1 (50.00%)
The cluster of these properties that differentiate mlahttr from fornyrislag can be
explained in a principled way if we postulate two drops in succession between the
lifts, instead of one as in fornyrislag and its closest West Germanic cognates. The
underlying metrical form for the configuration PxPx in mlahttr, comprising five
metrical positions in all, is accordingly represented as follows: / / . In order to
give proper expression to the distinct status acknowledged, we need a new label for
this five-position verse type. Following Sieverss practice (1893) and using the diacritic * as a symbol of an expanded verse type as with typeD*, we will refer to this
configuration as typeA1*.
It is in order here to see how the positing of the additional drop provides explanatory accounts for the clustering of novel features unique to mlahttr. On the usual
assumption that the underlying positions are prototypically occupied by language
material on a one-to-one basis and a linguistic unit normally corresponding to a metrical position is a syllable, the succession of two drops is typically realized by two
unstressed syllables, which is actually the case with typeA1* in mlahttr. As shown
in section2.1.1 above, fornyrislags (and its West Germanic counterparts) sensitivity
to the interdependent relation between verse distinction/alliterative pattern on the
one hand and the varying size of the first drop of typeA1 is predicated on the distinction between monosyllables and polysyllables, with the latter failing to be differentiated in finer details in fornyrislag (section2.1.1). Since monosyllables no longer
count as legitimate material for realization of the first drop in the novel type, there is
no possibility for the traditional correlation to be retained as significant in mlahttr.
Furthermore, the emergence of the configuration PxP#Px with the first and last
primary-stressed syllables alliterating (typeA1*, rather than typeD*) in mlahttr yields
to explanation upon postulation of the two successive drops. Because the concatenation
of two drops of typeD may occasionally be realized in fornyrislag as the sequence
434
of unstressed and primary-stressed syllables (xP) as in rk 13.3 allr sa salr (P#Px#P;

section2.10.1), it follows naturally that the same sequence of two drops is qualified
for receiving comparable treatment in the novel context that arises in mlahttr.
We have yet to account for the minority of twenty-four verses with the monosyllabic first drop (Tables 8.3 and 8.4; compare Hoffory 1889: 98). Although we must scan
them as typeA1 (rather than typeA1*) and regard them accordingly as exceptional
in the metrical paradigm (section 8.2), the conspicuously larger presence of wordinitials, rather than word-finals, yields to a principled account. In fornyrislag and its
West Germanic immediate cognates, in which the first drop is constituted by a single
metrical position, it is word-finals that prevail. From this quantitative dominance as
well as its correlation to verse distinction and alliterative pattern, we may generalize
that a single weak position is prototypically realized by a syllable of minimal prominence, namely, a word-final one; and that concomitantly a word-initial counterpart
counts as more prominent. Correspondingly, a word-initial syllable is characterized
as closer to a disyllable by virtue of this nonminimal prominence.
Type A1* has two weak positions between the lifts, according to our proposal.
This double-size drop counts as more prominent on inherent grounds than a singlesize counterpart. In reaction to the increase in prominence on the first drop of the
newly established central configuration, type A1*, the relatively prominent wordinitial monosyllable is reevaluated as preferable to the least prominent word-final
one for metrical alignment. The resultant lesser exceptionality now redefined, then,
allows the word-initial monosyllable to realize the first drop of the corresponding
peripheral variant, type A1, with a greater frequency than the maximally deviant,
word-final counterpart.
In summary, the prevailing occurrence of the word-initial syllable over the
word-final one as the first drop of typeA1 in mlahttr, the reversal of the pattern
in fornyrislag and its West Germanic cognates, can be explained as a consequence
of the metrical reorganization whereby type A1 is expanded to type A1* and the
prototypical status of the word-final syllable is subverted concomitantly: the wordfinal syllable is now characterized as the least typical realization of the first drop in
typeA1, because it is the most removed realization from the corresponding position
of typeA1* in mlahttr.
Sievers (1893: 7677) makes a two-way distinction of the configuration that we
identity as typeA1*:3 typeA*1 (/ \ / ; e.g., Am 9.1 Hi goro hvlo) and typeA*2 (/
\ / ; Am 37.4 bruguz heldr reiir).4 While hardly anyone would dispute that there is a
3We ignore foot divisions here, as we do not accept the foot as a significant metrical unit (section1.2).
4See also Zetterholm (1934: 22, 2426). Sieverss types A*1 and A*2 are called types A1 and A2,
respectively, in Leonhardt (1907: 3), and types E*1 and E*2, respectively, in Gering (1926: 160162).
Further, Sieverss type A*2 corresponds to Heuslers tact-based notation 1 1 2 | 2 1. Heusler (1956:
435
fine difference in modulation of prominence at the level of surface manifestation, his

unreserved recognition of the two as metrically distinct verse types without argument
seems inconclusive on formal grounds: Sievers did not adduce any meter-internal,
structural evidence for his analysis. It is as much conceivable that the two allegedly
different verse forms should not necessarily be differentiated in structural terms.
In this connection, it may be well to recall the situation involving typeD. Although
we can readily distinguish on the surface the three variants on the basis of subtle
accentual variation in the last two positions, PPXx/PPxx, PPSx/PPsx, and PPxS, their
surface differences are not automatically endorsed structural recognition. To be sure,
the Beowulf meter makes a corresponding three-way, formal distinction of type D
(Suzuki 1996: 95110) types D1, D2a, and D2b but fornyrislag fails to do so, as
demonstrated in section2.10.1 above.
In this light, we are required to determine whether the difference on the surface
has structural underpinnings in the system. As in previous examinations, the two
parameters figure centrally for our concern here, verse distinction and alliterative
pattern. Before proceeding to examination, however, we need to attend to a few preliminaries. As Sievers (1893: 7677) was partly aware (see also Zetterholm 1934: 26;
Hartman 2011: 236238), the grading of prominence for given strings of unstressed
syllables may pose difficulty at times, depending on their particular composition,
especially where more than two weakly stressed syllables (xxx) are present. It will
be appropriate then to focus on the most straightforward cases of disyllables, for
which we need only to make a minimal decision of differentiating two given syllables
in relative binary terms, stronger and weaker. There are three different cases involved.
First, the string of a word-final and a word-initial (-x#x-; e.g., Am 2.6 strddi sr harla)
is undoubtedly scanned as relatively weak + strong ( \ in Sieverss notation), as
Sievers (1893: 76) correctly pointed out. The primary reason for this decision, which
Sievers did not adduce, is their distinct metrical treatment when they fill the first
drop of typeA1 (and some others) on their own: word-final syllables are identified
as the least prominent by virtue of their close association with the b-verse and single
alliteration in the a-verse.
Second at issue are disyllabic single words, #xx# (e.g., Am 100.5 qvl tti qvicri).
In light of the nearly ubiquitous pattern of word stress falling on initial syllables, we
may scan them as relatively strong + weak (\). Finally, we are faced with concatenations of two monosyllabic words, #x#x# (e.g., Am 50.4 bera var ann san), which
may be found hardly tractable at times.5 As a heuristic tool of probabilistic, rather
than determinative, nature, we may here resort to the three-way word class distinc-
211212) remarks succinctly on the conspicuous presence of this configuration in Am according to his
temporalist conceptualization of the meter.
5See Sieverss apposite remark as follows: Concurrieren dagegen zwei einsilbige wrter um
nebenhebung und senkung, so kann fter ein zweifel ber die betonung eintreten (Sievers 1893: 76).
436
tion for plausible scansion, which determines the likelihood of functioning as a lift
or a drop and also of carrying alliteration (section6.3). By this criterion, where two
consecutive words belong to different classes, we assign a stronger value to the one
of a more prominent class. Accordingly, for Am 47.1 t gecc hon san, for example,
the two words functioning as drops here, gecc went and hon she, are differentiated
as relatively strong and weak, respectively: gecc, a finite verb, is a member of class 2,
while hon, a pronoun, belongs to the least prominent word class, class 3. By a similar
line of reasoning, the reverse prominence pattern is postulated for Am 12.1 Eitt ec mest
undromc, for instance, in which mest most, an adverb, ranks higher than ec I, a
pronoun, in the likelihood of serving as a lift by virtue of its lexically based greater
prominence.
A difficulty arises when two given words are of the same lexical class, as exemplified by Am 11.5 R ec r rnar, in which both ec I and r the are pronouns. In
the face of such an apparent indeterminacy, one could invoke syntactic constituency
for further disambiguation: on this basis, the example given above (Am 11.5) can be
analyzed as / \ / , as r is subordinated to the following word as its determiner.
On the other hand, Am 89.5 veginn var Atli, for example, may be scanned as / \ /
, in which var was formed a constituent with the preceding word as an auxiliary. In
view of the limited role that syntactic constituency has to play in metrical organization (section2.13.5), however, a final resort to such a meter-external criterion seems
misguided, particularly where minute distinctions are at issue. It may be more sensible, therefore, to leave as undeterminable the concatenations of two monosyllabic
words belonging to the same word class.
With the necessary preliminaries thus worked out, we are now capable of examining the distribution of the two configurations / \ / and / \ / in relation to
verse distinction and alliterative pattern, as represented in Table 8.5.6 As it turns
out, the two configurations are distributed with a significant difference in regard to
verse distinction, given p=0.003: the configuration / \ / is more likely to occur
6The configuration / \ / (60 examples): a-verse with single alliteration (22 examples): Am 5.1,
14.1, 28.1, 34.1, 38.3, 47.1, 55.1, 56.5, 63.5, 68.1, 69.1, 73.5, 75.3, 80.1, 84.3, 92.5, 93.1, 94.3, 98.1, 99.1, 100.1,
105.5; a-verse with double alliteration (23 examples): 9.1, 10.1, 12.7, 17.7, 24.7, 29.3, 37.1, 43.1, 44.3, 49.7,
54.1, 56.1, 60.3, 69.7, 71.1, 77.3, 90.1, 95.1, 95.5, 97.7, 100.5, 103.1, 105.1; b-verse (15 examples): 1.6, 2.2, 6.2,
30.8, 39.4, 39.6, 43.6, 50.4, 54.4, 60.2, 61.2, 69.6, 71.2, 100.8, 102.2.

The configuration / \ / (106 examples): a-verse with single alliteration (23 examples): Am
5.7, 7.7, 14.5, 30.11, 41.1, 41.3, 42.1, 43.5, 48.7, 50.1, 52.1, 60.1, 61.1, 64.1, 66.1, 79.7, 86.5,
91.3, 96.5, 97.1, 98.3, 98.5, 99.5; a-verse with double alliteration (31 examples): 2.3, 9.9, 12.1,
12.9, 17.3, 18.3, 22.3, 25.1, 30.9, 33.3, 34.3, 35.3, 35.5, 38.1, 42.3, 42.5, 44.1, 46.5, 52.9, 56.7,
57.3, 58.5, 59.7, 61.7, 66.5, 71.3, 73.1, 78.5, 81.1, 86.1, 99.7; b-verse (52 examples): 2.6, 4.2, 4.6,
5.8, 10.2, 10.4, 11.2, 14.6, 15.2, 17.8, 25.2, 26.4, 26.6, 28.4, 28.8, 30.2, 30.4, 30.6, 30.14, 35.6,
37.4, 40.2, 42.6, 47.2, 48.8, 52.8, 53.8, 56.2, 56.10, 57.2, 59.8, 63.6, 64.2, 65.8, 66.8, 70.4, 73.8,
78.6, 80.2, 81.2, 83.8, 84.4, 87.6, 88.4, 89.6, 90.2, 94.6, 96.8, 96.10, 97.4, 99.4, 104.4.
437
in the a-verse than / \ / . As far as alliterative pattern in the a-verse is concerned,

however, no significant difference can be recognized between the two configurations: both are equally as likely to manifest single alliteration as double alliteration
(p=0.550).
Table8.5.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of Sieverss types A*1 and A*2
A-verse
B-verse
/\/
45 (75.00%)
22 (48.89%)
23 (51.11%)
15 (25.00%)
60 (100%)
/\/
54 (50.94%)
23 (42.59%)
31 (57.41%)
52 (49.06%)
106 (100%)
Configuration
Total
The surface difference in the contour of prominence on the medial drops that Sievers
observed thus proves to be demonstrably integrated into the network of relations in
the metrical system. Are we then justified in claiming that the two configurations concerned constitute two distinct types, as Sieverss thinking would lead us to do? There
are several reasons for casting doubt on this analysis, however. First and in purely
formal terms, there is no evidence for postulating typeA2a (/ \ / ) in Am, as shown
below (section 8.1.3). The total absence of the putative basis of derivation renders
the presence of its derivatives, the expanded types of typeA2a (i.e., / \ / and / \
/ ), suspicious. Then follows a series of difficulties that raise objections to giving a
status of constituting independent verse types to the configurations under consideration. While disyllabic sequences yield to a relatively clear-cut bipartition into strong +
weak and weak + strong, the larger strings pose difficulty in interpretation in various
respects. Suppose we have a sequence of three monosyllabic words, as in Am 22.6
r , hvat at vri. Since they are all members of class 3, we encounter the recurrent problem of determining the accurate contour of prominence; and the difficulty is
compounded by the larger possibilities available to choose from. Furthermore, when
the middle syllable of a given trisyllabic sequence is determined as most prominent,
as in Am 85.3 barna inna bli, should we subsume it under the configuration / \
/ or / \ / ? Given that we postulate only two successive drops in the metrical representation, such a reductionist analysis would seem reasonable. The question, then,
is whether the second syllable is aligned to the first or the second drop? Or should we
rather posit another type / \ / by assuming that the verse in question has three
metrical positions between the lifts corresponding to the three syllables realized on
the surface? This would be bound to increase variants of typeA* enormously, at the
cost of challenging the fundamental insight that a drop may be occupied by a polysyllable. We would thus have to pay for the proliferation of variants a reduced descriptive
and explanatory power.
438
The above chain of questions that arise one after another seems hardly to be
substantive, leading us nowhere else than to arbitrary decisions without empirical
support and consequences. In this light, we should regard as intractable in principle the issue of precisely determining the prominence contour for the two drops in
typeA* in all their manifestations, and be content with the prototype-based generalization in broad terms as follows: as far as relatively definite evidence is accessible,
typeA1* is more likely to occur in the a-verse when realized with the contour / \ /
than when accompanied by the contour / \ / . Accordingly, we will not give the two
contours the status of constituting an independent verse type. In other words, the two
contours are no more than major realization variants of typeA1*. As different tokens
of the same entity, then, they are indistinguishable in the underlying system. In this
way, the two successive drops that are constitutive of type A1* are not involved in
structural opposition between normal and heavy, in contrast to the verse-final position of types A1 (/ / ) and A2 (/ / \). Sieverss types A*1 and A*2 are therefore
similar to the major variants of typeC, such as xPPx, xPSx, and xPXx: these are
differentiated in regard to verse distinction and alliterative pattern, as demonstrated
in sections 2.8.2 and 4.2.3 above, to be sure; nonetheless, they are subsumed under
the same verse type, namely, typeC (/ / ), and the penultimate position keeps its
structural identity intact despite its varied realizations on the surface.
We are then confronted with the following question: Why is the contour / \ /
preferred in the a-verse, rather than in the b-verse? To provide a principled answer to
this question, we need to introduce a new dimension to the issue, and in doing so to
reconstitute the whole problematics that Sievers originally raised and we addressed
for an improved account up to this point, namely, the alleged distinction between the
contours / \ / and / \ / . Of paramount importance in the changed perspective
is the realization of the first drop exclusively by a word-final syllable -x#. It may be
recalled that this entity, characterized as the minimal material for a drop, is privileged
more than anything else in the b-verse in fornyrislag. Our suspicion is that this generalization can be brought to bear on our issue at hand for explanation.
The word-final drop in question materializes only where the concatenation -x#x
occurs between the lifts; when larger sequences appear, it is most likely that the first
of the two drops is filled by more than one syllable, because of the linearity-based
scalar distinction of metrical positions of the same category (section1.2), whereby the
closer to the beginning a position is, the more prominent it is. In this light, given two
drops, the preceding one normally counts as more prominent through alignment to
more salient substance unless other overriding conditions prevail. Accordingly, the
configuration Px#x#Px would be characterized as equivalent to Sieverss / \ / , and
all the remaining ones would correspond to his / \ / .
Of central concern, then, is the distribution pattern of the string -x#x in distinction from all of the disyllables that begin with word-initials #x (i.e., #x(#)x). As represented in Table8.6, the two groups differ significantly in verse distribution (p=0.011),
although they are indistinguishable in terms of alliterative pattern (p=0.435). Thus,
439
the two successive drops standing between the lifts of type A1* are more likely to
appear in the a-verse than in the b-verse, unless they are realized in the form of disyllabic sequences consisting of a word-final and a word-initial syllable. These disyllables alone are not biased toward either verse in particular.
Table8.6.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of -x#x and #x(#)x in the first drop of typeA1*
A-verse
B-verse
Total
-x#x
44 (48.35%)
20 (45.45%)
24 (54.55%)
47 (51.65%)
91 (100%)
#x(#)x
63 (67.74%)
34 (53.97%)
29 (46.03%)
30 (32.26%)
93 (100%)
This perspective of the opposition between the string -x#x and all other disyllabic
sequences concerns the whole range of the medial two drops in typeA1*, contrary to
the distinction between the two prominence contours discussed above that covers only
a subset of the same type in a definite way. Equipped with this widened perspective, we
are capable of offering an explanatory account for the lack of a significant association
between the a-verse and the string -x#x in contrast to all other concatenations. As shown
throughout the previous sections, notably section2.1.1, the word-final syllable constitutes a minimal realization of a drop because it is the least prominent in materialized
form. By virtue of this material minimality, the configuration Px#Px is the most favored
variant of typeA1 in the b-verse in fornyrislag as well as in its West Germanic cognate
meters. Despite the expansion of typeA1 to typeA1* through addition of a drop between
the lifts in mlahttr, it may be assumed in the absence of evidence to the contrary that
this meter, too, observes the same preference condition that privileges the minimal form
of typeA1 in the b-verse. Since the novel expanded type in question (typeA1*) derives
from typeA1, it is conceivable that it inherits from the base configuration the original
association between material minimality and the b-verse, and conversely the lack of correlation between the minimal variant and the a-verse. Accordingly, just as the realization
of the first drop by the word-final syllable counts as minimal for typeA1, the string -x#x
is characterized as minimal for typeA1* with the second syllable (#x) assigned to the
following additional drop; as a consequence, the configuration Px#xPx constitutes the
minimal variant of the new expanded type (typeA1*). Given the inherited avoidance of
the minimal realization from the a-verse, it may follow as a matter of course that solely
the configuration Px#xPx fails to be favored in the a-verse in mlahttr.
In summary, Sieverss distinction between the prominence contours / \ / and
/ \ / bears empirical scrutiny in part, as it is demonstrably loaded with distinctive
values in the system. Yet a principled explanation for the whole array of issues that it
raises requires a change in perspective: instead of determining degrees of prominence
440
relative to each other in syntagmatic terms, which may lead to only a partial tractability
at most and empirical indeterminacy at large, we focus on word-final syllables (-x#) as
the minimal material for a drop, the first drop of typeA1 in particular, and explore its
reallocated status in the expanded configuration, typeA1*. By assuming the continued
observance of avoiding the minimal variant -x# in the a-verse in mlahttr as in fornyris
lag, we may explain in a principled way the exclusive failure of the configuration Px#xPx
to be preferred in the a-verse in opposition to any other variant of the same type.
Yet there is a further dimension to be added on the special status of the variant
Px#xPx in mlahttr. In fact, the same generalization obtains in fornyrislag, too,
as observed in section2.1.1 above. Table8.7 indicates the distribution of the typeA1
variant Px#xPx in comparison with those that have the first drop filled by disyllabic
strings beginning with word-initials, P#x(#)x#Px. As it turns out, while the configuration Px#xPx is evenly distributed between the a-verse and the b-verse, the disyllabic variants beginning with a word-initial unstressed syllable (#x#x# or #xx#)
display a preference for the a-verse (p=0.001; but not for double alliteration in the
a-verse: p=0.437). In this way, the distinct distribution of the configuration Px#xPx in
mlahttr has an exact parallel in fornyrislag. The word-final syllable -x# as the least
prominent material thus keeps its identity intact in polysyllabic sequences.
In conclusion, Sieverss differentiation between the contours / \ / and / \
/ in a way that is apparently unique to mlahttr is reducible to the material minimality of the word-final syllable -x# that is demonstrably common to fornyrislag
and mlahttr: far from a local prosodic property that is specific to the expanded
verse type, the generalization at issue constitutes an integral part of the basic metrical organization underlying Old Germanic meter in general (compare Suzuki 1996:
151152; Suzuki 2004: 3536).
Table8.7.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of -x#x and #x(#)x in the first drop of typeA1 in
fornyrislag
A-verse
B-verse
Total
-x#x
96 (51.34%)
41 (42.71%)
55 (57.29%)
91 (48.66%)
187 (100%)
#x(#)x
156 (66.95%)
75 (48.08%)
81 (51.92%)
77 (33.05%)
233 (100%)
On a final note, there is only a single verse in the corpus that could be scanned as
subtype A1s: Am 56.8 f opt svikinn.7 In the absence of alliteration on the second
7In addition, we have an anacrustic counterpart, Am 73.3 kn gengr hnefi, which will be treated
in the following section.
441
lift, this verse is open to two competing scansions: it can be identified as typeD as
well, with opt serving as the second lift, rather than the first drop. Given comparable
configurations like Am 15.3 hryti hr logi, definitely scanned as type D by virtue of
double alliteration, and given the prototypical instantiations (PPSx/PPsx) of the same
type such as Am 46.3 hlain hlsmeniom, as well as in the absence of unambiguous
examples of subtypeA1s in the corpus, we may safely regard the verse in question as
typeD. The complete absence of subtypeA1s (PS#px) in mlahttr, however, seems
hardly surprising, when we take into consideration the extreme rarity of the minimal
variant of type A1, Px#Px in this meter. Since both configurations have a minimal
number of syllables for the first drop in their prototypical form, and hence they both
comprise four metrical positions in all, they may count as too light to be accepted as
legitimate. There are, however, longer variants of this subtype, namely, Pxpx, in
which more than one syllable occurs between the lifts. Much as the configuration Px
Px, now redefined as typeA1*, occurs abundantly, the correspondingly longer variant
of subtypeA1s could be reconfigured as subtypeA1s* and used freely. Its complete
absence, as generalized by Sjros (1906: 112),8 requires explanation, and a principled
account will be provided by invoking the canonical cadence in section 8.3 below,
rather than referring to the principle of five positions per verse.
8.1.2Type aA1 (/ /)
The configuration xPxPx, which could be categorized as typeA1 with anacrusis
in fornyrislag, is attested numerously in Am, as exemplified in (4): there are 102
examples,9 which are almost limited to the b-verse, as shown in Table8.8 (compare
Heusler 1956: 250251).
(4)
Am 4.8 ar er frcnir bioggo [x#x#Px#Px]

Am 24.6 gognom ic miian [x#Px#x#Px]
Am 39.10 mean ec hgg yr glga [xx#x#P#x#Px]
8Sjros (1906: 112) proposed a descriptive generalization as follows: Fortisstafvelse r alltid lng,
1) 2) d mellansnkning fregr
9A-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Am 72.9, 79.5; a-verse with double alliteration (2
examples): Am 51.3, 96.3; b-verse (98 examples): Am 1.2, 3.8, 4.8, 5.2, 5.4, 6.4, 6.6, 7.6, 7.8, 9.6, 9.8, 9.10,
10.6, 11.6, 12.6, 12.8, 12.10, 13.4, 14.2, 14.8, 17.6, 19.2, 20.4, 24.6, 24.8, 25.4, 26.2, 28.6, 32.2, 32.6, 38.4, 38.6,
39.10, 40.4, 42.2, 42.8, 44.4, 44.6, 45.2, 46.2, 46.6, 47.4, 48.2, 48.4, 48.6, 49.4, 52.6, 53.10, 55.2, 57.4, 58.8,
59.2, 59.6, 60.6, 61.4, 62.8, 63.2, 64.4, 66.4, 66.6, 68.4, 69.8, 71.8, 72.2, 72.4, 73.4, 74.2, 75.4, 77.2, 77.4, 78.4,
78.8, 79.6, 79.8, 80.6, 83.2, 85.2, 85.4, 86.2, 86.6, 86.8, 86.10, 91.4, 92.2, 93.4, 93.8, 96.2, 96.4, 97.8, 99.6,
99.8, 101.4, 101.6, 102.6, 103.2, 103.4, 105.2, 105.6. Compare Sjros (1906: 4445, 5152, 5556), Leonhardt (1907: 20, 22, 26, 38), Gering (1926: 156157, 162), and Zetterholm (1934: 3536).
442
Implementation of anacrusis is largely reinvigorated in mlahttr, compared with

fornyrislag, where it is marginalized in the extreme (section3.1). This is most eloquently shown by the reversal in the new meter in the proportion of anacrustic to
nonanacrustic variants of typeA1 with the monosyllabic first drop, PxPx. As far as
the first drop is monosyllabically realized, there are 79 instances with anacrusis
(Table8.9) and 24 without (Table8.2) in mlahttr; on the other hand, we find 26 with
anacrusis (Table8.9) and 1517 without (Table8.2) in fornyrislag. With a p-value of
less than 0.001, anacrusis is more likely to be attached to the configuration PxPx in
mlahttr than in fornyrislag. Moreover, the overwhelming prevalence in absolute
numbers of the variant with anacrusis over the one without indicates that the process
is highly productive in mlahttr.
The weak preference for the a-verse that is characteristic of the configuration Px
Px without anacrusis in mlahttr (Table8.1, section8.1.1) does not apply to the anacrustic counterpart, which is vanishingly rare in the a-verse (Table8.8). It should also
be pointed out in this connection that typeA1 with anacrusis is neutral to verse distinction in fornyrislag (Table3.3, section3.1): it neither favors nor avoids the b-verse
(or the a-verse). As it is, the distribution patterns in the two meters are significantly
different (p<0.001).
On the other hand, the size of anacrusis is indistinguishable between the two
meters, with the predominance of monosyllables (p = 0.629; Table 8.8; compare
Heusler 1956: 210211; Hartman 2011: 233234).10 Of notable interest, though, there is
an example in mlahttr in which anacrusis contains a class 1 word (menn men): Am
86.6 at er menn dmi visso.
Table8.8.Verse distinction of xPxPx according to size of anacrusis in mlahttr and fornyrislag
Syllables
A-verse
Mlahttr
B-verse
Fornyrislag
B-verse
Total
A-verse
11 (55.00%)
1 (20.00%)
0 (0%)
1
2
3
3 (4.17%) 69 (95.83%)
1 (3.85%) 25 (96.15%)
0 (0%)
4 (100%)
72 (100%)
26 (100%)
4 (100%)
Total
4 (3.92%) 98 (96.08%)
102 (100%)
Total
9 (45.00%)
4 (80.00%)
1 (100%)
20 (100%)
5 (100%)
1 (100%)
12 (46.15%) 14 (53.85%)
26 (100%)
10All in all, then, Sjross (1906: 123) rule as follows proves to be adequate on descriptive grounds:
verser med enstafvig ingngssnkning och utan stark metrisk biton st (nstan) uteslutande ssom
jmna
443
Table8.9.Verse distinction of xPxPx according to size of the first drop in mlahttr and
fornyrislag
Syllables
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
Mlahttr
B-verse
Total
A-verse
Fornyrislag
B-verse
Total
2 (2.53%) 77 (97.47%)
1 (4.76%) 20 (95.24%)
1 (50.00%) 1 (50.00%)
79 (100%)
21 (100%)
2 (100%)
12 (46.15%) 14 (53.85%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
26 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
4 (3.92%) 98 (96.08%)
102 (100%)
12 (46.15%) 14 (53.85%)
26 (100%)
It may be recalled that the prototypical variant of typeA1 (Px#Px) occurs only three
times in Am (section8.1.1). We may wonder then whether a similar pattern obtains
for the anacrustic variant. Quite unexpectedly, a vast majority of the examples with
the monosyllabic first drop (xPxPx), namely, 59 counts and 74.69% out of a total
of 79 occurrences (Table8.9), are of the form xPx#Px. With the distribution of 59
(xPx#Px) to 20 (xP#x#Px) as opposed to that of 3 (Px#Px; Table8.3, section8.1.1)
to 21 (P#x#Px), we obtain a p-value of less than 0.001, which means that the minimal
form of typeA1 (Px#Px) is far more likely to be accompanied with anacrusis than to
appear on its own in mlahttr.
Such a conspicuous presence of anacrusis in the configuration Px#Px in mlahttr
proves to be the diametrical opposite of fornyrislags situation, in which there are no
more than 15 instances of xPx#Px, whereas the corresponding one without anacrusis (Px#Px) numbers 1075 (Table2.2, section2.1.1). Needless to say, this difference in
distribution between mlahttr and fornyrislag is of statistical significance in light
of p<0.001. Thus, the close association of anacrusis with the prototypical variant of
typeA1, Px#Px, is unique to mlahttr, and totally unknown to fornyrislag.
As argued at length in section3.1 above, anacrusis constitutes an independent
metrical position in fornyrislag, in sharp contrast to the meter of Beowulf. Since
the ultimate basis for this innovation lies in linguistic structure, it may justifiably be
assumed that the same account applies to mlahttr as well: both meters are founded
on the same language. In view of the same linguistic basis, the high productivity
of anacrusis in mlahttr, especially its overwhelming occurrence in the minimal
variant of typeA1 (Px#Px) recall that there are only three instances of this variant
without anacrusis should most plausibly be explained in metrical, rather than linguistic, terms. Specifically, the close association of anacrusis with the configuration
Px#Px may be ascribed to the novel generalization that controls versification in this
meter, that is, the principle of five metrical positions per verse, as opposed to that
of four positions which provides a foundation for fornyrislag. In the new metrical
environment, the least prominent variant of typeA1, which is privileged in the b-verse
(section2.1.1), is counted as too light to be acceptable, lacking as it is in a fifth metrical position that is required by the principle in mlahttr. And anacrusis serves as the
needed extra position: by being expanded at the beginning, the verses that would
444
otherwise fall short of the mandatory five positions are reconfigured as legitimate
verse expressions. Noteworthy in this connection is Am 73.3 kn gengr hnefi, the sole
instance of subtypeA1s in Am, which is accompanied by anacrusis. Without being
expanded with anacrusis, this verse, too, would be composed of only four positions
(Pxpx) in violation of the five-position principle. Thus, as with the minimal variant
of typeA1, anacrusis provides a means of securing metricality for the extremely light
configuration Pxpx with the short second lift as well.
Moreover, given the traditional close association between the prototypical variant
of typeA1 and the b-verse (section2.1.1), it is only natural that anacrusis, now that it
is reconstituted as a means of composing five-position verses, operates on the b-verse
with a greater incidence. As the specifically targeted configuration Px#Px is far more
likely to occur in the b-verse than in the a-verse according to the inherited metrical
convention, anacrusis has a correspondingly higher probability of implementation
there.
Russom (2009: 82; see also Hartman 2011: 233) offers a different account for the
preponderance of typeA1 with anacrusis (and anacrusis in general) in the b-verse in
mlahttr. Drawing on the alleged restriction of nonprefixal anacrusis (i.e., the anacrusis realized by an independent word) to the b-verse in Old English poetry (Russom
2009: 73), he ascribes the apparently analogous distribution pattern in mlahttr to
Norse poets faithful observance of the traditional practice. On closer inspection,
however, the alleged regularity simply does not hold true as far as Beowulf is concerned. Of the 88 instances of anacrustic verse in Beowulf (note2, section3.1), 15 are
nonprefixal; they do not contain a prefix or a negative particle ne, an equivalent of a
prefix: Beo 9b, 25a, 93b, 107a, 402b, 666b, 1223b, 1248a, 1384a, 1549a, 1987a, 2093a,
2247b, 2592b, 2738a. As it turns out, this group comprises 8 a-verses and 7 b-verses.
While nonprefixal anacrusis is indeed distinguished from prefixal anacrusis by a lack
of heavy concentration on the a-verse, it is far from being closely associated with the
b-verse. Moreover, this neutral status of nonprefixal anacrusis in Beowulf is parallel
to the situation in fornyrislag, pointed out above (for details, see section3.1 above).
Accordingly, what is comparable to Beowulf as an exemplar of Old English poetry is
fornyrislag, and, inasmuch as mlahttr deviates from the classical pattern in question, Russoms account cannot be accepted as fully explanatory.
Seen from a purely synchronic perspective, however, anacrusis is by no means
characterized as an extra position in mlahttr: with the five-position principle firmly
in place, there is virtually no room for autonomous use of the base configurations
consisting of four positions (PxPx, especially Px#Px), in contrast to fornyrislag. The
status of anacrusis is thus no different from that of other drops in metrical representation: it exists there simply as an underlying unit; it is as indispensable as other metrical positions. What could still be regarded as derived as an addition is the anacrusis
that occurs at the beginning of verses that already meet the five-position requirement
on their own. Notably at issue are anacrustic instances of typeA1*, in which the first
drop is realized by disyllabic or longer strings, such as Am 91.4 er lr na vi. There
445
are 23 instances of typeA1* with anacrusis, as indicated in Table8.9,11 whereas the

variant without anacrusis occurs 278 times (Table 8.2, section 8.1.1). Of particular
interest, the proportion of 23 (typeA1* with anacrusis) to 278 (typeA1* without anacrusis) in mlahttr significantly differs from the corresponding rate of 26 (typeA1
with anacrusis; Table8.9) to 2035 (typeA1 without anacrusis; Table8.2, section8.1.1),
with a p-value of less than 0.001. This means that anacrusis is more likely to operate
on typeA1* in mlahttr than on typeA1 in fornyrislag. Hence we may be justified in
concluding that anacrusis is implemented more vigorously in the new meter even as
an optional metrical operation, as opposed to the almost mandatory implementation
as a remedial process that applies to the configuration Px#Px.
These minority anacrustic verses that can be derived from typeA1* have further
outstanding features. The medial drops are realized for the most part by disyllables. The proportions of disyllables to longer sequences differ significantly between
typeA1* with and without anacrusis. While the anacrustic instances are distributed
between 21 (disyllabic) and 2 (longer; Table8.9), the nonanacrustic counterparts are
represented by 192 (disyllabic) and 86 (longer; see Table8.2, section8.1.1). The distributions are significantly different, given p=0.030: the presence of disyllables is
significantly larger with anacrusis than without. Furthermore, as far as the disyllabic
medial drops are concerned, 16 out of a total of 21, 76.19%, are instantiated by the
minimal variant -x#x where anacrusis is in effect. By contrast, where anacrusis is
absent, the same variant is represented to a far lesser extent, 91 instances (47.40%)
as against 101 other disyllabic ones. The distributions involved prove to be significantly different (p=0.020). Bringing the two distributional differences together, we
may generalize that anacrusis is most likely to occur in the least prominent variant
of typeA1* in a way that is comparable to the composition of typeA1 with anacrusis.
This restriction should by no means be regarded as arbitrary and coincidental.
On the contrary, it is firmly motivated by the pervasive five-position principle in this
meter: by privileging the minimal configuration Px#x#Px as the most likely host of
anacrusis among the wealth of variants of typeA1*, this principle minimizes violation
of the generalization that it prescribes on verse size and prominence. In the presence
of a minimal amount of prominence falling on the five-position configuration at issue
as demonstrated in section8.1.1 above, the augmentation by a drop at the beginning
anacrusis would necessarily create an overlong verse comprising six positions, and
yet the ensuing breach of the five-position principle would be kept to a minimum by
virtue of the resultant smallest increase above the prescribed value.
Type A1* with anacrusis displays a yet more remarkable characteristic as regards
its verse distinction. It is heavily concentrated in the b-verse: as indicated in Table8.9,
11Am 6.4 (this should be altered to oc qvaddi ba, with ba replacing Neckel and Kuhns
(1983) reading baa; compare Am 9.8 gma ba according to Neckel and Kuhn), 19.2, 24.6, 26.2, 42.2,
42.8, 44.4, 46.6, 47.4, 48.2, 48.4, 51.3, 57.4, 59.2, 62.8, 63.2, 66.6, 72.9, 77.2, 78.4, 85.4, 91.4, 103.4.
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of a total of 23 type A1* verses with anacrusis, there are 2 a-verses (8.70%) and 21
b-verses (91.30%). This virtual limitation to the b-verse constitutes a sharp contrast
with the distribution of typeA1* without anacrusis, which evinces a modest preference for the a-verse (Table8.4): 164 a-verses (58.99%) vs. 114 b-verses (41.01%). These
distribution patterns differ significantly (p < 0.001). This distributional divergence,
which is correlated to the presence and absence of anacrusis, remains unchanged
when we focus on the configuration Px#x(#)Px, the minimal variant of typeA1* that
is most susceptible to anacrusis and is biased toward neither the a-verse nor the
b-verse. We find 1 a-verse (6.25%) and 15 b-verses for the anacrustic variant, whereas
we count 44 a-verses (48.35%) and 47 b-verses (51.65%) for the regular one (Table8.6,
section8.1.1). With a p-value of 0.002, we encounter here again the conspicuous representation of anacrusis in the b-verse.
In view of these outstanding differences, then, we would have no choice but
to acknowledge that anacrusis is inherently associated with the b-verse as far as
type A1* is concerned. It may be worth recalling in this connection that even the
minimal variant of typeA1, Px#Px, seems to be involved in the complementary distribution in question that is predicated on the two parameters, the presence or absence
of anacrusis on the one hand, and the distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse
on the other: 3 a-verses vs. 0 b-verses for Px#Px, and 1 a-verse vs. 58 b-verses for x
Px#Px (p<0.001). Although the extreme rarity of the nonanacrustic variant Px#Px
requires cautious treatment (section 8.1.1), we may be allowed to generalize in the
absence of evidence to the contrary that both types A1 and A1* are largely split in
terms of their verse distribution depending on anacrusis. Most significantly, anacrusis is overwhelmingly associated with the b-verse, and conversely, the a-verse prevails
where anacrusis is absent.
Given that anacrusis is neutral with respect to verse distinction in fornyrislag
(section 3.1), the demonstrably strong association of anacrusis with the b-verse in
mlahttr must be regarded as an innovation that develops at a subsequent stage
of metrical evolution. The fundamental question we are confronted with, then, is
the source and mechanism of this metrical innovation. In our view, the origin of this
innovation lies in the traditional versification practice itself, namely, the conventional association of the prototypical variant of typeA1, Px#Px, with the b-verse, as
remarked above in this section. Given that the configuration Px#Px is most susceptible to anacrusis in the new meter because of its maximal deviation from the novel
principle of five positions per verse, anacrusis is far more likely to be invoked for metrical improvement in the b-verse than in the a-verse, simply because its major target
has a far greater probability of occurrence there. As a consequence, the prototypical
and almost obligatory anacrustic verse, namely, x#Px#Px, appears overwhelmingly
in the b-verse. The resultant preponderance of anacrusis in the b-verse, then, would
have come to be conceptualized as a defining property of anacrusis in itself through
analogical generalization based on abductive reasoning. In other words, given the
regularity whereby anacrusis as a mandatory operation occurs more frequently in the
447
b-verse by virtue of the inherited propensity of the prototypical source configuration

Px#Px for the second verse of the line, optional cases of anacrusis which involve other
configurations, for example, Px#x#P, are loaded with the same distributional property by category extension. The consistent preference of typeA1* without anacrusis
for the a-verse (section8.1.1) would also have contributed to the analogical generalization through polarization.
We are left with the twenty-four instances of typeA1, which are all without anacrusis and therefore comprise only four metrical positions in apparent violation of the
principle of five positions per verse. Of particular interest, as many as eleven examples, 45.83%, of these exceptional verses are accompanied with resolution on the first
lift: Am 17.2 bryti up stocca, 20.7 Lokit v lto, 26.3 yti af isti, 30.1 Lito, er lsti, 48.3
scpom vir mangi, 59.3 sceri r hiarta, 59.4 scolo ess gorvir, 76.1 (= 20.7), 76.2 lagat
var dryccio, 78.1 Spyrit ltt eptir, 94.4 nutom af strom. Of the remaining cases without
resolution, furthermore, a single example (Am 35.1 Hgni svarai) has its second lift
resolved.12 Altogether, then, half of the total population (50.00%) receives resolution in one lift or the other. The incidence of resolution in this small group of typeA1
verses proves to be outstandingly high, when we compare it with those of typeA1*
without anacrusis and of typeA1 with anacrusis, respectively, that is, the two configurations that are minimally distinct from typeA1 without anacrusis (Table8.10).
With a p-value of less than 0.001 in both cases, resolution occurs in typeA1 without
anacrusis with a significantly greater frequency than typeA1* without anacrusis on
the one hand and typeA1 with anacrusis on the other.
Table8.10.Resolution on the first lift in typeA1 without anacrusis, typeA1* without anacrusis, and
typeA1 with anacrusis
Configuration
PxPx (typeA1)
PxPx (typeA1*)
xPxPx (type aA1)
Resolved
Long
Total
12 (50.00%)
29 (10.43%)
2 (2.53%)
12 (50.00%)
249 (89.57%)
77 (97.47%)
24 (100%)
278 (100%)
79 (100%)
The question arising then is: Why does typeA1 without anacrusis attract resolution
so strongly? This may plausibly be attributed to its inherent mismatch with the principle of five positions per verse: comprising only four positions as it does, typeA1 as
such counts as too short and hence too weak in prominence to be accepted. Upon
resolution, one of the four constituent positions the first lift for the most part is
realized as a disyllable, instead of a monosyllable. Accordingly, at the level of syllable concatenations, the resolved variant of typeA1 can be scanned as equivalent to
12Thus, typeA1 without anacrusis and resolution is represented by the following twelve verses: Am
7.5, 20.2, 20.8, 33.1, 36.1, 45.3, 53.3, 60.5, 65.5, 67.1, 87.5, 89.7.
448
typeA1*, the configuration PxxPx in particular, in which the five metrical positions
are all filled by monosyllables. By contrast, typeA1 without resolution on either lift
contains only four syllables. By making reference to the two independent levels of the
prosodic organization, one of metrical positions and the other of syllables, we can
explicitly distinguish the two different ways in which the concatenation of four metrical positions (typeA1) is realized by linguistic material, as represented in (5).
(5)
a. Type A1* (PxxPx): / /

b. Type A1 (pxxPx): / /

c. Type A1 (PxPx):
/ /

Metrical positions
Syllables
Metrical positions
Syllables
Metrical positions
Syllables
Thus, while at the level of arranging metrical positions typeA1 deviates from the fiveposition principle regardless of the way in which its lifts are realized ([5b] and [5c]),
a formal differentiation arises in regard to the concatenation of syllables, depending on operation of resolution. The resolved variant of typeA1 (5b) can be equated
with typeA1* (5a) in terms of syllable numbers involved, whereas exclusively typeA1
without resolution (5c) is treated as deviant in this respect. Overall, implementation
of resolution creates a less deviant structure from the norm: typeA1 with resolution
is characterized as a violation in regard to only one of the parameters concerned. This
graded deviation may therefore be held responsible for the significantly more frequent operation of resolution on typeA1 without anacrusis than its minimally distinct
configurations, which conform to the five-position requirement in their own right:
resolution constitutes a supplementary means of making nonconforming verses less
removed from the norm.
In section8.4 below, however, the above account, that is, the greater likelihood of
implementing resolution on typeA1 without anacrusis, will be challenged and reconsidered in a new light in the context of the issue of resolution versus suspension of
resolution, in confrontation with Sieverss (1893: 7273) ingenuous analysis.
8.1.3Type A2* (/ / \)
There are twelve examples of the configuration (x)PxPS, as given below:13
13A-verse with single alliteration (5 examples): Am 46.1, 68.5, 74.5, 102.1, 104.5; a-verse with double
alliteration (5 examples): Am 6.5, 21.3, 72.5, 85.1, 102.5; b-verse (2 examples): 58.6 (with anacrusis),
92.6 (with anacrusis).
(6)
449
Am 68.5 Morginn er n, Gurn [Px#x#x#PS]

Am 72.5gddi ocr Grmildr [Px#x#PS]
Am 92.6 at biia n, Gurn [x#Px#x#PS]
All of these end in compound proper names, rather than common compounds; thus,
the prototypical variant of type A2b in fornyrislag is not attested in Am. Another
notable lacuna is the mirror-image configuration PSPx, which is unknown in the
corpus. Furthermore, anacrusis is limited to the b-verse, and the nonanacrustic
counterpart is absent in the b-verse. This may confirm the close association between
anacrusis and the b-verse that is demonstrably clear in the case of types A1 and A1*
(section8.1.2).
As with the same configuration ending in compound proper names in fornyris
lag, the mlahttr counterpart (without anacrusis) differs significantly from the
configuration PxPx in regard to verse distribution (p=0.008), but fails to be distinguished from it in terms of alliterative pattern (p=1; Table8.11). In view of this
structural parallelism, we might be tempted to identify this configuration as a variant
of typeA2b (/ / \) as in fornyrislag.
Table8.11.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of (x)PxPS and PxPx
Configuration
A-verse
B-verse
Total

(x)PxPS
10 (83.33%)
5 (50.00%)
5 (50.00%)
2 (16.67%)
12 (100%)
PxPS
10 (100%)
5 (50.00%)
5 (50.00%)
0 (0%)
10 (100%)
PxPx
182 (60.26%)
87 (47.80%)
95 (52.20%)
120 (39.74%) 302 (100%)
Analogous to the configuration PxPx (typeA1*) in mlahttr, however, the proportion of the monosyllabic first drop of PxPS is significantly lower than the polysyllabic one (Table8.12): we get a p-value of 0.608 when we compare the compositions
of the first drop between the configurations PxPS and PxPx. It is interesting to
note that the only configuration with the monosyllabic first drop, namely, PxPS
(Am 58.6 at klcqvi Gurn), has this position filled by a word-final syllable (-x#)
and is accompanied by anacrusis in accordance with the generalization proposed
in section8.1.2 above that anacrusis is most likely to occur in the minimal variant
of typeA1 (Px#Px). The configuration Px#PS is identified as the minimal variant of
typeA2, precisely as the sequence Px#Px is characterized as that of typeA1. Accordingly, the occurrence of anacrusis on the configuration at issue conforms to the
general pattern. Of further interest, the other anacrustic configuration, Am 92.6,
450
has its disyllabic drop realized by the string -x#x#, the minimal variant of disyllables as opposed to #x#x# and #xx# (section8.1.1). The operation of anacrusis on
this variant is again in keeping with the generalization that the least prominent
variant of typeA1* (Px#x#Px) is the most susceptible to anacrusis among the host of
varying realizations of this verse type (section8.1.2). Accordingly, the configuration
Px#x#PS, analogously characterized as the least prominent variant of typeA2*, is
less resistant to anacrusis than others by virtue of the resulting minimum deviation
from the five-position principle.
Table8.12.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of (x)PxPS according to size of the first drop
Syllables
1
2
3
A-verse
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
9 (90.00%)
4 (44.44%)
5 (55.56%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
Total
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (10.00%)
10 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
In summary, we seem to have every indication that the configuration PxPS is not differentiated in any conceivable way from PxPx (typeA1*) in regard to the distribution
of varying syllable numbers in the first drop. The lack of metrical distinction, then,
may motivate us to conclude that the two configurations are isomorphic with respect
to the composition of the first drop: the verse form PxPS should thus contain two
drops between the lifts in parallel to typeA1*, and accordingly be given the metrical
representation / / \ with five positions, as opposed to the four-position structure /
/ \. Taking also into consideration the absence of the minimally distinct form PSPx
as an independent verse type in mlahttr, we should best identify this configuration
as typeA2*, rather than typeA2b*.
This expanded type, however, is integrated less firmly in mlahttr than is its
cognate, typeA2b, in fornyrislag: it fails to be represented by the prototypical realization that ends in a common compound, and to embody one of the two distinguishing features of typeA2b in fornyrislag, the close association with double alliteration
in the a-verse.
451
8.1.4Type A3* ([/] /)

There are eight examples of the configuration that would be scanned as typeA3, as
exemplified in (7).14
(7)
Am 4.5 fro san [xx#x#Px]

Am 32.3mlti hon vi Vinga [xx#x#x#Px]
Am 59.1 Takit r Hgna [xx#x#Px]
The size of the initial upbeat ranges between three and four, as given in Table8.13.
Compared with fornyrislag, it seems to be shifted upward in mlahttr, with the
occurrences of three and four syllables accounting for the total population, while the
two largest representatives are constituted by two and three syllables in fornyris
lag. The configuration under consideration in mlahttr is thus relatively longer
than the corresponding one in fornyrislag in its initial drop. On account of the small
sample size involved, however, a statistical test on correlation ranking may seem to
be infeasible, hence evidence for the expanded upbeat would be inconclusive. Nonetheless, the profiles of trisyllables and quadrisyllables differ significantly between
the two meters (p = 0.029), whereas the proportion of trisyllables and quadrisyllables in mlahttr is comparable to that of disyllables and trisyllables in fornyrislag
(p=0.606). In this light, drawing further on similar expansions of the first drop of
types A1* (section8.1.1) and A2* (section8.1.3), we would assume that the configuration at issue has its first drop expanded analogously; we accordingly postulate the
metrical representation (/) / , and refer to it as typeA3*.
Table8.13.Size of the first drop of xPx in mlahttr and fornyrislag
Syllables
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
6
0
0
5
3
0
0
0
0
62.50
37.50
0
0
3
211
312
57
8
1
0.51
35.64
52.70
9.63
1.35
0.17
Total
100
592
100
14Am 4.5, 5.5, 13.3, 32.3, 35.7, 59.1, 61.3, 87.3. Compare Sjros (1906: 41, 43, 44, 49, 50, 53, 57).
452
At this point, the notion of catalexis assumes far-reaching consequences for the
composition of type A3*. Catalexis is virtually absent in mlahttr: as shown in
section8.1.6 below, there is only a single instance of typeC-. Of paramount interest
is the total absence of typeA1-, the catalectic type that would be expected to occur
most frequently among the catalectic configurations in view of the familiar situation
in fornyrislag (sections 2.4 and 3.2). In any event, the proportion of one catalectic to
759 full verses in mlahttr differs significantly from that of 421 catalectic to 5574 full
in fornyrislag, with a p-value of less than 0.001. The absence of catalexis means in
effect that zero realization of the final drop, the mechanism of catalexis formation,
is unavailable in mlahttr. This will in turn have nontrivial consequences for the
composition of typeA3*, for which we have proposed immediately above the representation (/) / , in which the two drops are preceded by the unrealized first lift.
Now that one of the two mirror-image unrealized positions at the edge has fallen out
of use, the other stands presumably on a less firm structural foundation. Accordingly,
it seems hardly surprising that typeA3* does not occur as extensively in mlahttr
as in fornyrislag (section2.3): while fornyrislag contains 705 examples (11.75%) of
typeA3 including the configurations xPS and xpx out of a total of 5998 verses,
mlahttr has as few as 8 instances of type A3* (1.05%) in the total of 760 verses.
This difference is obviously of statistical significance (p<0.001): the configuration
xPx is far less likely to occur in mlahttr than in fornyrislag. Thus, compared with
fornyrislag, typeA3*, the cognate of typeA3 in fornyrislag, is conspicuously underrepresented in mlahttr. We may reasonably suspect that this radical reduction is
partly ascribable to the weakening of the formal basis in this meter for the notion of
an unrealized metrical position in general.
Of further interest, this configuration is apparently confined to the a-verse in
mlahttr, while typeA3 occasionally occurs in the b-verse in fornyrislag; yet this difference in distribution turns out to be insignificant with a p-value of 1 (8 a-verses vs. 0
b-verses in mlahttr; 662 a-verses vs. 43 b-verses in fornyrislag), given the extremely
low incidence of relevant examples there. Were the absence in the b-verse statistically
significant, it could possibly be explained as a consequence of the reduced role of the
zero initial lift in typeA3*: its negligible presence in metrical representation would
scarcely be capable of forcing the verse type at issue to find its way into the b-verse in
defiance of the latters unmarked status.
8.1.5Type B* ( / /)
There is only one example of type B, as follows (Sievers 1893: 73): Am 16.4 ar er
blio stt (x#x#x#Px#P; compare Sjros 1906: 54 and Gering 1926: 157). Notice
that the first drop is realized by three syllables, which would be regarded as unusually long by the standard of the composition pattern of type B in fornyrislag
(see Table 2.35, section 2.7). Anticipating the analysis of the configuration xPPx
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/ / (typeC*) in the following section, we posit the metrical representation

/ / for this configuration, and refer to it as typeB* drawing on Sievers (1893: 73).
as
That is, the configuration that would be scanned as typeB in fornyrislag has its first
drop redoubled, as do types A1, A2, A3, and C.
8.1.6Type C* ( / /)
As exemplified below, there are 126 examples of verses that could be scanned as typeC,
the configurations xPPx, xPpx, and xPSx. In addition, there is a single instance
of a catalectic variant (Am 94.5), the only occurrence of catalexis in Am. These regular
verses are distributed as shown in Table 8.14.15 Of particular interest, the presence
of these configurations in the whole corpus differs significantly from that of typeC in
fornyrislag. Specifically, 126 occurrences in the population of 760 verses (mlahttr)
are of statistically significant difference from 1343 counts in the total of 5998 verses
(fornyrislag), with a p-value of less than 0.001. Thus, the configurations in question
are less likely to be used in mlahttr than in fornyrislag.
(8)
Am 1.8 er vro sannrnir [x#xx#PSx]

Am 31.2 unz au fiorr skili [x#x#P#Px]
Am 94.5 ar var fiol fir [x#x#P#P]
This configuration is differentiated from its fornyrislag counterpart in alliterative

pattern (p<0.001) by its conspicuous preference for double alliteration, in contrast to
the opposite pattern evinced in fornyrislag. In terms of verse distribution, however,
the two meters are indistinguishable by virtue of their commonly detected higher incidence in the b-verse.
15A-verse with single alliteration (6 examples): Am 4.7, 12.5, 25.3, 39.9, 54.5, 96.1; a-verse with double alliteration (43 examples): Am 1.1, 2.5, 3.5, 3.7, 5.3, 6.7, 7.1, 8.1, 10.5, 12.3, 13.5, 16.3, 19.3, 22.5, 24.3,
26.7, 36.3, 37.7, 40.1, 40.7, 47.7, 52.7, 55.3, 60.7, 62.7, 63.1, 69.5, 70.1, 73.7, 78.7, 81.7, 86.9, 89.1, 89.3, 90.3, 90.7,
92.3, 93.5, 96.9, 100.3, 101.1, 101.3, 104.7; b-verse (77 examples): Am 1.8, 2.8, 3.4, 4.4, 5.6, 7.2, 7.4, 8.4, 9.2,
12.2, 12.4, 13.6, 13.8, 16.2, 17.4, 18.4, 19.6, 21.4, 29.4, 30.12, 31.2, 32.4, 32.8, 33.4, 33.6, 34.4, 35.8, 36.2, 37.8,
39.2, 41.2, 41.4, 42.4, 43.2, 43.4, 44.2, 47.6, 49.2, 49.8, 51.2, 51.4, 52.4, 52.10, 54.2, 56.6, 57.8, 57.10, 60.8,
62.6, 62.10, 63.4, 63.8, 63.10, 68.8, 69.4, 70.8, 71.4, 72.10, 73.6, 74.4, 85.6, 87.4, 88.8, 89.4, 89.8, 90.6, 91.6,
92.4, 93.6, 97.2, 97.10, 98.8, 101.2, 102.8, 103.6, 105.4, 105.8. Compare Sjros (1906: 4547, 5354, 57),
Leonhardt (1907: 12, 30), Gering (1926: 158159), and Zetterholm (1934: 3135). Given the extreme
rarity of typeA3* in Am (section8.1.4), verses 40.1 Or qva hitt Hgni, 81.7 n er oc aptann, and 101.1
Komtau af v ingi should best be scanned as typeC* with the penultimate function words hitt,
oc, v alliterating, following Lehmann and Dillard (1954), while the scansion to the contrary would
obtain for fornyrislag (section2.3.1). At any rate, this decision on scansion will hardly affect the overall statistics.
454
Table8.14.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of the configurations in mlahttr and

fornyrislag that could be scanned as typeC
Meter
A-verse
B-verse
Total
49 (38.89%)
43 (87.76%)
77 (61.11%)
126 (100%)
529 (39.39%)
397 (75.05%)
132 (24.95%)
814 (60.61%)
1343 (100%)
Single alliteration
Mlahttr
6 (12.24%)
Fornyrislag
Double alliteration
An outstanding property of these configurations in mlahttr in comparison with

typeC in fornyrislag is the larger number of syllables involved in the first drop, as
indicated in Table 8.15 (see also Russom 2009: 82). Much as with the first drop of
typeA1, the range and profile of varying syllable numbers is shifted upward by one
syllable in mlahttr, so that disyllables are most numerous, followed by trisyllables,
whereas monosyllables are the most common, followed by disyllables, in fornyris
lag. The proportions of the maximally represented variants in the two meters disyllables in mlahttr and monosyllables in fornyrislag do not differ significantly,
with a p-value of 0.392. The same is true of the second largest group trisyllables in
mlahttr and disyllables in fornyrislag (p=0.922), and of the third one monosyllables/quadrisyllables in mlahttr and trisyllables in fornyrislag (p=1). These
observations may justify our concluding that the distribution of the first drop of the
configurations in mlahttr that are comparable to typeC in fornyrislag undergoes
an upward shift of the representative value by one syllable, with the overall shape of
the pattern largely unchanged.
Table8.15.Size of the first drop of typeC in mlahttr and fornyrislag
Syllables
1
2
3
4
Total
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
6
72
42
6
4.76
57.14
33.33
4.76
820
458
63
2
61.06
34.10
4.69
0.15
126
100
1343
100
A further distinguishing property of the first drop of these configurations in mlahttr

is the lack of correlation to the distribution of the a-verse and the b-verse (Table8.16).
As may be recalled, fornyrislag is sensitive to the distinction between the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first drop in determining verse distribution. More specifically, the monosyllabic drop favors occurrences in the b-verse, whereas the poly-
455
syllabic one displays the contrary pattern of preference for the a-verse. Mlahttr,
however, is not subject to such a differentiation of verse distribution depending on
the size of the first drop. At first glance, the configuration with the minimal first drop
is apparently more likely to occur in the b-verse; in actuality, however, this configuration must be characterized as neutral to verse distribution on statistical grounds. In
either case, the varying syllable numbers in the first drop have no particular association with verse distinction.
Table8.16.Verse distinction of typeC according to size of the first drop in mlahttr and
fornyrislag
Syllables
1
2
3
4
A-verse
Mlahttr
B-verse
1 (16.67%)
5 (83.33%)
30 (41.67%) 42 (58.33%)
14 (33.33%) 28 (66.67%)
4 (66.67%)
2 (33.33%)
Total
6 (100%)
72 (100%)
42 (100%)
6 (100%)
A-verse
Fornyrislag
B-verse
223 (27.20%) 597 (72.80%)

262 (57.21%) 196 (42.79%)
43 (68.25%) 20 (31.75%)
1 (50.00%)
1 (50.00%)
Total
820 (100%)
458 (100%)
63 (100%)
2 (100%)
The conspicuous presence of disyllables and trisyllables at the expense of monosyllables in the initial part of the configuration in question, as well as the isomorphism
in the overall profile of distribution to the corresponding one in fornyrislag, may
therefore justify us in assuming that the initial upbeat comprises two drops, rather
than one, in mlahttr. Accordingly, the metrical representation of this configuration
should be / / , rather than / / as with typeC in fornyrislag and its immediate
West Germanic cognate meters. In order to place due emphasis on the constituency
of five metrical positions, we will designate this verse type as typeC*, following Sie
verss practice.16
On the other hand, the six examples with the monosyllabic first drop (Am 4.7, 34.4,
39.2, 63.4, 89.8, 105.4; Table8.15) must be scanned as typeC. Having only one drop
where two are due, this configuration constitutes a marked variant of typeC*, just as
typeA1 is an exceptionally short version of typeA1*. Both of these rare configurations
may be characterized as relics of the earlier meter that is organized by the principle
of four metrical positions. As such, they are accordingly counted as peripheral verse
types in the new system. Much the same can be said of the catalectic variant, given
under (8) above. Furthermore, this catalectic verse should be identified as typeC- (/
/ []), rather than typeC*- ( / / []): being obviously a full member of the earlier
metrical system, it is simply incongruent with the addition of a drop by innovation at
16Since the metrical representation is thus expanded with an additional drop, Russoms (2009: 82)
comment, as follows, no longer holds in the new system: Instances with two unstressed syllables
before the first stress are necessarily scanned by Sievers as four-position typeC with an extra syllable
in the first thesis.
456
the beginning of a verse. It should be noted further that the occurrence of more than
one syllable in the catalectic verse (Am 94.5) is readily explained as a consequence of
compensation of the missing final drop (section2.9), rather than a realization of two
successive drops at the underlying representation.
Returning to the composition of the first drop, we must draw attention to the
differing probabilities with which class 1 words are likely to fill the initial upbeat of
types C* and C in mlahttr ([9]; compare Sievers 1893: 7475, Leonhardt 1907: 13.1,
15.1, 31, 33.1, and Zetterholm 1934: 3135, 46) and fornyrislag ([10]; compare Pipping
1935: 3847), respectively. Specifically, the two meters give 8 and 11 of such verses, as
listed below, but the total populations of types C* and C are widely different, 126 in
mlahttr on the one hand, and 1343 in fornyrislag on the other. Thus, mlahttr displays a significantly stronger likelihood of using class 1 words in the first drop, with a
p-value of less than 0.001.
(9)
Am 1.1 Frtt hefr ld fo [P(=x)#x#P#Px]

Am 13.6 reifa glrauo [P(=x)x#PSx]
Am 24.3 illt er svefn slcan [P(=x)#x#P#Px]
Am 40.1 Or qva hitt Hgni [P(=x)#x#P#Px]
Am 52.7 scapa scn sverom [p(=x)x#P#Px]
Am 78.7 scmm mun r reii [P(=x)#x#P#Px]
Am 92.3 illt er vin vla [P(=x)#x#P#Px]
Am 100.3 strangt var angr ungri [P(=x)#x#P#Px]
(10)
Vkv 8.7 Vlundr, landi [p(=x)x#PXx]

Vkv 39.4 meyna brhvto [P(=x)x#PSx]
Vkv 39.5 ganga fagrvari [P(=x)x#Psx]
Grp 3.6 borinn Sigmundi [p(=x)x#PSx]
Br 4.1 Sumir lf svio [p(=x)x#P#px]
Br 4.2 sumir orm snio [p(=x)x#P#px]
Br 4.3 sumir Gothormi [p(=x)x#PSx]
Ghv 4.9 ronar vers dreyra [P(=x)x#x#P#Px]
Ghv 4.10 flgnar valbli [P(=x)x#x#PSx]
Hdl 12.2 borinn Innsteini [p(=x)x#PSx]
Hdl 28.2 borinn Hrreki [p(=x)x#Psx]
Hardly less important than the numerical difference involved is the qualitative distinction in the two sets of verses listed in (9) and (10) above. Dominated by two particular words, borinn and sumir, the examples are less varied in fornyrislag. And these
words themselves cannot be regarded as prototypical class 1 words, nouns: borinn is
a past participle of bera bear, and sumir some is a pronominal adjective (Pipping
1935: 42, 45). Furthermore, the majority of the fornyrislag examples (10) contain
proper names, which are in themselves far from regular in their alliterative treat-
457
ment. These qualitative peculiarities characteristic of the fornyrislag verses place an

added emphasis on the radical difference between the two meters in their treatment
of class1 words as occupants of the initial upbeat of types C* and C.
The greater likelihood of type C* in mlahttr containing class 1 words at the
beginning as substantiated above can in turn be ascribed to the increased presence
of drops there by comparison with type C in fornyrislag. The dual metrical value
involved motivates not only a longer sequencing of language material in the location
at issue, but a heavier or more prominent manifestation of the initial upbeat, than
is accessible to the corresponding position in fornyrislag comprising only a single
drop. The composition of verses given in (9), then, may be characterized as analogous
to the construction of the novel configuration PxPPx in mlahttr (type A1* with
class 1 words occurring in the medial drop, such as Am 12.9 vant er stafs vfi), treated
in section8.1.1 above.
Also worth pointing out here is the common syntactic function that the majority
of nominals (Am 1.1, 24.3, 78.7, 92.3, 100.3) given in (9) fulfills: in combination with
the following vera be and the like, they constitute complex predicates, much as do
those that occur in the initial drop of typeA3 in fornyrislag (e.g., Sg 16.3 gott er at
ra; section 2.3.1). Thus, the syntactic integrity to the following head of predicate
would have facilitated the nominals concerned to be treated as weak metrical elements equivalent to finite verbs.
While far from hesitating to give full credit to Sievers for the identification in itself
of this expanded type typeC* derived from typeC, we cannot endorse his particular views on the composition of the first two drops. First, Sievers (1893: 74) makes
a distinction between the two consecutive drops in terms of prominence and correspondingly characterizes the initial drops as the sequence of heavy drop + normal
drop, \ , rather than .17 Although a vast majority if not every single instance
of the configuration at issue may plausibly be read with this contour at the level of
surface realizations, the alleged distinction is not loaded with anything approaching
a structural value. Specifically, the sequence in question \ does not stand in opposition to its minimally distinct concatenations and /: there are no other variants
of typeC* than the one under discussion, as far as the composition of the first two
positions is concerned. In our conceptualization, two kinds of drops are allowed to be
distinguished insofar as they constitute structural opposites on empirical grounds,
as with the distinction in fornyrislag between typeA1 (/ /) on the one hand, and
types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \) on the other. If a group of verses subsumed under
typeC* could be scanned as \ / / or / / as opposed to \ / / , and they were
demonstrably treated as different from the latter, we would make a convincing case
17See also Leonhardt (1907: 13), who follows Sieverss view. Compare further Sjross rule III3
Sista stafvelsen i snkning har svagare accent n den nrmast fregende (1906: 105, 139). Compare
also Hartman (2011: 237).
458
for identifying the variation of typeC* in regard to the composition of the first two
drops. In the absence of evidence for introducing a marked variant of drop, namely, \,
however, we should operate with the minimally specified, unmarked representation
/ / for typeC*.
A second problem with Sieverss characterization of typeC* concerns anacrusis:
he regards several verses such as Am 12.5 vat sv var vsat (Sieverss text: v
sv var vsat) and 52.3 at br um alt annat (Sievers 1893: 75) as beginning with
anacrusis. The postulation of anacrusis here obviously presupposes the presence of
a heavy drop at the beginning of typeC*, the scansion that Sievers adopted and we
have rejected. Now that the necessary presupposition has been dismissed, there is no
room for anacrusis as far as typeC* is concerned. In the above examples, the word
sequences vat sv and at br um are aligned to the first two drops of typeC*. It may
be recalled incidentally that the notion of anacrusis is incompatible with verses that
begin with a drop, including typeC, as we made evident in our critique of Boer (1916)
and Heusler (1956) among other metrists in section3.1 above.
A third point of disagreement involves resolution. According to Sievers (1893: 75),
verses like Am 52.7 scapa scn sverom and 43.4 oc hfom einn feldan receive resolution on the initial drop, scapa and hfom, for example. Incidentally, in the second
example, oc is counted as anacrusis on Sieverss scansion. As we made a detailed
criticism (section4.1), the notion of resolution is irrelevant to the drop, given its free
alignment to polysyllabic sequences. A further problem would be a conceptual contradiction. On Sieverss view, resolution may be blocked from operating on the verse
initial lift in mlahttr, the analysis that will be refuted in section8.4 below. In this
light, it would seem contradictory to allow resolution to occur on the weak position in
the meter that can allegedly suspend it from the strongest one. In any event, resolution is immaterial at the beginning of typeC* as well as anywhere else in regard to
the drop.
Of no less interest, the rich varieties of typeC that are available in fornyrislag
are reduced to a considerable extent in mlahttr: the lightest variants xPXx and
xPxx are absent; the ones with the second lift realized by the second element of
compounds are underrepresented, with as few as four occurrences (compare Leonhardt 1907: 14).18 And the remaining 122 have their second lift filled by independent
lexical words (xPPx/xPpx). Concerning this dominant group, however, a further
reduction in variability is in evidence: the vast majority (117 counts; 95.90%) have the
long second lift (xPPx; Table8.17; compare Sievers 1893: 7475; Leonhardt 1907: 14).
On the other hand, this overwhelming dominance of the configuration xPPx over
the short counterpart is not shared by fornyrislag, which gives 544 and 280 occurrences of the long and the short variant, respectively. The distributions concerned
differ significantly, with a p-value of less than 0.001. Moreover, the distributions of
18A-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Am 12.5; b-verse (3 examples): Am 1.8, 8.4, 13.6.
459
the two variants are significantly different in fornyrislag (p < 0.001) with the contrary pattern according to verse distinction, whereas they are unchanged in mlahttr
(p=1; Table8.17).
Table8.17.Verse distinction of types C and C* according to length of the primary-stressed second
lift in mlahttr and fornyrislag
Second lift
Long
Short
A-verse
46 (39.32%)
2 (40.00%)
Mlahttr
B-verse
Total
A-verse
Fornyrislag
B-verse
Total
71 (60.68%) 117 (100%) 117 (21.51%) 427 (78.49%) 544 (100%)

3 (60.00%)
5 (100%) 165 (58.93%) 115 (41.07%) 280 (100%)
In addition to the second lift, the first one is also subject to a comparable standardization: a vast majority of the verses with the long second lift (113 counts; 96.58%) have
the first lift realized by long syllables, while the remaining 4 instances contain the
resolved variant (Table8.18; compare Sievers 1893: 75). By contrast, the proportion of
long to resolved is one to well over two in fornyrislag (section4.2.3). The p-value of
less than 0.001 involved means that resolution on the first lift, which is undoubtedly
exceptional in mlahttr, is indeed less likely to be implemented in this meter than in
fornyrislag with a statistical significance. In this connection, it may be recalled that
resolution on the first lift is positively correlated to the long second lift in fornyrislag:
the first lift is more likely to be resolved than to be realized by a long syllable when
the second lift is long; when followed by the short second lift, however, resolution
does not operate on the first lift. Since this position is normally long as shown in the
last paragraph in mlahttr, this dominant value of the second lift cannot be adduced
as an explanation of the virtual absence of resolution on the first lift. We accordingly
need to seek explanation elsewhere.
Table8.18.Occurrences of xPPx and xpxPx in mlahttr and fornyrislag
First lift
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
Long
Resolved
113
4
96.58
3.42
162
382
29.78
70.22
Total
117
100
544
100
In conclusion, the prototypical variant of typeC* is xxPPx, in which the two lifts
are realized by long syllables and preceded by the disyllabic or trisyllabic first drop.
The heterogeneity of the corresponding type in fornyrislag with a rich array of variants along a number of parameters is unified under the standard form at issue in
mlahttr, which is not particularly favored or avoided by either verse.
460
8.1.7Type D (/ / )
Altogether, 23 verses 17 without anacrusis and 6 with anacrusis are subsumed
under typeD (or type aD), as exemplified below:19
(11)
Am 56.3 kono vliga [px#Pxx]

Am 86.11 greipt glp stran [P#P#Px]
Am 87.2 oc bari griti r [x#px#Px#P]
With respect to verse distinction, typeD in mlahttr appears more likely to occur in
the a-verse than in fornyrislag, which displays the contrary pattern of preferring the
b-verse (Table8.19). With a p-value of 0.078 obtained, however, we are not permitted
to make such a generalization on statistical grounds. Moreover, alliteration is not distinct, either, given a p-value of 0.550: in both meters, double alliteration is preferred.
In contrast to typeC*, no significant association with the long penultimate position is
recognized: there are 17 examples with the long penultimate syllable, of which 11 are
a-verses and 6, b-verses; the remaining 6 have a short penultimate syllable, which are
distributed evenly between the a-verse and the b-verse. Despite the apparent dominance of long syllables over short ones in frequency, the distribution lacks statistical
significance in general (p=0.109). Also insignificant is the opposition between long
and short syllables in regard to verse distinction (p=0.643). Short syllables are thus
as likely to occur as long ones in overall incidence and are expected to display a verse
distribution comparable to that of long ones. As in fornyrislag (section2.10.1), the
configuration with a greater prominence on the last drop than on the penultimate is
rare: while the configuration PPxS is unknown, there are two instances of its heavy
variant, PPxP (Am 38.5 htt hrico grindr, 87.2 oc bari griti r).
19A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): Am 26.5, 53.9, 56.3; a-verse with double alliteration
(11 examples): Am 1.7 (with anacrusis), 6.3, 14.7 (with anacrusis), 15.3, 38.5, 39.3, 44.5, 46.3, 86.11, 91.5
(with anacrusis), 102.3; b-verse (9 examples): Am 29.6 (with anacrusis), 37.2, 37.6, 56.8, 67.4, 80.8 (with
anacrusis), 87.2 (with anacrusis), 99.2, 102.4. Compare Sjros (1906: 38, 41, 51, 58), Leonhardt (1907:
16, 34), and Zetterholm (1934: 2829). Because of the small sample size, the anacrustic and regular
variants are treated together.
461
Table8.19.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD (with or without anacrusis) in

mlahttr and fornyrislag
Meter
A-verse
B-verse
Total

Mlahttr
With or without
anacrusis
14 (60.87%)
3 (21.43%)
11 (78.57%)
9 (39.13%)
23 (100%)
Without
anacrusis
11 (64.71%)
3 (27.27%)
8 (72.73%)
6 (35.29%)
17 (100%)
Fornyrislag With or without

anacrusis
Without
anacrusis
132 (40.24%)
45 (34.09%)
87 (65.91%)
196 (59.76%) 328 (100%)
129 (39.94%)
45 (34.88%)
84 (65.12%)
194 (60.06%) 323 (100%)
Of these 23 examples, 5 have their second position (counted by excluding anacrusis)

filled by a class 1 word, and hence apparently ambiguous in scansion, since, in the
absence of disambiguating double alliteration, they may be identified as typeA2a as
well as typeD, given as follows:
(12)
Am 26.5 bryti ftr ycra [px#P#Px]

Am 37.2 rifo kiol hlfan [px#P#Px]
Am 53.9 Bero tveir sveinar [px#P#Px]
Am 80.8 er vtt brr mna [x#x#P#P#Px]
Am 99.2 kurom land ara [px#P#Px]
As pointed out in section8.1.1 above, there is no independent evidence available in

Am for postulating this type as metrically significant: no examples are attested in Am
of the configuration PS#Px, the prototypical variant of typeA2a. Therefore, the above
apparently ambiguous verses must be identified as typeD.
Of a total of 23 verses, 6 (26.09%) are anacrustic. The presence of anacrusis in
typeD in mlahttr proves to be significantly larger than that in fornyrislag, in which
as few as 5 (1.52%) are accompanied with anacrusis out of a total of 328 verses. This
difference is of statistical significance with a p-value of less than 0.001.
Particularly noteworthy is that as many as 13 instances out of a total of 17 (76.47%,
excluding anacrustic verses) or 17 out of a total of 23 (73.91%, including anacrustic
verses) have their first lift resolved. Such a conspicuous occurrence of resolution in
this type stands in marked contrast to typeD in fornyrislag, in which 42 examples
(13.00%) are resolved in a total of 323 type D verses without anacrusis; when anacrustic verses are included, we have 44 instances (13.41%) with the resolved first lift
and 284 with the long one. Either way, the differences involved are statistically significant (p<0.001): resolution is thus far more likely to occur on the first lift of typeD
462
in mlahttr than in fornyrislag. The preponderance of the resolved first lift proves
to be striking also when compared with type D*: without anacrusis, only 13 examples (8.18%) are resolved as against 159 others; when anacrusis is included, there
are 14 instances (7.65%) with resolution and 169 without. With or without anacrusis,
these distribution patterns of typeD* are significantly different from the corresponding ones of typeD (p<0.001). In this way, the privileged occurrence of resolution on
the first lift of typeD in mlahttr constitutes a distinctive feature that needs to be
explained.
8.1.8Type D* (/ / )
The configurations PxPSx and PxPsx number 57 and 16, respectively, and are distributed in terms of verse distinction and alliterative pattern, as shown in Table8.20.20
The less prominent variants without a lexical stress falling on the penultimate syllable, namely, PxPXx and PxPxx, also exist, but in smaller numbers.21
On the other hand, the heavier counterparts with a primary stress on the penultimate position PxPPx and PxPpx are instantiated transparently by 37 examples (Table 8.20).22 While single alliteration makes scansion less than definite, the
20PxPSx (57 examples), a-verse with double alliteration (39 examples): Am 1.3, 1.5, 3.1, 7.3, 10.3,
11.3, 13.1, 14.3, 16.1, 30.7, 30.13, 31.1, 33.5, 37.3, 42.7, 43.3, 45.1, 49.3, 59.5, 62.1, 62.9, 63.3, 64.3 (with anacrusis), 65.1, 65.3, 70.7, 71.7, 74.1, 74.3, 75.1, 76.3, 79.1, 86.3, 86.7 (with anacrusis), 88.1, 88.3, 88.7, 97.9, 102.7,
105.7; b-verse (17 examples): Am 24.4 (with anacrusis), 46.4, 61.6, 65.6, 66.2, 70.6, 72.6, 73.2, 76.4 (with
anacrusis), 76.8, 79.2, 80.4, 82.4, 88.6, 91.2, 93.2, 98.2.

PxPsx (16 examples), a-verse with double alliteration (12 examples): Am 6.1, 9.3, 9.5, 21.1,
28.7, 48.5, 49.1, 53.5, 68.7, 76.5, 104.3, 105.3; b-verse (4 examples): Am 3.2, 54.6, 88.2, 89.2.
Compare Sjros (1906: 3941, 4749, 5051, 54), Leonhardt (1907: 16, 34), Gering (1926: 159
160), and Zetterholm (1934: 2628).
21PxPXx (12 examples), a-verse with single alliteration (2 examples); Am 47.5, 52.5; a-verse with
double alliteration (8 examples); Am 2.1, 4.3, 57.5, 63.7, 70.3, 85.5, 88.5, 90.5; b-verse (2 examples): Am
94.2, 98.4. Compare Sjros (1906: 39, 4748, 54) and Leonhardt (1907: 16, 34).

PxPxx (11 examples), a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Am 37.5; a-verse with double
alliteration (8 examples): Am 13.7, 20.1, 28.5, 40.3, 54.7, 58.30, 79.3, 83.7; b-verse (2 examples): Am
60.4, 72.8. Compare Sjros (1906: 40, 54), Leonhardt (1907: 16, 34), and Gering (1926: 159160).
22The following list includes not only the most transparent examples mentioned in the text, but also
those that appear to be ambiguous at first glance, discussed further below. PxPPx (82 examples),
a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Am 52.3; a-verse with double alliteration (34 examples):
Am 2.7 (with anacrusis), 8.3, 17.5, 20.5, 26.1, 28.3, 29.5, 30.3, 32.5, 32.7, 34.5, 47.3, 53.1, 53.7, 56.9, 61.5,
62.3, 62.5, 64.7, 66.3, 66.7, 68.3, 71.5, 72.1, 72.3, 76.7, 77.5, 80.7, 81.5, 97.3, 97.5, 99.3, 100.7, 103.3; b-verse
(47 examples): Am 1.4, 6.8, 9.4, 11.4, 11.8, 14.4, 18.2, 19.4, 21.2, 24.2, 28.2, 34.2, 35.2, 36.4, 45.4, 49.6 (with
anacrusis), 50.2, 50.6, 53.2 (with anacrusis), 53.6, 55.4, 58.2, 62.4, 64.6 (with anacrusis), 65.2, 69.2, 70.2,
74.6, 74.8, 75.2 (with anacrusis), 76.6, 79.4, 83.4, 84.2, 85.8, 86.4, 87.8, 90.4, 90.8, 95.2, 95.4, 96.6, 97.6,
100.4, 100.6 (with anacrusis), 104.2, 104.8.
463
identification of two verses with single alliteration, Am 17.1 and 36.4 (see [13] below),
are secured. The penultimate syllable in Am 17.1 is short, and therefore the alternative
scansion as typeA1* is ruled out; moreover, since there is no example of subtypeA1s
in Am, the scansion as a marked variant Pxxxxxpx of the prototype PS#px would be
infeasible. As for Am 36.4, the alternative scansion would be to regard it as equivalent
to Am 103.5 hyggia rf hveria (section8.1.1); yet resolution is more likely to occur on
a lift, and this consideration favors scansion as typeD* with vegir functioning as the
second lift, rather than a drop.
(13)
Am 1.3 seggir samkundo [Px#PSx]

Am 79.2 brra in kappsvinna [Px#x#PSx]
Am 47.5 hvarf til Niflunga [P#x#PXx]
Am 63.7 vinna i vergasta [Px#x#PXx]
Am 94.2 manna tginna [Px#PXx]
Am 37.5hmlor slitnoo [Px#Pxx]
Am 40.3 varr at vttugi [P#x#Pxx]
Am 60.4 reynt hefi ec fyrr brattara [P#xx#x#x#Pxx]
Am 17.1 Biorn huga ec hr inn kominn [P#xx#x#x#P#px]
Am 32.5 Veitca ec, hvrt ver launi [Px#x#x#P#Px]
Am 36.4 sciluz vegir eira [Px#px#Px]
Table8.20.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD* (with or without anacrusis)

Configuration
PxPSx
PxPsx
PxPXx
PxPxx
PxPPx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
2 (20.00%)
1 (11.11%)
1 (2.86%)
B-verse
Total
17 (29.82%)
57 (100%)
4 (25.00%)
16 (100%)
10 (83.33%)
8 (80.00%)
2 (16.67%)
12 (100%)
9 (81.82%)
2 (18.18%)
11 (100%)
47 (57.32%)
82 (100%)
40 (70.18%)
12 (75.00%)
40 (100%)
12 (100%)
8 (88.89%)
35 (42.68%)
34 (97.14%)

PxPpx (4 examples), a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Am 17.1; a-verse with double
alliteration (3 examples): Am 30.5, 93.3, 95.3. Compare Sjros (1906: 3940, 4849, 50, 54), Leonhardt (1907: 16), Gering (1926: 159160), and Zetterholm (1934: 2930).
464
Configuration
PxPpx
Total
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
1 (25.00%)
5 (4.50%)
4 (100%)
3 (75.00%)
111 (60.66%)
106 (95.50%)
B-verse
Total
0 (0%)
4 (100%)
72 (39.34%)
183 (100%)
In addition, there are forty-seven examples of the configuration PxPPx with single
alliteration that is ambiguous in scansion, as exemplified in (14): they can be categorized as typeA1* on the one hand and typeD* on the other (Sievers 1893: 75; Leonhardt 1907: 7273; Zetterholm 1934: 2931).23
(14)
Am 52.3 at br um alt annat [x#P#x#P#Px]

Am 90.8lfs tel ec vn nga [P#x#x#P#Px]
Faced with the apparent indeterminacy in scansion, Sievers (1893: 75) invoked syntactic constituency and proposed that the verses at issue should be scanned as typeD*,
unless the first two words are closely bound together and accordingly the second one
is subordinated to the first in accentual terms, in which case the scansion as typeA1*
(in our terms; typeA* in Sieverss) would be more plausible. The latter special cases
include Am 49.6, 53.2, 95.2, and 100.4.24
On closer consideration, Sieverss basis of differentiation between the two types
proves to be less than firmly founded. We may want to explore the alleged correlation
between verse categorization and syntactic constituency by reexamining the configuration PxPPx with double alliteration. As may be recalled, there are 2 examples of
23According to Leonhardt (1907: 29.2), the following six verses, scanned as typeA2 (/ \ / , equivalent to our typeA1*; see section8.1.1 above) have their heavy drop \ filled by nominals as underlined:
Am 8.2 margs var allz beini, 40.2 hugi ltt vgia, 47.2 ypit ltt hurom, 56.10 slcs ec mest kennomc,
82.2 mist, sem szt scyldir, 96.10 hina vtr san. Following Gering (1903), and La Farge and Tucker
(1992), however, we regard the words concerned as adverbs. Accordingly, these verses are unequivocally identified as typeA1* and do not fall under the group of the configuration PxPPx to be treated
below. Similarly, the following verses that Leonhardt (1907: 72) regards as ambivalent in scansion
between types A2 and D (corresponding to our A1* and D*, respectively) prove to be as unambiguous because of the demonstrable differences in prominence between the last two words due to their
distinct lexical status. Accordingly, Am 47.8 sagi hon mun fleira, 48.8 allir n qvo, 65.4 r enn lengr
dvelia, 66.6 er kunno grst heyra, 87.6 sorgir r morgin, and 89.6 var ess scamt ba (with greater lexical prominence on the last words) scan as typeA1*, whereas Am 99.2 kurom land ara is analyzed as
typeD* with the contrary prominence contour. Finally, Am 52.4 er unno born Gica should constitute
typeC with alliteration on born, rather than unno (Lehmann and Dillard 1954: 24, 29).
24Sievers (1893: 75) referred to Am 79.4 as a probable example, too; but his text (skar hals ba)
is different from ours (scar hon hls ba), which cannot be regarded as an instantiation of the syntactic constituency of the first two lexical words.
465
type A1* (PxPPx with double alliteration; P = alliterative; section 8.1.1) and 34 of
typeD* (PxPPx with double alliteration; see note22). Concerning typeA1*, only one
of the two embodies a close syntactic constituency of the first two lexical words (Am
12.9 vant er stafs vfi); the other (Am 103.5 hyggia rf hveria) has the last two words
bound together. As far as the larger group of the configuration PxPPx (typeD*) is
concerned, out of a total of 34, 6 instantiate a syntactic (and hence accentual) subordination of the second to the first stressed word: Am 47.3 fra flt eygi; 53.1 Morgin
mest vgo; 56.9 sendo systr Helio; 72.1 Alin vi up vrom; 100.7 tti r kappi; 103.3
vexa vel blio. In the remaining 28 verses, the second and third words form a syntactic constituent.
As it turns out, the distributions of the two groups syntactically differentiated do
not differ significantly between the two configurations PxPPx and PxPPx, with
a p-value of 0.356. Because of the extreme rarity of the first configuration, however,
we cannot refute the alleged correlation with certitude, of course. Yet the grounds on
which Sieverss reasoning rests must be regarded as tenuous: syntactic constituency
does not seem to provide a determining criterion for metrical categorization.
In order to secure a more solid basis for evaluation, let us move on to the array
of the configuration PxPPx with single alliteration (47 examples), listed in note22
above. Here, we find 15 examples in which the second lexical word can be characterized as subordinated to the first in syntactic and accentual terms: Am 1.4 s var ntt
fstom; 18.2 vera tt snemma; 19.4 dreifi hann oss ll bli; 28.2 koma ntt hingat;
35.2 hugi gott nnom; 49.6 oc niia fior vari; 50.2 drengi tv hnga; 50.6 sceldi ft
undan; 53.2 unz miian dag lddi; 53.6 fli vllr bli; 55.4 hggnir tveir liggia; 95.2
meima fiol iggia; 95.4 iar siau gar; 97.6 bruz rg milli; 100.4 eccio nafn hlita.
In 31 instances, the last two lexical words are involved in close syntactic constituency,
while in the remaining one (84.2) the middle word does not form an immediate constituent with either the preceding or the following word.
The question confronting us then is: Are the proportions of the two constituencies different between the configurations PxPPx (single alliteration) and PxPPx
(double alliteration)? Running a Fishers exact test, we obtain a p-value of 0.199,
which requires us to maintain the null hypothesis that the two groups are not significantly different: it is not warranted to ascribe the two groups to two separate metrical
categories. Just as the configuration PxPPx is scanned as typeD*, the whole group
of the verse form PxPPx may legitimately be subsumed under the same metrical category, typeD*. In conclusion, the configuration PxPPx constitutes typeD* regardless of alliterative pattern; only where double alliteration exceptionally involves the
first and the last lexical word, is it identified as typeA1*.
The conclusion reached immediately above is diametrically opposed to Leonhardts (1907: 7273) claim that the verses under consideration should all be scanned
as typeA1* (typeA2 in his terms). His thesis rests on the following, distribution-based
arguments. First, typeD* occurs predominantly in the a-verse. The scansion of the
verses in question as typeD* would contradict this distribution pattern. Second and
466
related to the first point, while the heavy variant of typeD* in the a-verse is in the
minority, scanning the configuration PxPPx as type D* would create a contrary
pattern of this heavy variant constituting a majority in the b-verse. Third, on accepting the verses at issue as typeD*, one would be confronted with the unexpected situation in which the penultimate position is never filled by a short syllable in the b-verse,
whereas there are a small number of such examples in the a-verse (Am 17.1 Biorn huga
ec hr inn kominn, 30.5 fro fimm saman, 93.3 vara vn lygi, 95.3 rla ri tigo). To
elaborate on this argument, there are 35 a-verses and 47 b-verses, with the long heavy
drop (P); by contrast, all of the 4 examples with the short heavy drop (p) occur in the
a-verse (Table8.20). These distributions differ significantly (p=0.039). The scansion
of the verses in question as typeD* would accordingly pose this puzzling question.
All of these apparently anomalous consequences that the scansion of the configuration PxPPx as typeD* would inevitably bring about prove to be just as expected,
however, as they are subject to a unitary and principled account. The heavy variant
in question invariably ends in disyllabic words of the form Px, as opposed to those
of the form px, as Leonhardt (1907: 72) correctly notes. This string can be characterized as fully corresponding to the unmarked realization of the cadence / . As will be
discussed in section8.3 below, mlahttr is organized rigorously on the basis of the
canonical cadence of this form. While the verse-final string Px occurring at the end
of typeD* fills the metrical concatenation of two drops ( ), the linguistic materials used are in themselves phonologically indistinguishable from those that prototypically realize the canonical cadence / . In this sense, of all varying materials to
choose from as realizations of the final two positions of typeD*, the sequence Px is
rated as optimal in light of the major metrical organizer, the privileged cadence / .
This optimality, then, provides explanatory accounts of why the heavy variant Px
PPx is most favored in the b-verse at the cost of other configurations including Px
PSx, PxPXx, and PxPpx.
The foregoing argument may therefore refute Leonhardts objection to the scansion of the verses under discussion as type D*.25 Incidentally, his additional argument that the typeA2 variant PxP[nominal]Px occurs more frequently in the b-verse
(Leonhardt 1907: 73) does not hold factually: six in the total of his alleged eighteen
examples must be ruled out as remarked in note23 above; and the remainder are the
very instances whose scansion is specifically at issue here. Thus, despite Leonhardts
claim to the contrary, his proposed subsumption of the verses in question under
type A2 would result in the disproportionately large presence in the b-verse of the
typeA2 variant with the markedly prominent third position (\), as Zetterholm (1934:
30) correctly pointed out.
25As remarked rightfully by Zetterholm (1934: 30), Leonhardt primarily argued against the scansion as typeD*, rather than substantiate his alternative scansion as typeA2.
The system of verse types
467
Relative to type D, type D* occurs with a conspicuously higher incidence in

mlahttr than in fornyrislag: while fornyrislag gives 323 and 67 occurrences of
types D and D*, respectively, the corresponding figures for mlahttr are 23 and 183,
whereby the pattern is reversed in favor of typeD*. With a p-value of less than 0.001,
the difference involved proves to be significant.
Another notable feature in comparison with type D is the markedly lower rate
of anacrusis in typeD*: out of a total of 183 typeD* verses, only 11 are accompanied
by anacrusis, whereas as many as 5 out of a total of 23 typeD verses are anacrustic
(section 8.1.7). In view of a p-value of 0.021, we must conclude that type D* is less
likely to be involved in anacrusis than typeD. Together with the observation made in
the last paragraph, we will explore implications of this varying rate of anacrusis in
mlahttr in section8.2 below.
8.1.9Type E (/ \ /)
This type is almost absent, much as is typeB. Only a single instance (with anacrusis)
is attested in the corpus: Am 53.4 oc nduran dag (x#PSx#P; compare Sjros 1906:
45). Starting with anacrusis, this verse consists of five metrical positions in conformity to the principle of five positions per verse that vigorously governs composition in
mlahttr.
8.2The system of verse types

The vast majority of verses in mlahttr, 677 instances and 89.08%, comprise five
metrical positions in accordance with the principle of five positions per verse. The two
unique verses, one being typeB* ( / /), the other typeE with anacrusis (/ \
/), satisfy this five-position requirement, too. As is true of the last example of typeE,
anacrusis serves an adjusting function of converting otherwise too short configurations with four positions into full-size counterparts in conformity with the five-position principle. This function is new to mlahttr: it is this meters reorganization by
innovation, whereby the traditional marginal process is reinvigorated and deployed
effectively in service of the novel principle of five positions. Accordingly, types A1
and D are more likely to be augmented with anacrusis than types A1* and D*, respectively (sections 8.1.2, 8.1.7, and 8.1.8). Moreover, not all of the four-position verses are
equally susceptible to expansion by anacrusis; rather, this remedial process tends to
operate with the highest incidence on the least prominent variant of four-position
verses. The sensitivity of the process to the varying degrees of prominence involved
in target verses is evidenced by the differential treatment of typeA1, which is affected
by anacrusis most pervasively. The minimal configuration Px#Px with the first drop
aligned to the word-final syllable is privileged over the more prominent one P#x#Px
468
for undergoing anacrusis formation. Since the least prominent variant is characterized as maximally deviant from the five-position canon, the focused operation on this
weakest configuration, which is implemented almost without exception, is a rational
strategy in functional terms.
The remaining substandard 83 verses that escape anacrusis formation are divided
into two groups according to the two opposite ways of deviation from the principle of
five positions per verse. The first group consisting of 48 verses is composed of only
four positions, which fall into four subgroups: (i) 24 typeA1 verses with the monosyllabic first drop; (ii) 6 typeC verses with the monosyllabic first drop; (iii) a single
instance of typeC- with the verse-final drop unrealized on the surface; (iv) 17 typeD
verses. These four-position verses must be acknowledged as they are in terms of constituent metrical positions (compare Boer 1916: 9899).26 In the virtual absence of
catalexis in mlahttr (Am 94.5; see section8.1.6 above), they can scarcely be characterized as reduced variants of their five-position counterparts with the added drops
unrealized on the surface.
The remaining 35 exceptional verses are overlong by virtue of anacrusis, comprising as they do six positions.27 This group is constituted by 23 examples of type aA1*,
1 example of type aA2*, and 11 examples of type aD*, which are all derived from the
five-position verses types A1*, A2*, and D*, respectively through a further expansion by anacrusis. Inasmuch as the two groups at issue one too short, the other
too long fail to meet the canon of five positions per verse, they are characterized as
marked in opposition to the unmarked five-position verses.
The five basic verse types that occupy the central status in fornyrislag undergo
expansion in mlahttr in two ways: a drop may be added verse-initially before the
original first lift by anacrusis, or it may be inserted after the first position. While anacrusis is an extremely marginal process in fornyrislag (section 3.1), it is reinvigorated and reconstituted as a metrical readjustment in mlahttr which comes closest
to being mandatory in regard to its main target, the configuration Px#Px. Moreover,
as an optional operation, too, it is invoked with greater vigor in mlahttr than in
fornyrislag. The insertion of a drop after the initial position can be characterized as
a generalization that is modeled after the inherited derivation of class D* from class
26We do not concur with Gerings (1926: 163164) arbitrary intervention in the text to expand these
short verses to five-position ones.
27Gering (1926: 162163) scans many of these verses, along with some others, as hypermetric verses
which are allegedly composed analogous to West Germanic ones. For example, Am 2.7 at qvmi brt
mgar is categorized as type BC. This analysis, however, is extremely doubtful. First, they are all
subject to proper scansion without invoking such a complex model. Second, there is no evidence for
postulating the existence of such hypermetric verses as an integral part of the system in the Norse
metrical tradition, apart from a few isolated examples which cannot be scanned otherwise in the
transitional variants of fornyrislag/mlahttr (Akv, Hm, and Hrbl). For a criticism of Gerings view,
see further Hartman (2011: 280n73).
The system of verse types
469
D, whereby an additional drop is inserted after the verse-initial position. Presumably,

a removal of the traditional restriction to class D by analogical extension would have
brought into being an array of verse types in which the extant first drop is redoubled
to adjust to its expanded realization.
The two modes of expansion constitute alternative means depending on particular configurational properties of verse types. In the absence of the verse-initial lift,
types B and C are ineligible for anacrusis. They are accordingly expanded exclusively
by the second means of expansion. By contrast, the remaining three types that begin
with a lift are qualified to receive either mode of expansion, anacrusis on the one
hand, and insertion on the other. Type E, however, apparently fails to be expanded
by the second alternative: there is no example of the verse form / \ /. In view of
the vanishing rarity of type aE, the absence of the form which could be labeled as
typeE* might be accidental. While the two modes of expansion are normally implemented in a mutually exclusive way, they may at times operate in conjunction, in
which case six-position verses arise as marked realizations. The paradigmatic organization of verse types and their distributions are represented in Tables 8.21 and 8.22,
respectively. A full catalogue of verse types is provided in appendix 1.
Table8.21.The system of verse types in mlahttr
Class
Four positions
Marked
Minimal
A
B
C
D
E
A1
C
D
Five positions
Six positions
Unmarked
Marked
Expanded before the Expanded after the Expanded before the first
first lift (anacrusis)
first position
lift (anacrusis)
aA1; aA2
aD
aE
A1*; A2*; A3*

B*
C*
D*
(E*)
Table8.22.Distribution of verse classes and types/subtypes in mlahttr

Class
Type/subtype
A1
A1*
A2*
A3*
aA1
aA1s
aA1*
aA2
aA2*
A-verse
18 (75.00%)
164 (58.99%)
10 (100%)
8 (100%)
2 (2.53%)
1 (100%)
2 (8.70%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
6 (25.00%)
114 (41.01%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
77 (97.47%)
0 (0%)
21 (91.30%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
Total
24 (100%)
278 (100%)
10 (100%)
8 (100%)
79 (100%)
1 (100%)
23 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
aA1*; aA2*
aD*
(aE*)
470
Class
Type/subtype
A-verse
B-verse
Total
B*
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
C
CC*
1 (16.67%)
1 (100%)
48 (40.00%)
5 (83.33%)
0 (0%)
72 (60.00%)
6 (100%)
1 (100%)
120 (100%)
D
aD
D*
11 (64.71%)
3 (50.00%)
107 (62.21%)
6 (35.29%)
3 (50.00%)
65 (37.79%)
17 (100%)
6 (100%)
172 (100%)
4 (36.36%)
7 (63.64%)
11 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
380
380
760
aD*
E
aE
Total
8.3The cadence
The paradigmatic organization of verse types and their incidences in mlahttr, as
shown in the previous section, indicate that this meter has the cadence / integrated in the system more firmly than fornyrislag. In other words, by postulating the
cadence as a pivotal organizing force, we can explain in principled ways an array of
properties that bear on the inventory of verse types and their distributions and frequencies including their major realization variants.
First, the virtual absence of types B* and E* readily yields to explanation: because
they both end in a lift, the two types are diametrically opposed to the privileged
verse-ending unit / . While these types are underrepresented in fornyrislag, too, in
comparison with its West Germanic cognate meters (sections 5.1 and 5.2), they come
closest to being forbidden in mlahttr. By far the greater persistency with which the
two types are avoided in mlahttr thus gives witness to the more determining role of
the cadence concerned.
Second, and admittedly less conspicuous, type D, which ends in and thus
deviates from the canonical cadence, seems to be reorganized in terms of verse distribution: while it occurs more frequently in the b-verse in fornyrislag (Table3.23,
section 3.3), the pattern reverses in mlahttr, in which the type is used with an
apparently higher frequency in the a-verse. This reversal in distribution may be interpreted as an indication that the cadence / is loaded with a stronger organizing
force in mlahttr and this is particularly so in the b-verse. It may be recalled that
the cadence / is more of an attribute of the b-verse (or the line) than of the a-verse
in fornyrislag. Much the same therefore applies to mlahttr as well. In fact, the distributions of typeD seem to differ significantly between the two meters (p=0.078)
at a confidence level of 90%. In any event, the strong preference of type D for the
b-verse in fornyrislag seems to be compromised in mlahttr, and this moderate
The cadence
471
change may be attributed to the increasingly vigorous force of the optimal cadence
there.
Third, and related to the last point, the variant of typeD* that is favored most in
the b-verse is the configuration PxPPx and occurs more frequently there than in the
a-verse: 35 examples in the a-verse as against 47 in the b-verse. By contrast, the most
common variant in the a-verse is the configuration PxPSx (Table8.20, section8.1.8),
which occurs overwhelmingly in the a-verse: 40 examples in the a-verse as against 17
in the b-verse. The distribution pattern involved is of statistical significance, with a
p-value of 0.002. This differential treatment may be ascribed to the overriding presence of the verse-final string Px in the b-verse, which largely serves as an optimal
realization of the privileged cadence / there. Furthermore, this marked distinction between the two variants (PxPPx and PxPSx) in mlahttr is not known to
fornyrislag, in which these configurations fail to be distinguished significantly in
terms of verse distribution (Table2.49, section2.12.1); the p-value involved is 0.236.
Fourth, both types D and D*, grouped together by the succession of two drops
at the end, are largely divided into two variants each, depending on the prominence
of these two consecutive drops relative to each other greater prominence on the
penultimate position or on the last. At issue are the differing proportions of these two
variants in fornyrislag and mlahttr: in fornyrislag, there are 39 (9.87%) instances
of the variant with greater prominence on the final drop in the total of 395 examples that comprise types D and D*; the corresponding figure dramatically reduces
in mlahttr to no more than 3 (1.46%) in the total of 206 examples. The observed
difference is of statistical significance with a p-value of less than 0.001. Mlahttr is
thus sharply distinguished from fornyrislag by the radical decrease of the sequence
of two drops at the end in which the final one counts as the more prominent. Indeed,
the two configurations in question end in the string of two drops , and they both
are thus at variance with the optimal cadence / . Yet it is the realization variant with
the rising contour that should be regarded as the more deviant, because of its closer
approximation to the reversed concatenation / as embodied by types B and E
that constitutes the diametrical opposite of the privileged cadence. By resorting to
the more powerful organizational force of the cadence / , then, we are capable of
providing a principled account of the radical reduction in mlahttr in occurrence of
the variants of types D and D* with the last drop being relatively more prominent than
the penultimate.
The above four metrical phenomena that distinguish mlahttr from fornyrislag
may be adduced as evidence for the greater vigor with which the cadence / organizes verse types and their distribution. On the other hand, the following three novel
properties that are characteristic of mlahttr indicate that the three variants of the
cadence / Px, px, and P (section5.4) are subject to an increasing standardization in this meter, whereby the unmarked variant Px prevails further here than in
fornyrislag (compare Heusler 1956: 210). A first characteristic is the removal of catalexis as a productive verse formation from mlahttr. Since catalectic verses end in
472
the long monosyllable P on the surface but retain the cadence / in their underlying
representation, the ending in question is identified as a marked realization variant of
the cadence, as argued in section5.4.2 above. The dysfunction of catalexis therefore
means that one of the marked realizations of the cadence in fact the maximally
marked one is no longer available in this meter.
A second notable feature is the virtual absence of subtypeA1s: as may be recalled,
Am 73.3 kn gengr hnefi is the only example of this type (with anacrusis; compare
Sjros 1906: 45; Leonhardt 1907: 68n). This configuration serves as a major source of
the other marked realization of the cadence / , namely, the short disyllable px. Thus,
not only the least typical variant, but also the second marked one, are involved in the
process of being excluded from this meter.
Finally, a similar elimination affects type C*. This type is subject to standardization, whereby the variant xPPx with the long second lift comes to prevail overwhelmingly over others including xPpx with the short second lift, as demonstrated
in section 8.1.6 above. This unification brings about a radically reduced incidence
of the short disyllable as a marked option of realizing the cadence / . In summary,
the foregoing three phenomena that are distinctively characteristic of mlahttr thus
converge to result ultimately in the establishment of the long disyllable Px as the sole
realization of the cadence / in this meter by removing the original variability available to fornyrislag.
8.4Resolution
As observed from time to time in the foregoing discussions, resolution operates in
mlahttr in widely different ways from fornyrislag. Table8.23 shows the distribution
of the long and resolved first lifts according to verse types in mlahttr and fornyris
lag (the twenty-eight instances with the short first lift in fornyrislag are excluded, as
are the three overshort verses with two positions).
Table8.23.Occurrences of the long and resolved first lifts according to verse types in mlahttr and
fornyrislag
Type
Long
Mlahttr
Resolved
Total
Long
A1
13 (54.17%) 11 (45.83%) 24 (100%)
A1*
249 (89.57%) 29 (10.43%) 278 (100%)
A1-/A1*0
0
0
A1s
0
0
0
A2*
A2*-
9 (90.00%)
1 (10.00%)
10 (100%)
1989 (95.08%)
Fornyrislag
Resolved
Total
103 (4.92%) 2092 (100%)
Type
A1
244 (91.04%)
280 (98.59%)
24 (8.96%)
4 (1.41%)
268 (100%)
284 (100%)
A1A1s
57 (96.61%)
55 (84.62%)
16 (100%)
2 (3.39%)
10 (15.38%)
0 (0%)
59 (100%)
65 (100%)
16 (100%)
A2a
A2b
A2a-
Resolution
Type
Long
Mlahttr
Resolved
Total
Long
Fornyrislag
Resolved
Total
473
Type
A3*
A3*-
8 (100%)
0
0 (0%)
0
8 (100%)
0
705 (100%)
28 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
705 (100%)
28 (100%)
A3
A3-
aA1
aA1*
aA1aA1s
77 (97.47%)
22 (95.65%)
0
1 (100%)
2 (2.53%)
1 (4.35%)
0
0 (0%)
79 (100%)
23 (100%)
0
1 (100%)
22 (84.62%)
4 (15.38%)
26 (100%)
aA1
1 (100%)
8 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%) aA18 (100%) aA1s
aA2
aA2*
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
4 (100%)
0 (0%)
4 (100%) aA2a
B*
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
450 (99.78%)
1 (0.22%)
C
C*
C-
6 (100%)
116 (96.67%)
1 (100%)
D
DaD
D*
aD*
4 (23.53%) 13 (76.47%) 17 (100%)

0
0
0
2 (33.33%) 4 (66.67%)
6 (100%)
159 (92.44%) 13 (7.56%) 172 (100%)
10 (90.91%)
1 (9.09%) 11 (100%)
E
aE
D/E
Total
0
1 (100%)
0
0 (0%)
6 (100%)
4 (3.33%) 120 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
0
0 (0%)
0
0
1 (100%)
0
681 (89.61%) 79 (10.39%) 760 (100%)
451 (100%)
839 (63.80%) 476 (36.20%) 1315 (100%)
65 (84.42%)
12 (15.58%)
77 (100%)
C-
281 (87.00%)
19 (63.33%)
3 (60.00%)
63 (94.03%)
0
42 (13.00%)
11 (36.67%)
2 (40.00%)
4 (5.97%)
0
323 (100%)
30 (100%)
5 (100%)
67 (100%)
0
D
DaD
D*
aD*
103 (100%)
0
37 (92.50%)
0 (0%)
0
3 (7.50%)
103 (100%)
0
40
E
aE
D/E
5269 (88.30%) 698 (11.70%) 5967 (100%)
Total
As should be clear from the above table, the overall incidence of resolution on the first
lift does not differ between the two meters (p=0.306): the first lift is as likely to be
resolved in mlahttr as in fornyrislag. Taken individually according to verse types,
however, the likelihood of implementing resolution varies enormously. Of paramount
interest is the radical difference in types C and C*: while typeC undergoes resolution
with by far the greatest incidence in fornyrislag, the corresponding types (types C
and C*) are virtually unaffected by the process in mlahttr. With exclusive reference
to the prototypical variants of these types with the primary-stressed, long second lift
(P), which are most amenable to resolution in fornyrislag (section4.2.3), we obtain a
focused picture with the following figures: 4 counts of the resolved first lift (xpxPx)
and 113 of the long one (xPPx) in mlahttr; 382 counts of the resolved first lift (x
pxPx) and 162 of the long one (xPPx) in fornyrislag. As it turns out, the long first
lift almost monopolizes in mlahttr, whereas the resolved one prevails over the long
one in fornyrislag. With a complete reversal in occurrence relative to each other, the
distribution patterns differ significantly between the two meters (p<0.001). Given the
overall unchanged rate of resolution, however, we cannot explain the virtual demise
of resolution in types C/C* as a loss of this metrical device in general in mlahttr.
474
Rather, we must conceptualize it as a specifically local phenomenon that is limited to

the particular verse types.
As examined in depth in section4.2.6 above, typeC receives the most privileged
treatment by resolution because of its syntagmatically favorable properties, namely,
the succession of two lifts preceded and followed by a drop (Table4.21, section4.2.6).
Resolution on the first lift maximizes its prominence, and concomitantly allows the
following second one to be realized to the full extent of its inherent capacity, which
would otherwise be overshadowed by the immediately preceding more prominent
position (section5.2.2). In this light, we may reasonably be led to infer that mlahttr
does not inherit this mechanism of inducing resolution from fornyrislag for reasons
yet to be specified. This inference, however, would entail that mlahttr would have
constituted a radical break from the traditional practice, which was commonly
observed in the West Germanic traditions as well as in fornyrislag, and is characterized as a prosodically natural process of buffering a clash between two strong positions. What, then, brought about such a drastic disruption of the Common Germanic
heritage in mlahttr? There must have been a complex of factors of overriding force
to subvert the well-motivated traditional convention.
Exploring a principled account of this foundational metrical change, however,
will necessitate a widening of perspective to take into full consideration the whole
range of the three major variants of type C available to fornyrislag, rather than
looking exclusively into the pair of binary-opposed configurations in question. This
triad of variants is ranked in order of decreasing frequency, as follows: xpxPx > x
Ppx > xPPx (Table5.3, section5.2.2). Accordingly, the variant with the resolved first
lift counts as unmarked, and the one with the long first and second lifts is the least
optimal. This hierarchy, however, drastically changes in mlahttr, whereby the least
preferred variant assumes absolute dominance, and ousts the other two as a consequence (compare Sievers 1885: 46): we find 113 examples of xPPx, 5 of xPpx,
and 4 of xpxPx in mlahttr (Tables 8.17 and 8.18, section 8.1.6). Thus, not only
the resolution on the first lift, but also the suspension of resolution on the second
lift, are blocked from implementation, resulting in unison in the displacement of the
two more favorable variants (xpxPx and xPpx) by the least optimal variant (x
PPx). This clustering of the two complementary processes the suppression of the
resolved first lift and the short second lift and the concomitant conspiratory effects
of maximizing the occurrence of the configuration xPPx may suggest that the metrical change in question would have been a functionally driven, systematic change,
rather than a contingent event of loss or simplification.
Mlahttr is distinguished from fornyrislag by the more consistent regularization of the optimal cadence / whereby not only this string of metrical positions
overwhelms others, but also its prototypical variant Px almost excludes the other
two, px and P (section8.3). This absolute standardization of the cadence in the form
of Px, then, may be held responsible for the virtual demise of the configuration x
Ppx: with the virtual monopoly of the string Px as the sole variant of the cadence / ,
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475
the verse form xPpx is rated as the least optimal among the three major variants of
typeC available by virtue of the maximal deviation from the cadence Px, as claimed in
section8.3 above. The ample use of xPpx at the expense of xPPx in traditional practice including fornyrislag was motivated by the requirement to maintain the distinguishability of the successive lifts from each other and from the adjacent drops. More
specifically, the alignment of the second lift to a short stressed syllable (suspension
of resolution) was designed to buffer the clash of two lifts by loading the attenuated
second one with a correspondingly lesser prominence for realization (section4.3.5).
The mechanism of alleviating the clash, however, is equipped with an alternative
solution, which gains increasingly in force in fornyrislag. That is, the alignment of
the first rather than the second lift to a short disyllable rather than a monosyllable by resolution rather than by suspension of resolution (section5.2.2).
Thus, the suspension of resolution on the second lift of type C constitutes an
integrated whole in conjunction with the resolution on the first lift of the same type:
the two operations are incorporated as the alternative options into the machinery for
solving the contiguous lifts. Now that one of the united means becomes dysfunctional
on account of the resulting violation to the optimal cadence Px, the other half, inseparably paired with the dismissed one in the system, must be abandoned analogously,
although it fully conforms to the canonical cadence. In this way, the radical decrease
of resolution on the first lift of types C and C* in mlahttr is an immediate consequence of its structural integrity with the suspension of resolution on the second lift
of the corresponding type in the traditional meter. The subversion of the latter option
results in the dismissal of the former as a structural necessity. On the other hand, the
suspension of resolution on the second lift is rejected as unviable in the new meter
because of its inevitable conflict with the cadence Px, which comes to be loaded with
maximal rigor in metrical organization there.
As pointed out in sections 8.1.1 and 8.1.7 above, types A1 and D receive resolution
on the first lift with a significantly higher incidence than their expanded counterparts, types A1* and D*, respectively. Corresponding to their preference for resolution,
of a total of 41 exceptional verses (24 typeA1 verses and 17 typeD ones), 11 typeA1
verses and 13 typeD ones 24 in all (58.54%) are involved in resolution on the first
lift. By contrast, with respect to typeC, there are no examples of the configuration
xpxPx with the monosyllabic first drop, whereas longer configurations with the polysyllabic first drop (typeC*) are affected by resolution 4 times. More specifically, none
of the 6 instances of the configuration xPPx receive resolution at all, while 4 out of
the 120 examples of xPPx are resolved. As it turns out, however, the apparent difference in distribution lacks statistical significance, given p=1. Accordingly, we may
generalize that typeC only apparently fails to display correlation between resolution
and the minimal first drop, rather than that the monosyllabic first drop of typeC is
less compatible with resolution than the polysyllabic one of typeC*. Furthermore, the
proportion of the resolved to the long first lift in typeC with the monosyllabic first
drop differ significantly from that in typeD (p=0.002), if not as dramatically from
476
typeA1 (p=0.061). In this light, what requires explanation is the conspicuous occurrence of resolution in types A1 and D, as opposed to their expanded types, types A1*
and D*. Also in need of explanation at the same time would be the significantly higher
incidence of resolution in types A1 and D than in typeC, although the virtual absence
of resolution on the first lift of typeC has been explained in a principled way above.
We will return to these issues at the end of this section.
While we have been assuming up to this point that the occurrence of short disyllables (px) instead of long monosyllables (P) in the first lift of the two types in question
constitutes resolution as in fornyrislag, this is far from self-evident. Sievers (1885:
47; 1893: 73; see also Leonhardt 1907: 17.4, 68; Gering 1926: 159; Zetterholm 1934: 28)
claims that the phenomenon under consideration should be characterized as suspension of resolution whereby a short stressed syllable realizes the lift to the exclusion
of the following unstressed syllable, which is aligned to a separate position, that is,
the drop that immediately follows. In other words, the short disyllable (px) counts as
metrically equivalent to the long one (Px), rather than to the long monosyllable (P)
as in fornyrislag by resolution: the short disyllable constitutes two positions, as does
the long counterpart, as opposed to the long monosyllable, which makes a single
position.
Sieverss analysis rests on the same distributional peculiarity of resolution that
we are concerned with here, that is, the close association of short disyllables with the
four-position verse types, namely, types A1 and D without anacrusis. This intimate
correlation between occurrence of short disyllables and verses that apparently lack
the otherwise expected fifth position, however, leads Sievers to scan the short disyllable as two positions, lift + drop, contrary to our conceptualization. Accordingly, on
Sieverss view, those apparently four-position verses that seem to be affected by resolution prove in actuality to manifest five positions and therefore satisfy the principle
of five positions per verse.
Sieverss postulation of the short, unresolved lift met with Hofforys (1889: 97)
objection raised in conceptual terms: given that the configurations pxxPx and pxPxx
scan as four-position verses in fornyrislag, it will not stand to reason to identify
the same sequences as consisting of five positions in mlahttr. Hofforys criticism,
however, does not carry much weight: it should be quite conceivable that the same
materials receive divergent scansion in two different metrical systems according to
their own inherent rules, however closely the meters involved are genealogically
related.
Thus, we must criticize Sieverss proposal on specific empirical grounds. Sieverss reduction of the resolved variants of types A1 and D to the normal, five-position verses still leaves the sixteen examples that defy such a reductionist analysis
(Table8.23; it should be recalled that there is one instance of typeA1 with the resolved
second lift; see section8.1.2 above). In the presence of the marginal configurations
PxPx, PPPx, PPpx, PPxx, and PPxP, we must posit the four-position representations
along with the standard five-position counterparts, as Hoffory (1889: 98) correctly
Resolution
477
pointed out. This core/periphery distinction in terms of the constituent metrical

positions five vs. four is exactly the opposite of the corresponding dichotomy in
fornyrislag, in which the five-position form (corresponding to typeD* and anacrustic verses) stands on the periphery as against the central, four-position counterpart.
Thus, regardless of whether resolution operates on the configurations pxxPx, pxPPx,
pxPpx, and pxPxx, or is blocked from them, these minority verses must be accepted
in mlahttr as marginal verse forms consisting of four positions.
Moreover, as Sievers (1893: 73) himself was well aware, the first lift is not always
suspended from resolution, although it would appear to be implemented less often on
his view that the two configurations in question are immune to resolution. The only
configuration that seems to demand resolution definitely would be xpxPx (typeC*).
There are four such examples: Am 29.4 allz er fara tla, 32.8 ef goriz nacqva, 39.9
ella hean bit, 71.4 er vro sacar minni. On the assumption that the first lift is occupied by a short stressed syllable alone, these examples would have to be rescanned as
typeA1 with anacrusis; and the anacrusis involved would be longer than is normally
expected, realized as it is by disyllables (2 examples) and trisyllables (2 examples),
whereas 50 instances out of a total of 79 cases (about two-thirds) of anacrusis excluding the 4 verses at issue begin with a monosyllable. This difference between the two
groups in the proportions of monosyllables to polysyllables is of statistical significance (p = 0.022). We may hence infer that the rescansion of the configuration x
pxPx as type aA1 that suspension of resolution would lead us to accept would create
nonoccurring, anomalous variants of the type in question. This empirically infeasible
consequence may in turn disprove the initial hypothesis that resolution is suspended
from the configuration xpxPx: rather, it must undergo resolution to be scanned as
typeC*. Thus, the proper scansion of the configuration xpxPx demands that resolution consistently applies to the first lift as a legitimate metrical operation, however
low its incidence may be (as explained earlier in this section).
On the other hand, the two expanded types, types A1* (pxxPx) and D* (pxx
Pxx), are compatible with both resolution and suspension of resolution: for example,
Am 12.7 bani yccarr beggia can be regarded with equal plausibility as resolved on the
first lift or as realizing the short first lift, leading to typeA1* in either scansion. The
primary issue then concerns the treatment of the configurations pxxPx and pxPxx:
Does resolution operate on them (resulting in types A1 and D, respectively) or is it
suspended from them (resulting in types A1* and D*, respectively)? To rephrase in
terms of numerical composition of metrical positions, should the two configurations
at issue be characterized as four-position or five-position verses? Which is the configuration pxxPx identified as metrically equivalent to, PxPx (typeA1 through resolution) or PxxPx (type A1* through suspension of resolution)? By the same token,
should the configuration pxPxx be equated to PPxx (type D through resolution) or
PxPxx (typeD* through suspension of resolution)?
While the two competing analyses, ours and Sieverss, may seem to be equivalent
in descriptive power in purely formal terms, their implications are largely different
478
on an empirical dimension. And it is on these points that they should be critically

evaluated relative to each other. Before engaging in empirical evaluation, however,
it may be appropriate to make a general argument against Sieverss analysis, which
scans the two configurations at issue as five-position verses by resorting to suspension of resolution. This has to do with a metrical continuity with fornyrislag. Given
that resolution must operate on the first lift virtually to the exclusion of its suspension in fornyrislag (section4.2), it would be more plausible to assume that the same
constraint continues to hold also in its closely related meter, mlahttr, as in the case
of types C/C* detailed above, unless there is definite evidence to the contrary. In other
words, insofar as a radical change in the meter from obligatory resolution to predominant suspension of resolution has to be invoked, Sieverss view needs a special
justification, and must correspondingly bear the burden of proof.
Moving on to a criticism of Sieverss view on empirical specifics, the first lift is
almost invariably subject to resolution in fornyrislag, as noted above (section4.2),
whereas the second one is usually suspended from it; and the verse-final lift may
not be resolved at all. We may naturally wonder how this regular implementation of
resolution on the first lift in fornyrislag suffers weakening to such an extent that it
ends up being optional and marked in favor of its normal suspension in mlahttr
(Sievers 1893: 73). Given that suspension of resolution is an unmarked option for the
second lift in mlahttr as well as in fornyrislag, it would be a plausible assumption
that the first lift follows the second in this respect by analogy for whatever reason,
especially when we recognize the parallelism between the two lifts in regard to the
extent of variability in operation of resolution: much as the second lift is ordinarily
immune to resolution except for occasional occurrences of resolution, the first one is
predominantly unaffected by resolution according to Sievers, with rare exceptions
of the configuration xpxPx (typeC*, as demonstrated above). Thus, the second lift
would have served as a source of analogy for extending use of short stressed syllables
as autonomous lifts to the first one as a predominant pattern.
Sieverss analysis thus implies that the second lift is normally suspended from
resolution. Moreover, since this position may be held to have been responsible for the
analogical reorganization of the first lift, it would be as vigorously free from resolution in mlahttr as it is in fornyrislag. And one indication of the extent to which
suspension of resolution is in force will be the frequency with which short stressed
syllables function as lifts on their own. Following this line of reasoning, one would
expect from Sieverss hypothesis that the second lift is suspended from resolution in
mlahttr as frequently as in fornyrislag.
As it turns out, however, this specific empirical implication is not borne out by the
facts. On the contrary, there are several indications that the second lift is not as vigorously realized by short stressed syllables in mlahttr as in fornyrislag. In overall
terms, there are only 7 verses with the short second lift in mlahttr as against 753
others. By contrast, we find 817 examples with the short second lift and 5181 others in
fornyrislag. This difference in distribution is significant, as a p-value involved is less
Resolution
479
than 0.001. The picture hardly differs with a p-value of 0.001, when we compare the
proportions of suspended (7 counts; Am 4.7, 33.4, 54.5, 70.8, 73.3, 92.4, 98.4) to implemented resolution (4 counts; Am 1.7, 34.5, 35.1, 36.4) in mlahttr on the one hand, and
the corresponding figures in fornyrislag (817 for suspension of resolution and 18 for
implementation of resolution) on the other. These results of statistical tests indicate
that resolution is far less likely to be suspended from the second lift in mlahttr than
in fornyrislag, and can accordingly be adduced as evidence for the diminished role
of short stressed syllables as autonomous realizations of the second lift in mlahttr.
Much the same conclusion is arrived at when we consider individual configurations. Of particular interest are subtypeA1s (Pxpx) and the variant of typeC with
the second lift filled by a short primary-stressed syllable (xPpx). They constitute
the major sites in which short stressed syllables realize the second lift in their own
right. On the one hand, subtypeA1s is virtually absent in mlahttr (section8.1.1).
While, as may be recalled, fornyrislag largely expands the domain of this configuration by category extension, mlahttr obviously follows the opposite line of development by minimization.
On the other hand, the presence of the short variant of typeC in mlahttr relative to the long counterpart (xPPx) is considerably lowered in comparison with that
in fornyrislag, as demonstrated in section8.1.6 above and explained earlier in this
section: it is marginalized in mlahttr by the overwhelming dominance of the long
variant of typeC through a standardization of the rich variation of this verse type in
fornyrislag. This latter phenomenon is of special significance in giving insight into
the process of reducing the role of the short second lift in mlahttr: the normalization of typeC is a well-designed reorganization resulting in the (virtual) equation of
the second lift to the long primary stress, whereby all variants of typeC except the
configuration xPPx are rigorously suppressed by largely removing the traditional
variation along the parameters of stress and length. In this light, we may be justified
in characterizing the decreased qualification of the short stressed syllable to realize
the second lift of type C through suspension of resolution as a consequence of the
poets manipulation of inherited metrical properties.
In summary, whether considered in overall or individual terms, we can hardly
deny the fact that the role of short stressed syllables as autonomous second lifts is
diminished in mlahttr. Hence, it would seem implausible to assume that suspension of resolution is extended to the first lift from the second one when the apparent
source of analogy in itself is decreasingly amenable to it and accordingly the basis of
generalization is becoming increasingly weakened.
Another implication is more far-reaching in consequence, as it bears fundamentally on whether or not certain metrical changes took place. Since Sievers regards the
configuration pxxPx as equivalent to PxxPx through equation of the short disyllable
to the long one, the increased proportion of the resolved sequence pxxPx in relation to the long counterpart PxPx does not constitute a real problem to be addressed:
the latter two configurations are not directly related, because they differ in the size
480
of the first drop, disyllabic on the one hand and monosyllabic on the other. To be
matched with in mlahttr is rather the sequence PxxPx with the disyllabic first drop.
In this light, there is no way to deal with the issue other than to dismiss it as not
worthy of exploration. And one could possibly go so far as to defend this dismissal
by pointing out that the distribution of the paired configurations pxxPx and PxxPx in
mlahttr does not differ significantly from the corresponding pair of configurations
pxxPx and PxPx in fornyrislag, in which the short disyllable counts as equivalent to
the long monosyllable by resolution. Specifically, while the configurations pxxPx and
PxxPx occur 11 times and 172 times in mlahttr, respectively, the paired configurations pxxPx and PxPx appear in fornyrislag 76 times and 1441 times, respectively: the
p-value that can be obtained from comparison of the two patterns is 0.593, which indicates that the incidence of the configurations with the short stressed syllable remains
unchanged relative to its minimally distinct opposites with the long one in the two
meters. One could therefore assert that the apparent increase of the configuration
pxxPx constitutes no more than a pseudo problem in structural terms: it arises coincidentally through a wrong comparison with an unrelated configuration (PxPx) in
mlahttr.
In our view, the configurations pxxPx and PxPx constitute a minimal pair, as do
pxPxx and PPxx, both on the basis of the metrical equivalence of the short disyllable
and the long monosyllable. Therefore, the increased incidence of pxxPx and pxPxx
as against PxPx and PPxx, respectively, in mlahttr requires explanation as genuine
empirical problems. Since the patterns concerned are significantly different from
those in fornyrislag as shown above, we are led to postulate metrical changes to hold
them responsible for the differences at issue. Thus, in sharp contrast to Sievers, who
would see no point in raising meaningful questions here, we detect real problems
awaiting an explanatory account. Since we proposed earlier the metrical motivation
for favoring resolution on the two configurations at issue and the formal mechanism
for enforcing it, we may focus on the wider implications that our analysis entails for
the poets active involvement in metrical reorganization.
The enhancement in implementation of resolution on the first lift of types A1 and
D stems from the principle of five positions per verse, as argued in section8.1.2 above.
As they are, the two types count as too short, since they comprise only four positions.
In the absence of a fifth position in the form of anacrusis that is otherwise expected
to occur, the poets would strive to minimize deviation of the resultant verses from the
principle in question so as to compose less anomalous verses. By enforcing resolution, the verses are provided with an extra syllable, so that they contain five syllables
instead of four. While the metrical positions involved remain below the standard, the
number of syllables becomes matched with normal verses with five metrical positions. On this score, the resultant verses may count as less deviant from fully acceptable verses with five positions and at least five syllables.
While being privileged to receive resolution, types A1 and D seem to differ in their
likelihood of undergoing the process, with a p-value of 0.062 (Table8.23). Despite a
Resolution
481
lack of definitive statistical support, the apparently higher incidence of typeD, rather
than vice versa, may deserve particular notice. At issue is the succession of two lifts
in type D in contrast to type A1. As examined in detail in section 4.2.6 above, this
syntagmatic property, more specifically the concatenation of / / , constitutes one
of the two major conditions for inducing resolution in fornyrislag. While types C/C*
are discharged by the optimal cadence from the otherwise predicted numerous occurrences of resolution through the mechanism that we elucidated earlier in this section,
typeD is not qualified for an analogous treatment because of its ending , rather
than / as with types C/C*: it is not subject to the removal of the short disyllable px as
an instantiation of the cadence / . Thus, we may assume, in the absence of evidence
to the contrary, that the same structural conditions are retained intact in mlahttr,
insofar as other overriding concerns do not preempt their manifest effects. Interestingly enough, this assumption seems to be vindicated empirically by the apparently
higher probability of resolution in typeD than in typeA1. By virtue of the contiguity
of lifts uniquely involved, typeD is characterized as more amenable to resolution than
typeA1, which does not meet the extra condition at issue.
Our scansion of the two critical configurations pxxPx and pxPxx as resolved on
the first lift is thus obliged to characterize the changed patterns under discussion
as consequences of the poets metrical manipulation in accordance with the fundamental principle of composition in mlahttr: the poets strive to compose verses as
metrically as possible by mobilizing all available resources as appropriate for given
metrical challenges. Such a view of the poets as careful reorganizers of the traditional
versecraft that they are in full command of down to fine details is in harmony with
their comparable manipulations on other domains of the meter: the reinvigoration
of anacrusis as a fifth metrical position that is specifically added to four-position
verse forms is one example (section 8.1.2); forging a close association between the
word-final syllable and anacrusis is a further aspect of reorganization of anacrusis
(section8.1.2); and, as another manifestation, the configuration xPPx is standardized as the major variant of typeC by carefully reducing the rich varieties of typeC
that are inherited, and, in so doing, the unified option of resolution on the first lift
and suspension of resolution on the second lift is abandoned in favor of the optimal
cadence Px (this section).
As with the configuration pxxPx in relation to PxxPx treated above, proponents of
Sieverss analysis might be tempted to pursue a similar line of argument for the complete absence of the configuration (x)pxPx (type [a]A1 according to their scansion) in
distinction from the long counterpart (x)PxPx, which is attested numerous times in
the corpus. This turns out to be unviable, however: the distribution pattern of this pair
in mlahttr is of significant difference from that of the pair of the configurations (x)
pxxPx and (x)PxPx in fornyrislag. Concretely, we find 0 and 90 examples of (x)pxPx
and (x)PxPx, respectively, in mlahttr, whereas we count 80 and 1463 instances of
(x)pxxPx and (x)PxPx in fornyrislag. Performing a Fishers exact test gives a p-value
of 0.020, which induces us to infer that the absence of the configuration (x)pxPx is of
482
statistical significance; we cannot explain it away as a matter of random exception

by claiming that the pattern involved is indistinguishable from that of (x)pxxPx relative to (x)PxPx in fornyrislag, as with the pair of configurations pxxPx and PxxPx in
mlahttr considered above. Thus, the nonoccurring configuration (x)pxPx, which
should be fully acceptable as typeA1 with or without anacrusis on Sieverss scansion,
disconfirms his resort to suspension of resolution in scanning the first lift of typeA1.
By contrast, according to our analysis, the above configuration would be identified as typeC insofar as the short disyllable is preceded by an unstressed syllable;
otherwise, the string would have to be rejected as unmetrical, as it comprises only
three metrical positions. Challenging our conceptualization, then, would be the total
absence of the configuration xpxPx in particular, rather than (x)pxPx in general. As
already pointed out above, however, this does not pose a real problem: the nonoccurrence of xpxPx as against the presence of xPPx does not differ significantly from the
rare occurrence of xpxPx relative to xPPx (p=1), as pointed out above.
In contrast to the extensive occurrence of resolution in the first lift of types A1 and
D, however, the significantly lower incidence in type C requires explanation. Since
all three types comprise only four positions, they would be amenable to the resolution on the first lift to minimize the otherwise resulting breaches of the five-position
principle, according to our account proposed above. At this point, we are driven back
to the issue of the virtual absence of resolution on the first lift of types C/C* that we
explored in the beginning of this section. These two types are critically controlled by
the optimal cadence Px as detailed above. The otherwise resulting large-scale violation of this canon induces the suppression of the unified operations on these types,
namely, resolution on the first lift and suspension of resolution on the second. Thus,
in contrast to types A1 and D, typeC is preempted from receiving resolution by a generalization of overarching importance, the optimal cadence, which supersedes the
strictly local concerns with rendering the minor configurations less aberrant.
Finally, it will hardly be out of place to recall here of a similar situation in
fornyrislag. As discussed at length in section4.2.6 above, resolution on the first lift
serves the purpose of compensating for the missing verse-final drop in types A1- and
D-, whereby the resolved first lift makes up for the prominence otherwise unrealized
at the end of a verse. The other remaining catalectic type, typeC-, however, is immune
to this compensatory mechanism: it is less likely to be resolved than typeC, rather
than vice versa. Yet this type falls under the purview of the long-standing mechanism
for alleviating the clashing lifts, an overriding generalization that preempts the novel
and limited use of resolution as a compensation for catalexis. Thus, much as typeC- is
immune to the resolution as a means of harmonization with the four-position principle in fornyrislag, typeC is exempted by the overwhelming regulatory force of the
optimal cadence from the resolution that enhances the conformity to the principle of
five positions per verse in mlahttr.
To recapitulate, in mlahttr resolution is loaded with a new function of providing a means for adjusting four-position verses to the five-position principle by adding
Resolution
483
the otherwise missing fifth syllable. Accordingly, types A1 and D are determined as
most amenable to receiving resolution. While catalexis constitutes one of the two
major contexts for resolution in fornyrislag, this remedial function is reorganized
as a means of improving on the minor four-position verses and thereby minimizing
violation of the five-position principle in mlahttr, in which catalexis is not in use.
In either meter, resolution is commonly invoked as a compensatory mechanism for
expanding the otherwise too short verses in accordance with the respective principles
that govern verse size.
The other favorable context for implementation of resolution, certainly the
primary one, in fornyrislag and also in its West Germanic cognates, however, ceases
to figure centrally in mlahttr: the first lift of typeC is scarcely subject to resolution
here. This elimination is derived from the nearly ubiquitous presence of the cadence
Px in this meter, which serves almost as the sole realization of the optimal cadence
/ . The exclusivity of the canonical string Px at the end of a verse suppresses the traditional occurrence of the typeC variant xPpx, along with others ending in the short
disyllabic variant of the cadence. In earlier meters, however, the composition of this
short variant is encouraged, much as is the resolved configuration, xpxPx, which
is the most favored one in fornyrislag. These two traditionally privileged configurations are designed to work as prosodically better alternatives to the third variant,
xPPx, in the face of the two clashing lifts involved. Providing therefore the two complementary means for optimizing the metrical organization, these two variants constitute an interdependent functional unity. The rejection of one of the coupled options
xPpx in mlahttr, accordingly, brings about the removal of the other as a necessary consequence. Thus deprived of the traditional closest link with resolution,
type C, the remaining four-position type in mlahttr, is disqualified from taking
advantage of resolution as a compensatory process, in conjunction with typeC*, and
in contrast to the other two analogous types, types A1 and D.
The syntagmatic inducing condition based on the contiguity of lifts, however, is
not removed completely from the new meter: it is simply overridden by the superimposing regularization of the cadence variant Px. Accordingly, where this traditional
condition does not conflict with the new generalization, it still continues to be in effect:
subject further to this condition, then, typeD is identified as the most eligible type to
undergo resolution, and hence more likely to be resolved than even typeA1. Of further
interest, the superimposition of the optimal cadence on the composition of typeC is
far from being a novel phenomenon which is unique to mlahttr. Its predecessor,
fornyrislag, too, succumbs to an analogous regularization by the cadence. While the
variant xPpx is by far the most common in Beowulf, it is outranked by the configuration xpxPx in fornyrislag, which occurs most conspicuously in the b-verse by virtue
of its maximal conformity with the prototypical variant of the cadence (section5.2.2).
As it turns out, then, the apparently radical disruption of resolution in mlahttr constitutes a well-designed metrical reorganization that is functionally motivated and
structurally executed in an exemplary manner.
484
8.5Alliteration
As is commonly recognized (e.g., Leonhardt 1907: 43; Heusler 1956: 213), mlahttr
displays an outstanding preference for double alliteration. Specifically, nearly 70%
of all a-verses in mlahttr carry double alliteration, whereas the percentage drops
sharply to below 30% in fornyrislag, as indicated in Table 8.24, which shows the
distribution of single (ax and [x]a) and double alliteration in the a-verse in mlahttr
and fornyrislag. This difference in distribution pattern is of course statistically significant (p<0.001). This section, then, provides explanatory accounts of the ways in
which alliterative pattern is controlled in mlahttr in common with or in distinction
from fornyrislag, and of major individual factors that can be held to be responsible
for regulation in general and for promotion of double alliteration in particular.
Table8.24.Alliterative pattern of the a-verse in mlahttr and fornyrislag
Alliteration
ax
(x)a
aa
Total
Mlahttr
Counts
%
109
8
263
380
28.68
2.11
69.21
100
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1454
690
857
3001
48.45
22.99
28.56
100
The reduction in variation within verse types and their consequential standardization that has been featured in our discussion throughout section8.1 above makes it
infeasible to identify the minimal variant for each verse type and the type-internal
variation of alliterative pattern, as we fruitfully did for determining the alliterative
patterns of verse types in fornyrislag. Instead, we treat each verse type as a more or
less homogeneous entity, rather than a complex of variants, and characterize its alliterative pattern in general terms. Table8.25 represents the distribution of alliterative
modes for each verse type.
Of particular interest is the lack of significance in occurrence between single and
double alliteration in the a-verse, notably in regard to the pair of types A1 and A1*:
with a p-value of 0.466, their patterns of distribution do not differ, and neither type
specifically favors single or double alliteration. One may be led to suspect then that
the distinction in the numbers of metrical positions involved or simply put, the
length or weight of verses plays no determining role in the selection of alliterative mode, rather than in differentiation between the a-verse and the b-verse. We will
return to this issue in due course.
Alliteration
485
Table8.25.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of verse types

Verse type
Type A1
Type A1*
Type aA1
Type A1s
Type aA1*
Type aA2
Type A2*
Type aA2*
Type B*
Type C
Type C*
Type D
Type aD
Type D*
Type aD*
Type aE
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
1 (100%)
5 (10.42%)
3 (27.27%)
0 (0%)
24 (100%)
114 (41.01%)
278 (100%)
77 (97.47%)
79 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
21 (91.30%)
23 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
10 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
5 (83.33%)
6 (100%)
48 (40.00%)
43 (89.58%)
72 (60.0%)
120 (100%)
11 (64.71%)
6 (35.29%)
17 (100%)
3 (50.00%)
6 (100%)
65 (37.79%)
172 (100%)
7 (63.64%)
11 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (16.67%)
3 (50.00%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
8 (72.73%)
3 (100%)
107 (62.21%)
103 (96.26%)
4 (36.36%)
1 (25.00%)
3 (75.00%)
4 (3.74%)
0 (0%)
Total
6 (25.00%)
18 (75.00%)
7 (38.89%)
11 (61.11%)
164 (58.99%)
80 (48.78%)
84 (51.22%)
2 (2.53%)
1 (50.00%)
1 (50.00%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
2 (8.70%)
1 (50.00%)
1 (50.00%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
10 (100%)
5 (50.00%)
5 (50.00%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
In view of the fact that hardly any significant difference is in evidence among the
types belonging to the same class the category superordinate to that of verse types
we may be allowed to consider alliterative pattern in terms of verse classes, as shown
in Table8.26. Given the limited occurrence of the mode (x)a, we may focus on the two
major patterns, ax (single) and aa (double).
486
Table8.26.Alliterative pattern of verse classes in the a-verse

Class
A
C
D
D*
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
95 (48.22%)
6 (12.00%)
3 (21.43%)
5 (4.50%)
102 (51.78%)
44 (88.00%)
11 (78.57%)
106 (95.50%)
197 (100%)
50 (100%)
14 (100%)
111 (100%)
As it turns out, class A is neutral in alliterative pattern: it is not biased to either single
or double alliteration. By contrast, the remaining classes all favor double alliteration,
although class D lacks statistical significance in this respect due to its small sample
size (p=0.236). A question arising then is the metrical basis of this divergence across
classes. A comparison with fornyrislag may provide a useful clue on this point. In
fornyrislag, too, class A does not display a preference for either mode of alliteration
(Table6.17, section6.2.2). We may be led to assume then that mlahttr follows the
inherited pattern, which must be characterized as unmarked in structural terms, as it
is expected on statistical grounds by a null hypothesis. In this light, we may be justified in leaving class A just as it is without further inquiry: there must have been no
particular factors at work in mlahttr that should induce one mode of alliteration at
the expense of the other.
The maximal deviation from fornyrislag is manifested by class C: while this
class favors single alliteration in fornyrislag (Table6.17, section6.2.2), it is definitely
associated with double alliteration in mlahttr (p < 0.001). This radical change
requires explanation. One might want to attribute the dramatic ascendance of double
alliteration to the developing homogeneity of this class: specifically, the markedly
increased presence of the configuration xPPx, with both the first and second lifts
filled by a long primary-stressed syllable, over the other variants (section8.1.6) may
be held responsible for the change in question. Verifying this hypothesis prompts us
to reexamine the alliterative pattern of class C with exclusive reference to the particular configuration at issue. Of a total of 117 occurrences of the configuration x
PPx in the fornyrislag a-verse, 53 examples (45.30%) display single alliteration,
and the remaining 64 (54.70%), double alliteration. The distribution proves to be
neutral here. By contrast, the same configuration manifests single alliteration only 3
times (6.52%) and double alliteration 43 times (93.48%) in mlahttr. The difference
between the two patterns is significant, with a p-value of less than 0.001. Therefore,
contrary to the hypothesis, the prevalence of the configuration xPPx in mlahttr
cannot be identified as primarily responsible for the enhancement of double alliteration. Rather, the alliterative pattern of this configuration itself must be regarded
as changed. More specifically, given the neutral pattern in fornyrislag, a novel
condition or conditions would have materialized to induce double alliteration in
mlahttr.
Alliteration
487
Pursuing the above line of reasoning, we may immediately encounter the

enlarged size of the initial upbeat of class C in mlahttr:28 with the exception of the
minority typeC (/ /) instances, class C verses are instantiated for the most part by
typeC* ( / /), which is supplied with two drops at the beginning. The increased
size of the initial upbeat, however, cannot be regarded as responsible, either. Several
pieces of circumstantial evidence can be adduced against the hypothesis. First, the
increased size of the first drop of typeC has a negative correlation to double alliteration in fornyrislag (section2.8.1): while typeC as a whole favors single alliteration,
the polysyllabic first drop displays a yet stronger preference for single alliteration
than does the monosyllabic one. Even when we focus on the configuration xPPx,
the picture hardly changes in essence: this configuration is neutral in its selection of
alliterative pattern regardless of whether the first drop is realized monosyllabically
or polysyllabically. Thus, the varying size of the initial upbeat has no demonstrable
effect on alliterative pattern. Confronted with the absence of correlation, one could
of course still maintain that mlahttr reconstitutes the original invariance by innovation. In view of the resulting total disruption of the earlier pattern that would be
entailed by the postulation of a radical metrical change, however, one would have to
provide convincing justifications for the assumed change.
Second, the varying numbers of syllables occurring in the first drop of typeA1*
exert no significant effect on the selection of alliterative mode in mlahttr in sharp
contrast to fornyrislag, as shown in section8.1.1 above. This suggests that mlahttr
is less sensitive to this parameter of the varying size of the first drop than fornyrislag.
The claim that mlahttr establishes a new correlation between double alliteration
and class C implies that this meter is sensitive to the variation of the first drop in
quantitative terms. The removal of the earlier distinction in typeA1*, however, points
to the opposite direction of development: the quantitative difference loses relevance
in mlahttr.
Finally, the behavior of typeC* in regard to alliterative pattern confirms a lack of
sensitivity to the varying size of the upbeat in mlahttr. Of the 30 examples of typeC*
with the disyllabic upbeat in the a-verse, 3 realize single alliteration (10.00%), and 27,
double alliteration (90.00%). On the other hand, the trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic
upbeats manifest single alliteration twice (11.11%) and double alliteration 16 times
(88.89%). These distributions do not differ significantly, given p=1. Thus, we may
generalize that mlahttr shows consistent insensitivity to quantitative distinctions
of the first drop. To hypothesize that this meter reverses the alliterative preferences of
class C by innovation in line with the numerical increase of metrical positions in its
28By postulating the following rule, Sjros (1906: 132) held this property to be responsible for the
preponderance of double alliteration in the array of configurations subsumable under our typeC*:
Verser med flerstafvig ingngssnkning hafva nstan alltid tvenne bistafvar.
488
initial upbeat would have to be dismissed as a remote possibility in the presence of

available indications to the contrary.
In this connection, we may recall that types A1 and A1* do not differ in their preference for alliterative mode, as shown above. This fact is quite in keeping with the
insignificance now disclosed of the enlarged size of typeC* in comparison with typeC
in inducing double alliteration. The increase in constituent metrical positions may
accordingly be regarded with stronger conviction as immaterial in prompting double
alliteration.
Before presenting an alternative account, we may take a brief look at the behavior of typeD*. This type is closely associated with double alliteration in fornyrislag
(section2.12): there are 11 (25.58%) examples of single alliteration and 32 (74.42%) of
double alliteration in the a-verse (Table2.49, section2.12.1). Yet mlahttr displays a
still stronger preference for double alliteration, as shown in Table8.25. The difference
in the rates of single and double alliteration between the two meters is of statistical
significance (p<0.001). Accordingly, this greater predominance of double alliteration
in typeD* in mlahttr requires explanation.
In exploring an alternative account, we will adopt a holistic perspective on the
issue by considering the paradigmatic organization of verse classes as a whole, rather
than by looking into individual ones in isolation. Table 8.27 represents the overall
distribution of the four verse classes in the a-verse of mlahttr. As is obvious, class
A prevails in quantitative terms. We may accordingly be led to characterize it as an
unmarked verse class in opposition to the three others, which count as marked correspondingly. Since double alliteration is a marked mode of alliteration (equipped
with an extra alliterative marking in reaction to special conditions promoting it), the
marked classes are chosen as more favorable to double alliteration, as the classes
and alliteration involved have a comparably marked status. In this way, class C has
its dominant alliterative pattern reversed in mlahttr by reorganization, whereby
the paradigmatic dimension outweighs the syntagmatic one in determining the alliterative pattern of verse classes. On the other hand, since class D* is already biased
to double alliteration in fornyrislag, this property is strengthened rather than
introduced anew as with class C in mlahttr in line with the general development
toward a closer association between marked class and double alliteration.
Table8.27.Occurrences of verse classes in the a-verse
Class
Counts
A
C
D
D*
197
50
14
111
52.96
13.44
3.76
29.84
Total
372
100
Alliteration
489
Thus, in mlahttr the predilection for double alliteration is determined in stochastic

terms by the structural status of verse classes involved in the whole metrical paradigm.
This is in contrast with the West Germanic meters and, also, with fornyrislag to some
degree. In Beowulf, and to a lesser extent in the Heliand as well, double alliteration is
induced by increased prominence in given verses. That is, the configurational properties of prominence enhancement in individual verse types and their realization variants play a primary determining role in selecting the mode of alliteration. This configuration-based generalization, however, is considerably weakened in fornyrislag, as
uncovered in section6.2.1.8 above. Mlahttr is advanced further in this direction: with
the prevailing occurrence of five-position verses, the notion of increased prominence
in itself has lost much of its original significance, which presupposes the opposition
between basic and expanded configurations, as in the West Germanic meters.
It should be noted, however, that the original association between increased
prominence and double alliteration is ultimately reducible to the relation of markedness: the increased verse types and their variants are identified as marked by virtue
of the additional prominence attached to their basic counterparts. In this light, the
reorganization of the mechanism for selecting the mode of alliteration in mlahttr
must be viewed as far from a radical innovation based on the subversion of the earlier
foundations: rather, it constitutes a minor readjustment in implementation with the
underlying generalization inherited intact.
Another readjustment in implementing alliteration in mlahttr concerns the
weakening of the role that word classes play in determining alliterative pattern:29
numerous examples are found in mlahttr in which alliteration operates in violation of the lexical-based generalization that nominals outrank the other two word
classes in carrying alliteration. Specifically, class 1 words occur more frequently in
the drop in mlahttr than in fornyrislag, as shown in sections 8.1.1 and 8.1.6 above;
and, conversely, nonnominals often serve as sole alliterative elements by preempting
nominals that follow, particularly in the b-verse. Such examples of noncompliance
led some metrists to characterize alliteration in mlahttr in the following terms:
die alten regeln ber das verhltnis der alliteration zu den verschiedenen wortklassen () viel
strker durchbrochen sind, als in den lteren fornyrislagliedern. (Sievers 1893: 78)
Hufvudstafven str framfr versens frsta ord, om detta haren viss prosodisk accent, eljes
framfr frsta hjningen. (Sjros 1906: 130)
Detta Am:s stt att anvnda alliterationen r icke frekommande i Eddans vriga dikter och
strider mot huvudregeln fr forngermansk diktning: kongruens mellan satsaccent och versaccent, mellan iktus och stav. (Zetterholm 1934: 47)
29For detailed descriptive accounts of the lexical composition of Am verses, see Leonhardt (1907:
4466).
490
In what follows, with reference to the comparable metrical contexts in fornyrislag as

investigated in section6.3 above, we examine the varying ways in which class 1 words
are represented in mlahttr depending on alliterative mode in the configurations
PxPx (typeA1*) and xPPx (typeC*), with a view to elaborating on the traditional
accounts in more rigorous terms. Before moving on, however, a few words may be
needed on the reasons for focusing on these two configurations.
As may be recalled, we were concerned exclusively with the representative variants of the three types in our investigations into the lexical basis of alliteration in
fornyrislag (section 6.3): types A1 (PxPx), B (xPxP), and C (xPPx/xPpx),
each with or without resolution on P. The remaining types and variants, notably types
A2, D, D*, E, and subtypeA1s, did not figure in the discussion primarily by virtue of
their inherent bias toward nominals as realizations of part of their metrical forms.
And precisely the same justification applies to mlahttr, with the added proviso that
the configuration corresponding to typeB, namely, typeB*, may also be disregarded
because of its extreme rarity (section8.1.5). Therefore, only the group of types A1 and
A1* with or without anacrusis, and that of types C and C* (with the primary-stressed
second lift), corresponding to types A1 and C in fornyrislag, respectively, deserve
examination in the following.
Tables 8.28 and 8.29 illustrate varying distributions of the three word classes in
relation to distinct alliterative mode in the two types in question. Beginning with the
group of types A1 and A1*, we may be immediately struck by the converse pattern
with which the first lift is filled by class 1 words in the two meters: while they are
more likely to occur in the b-verse than elsewhere in fornyrislag, they fail to display
such a privileged association with the b-verse in mlahttr. More specifically, while
nominals are significantly favored in the a-verse with single alliteration, they are
treated indistinctly from nonnominals in the b-verse as well as in the a-verse with
double alliteration: the two classes class 1 on the one hand and classes 2/3 on the
other occur in the first lift of the latter two verses without appreciable distinction
in probability. The distributions involved in the a-verse with single alliteration on the
one hand, and that with double alliteration and the b-verse on the other, differ significantly (p<0.001), while the latter two are indistinguishable (p=1). Accordingly,
instead of the scalar distinction b-v > ax > aa recognized in fornyrislag, we arrive at
the scale ax > b-v aa in mlahttr.30 Thus, the b-verse no longer figures as the most
privileged site for hosting class 1 words in the first lift.
As far as the second lift is concerned, the a-verse with double alliteration is
distinguished from the b-verse by its greater likelihood of containing class 1 words
(p=0.006). However, it does not differ in this respect from the a-verse with single
alliteration (p=0.153). Nor is the latter differentiated from the b-verse (p=0.370). We
30As may be recalled, A > B denotes that A is more likely to accommodate class 1 words than B; and
A B means only an apparent difference without statistical significance between A and B.
Alliteration
491
accordingly obtain a scale, aa ax b-v (where aa > b-v). With reference to the corresponding scale in fornyrislag, aa ax > b-v, we may be justified in generalizing that
the (less than full) three-way articulation in fornyrislag is so simplified in mlahttr
that the middle value becomes nondistinct from both ends, resulting in an imperfect
binary distinction. That is, while the b-verse is uniquely distinguished from the other
two verses by the lowest incidence of class 1 words in fornyrislag, it is differentiated
only from one of the other two, the a-verse with double alliteration in mlahttr. Of
interest from a comparative viewpoint, mlahttr is distinguished from fornyrislag
by the significantly lower rate with which the b-verse accommodates class 1 words
not only in the first lift, but also in the second one. Thus, both lifts in the b-verse are
less likely to be occupied by nominals in mlahttr than in fornyrislag with statistical significance (p<0.001). Furthermore, the smaller presence of class 1 words in the
lift in mlahttr also applies to the remaining verses with the exception of the first lift
in the a-verse with single alliteration, which does not differ between the two meters
(p=0.894).
Table8.28.Word classes and alliterative pattern in types A1 and A1*, with or without anacrusis
Word
class
First lift
A-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
1
2
3
65 (73.03%)
23 (25.84%)
1 (1.12%)
Total
89 (100%)
B-verse
46 (47.42%) 104 (47.71%)

51 (52.58%) 94 (43.12%)
0 (0%)
20 (9.17%)
97 (100%)
218 (100%)
Second lift
A-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
B-verse
57 (64.04%)
24 (26.97%)
8 (8.99%)
72 (74.23%)
21 (21.65%)
4 (4.12%)
126 (57.80%)
75 (34.40%)
17 (7.80%)
89 (100%)
97 (100%)
218 (100%)
Turning to the group consisting of types C and C*, we are apparently confronted with
the lower presence of nominals in both lifts in the b-verse than in their corresponding positions elsewhere, somewhat analogous to types A1/A1*. As for the first lift,
however, the observed difference is without statistical significance, presumably due to
the small sample size of the a-verse with single alliteration: p=1 between the a-verse
with single alliteration and the one with double alliteration; p = 0.425 between the
a-verse with double alliteration and the b-verse; p=0.644 between the a-verse with
single alliteration and the b-verse. Hence, the three verses may be represented as ax
aa b-v (ax b-v) in terms of their indistinguishable likelihood of accommodating
class 1 words. In fornyrislag, the b-verse and the a-verse with single alliteration stand
at opposite ends, with the a-verse with double alliteration indistinguishable from the
two extremes (section6.3.3): as represented in the scale b-v aa ax (b-v > ax), class 1
words are most likely to occur in the first lift of the b-verse, and least of all in the a-verse
with single alliteration. In any event, the b-verse no longer outranks the other verses in
attracting class 1 words to the first lift in mlahttr, in opposition to fornyrislag.
492
On the other hand, the second lift is involved in a two-way distinction, which
may be represented as aa ax > b-v. More specifically, the b-verse differs from both
the a-verse with single alliteration (p=0.028) and the one with double alliteration
(p < 0.001) by its weaker association with class 1. The two a-verses, however, are
indistinguishable from each other on this parameter (p=0.503). This demonstrable
propensity of the b-verse to avoid class 1 words in the second lift of types C and C*
proves to be conspicuous in comparison with the corresponding feature of types A1
and A1* (Table8.28): with a p-value of less than 0.001, types C and C* are far less
likely to contain class 1 words in the second lift of the b-verse than types A1 and A1*.
No less outstanding is the low presence of class 1 in the same place, when seen from a
comparative perspective. As it turns out, mlahttr is distinguished from fornyrislag
(Table6.31, section6.3.3) by the markedly infrequent occurrence of class 1 words in
the second lift of the b-verse in types C and C* (p<0.001).
Table8.29.Word classes and alliterative pattern in types C and C*
Word
class
First lift
A-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
1
2
3
4 (80.00%)
1 (20.00%)
0 (0%)
30 (69.77%)
11 (25.58%)
2 (4.65%)
45 (60.81%)
25 (33.78%)
4 (5.41%)
4 (80.00%)
1 (20.00%)
0 (0%)
38 (88.37%)
3 (6.98%)
2 (4.65%)
20 (27.03%)
52 (70.27%)
2 (2.70%)
5 (100%)
43 (100%)
74 (100%)
5 (100%)
43 (100%)
74 (100%)
Total
B-verse
Second lift
A-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
B-verse
In conclusion, the two representative configurations in mlahttr that may be

regarded as inherently neutral in regard to their lexical compositions display markedly low associations with nominals as realizations of the two lifts in the b-verse.
Of paramount interest is the differentiated treatment that the first lift of the b-verse
receives between mlahttr and fornyrislag: while most closely associated with nominals in fornyrislag, the position is denied such a privileged association in mlahttr.
Overall, then, as far as statistical evidence is available, the lift seems to be less likely
to accommodate class 1 words in mlahttr than in fornyrislag. Thus, as has long
been recognized, the traditional association of alliteration with word class 1 is largely
relaxed in mlahttr.
The stanza
493
8.6The stanza
Similar to fornyrislag, the size of the stanza in mlahttr differs widely, as shown in
Table8.30.31 And, also comparable to the same meter, the stanza consisting of eight
verses prevails over the others (Leonhardt 1907: 76), which range between four and
fourteen in numbers of constituent verses involved. Yet the degree of predominance
of the eight-verse stanza is significantly lower in mlahttr than in fornyrislag, with a
p-value of 0.005. The overall distribution pattern of these varied stanzas, as characterized by their relative rankings in the whole set, rather than by their actual counts in
occurrence, may be regarded as highly similar, in view of the Kendall rank correlation
coefficient of 0.781 and the p-value of 0.023.
Table8.30.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers
Number of verses
8
6
4
10
12
14
Total
Counts
56
19
14
12
1
1
54.37
18.45
13.59
11.65
0. 97
0. 97
103
100
Given the prevalence of the eight-verse stanza, the following stanza-based investigations will be exclusively concerned with this representative form. Comparing the
distribution of class A on the one hand and that of the other classes combined on the
other (Table8.31) shows that class A occurs with a significantly higher frequency in
verse 1 than in verses 3 and 7, while no significant difference is in evidence as against
verse 5, indicated by relevant p-values as follows: p=0.013 as against verse 3; p=0.433
as against verse 5; p=0.002 as against verse 7. Verse 5 is in turn distinguished from
verse 7 (p=0.037) by a closer association with class A, while it is indistinguishable
from verse 3 (p=0.130) on this score. Finally, verses 3 and 7 do not differ significantly
(p=0.700). A similar comparison in regard to the b-verse fails to prove that any significant distinction obtains between verses 2, 4, 6, and 8: p=0.849 between verses 2
between verses 4 and 6; p=1 between verses 4 and 8; p=0.244 between verses 6 and
31Notice that stanzas 23 and 27 are assumed to be missing (Neckel and Kuhn 1983: 251; See, La
Farge, Horst, and Schulz 2012: 480, 485486). Accordingly, while the final stanza is referred to as 105,
the total number of stanzas contained is 103.
494
8. Thus, in parallel to fornyrislag, the a-verse is involved in stanza-internal differentiation in mlahttr, whereas the b-verse remains unarticulated on this parameter.
The close association between verse 1 and class A in mlahttr is reminiscent of
a similar relation obtained in fornyrislag (section7.2.5). Yet fornyrislag is implicated
in a finer degree of articulation, whereby the four verses at issue are involved in a
three-way scalar distinction: verse 1 > verse 5 > verse 3/7 in order of decreasing correlation to class A.
Table8.31.Occurrences of verse classes according to location in the stanza
A-verse
D*
Total
B-verse
D*
Total
Verse 1
38
6
67.86% 10.71%
0
12
56
0% 21.43% 100%
Verse 2
33
58.93%
4
3
16
56
7.14% 5.36% 28.57% 100%
Verse 3
24
6
2
24
56
42.86% 10.71% 3.57% 42.86% 100%
Verse 4
31
12
1
12
56
55.36% 21.43% 1.79% 21.43% 100%
Verse 5
33
6
1
16
56
58.93% 10.71% 1.79% 28.57% 100%
Verse 6
38
7
1
10
56
67.86% 12.50% 1.79% 17.86% 100%
Verse 7
21
13
2
19
55
38.18% 23.64% 3.64% 34.55% 100%
Verse 8
31
15
1
8
55
56.36% 27.27% 1.82% 14.55% 100%
In regard to the variation within class A, we are most interested in examining whether
the varying size of the first drop of types A1 and A1* treated together has a correlation to verse-internal arrangement in mlahttr, analogous to their corresponding
configurations in fornyrislag. As it turns out, however, no significant difference is
ascertainable (Table8.32).
Table8.32.Size of the first drop of types A1 and A1* according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Total
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
3 (8.57%)
3 (15.79%)
4 (16.00%)
2 (10.00%)
24 (68.57%)
9 (47.37%)
14 (56.00%)
13 (65.00%)
5 (14.29%)
7 (36.84%)
7 (28.00%)
5 (25.00%)
3 (8.57%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
35 (100%)
19 (100%)
25 (100%)
20 (100%)
It may be recalled in this connection that the disyllabic first drop -x#x beginning
with a word-final syllable (including a rare case of the medial disyllable -xx#) is
distinguished from other strings beginning with a word-initial one #x (Table 8.6,
section8.1.1) by a lack of association with the a-verse. We may correspondingly ask if
the minimal string in question is treated distinctly with respect to its placement in the
stanza. More specifically, it might be expected on the basis of comparable phenomena
in fornyrislag (section7.2.1) that the word-final syllable should be underrepresented
The stanza
495
in verse 1 in mlahttr as well. As Table8.33 indicates, however, such a differentiation

does not obtain persistently in this meter, although the apparently lower presence of
-x#x in verse 1 might appear to be suggestively significant in a limited range. More
specifically, the relevant p-values are given as follows: p=0.096 between verses 1 and
3; p=0.146 between verses 1 and 5; p=0.059 between verses 1 and 7; p=1 between
verses 3 and 5; p=1 between verses 3 and 7; p=0.713 between verses 5 and 7.
Table8.33.Occurrences of the disyllabic first drop in typeA1* according to location in the stanza
A-verse
-x#x
#x(#)x#
Total
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
5 (21.74%)
5 (55.56%)
7 (50.00%)
7 (58.33%)
18 (78.26%)
4 (44.44%)
7 (50.00%)
5 (41.67%)
23 (100%)
9 (100%)
14 (100%)
12 (100%)
The mode of alliteration is selected differently according to location in the stanza in

mlahttr, as shown in Table8.34 (as before, the limited mode of [x]a is excluded from
the count). Specifically, statistical pair-based comparisons of alliterative pattern bring
out the following p-values: p=0.001 (between verses 1 and 3); p=0.560 (between verses
1 and 5); p=0.013 (between verses 1 and 7); p=0.007 (between verses 3 and 5); p=0.440
(between verses 3 and 7); p=0.088 (between verses 5 and 7); p<0.001 (between verses
1/5 and 3/7). Thus, verses 3 and 7 are distinguished from verse 1 by their significant association with double alliteration. In other words, lacking in correlation to either single
or double alliteration, verses 1 and 5 are characterized as neutral in terms of alliterative
pattern. Such a contrastive pattern of alliteration is unknown to fornyrislag, in which
the proportion of single to double alliteration in the a-verse remains constant regardless
of stanza-internal location (section7.4). This apparent innovation in mlahttr, however,
cannot be conceptualized as an independent phenomenon. Rather, it is a derivative one:
it follows straightforwardly from the distribution of verse classes that was disclosed in
this section above: among the four classes, class A is the only one that displays no association with single or double alliteration, whereas the other three all favor double alliteration; and it is precisely in verses 3 and 7 that class A is underrepresented in favor of
the other three combined. It should be no wonder, then, that these two verses stand out
by virtue of the conspicuous occurrence of double alliteration.
Table8.34.Alliterative pattern of the a-verse according to location in the stanza
A-verse
Single alliteration
Verse 1
Verse 3
Verse 5
Verse 7
24 (43.64%)
7 (13.46%)
20 (37.04%)
11 (20.37%)
Double alliteration
31 (56.36%)
45 (86.54%)
34 (62.96%)
43 (79.63%)
Total
55 (100%)
52 (100%)
54 (100%)
54 (100%)
496
Overall, the stanza-internal distinction seems to be far less articulated in mlahttr

than in fornyrislag. Many of the significant correlations to stanza-internal placement
in fornyrislag cease to be in force in mlahttr; and no new associations have been
introduced by innovation. As a consequence, the arrangements internal to the stanza
are no longer loaded with such significant values as are in effect in fornyrislag. This
should be largely due to the diminished resources available in mlahttr for structuring and organizing the stanza. As shown in the previous sections, this meter is
characterized by the increasing standardization that is being implemented concertedly at diverse levels of metrical organization, from higher to lower: the distinction
between the a-verse and the b-verse, verse classes, verse types, realization variants,
the cadence, the size of lifts and drops.
8.7A critique of Heuslers (1956) identification of

mlahttr with fornyrislag
Flatly denying independent status to mlahttr, Heusler (1956: 88) characterizes it as
a heavy variant of fornyrislag:
Wir rechnen diesen [= mlahttr: S. S.] nicht als besondere, dritte Hauptklasse der Eddakunst
[along with fornyrislag and ljahttr: S. S.], sondern als Unterabteilung der epischen Klasse
[= fornyrislag: S. S.]
Heuslers claim rests on the arguments (Heusler 1956: 205206, 214) that may be
rephrased in more accessible terms as follows:
(i) Verses in mlahttr are subject to scansion according to the same tact-based
framework as are those composed in fornyrislag. Specifically, mlahttr is
organized on the basis of the two measures that are rhythmically structured in
ways indistinguishable from fornyrislag: both are grounded on the unitary fourbeat measure, | | .
(ii) The major differences between mlahttr and fornyrislag are explained simply
as varying ways in which the same metrical form as specified in (i) above is filled
by language material on the surface.
(iii) The categorical distinction of the two meters as claimed by Sievers (1893) that
mlahttr is based on the five-position principle as opposed to the four-position
counterpart underlying fornyrislag is fraught with difficulties, conceptual and
empirical alike.
(iv) There is the group of poems including Akv and Hm that link mlahttr and
fornyrislag (Heusler 1956: 218219) as their intermediaries in metrical terms. This
may be adduced as a clear indication that the differences between the two meters
are likewise only a matter of gradience, rather than one of categorical distinction.

A critique of Heuslers (1956) identification of mlahttr with fornyrislag

497
Heuslers account would be most compatible with the situation in which the first drop
is simply enriched in the range of its realizations in such a way that the maximum
limit allowed in fornyrislag is exceeded while the minimum opposite remains intact,
the kind of metrical reorganization that was accomplished in the Heliand: in it, while
the first drop of type A1, for example, is filled by larger numbers of syllables than
in Beowulf, the minimal variant Px#Px still prevails (Suzuki 2004: 47). The resultant
expansion, then, would readily be characterized, by comparison with fornyrislag,
as a broadening of the variation of the drop in its realization, or more technically a
materialization of the upbeat at issue through division by an increased size of syllable numbers and a more substantial placement of initial or inner anacrusis (in
Heuslers terms; see section 3.1 above).32 What actually happened, however, is the
shift of the zone of constituent syllable numbers upward on the scale, while keeping
the relative width of variation basically unchanged. This kind of shift most readily
yields to explanation by assuming that a new drop has been added to the existing
four-position structure, as proposed by Sievers and elaborated here: by virtue of the
doubling of drops, the zone of variation goes up in its entirety, rather than the upper
limit alone. Without invoking such a radical change in the underlying representation,
we would find it hard to explain in a principled way why the original range of realizations as a whole, including its minimal value, had to be increased uniformly, rather
than being extended exclusively at the upper end.
Furthermore, the distinguishing features of mlahttr are not confined to
those concerned with the expanded sequencing of the first drop: added to these is
the impoverishment of variation within verse types, notably the virtual removal of
subtypeA1s (section8.1.1) and catalexis (sections 8.1.4 and 8.1.6), and the standardization of typeC* in the shape of the configuration xxPPx, with the concomitant suppression of resolution on the first lift and suspension of resolution on the second (sections 8.1.6 and 8.4). Given that the first drop involved in these configurations seems to
be amenable to the kind of expansion that applies extensively elsewhere, the various
metrical changes actualized that can hardly be characterized as amplifications of the
first drop would detract from the explanatory power of Heuslers account.
The unification of the cadence as Px constitutes another property that is distinctively characteristic of mlahttr (section8.3). Obviously, this innovative feature
cannot be explained by appealing to the enrichment of realizations of the drop. Inas-
32In fact, however, it would be fornyrislag that is farther removed from the underlying four-beat
measure in terms of realization. For instance, because the first drop of typeA1 is usually realized by
monosyllables, the fourth beat remains unfilled: e.g., Sg3.8 ef hann eiga kntti (typeA1 with anacrusis) is scanned as | | (compare Heusler 1956: 222; = pause). Overall, then, the
underlying metrical form is realized less transparently in fornyrislag than in mlahttr according to
Heuslers conceptual framework.
498
much as the string Px is identified as klingend (Heuslers term) in its minimal shape,
the canonization in question went in the opposite direction from expansion.
The foregoing discussion argues forcefully that mlahttr does not differ from
fornyrislag simply in realizations of the first drop, as would appear to be implied
by Heuslers subsumption of mlahttr under fornyrislag as its expanded variant;
rather, the differences extend to a far wider domain of metrical properties than can
be reduced to surface materializations of the first drop by division. Such a complex
of large-scale, broad-ranged innovations would accordingly require us to reject Heus
lers simplistic account as unviable and to hypothesize alternatively that the meter
underwent reorganization at a profound level, the claim that is being presented in
rigorous terms throughout this chapter.
Finally, the existence of some poems that are to be located between mlahttr
and fornyrislag, such as Akv, does not substantiate in itself that the two meters differ
only in gradient terms. As will be shown at length in the following two chapters, Akv
and Hm are indeed still subsumed under fornyrislag, because they are still organized by the four-position principle, rather than being restructured by the five-position
counterpart. This categorization, however, is motivated by a wealth of evidence that
is demonstrably lacking in the case of mlahttr.
9A peripheral variant of fornyrislag/mlahttr 1:

Atlaqvia in grnlenzca
While composed in notably longer and heavier verses than in fornyrislag, Atlaqvia
in grnlenzca is still governed by the principle of four metrical positions per verse.
Accordingly, the meter concerned may be characterized as a transient form from
fornyrislag to mlahttr (fornyrislag/mlahttr) in typological and evolutionary
terms.1

9.1.1Type A1 (/ /)
The configuration PxPx, as exemplified below, appears ninety-four times in Akv.2
(1)
Akv 1.1 Atli sendi [Px#Px]

Akv 17.1 Seina er n, systir [Px#x#x#Px]
Akv 32.6 drslom of rungit [Px#x#Px]
Notable among these attestations are an array of atypical verses in which the first
drop is realized by a string of syllables that contains a primary-stressed one constitutive of a class 1 word. These examples fall into two groups, depending on the location
of stressed syllables in the strings, final (xP) or medial (xPx). The first group consists of the following two verses:
(2)
Akv 8.7 ylfscr er vegr occarr [Px#x#P(=x)#Px]

Akv 35.3 afkr ds, iofrom [PS#P(=x)#Px]
1Akv 29.5, 35.2, and 40.2 are left out of consideration because they all fail to alliterate. Moreover,
verse 29.6 is lacking. Verses 20.58, which are assumed to follow the four lost verses (20.14) in Neckel
and Kuhns (1983) text, are relabeled here as 20.14 with See, La Farge, Horst, and Schulz (2012: 280).
For previous accounts of the meter conceptualized in different ways, see Gering (1926: 146155) and
Heusler (1956: 218221).
2A-verse with single alliteration (31 examples): Akv 1.1, 1.3, 3.1, 4.1, 5.5, 6.1, 6.5, 7.3, 7.11, 9.1, 9.5, 11.1,
14.1, 14.3, 14.7, 15.5, 18.1, 19.1, 20.3, 29.7, 30.3, 31.9, 32.5, 36.1, 37.1, 38.1, 39.3, 39.5, 40.3, 40.7, 43.1; a-verse
with double alliteration (24 examples): Akv 8.7, 9.3, 12.7, 13.1, 15.3, 16.1, 16.5, 17.1, 17.3, 20.1, 21.1, 21.3,
23.3, 24.1, 25.3, 27.5, 31.5, 33.5, 35.3, 36.5, 37.3, 37.5, 42.1, 43.3; b-verse (39 examples): Akv 1.2, 1.4, 2.4, 2.6,
7.4, 12.6, 14.8, 14.12, 15.8, 16.10, 16.14, 19.2, 19.6, 20.4, 22.2, 23.2, 23.4, 23.6, 24.4, 25.4, 25.6, 26.2, 26.4, 26.6,
27.6, 28.2, 29.4, 31.4, 31.8, 32.4, 32.6, 32.8, 34.4, 34.6, 36.2, 37.8, 43.2, 43.4, 43.8.
500
A peripheral variant of fornyrislag/mlahttr 1: Atlaqvia in grnlenzca
This configuration PxPPx with the first and last primary-stressed syllables alliterating is allowed to occur in mlahttr, but totally unattested in fornyrislag
(section8.1.1). The presence versus absence of this configuration in the total populations of typeA1 verses is of statistically significant difference between Akv (2vs.92)
and fornyrislag (0 vs. 2092; p = 0.002), as well as between mlahttr (2 vs. 300)
and fornyrislag (p=0.016), whereas its proportions do not differ between Akv and
mlahttr (p=0.240). Accordingly, Akv is characterized as more akin to mlahttr on
this metrical parameter.
No less anomalous is the second group, comprising the following three verses in
which the primary-stressed syllables of class 1 words (nouns) constitute the first drop
in conjunction with the preceding and following unstressed syllables:
(3)
Akv 1.3 kunnan segg at ra [Px#P(=x)#x#Px]

Akv 14.3 Bicca greppa standa [Px#P(=x)x#Px]
Akv 32.8 vro at heii komnir [Px#x#P(=x)x#Px]
In contrast to the first group, the second one is attested twice in fornyrislag (Sg 33.1
Frra mar r engi Gunnarr; Sg 43.3 lta mann sic letia; section 2.1.1) and once in
mlahttr (Am 81.8 tt slct at frtta; section8.1.1). It should be noted that, even
with single alliteration as in all of the instances involved, the configuration cannot
be identified as anything but typeA1 because of its inherent configurational properties reducible to PxPx. As it turns out, Akv differs significantly from fornyrislag
(p=0.001) and from mlahttr (p=0.044), in the proportion of this configuration
relative to the total of typeA1. Inasmuch as fornyrislag and mlahttr are indistinguishable on this property (p=0.333), however, this can hardly be used as a viable
parameter for locating Akv relative to the other two meters which are assumed to be
maximally opposed.
Concerning the configuration PxPx in its entirety, neither verse distribution nor
alliterative pattern differentiates Akv from mlahttr, with p=0.810 and p=0.285,
respectively (Table9.1). Akv differs significantly from fornyrislag, however, in verse
distribution (p<0.001), although it is indistinguishable in terms of alliterative pattern
(p=0.676). Given the same pattern of distinction between mlahttr and fornyris
lag (section 8.1.1), Akv and mlahttr are regarded as metrically equivalent in this
respect.
501
Table9.1.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag
Meter
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
Akv
55 (58.51%)
31 (56.36%)
24 (43.64%)
39 (41.49%)
94 (100%)
Mlahttr
182 (60.26%)
87 (47.80%)
95 (52.20%)
120 (39.74%)
302 (100%)
Fornyrislag
752 (36.95%)
399 (53.06%)
353 (46.94%)
1283 (63.05%)
2035 (100%)
Further, Akv displays a variation of the first drop, as represented in Table9.2. In it,
monosyllables prevail, as in fornyrislag, though to a far lesser extent. This predominant occurrence of the monosyllabic drop in Akv stands in contrast to mlahttr, in
which the first drop of the corresponding configuration is realized most frequently by
disyllables (section8.1.1). These observations are statistically verified: with a Kendall
rank correlation coefficient of 1 and a p-value of 0.027, we are justified in concluding
that the first drop in question is characterized by the common pattern of variation in
Akv and fornyrislag; on the other hand, the same coefficient of 0.600 and a p-value
of 0.221 fail to show that Akv shares the same pattern of variation with mlahttr in
regard to the first drop of the configuration PxPx.
Table9.2.Size of the first drop of typeA1 in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag
Syllables
Counts
Akv
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
35
27
25
6
1
37.23
28.72
26.60
6.38
1.06
24
192
74
10
2
7.95
63.58
24.50
3.31
0.66
1517
434
77
6
1
74.55
21.33
3.78
0.29
0.05
Total
94
100
302
100
2035
100
Akvs affinity with fornyrislag and its concomitant divergence from mlahttr are
also evinced by the proportions of word-initial and word-final monosyllables occurring in the first drop of the configuration PxPx (Tables 9.3 and 8.3, section8.1.1). In
Akv and fornyrislag, word-finals prevail over word-initials, whereas the reverse
pattern obtains in mlahttr. Specifically, the p-value of 0.573 requires us to maintain
the null hypothesis that Akv and fornyrislag do not differ significantly in their privileging of word-finals as realizations of the monosyllabic drop in the configuration
PxPx. By contrast, faced with p<0.001, we must conclude that Akv is diametrically
502
opposed to mlahttr in its preference for word-finals over word-initials in the same
position. Yet, in regard to verse distinction, Akv differs from fornyrislag in organizing
the opposition between word-initials and word-finals: while the a-verse is associated
more closely with word-initials than the b-verse in fornyrislag (p<0.001; Table2.2,
section 2.1.1), no comparable differentiation seems to be in effect in Akv, in which
the b-verses apparently stronger preference for word-finals is not of statistical significance (p=0.477). Thus, the distinction between word-finals and word-initials is
neutral to verse distribution in Akv.
Table9.3.Composition of the monosyllabic first drop of PxPx
First drop
-x#
#x#
A-verse
B-verse
Total
8 (34.78%)
6 (50.00%)
15 (65.22%)
6 (50.00%)
23 (100%)
12 (100%)
Much as with fornyrislag (section2.1.1), Akv is involved in the correlation between the
size of the first drop and verse distribution whereby the a-verse displays a closer association with the polysyllabic first drop than does the b-verse (p=0.009; Table9.4).
Unlike fornyrislag, however, the b-verse fails to be correlated positively to the monosyllabic realization of the first drop: in Akv, the b-verse must be characterized as
lacking a particular inclination as regards the parameter of the monosyllabic versus
polysyllabic contrast. This lack of association between the b-verse and the monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 is hardly surprising, given that both the word-initial and
word-final syllables have been found to be independent of the verse distinction in
this meter (Table9.3).
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
Single alliteration
8 (57.14%)
9 (52.94%)
10 (55.56%)
4 (80.00%)
0 (0%)
A-verse
Double alliteration
14 (40.00%)
17 (62.96%)
18 (72.00%)
5 (83.33%)
1 (100%)
6 (42.86%)
8 (47.06%)
8 (44.44%)
1 (20.00%)
1 (100%)
B-verse
Total
21 (60.00%)
35 (100%)
10 (37.04%)
27 (100%)
7 (28.00%)
25 (100%)
1 (16.67%)
6 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
503
Taking into consideration the foregoing examinations in overall terms, we are led
to analyze the configuration PxPx as a four-position form, / / , with a single
drop standing between the lifts, and accordingly to identify it as typeA1, as opposed
to type A1* (/ / ). As further indications of the metrical affinity of Akv with
fornyrislag, we may draw attention to the presence of the two major variants of
typeA1, subtypeA1s and typeA1-. It may be recalled that neither of them is attested
in mlahttr (apart from a single instance of subtypeA1s with anacrusis; see below).
There are eight examples of subtype A1s (including two examples with anacrusis),
as follows:3 Akv 5.1 Vll lz ycr oc mundo gefa, 8.4 hygg ec, at hon vornu byi, 16.6
slheia daga, 16.12 ltir ormgar koma, 28.4 menvor bituls, 39.1 Gulli seri, 42.6
fiarghs ruco, 43.7 banor bori. It should be noted that the examples attested in Akv
include several prototypical variants of the subtype in question, which cannot be
scanned in any another way. This is in sharp contrast to mlahttr, in which there is no
prototypical instance of this configuration. The sole instance of subtypeA1s attested
in it (Am 73.3 kn gengr hnefi; section8.1.2) is atypical in two significant respects.
First, it is expanded with anacrusis. Second, the first drop is realized by a class 2
word, rather than the second element of a compound noun (-S#) or an unstressed
word-final syllable (-x#).
Another feature of Akv that differentiates it from mlahttr is the existence of the
configuration PxP, corresponding to the catalectic variant of typeA1 (i.e., typeA1-)
in fornyrislag. Seven instances are attested, as follows: Akv 6.8 annat slct, 7.2 svera
full, 15.1 Systir fann eira snemst, 31.1 Lifanda gram, 31.2 lagi gar, 32.2 lanz sns
vit, 33.2 Atla gogn.
The proportions of the two marked variants of type A1 (all without anacrusis),
namely, those of subtypeA1s to typeA1 on the one hand, and of typeA1- to typeA1 on
the other, as summarized in Table9.5, differ significantly between Akv and mlahttr
(p<0.001 both for subtypeA1s and typeA1-), but not between Akv and fornyrislag
(p = 0.059 for subtype A1s and p = 0.199 for type A1-). Thus, these two variants of
typeA1 are as likely to occur in Akv as in fornyrislag without appreciable distinction
in probability.
In conclusion, the existence of the configurations Pxpx (subtypeA1s) and PxP
(typeA1-) in Akv, in parallel to fornyrislag and in contrast to their total absence in
mlahttr, can be adduced as further evidence for grouping Akv with fornyrislag.
3Akv 8.4 and 16.12 might appear to be ambiguous: they could be scanned as subtype A1s with
anacrusis or typeB with the resolved second lift. By the same token, verse 16.6 might be regarded as
typeE with the resolved second lift. Given the incompatibility of the verse-final lift with resolution in
fornyrislag, however, these verses would be better identified as subtypeA1s with anacrusis. Notice
that the configuration PSx is qualified for occupying the first two positions of typeA1 / (e.g., Akv
27.6 rgmlmi scatna; note2). This gives added plausibility to the scansion of Akv 16.6 as subtypeA1s,
because typeA1 and subtypeA1 are largely equivalent in the composition of the first two positions.
504
Table9.5.Occurrences of PxPx, Pxpx, and PxP in Akv, Am, and fornyrislag

Configuration
Akv
Mlahttr
Fornyrislag
PxPx
Pxpx
PxP
94
6
7
302
0
0
2035
284
268
9.1.2Type aA1 (/ /)
As exemplified below, fifty examples of the configuration xPxPx are found in Akv.4
(4)
Akv 1.5 at grom kom hann Gica [x#Px#x#x#Px]

Akv 16.2 at brynio frir [x#x#x#Px#Px]
Akv 33.3 me gyltom klki [x#Px#Px]
Akv differs from mlahttr in verse distribution (p=0.001; Table9.6): while the configuration xPxPx displays a closer association with the b-verse than with the a-verse
in both, the correlation involved is not as conspicuous in Akv as in mlahttr. On
the other hand, the alliterative pattern is nondistinct (p = 1). Similarly, Akv is distinguished from fornyrislag in verse distribution (p=0.038), but not in alliterative
pattern (p = 0.220). Thus, we recognize a three-graded distinction in the extent to
which the configuration in question is associated with the b-verse, arranged in order
of weakening association, as follows: mlahttr > Akv > fornyrislag; fornyrislag displays no particular preference for either verse. Thus, Akv may be characterized as
sharing with mlahttr the same distributional properties of the configuration x
PxPx, but in a weaker manifestation.
4A-verse with single alliteration (7 examples): Akv 3.5, 6.3, 16.11, 19.7, 30.1, 33.3, 42.3; a-verse with
double alliteration (4 examples): Akv 1.5, 8.1, 17.5, 27.9; b-verse (39 examples): Akv 1.6, 1.8, 2.2, 4.2, 4.4,
5.4, 6.2, 7.8, 7.12, 9.4, 9.8, 10.4, 11.4, 11.8, 12.4, 13.2, 13.6, 14.2, 14.14, 16.2, 16.8, 18.4, 21.2, 22.4, 24.2, 24.6,
27.12, 30.2, 30.4, 30.8, 33.6, 35.4, 35.6, 36.4, 36.8, 41.2, 41.4, 41.6, 42.2.
505
Table9.6.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPxPx in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag
Meter
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Akv
7 (63.64%)
Mlahttr
2 (50.00%)
Fornyrislag
4 (33.33%)
11 (22.00%)
4 (36.36%)
4 (3.92%)
2 (50.00%)
12 (46.15%)
8 (66.67%)
B-verse
Total
39 (78.00%)
50 (100%)
98 (96.08%)
102 (100%)
14 (53.85%)
26 (100%)
The size of anacrusis in Akv in terms of the number of syllables involved does not
differ from that in mlahttr (p=0.580) and fornyrislag (p=0.432), as measured by
the proportions of monosyllables to polysyllables (Table9.7). And as in mlahttr and
fornyrislag, the distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse does not have any
bearing on the size of anacrusis in Akv (p=0.728), either.
Table9.7.Verse distinction according to size of anacrusis in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag
Syllables
A-verse
Akv
B-verse
Total
A-verse
Mlahttr
B-verse
Total
Fornyrislag
A-verse
B-verse
Total
8
25
33
3
69
72
11
9
20
(24.24%) (75.76%) (100%) (4.17%) (95.83%) (100%) (55.00%) (45.00%) (100%)
1
10
11
1
25
26
1
4
5
(9.09%) (90.91%) (100%) (3.85%) (96.15%) (100%) (20.00%) (80.00%) (100%)
1
4
5
(20.00%) (80.00%) (100%)
1
(100%)
0
(0%)
1
(100%)
0
(0%)
4
(100%)
4
(100%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
1
1
(100%) (100%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
In regard to the varying size of the drop between the lifts, particularly with respect
to the opposition between monosyllabic and polysyllabic realizations, the position
in question tends to be shorter in the anacrustic configuration (xPxPx) than in
the corresponding one without anacrusis (PxPx): the first drop is more likely to be
monosyllabic with anacrusis than without, with a p-value of 0.001 (compare Tables
9.2 and 9.8). Such a contrast is shared by mlahttr (p<0.001; Table8.2, section8.1.1,
and Table8.9, section8.1.2) and by fornyrislag (p=0.001; section3.1). The pattern
of variation (or the lack thereof), however, groups Akv with mlahttr (p=0.170) and
separates it from fornyrislag (p<0.001), as fornyrislag has a fixed value (monosyllable) on this parameter.
506
Table9.8.Size of the first drop of xPxPx

Syllables
Counts
1
2
3
33
13
4
66.00
26.00
8.00
Total
50
100
Unlike the syllable numbers, the proportion of word-initial and word-final syllables
(Table9.9) does not differ between with and without anacrusis (p=0.094; Table9.3,
section9.1.1): in either configuration, then, the word-final -x# may be characterized
as an unmarked realization of the first drop because of its greater incidence. Thus,
Akv does not share with mlahttr the closest association between anacrusis and the
word-final syllable (section8.1.2). Given the lack of distinction between the two kinds
of monosyllables in regard to the susceptibility to anacrusis, it may be justified to
examine whether or not anacrusis correlates to the verse distribution of the configuration PxPx in general in disregard of the composition of the monosyllabic first drop.
As a comparison of Tables 9.3 (section9.1.1) and 9.9 readily indicates, the anacrustic
variant (xPxPx) is more likely to occur in the b-verse than the regular one (PxPx)
with a p-value of 0.031. Accordingly, somewhat similar to mlahttr if not to a comparably overwhelming extent (section8.1.2), anacrusis may be characterized as significantly associated with the b-verse in Akv.
Table9.9.Composition of the monosyllabic first drop of xPxPx
First drop
-x#
#x#
A-verse
B-verse
Total
4 (14.29%)
1 (20.00%)
24 (85.71%)
4 (80.00%)
28 (100%)
5 (100%)
In conclusion, the configuration xPxPx may most reasonably be scanned as

typeA1 with anacrusis: there is simply no indication that proves otherwise. With the
bias of this configuration to the b-verse as is commonly involved in Am, Akv may be
characterized as closer to mlahttr than to fornyrislag in this respect.
507
9.1.3Types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \)

Type A2a occurs four times: we find three examples of the configuration PSPx and
one of PPPx. In addition, there are two further examples with anacrusis. On the other
hand, typeA2b is instantiated by five instances of the configuration PxPS. Examples
of both types are provided below:5
(5)
Akv 32.7 vpnsngr vira [PS#Px]

Akv 30.6 oc at Sigts bergi [x#x#PS#Px]
Akv 7.1 Siau eigo vi salhs [P#xx#x#PS]
Akv 2.8 sat hann becc hm [P#x#x#P#P]
Although lacking statistical significance presumably because of the small sample size
involved, the configurations PSPx (excluding the two b-verses with anacrusis, given its
positive association with the b-verse) and PxPS appear to share the two features that are
characteristic of types A2a and A2b, respectively, in fornyrislag (Table9.10): the strong
association with the a-verse and double alliteration. Of further interest, the prototypical
variants of the two types are attested, for example, Akv 7.1 Siau eigo vi salhs (typeA2b),
31.7 heiptmr, hrpo (typeA2a), in which the heavy drop is occupied by the second elements of common compound nouns. This is in sharp contrast to mlahttr, which fails
to attest such representative examples (section8.1.3). Overall, then, we may be led to
conclude that Akv has at its disposal both types A2a and A2b in line with fornyrislag.
Table9.10.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of (x)PSPx, PxPS, and PxPx
Configuration
(x)PSPx
PSPx
PxPS
PxPx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (25.00%)
4 (66.67%)
4 (100%)
4 (80.00%)
4 (100%)
4 (100%)
3 (75.00%)
55 (59.14%)
30 (54.55%)
25 (45.45%)
B-verse
Total
2 (33.33%)
6 (100%)
0 (0%)
4 (100%)
1 (20.00%)
5 (100%)
38 (40.86%)
93 (100%)
5PSPx/PPPx, a-verse with double alliteration (4 examples): Akv 31.7, 32.7, 40.1, 42.5; b-verse
(2 xamples): Akv 5.8 (with anacrusis), 30.6 (with anacrusis).

PxPS, a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Akv 33.1; a-verse with double alliteration
(3examples): Akv 2.5, 7.1, 13.5; b-verse (1 example): Akv 2.8.
508
9.1.4Type A3 ([/] /)
Akv offers nineteen examples of the configuration xPx (including one instance of
xPS), as exemplified below.6
(6)
Akv 12.5 qva at inn ri [x#x#x#x#Px]

Akv 16.13 n er s ormgarr [x#x#x#PS]
Akv 26.8 lifira n Hgni [xxx#x#Px]
Akv 31.10 sv scal gulli [x#x#Px]
In addition, two instances of the catalectic variant, type A3-, are also found, as
follows:
(7)
Akv 19.5 sv scal frcn [x#x#P]

Akv 32.1 Atli lt [P(=x)x#P]
The size of the initial upbeat ranges from two to four syllables, as indicated in Table9.11.
Among the three values thus represented, disyllables and trisyllables account for
more than 80% of the total attestations in Akv, much as in fornyrislag, whereas the
whole population is constituted by trisyllables and quadrisyllables in mlahttr. The
close similarity between Akv and fornyrislag in the pattern of variation of the initial
drop is confirmed on statistical grounds: the Kendall rank correlation coefficient and
the p-value are 0.894 and 0.027, respectively, for Akv and fornyrislag; by contrast, the
same coefficient and the attending p-value are 0.674 and 0.150 for Akv and mlahttr.
We may therefore conclude that the variation pattern of the initial upbeat in Akv is
largely similar to that in fornyrislag and conversely dissimilar to that in mlahttr.
Since the difference between mlahttr and fornyrislag in composition of the
configuration xPx resides in the distinct numbers of drops involved, namely, two in
mlahttr and one in fornyrislag, it follows that the corresponding verse form in Akv
contains a single drop in its underlying metrical representation, which can now be
identified as typeA3 (/) / .
6A-verse (16 examples): Akv 5.7, 10.1, 12.5, 16.13, 22.1, 23.1, 23.5, 23.7, 25.1, 25.5, 25.7, 26.1, 27.1, 27.3,
29.1, 43.5; b-verse (3 examples): Akv 26.8, 31.10, 41.8.
509
Table9.11.Size of the first drop of xPx in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag

Syllables
Counts
Akv
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
6
0
5
11
3
0
0
0
26.32
57.89
15.79
0
0
0
0
5
3
0
0
0
0
62.50
37.50
0
0
3
211
312
57
8
1
0.51
35.64
52.70
9.63
1.35
0.17
Total
19
100
100
592
100
Faced with our postulation of one drop, one might object that the minimal configuration
xPx is not attested at all in Akv contrary to expectation and in contrast to fornyrislag.
Statistically, however, the complete absence of the minimal configuration in Akv cannot
be adduced as a well-founded refutation of our analysis. The proportion of 0 monosyllables to 19 polysyllables in Akv as it stands does not differ significantly from that of
7 to 671 in fornyrislag (Table2.21, section2.3.1), with a p-value of 1 (Table9.11). The
postulation of the same underlying representation for the configuration xPx in Akv
as in fornyrislag, therefore, can be claimed as firmly grounded on statistical grounds.
The foregoing examination, then, has the following implication for determining
the metrical affinity of Akv. As far as the metrical organization of the configuration x
Px is concerned, Akv closely follows fornyrislag in opposition to mlahttr.
9.1.5Type B (/ /)
The configuration xPxP occurs ten times three a-verses with single alliteration
and seven b-verses in Akv, as exemplified below:7
(8)
Akv 27.11 heldr enn hndom gull [x#x#x#Px#P]

Akv 38.6 er hon va grt [x#x#Px#P]
The 10 occurrences in the sample size of 348 verses in Akv make a significant difference from the single instance in the population of 760 verses in mlahttr (p<0.001).
At the same time, Akv also differs from fornyrislag by the significantly lower presence
of typeB (p<0.001): in fornyrislag, there are 451 typeB verses in the corpus of 5998
verses. Altogether, the likelihood of typeBs occurrence is generalized in scalar terms
7A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): Akv 19.3, 26.5, 27.11; b-verse (7 examples): Akv 14.4,
23.8, 23.10, 25.8, 25.10, 38.6, 38.10.
510
in order of decreasing frequency, as follows: fornyrislag > Akv > mlahttr. Given the
significant differences in occurrence from mlahttr and fornyrislag alike, Akv cannot
be regarded as more akin to one or the other as far as the use of typeB is concerned.
Type B in Akv differs from fornyrislag not only in its incidence as pointed out
above, but also in its structural properties. First, it is more likely to occur in the
b-verse in Akv than in fornyrislag: the proportion of 3 a-verses to 7 b-verses in Akv
differs significantly from that of 334 to 117 in fornyrislag (Table2.35, section2.7), with
a p-value of 0.005. Second, the first drop is composed differently in its size: as shown
in Table9.12, the disyllabic and the trisyllabic first drop constitute a vast majority in
Akv, whereas the monosyllabic and the disyllabic one prevail in fornyrislag.
Based on the last-mentioned property, we might be inclined to identify the configuration xPxP as typeB* ( / /). Yet, in view of the argument adduced for
identification of the configuration xPPx (typeC) in the following section, we should
best characterize it as typeB with an expanded range of the first drop, a verse type
that has yet to be recategorized as typeB* but is subject to a somewhat comparable
expansion in terms of surface realizations.
This analysis is motivated by the significant difference between the two types
in question types B and C in terms of the size of the first drop in fornyrislag on
the one hand and their indistinguishability in Akv on the other: while the first drop
of type B tends to be materialized in larger shape than that of type C in fornyris
lag, no comparable distinction holds in Akv. Specifically, in fornyrislag we count
215 (47.67%) and 820 (61.06%) examples of types B and C, respectively, both with the
monosyllabic first drop, against the total populations of 451 and 1343, respectively.
With a p-value of less than 0.001, typeC is more likely to start with a single unstressed
syllable than typeB. By contrast, the corresponding distributions of the two types in
Akv are 1 to 9 for typeB and 17 to 34 for typeC; accordingly, with a p-value of 0.256,
the two types do not differ in the size of the first drop. Since typeC does not share the
property of the polysyllabic first drop overwhelmingly prevailing over the monosyllabic in the way that is characteristic of mlahttr, it cannot be equated with typeC*,
as demonstrated in the following section. Given the lack of statistical difference from
typeC as substantiated above, then, typeB, too, must be characterized in analogous
terms in Akv, namely, as typeB, rather than typeB*.
Table9.12.Size of the first drop of typeB in Akv and fornyrislag
Syllables
1
2
3
4
Total
Counts
Akv
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
5
3
1
10.00
50.00
30.00
10.00
215
216
18
2
47.67
47.89
3.99
0.44
10
100
451
100
511
9.1.6Type C (/ /)
There are fifty-one examples of the configurations in Akv that correspond to typeC in
fornyrislag, as represented below.8
(9)
Akv 6.7 at er vi ttima [x#x#x#Pxx]

Akv 13.7 rco eir vannstyggva [xx#x#PSx]
Akv 15.2 at eir sal qvmo [x#x#x#P#Px]
In regard to verse distribution and alliterative pattern (Table9.13), Akv differs from
mlahttr and fornyrislag in complementary ways: it is distinguished in terms
of verse distribution (p = 0.027) from fornyrislag by its marked preference for the
b-verse, and alliterative pattern (p<0.001) from mlahttr by the preponderance of
single alliteration, respectively, while it hardly differs from either in the other parameter, that is, in alliterative pattern with p=0.739 as against fornyrislag, and in verse
distribution with p=0.056 from mlahttr. This clustering of distinctive versus nondistinctive parameters involving Akv and fornyrislag constitutes the opposite of the
one that mlahttr and fornyrislag display in relation to each other (section8.1.6):
while indistinguishable in terms of verse distribution (p=1), they differ significantly
in alliterative pattern by the mirror-image preferences (p<0.001). In this light, defying
reduction to either mlahttr or fornyrislag, Akv should be characterized on its own
terms as far as the configuration xPPx including its variants is concerned relative to
its two major distributional parameters.
Table9.13.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC and its analogs in Akv, mlahttr, and
fornyrislag
Meter
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
Akv
12 (23.53%)
10 (83.33%)
2 (16.67%)
39 (76.47%)
51 (100%)
Mlahttr
49 (38.89%)
6 (12.24%)
43 (87.76%)
77 (61.11%)
126 (100%)
529 (39.39%)
397 (75.05%)
132 (24.95%)
814 (60.61%)
1343 (100%)
Fornyrislag
8A-verse with single alliteration (10 examples): Akv 6.7, 13.7, 18.3, 27.7, 28.1, 28.3, 34.3, 38.5, 39.7,
40.5; a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Akv 26.3, 41.1; b-verse (39 examples): Akv 3.2, 3.6,
3.8, 5.6, 6.4, 6.6, 8.2, 8.6, 8.8 (with the short first lift), 9.2, 9.6, 10.2, 12.8, 14.10, 14.16, 15.2, 15.6, 16.4,
18.2, 19.4, 20.2, 21.4, 27.2, 27.4, 27.10, 31.6, 31.12, 33.4, 37.2, 37.6, 37.10, 38.8, 39.2, 39.4, 39.8, 40.6, 40.8,
42.4, 42.10.
512
The number of syllables appearing in the first drop of this configuration ranges
between one and five (Table9.14). This range of variation in Akv is more spread out
than in mlahttr and fornyrislag: not only does it now extend up to five syllables, but
also a single-peaked distribution pattern as represented in mlahttr and fornyris
lag is replaced by a multipronged, relatively flat modulation. While disyllables and
monosyllables constitute an overwhelming majority in mlahttr and fornyrislag,
respectively, monosyllables and trisyllables rank first and second by a minimum difference in Akv; furthermore, these two peaks stand above the third ranking category,
disyllables, only marginally, whereas the corresponding distance between the second
and third ranking classes is further apart in the other two. More concretely, while over
90% of the total is represented by two adjacent numbers of syllables in mlahttr and
fornyrislag disyllables and trisyllables in mlahttr and monosyllables and disyllables in fornyrislag the comparable majority is spread over the three-syllable range,
from monosyllables to trisyllables in Akv. Akv thus seems to be a hybrid of the two
distinct patterns obtained in the other two corpora: the combination of monosyllables
and disyllables in Akv accounts for virtually the same proportion as that of disyllables
and trisyllables in the same poem. This ambivalent nature of the configurations represented by xPPx in Akv might accordingly lead us to postulate the two concurring
representations, typeC (/ /) on the one hand, and typeC* ( / /) on the other.
Alternatively, we might be tempted to posit a single type, typeC/C*, to emphasize its
structural ambivalence.
In view of a close parallelism to typeA1, however, we may want to adopt a third
solution. As may be recalled, the first drop of type A1 in Akv displays a wider and
flatter profile of variation in terms of syllable numbers occurring in the first drop than
in mlahttr and fornyrislag (Table9.2, section9.1.1). As far as absolute counts, rather
than ranking, are concerned, this pattern may thus be characterized as a hybrid of the
two meters. In this sense, the composition of typeA1 in Akv proves to be analogous
to that of the configuration xPPx under consideration here. While this configuration is implicated in no further variation of the first drop, the configuration PxPx is
subject to an array of variations, which converge to indicate that it should be identified overall as typeA1, rather than typeA1*. Given this identification that is based on
richer empirical grounds, and in the absence of evidence to the contrary concerning
the configuration xPPx, we may be justified in categorizing it as typeC in analogous
structural terms and regarding its expanded realizations as a matter of surface variations that fall short of being encoded with a categorical status in the metrical system.
In other words, typeC in Akv is still in the process of shifting to typeC* and finds
itself in a stage in which a recategorization as typeC* as in mlahttr has yet to be
accomplished.
513
Table9.14.Size of the first drop of typeC in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag

Syllables
Counts
Akv
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
17
14
18
1
1
33.33
27.45
35.29
1.96
1.96
6
72
42
6
0
4.76
57.14
33.33
4.76
0
820
458
63
2
0
61.06
34.10
4.69
0.15
0
Total
51
100
126
100
1343
100
Similar to mlahttr and in distinction from fornyrislag, the size of the first drop
is not correlated to the distribution of the a-verse and the b-verse in any significant
manner (Table9.15): regardless of the number of syllables aligned to the first drop,
the b-verse appears to be prevailing, although the small sample size prevents us from
making a statistically valid inference on this pattern. Overall, however, the preference
for the b-verse proves to be statistically confirmed (p=0.007).
Table9.15.Size of the first drop of typeC and verse distinction in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag
Akv
Syllables
A-verse
B-verse
Mlahttr
Total
A-verse
B-verse
Fornyrislag
Total
A-verse
B-verse
Total
3
14
17
(17.65%) (82.35%) (100%)
1
5
6
(16.67%) (83.33%) (100%)
223
597
820
(27.20%) (72.80%) (100%)
4
10
14
(28.57%) (71.43%) (100%)
30
42
72
(41.67%) (58.33%) (100%)
262
196
458
(57.21%) (42.79%) (100%)
5
13
18
(27.78%) (72.22%) (100%)
14
28
42
(33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
43
20
63
(68.25%) (31.75%) (100%)
4
2
6
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
1
1
2
(50.00%) (50.00%) (100%)
0
(0%)
1
1
(100%) (100%)
0
(0%)
1
1
(100%) (100%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
The rich variety of type C in fornyrislag undergoes standardization in mlahttr

(section8.1.6): the three major parameters that are responsible for the wide-ranging
variation in fornyrislag, syllable length (for the first and second lifts) and stress
degrees (for the second lift) become largely fixed in mlahttr, so that the first lift is
realized by the long (primary-stressed) syllable (P) at the expense of the resolved one
(px), on the one hand, and the second lift is occupied by the long primary-stressed
syllable (P) to the exclusion of short syllables (p, s, x) and weaker stresses (S, s, X, x),
on the other.
514
For the sake of exposition, let us begin by focusing on stress distinction of the
second lift. With the disqualification of nonprimary-stressed syllables from alignment to the second lift, the configurations xPPx/xPpx with both lifts realized
by primary-stressed syllables come closest to being the sole variants of this type
in mlahttr (section 8.1.6). As shown in Table 9.16, however, Akv does not follow
mlahttr in this respect: with a p-value of less than 0.001, the degree of concentration on the primary-stressed second lift is not as outstanding in Akv as in mlahttr;
rather, given p=0.240, Akv is characterized as no different from fornyrislag in this
regard.
Table9.16.Occurrences of typeC (or typeC*) variants according to stress on the second lift in Akv,
mlahttr, and fornyrislag
Akv
Counts
Stress
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
Primary (P/p)
Secondary (S/s)
Unstressed (X/x)
36
10
5
70.59
19.61
9.80
122
4
0
96.83
3.17
0
825
357
161
61.43
26.58
11.99
Total
51
100
126
100
1343
100
Let us move on to the second manifestation of the standardization of type C in

mlahttr, whereby the second lift is predominantly aligned to a long syllable, as is
evidenced by the enormously increased presence of the configuration xPPx with
the long first and second lifts at the expense of the traditionally dominant xPpx
with the short second. In this respect, Akv can be regarded as closer to mlahttr than
to fornyrislag, as shown in Table9.17: contrary to the relation between the primarystressed second lift and the less prominent counterparts, the distribution of the two
primary-stressed variants in question long and short syllables in Akv is not definitely different from that in mlahttr (p=0.069), whereas it is significantly different
from fornyrislag (p<0.001). The long second lift seems to be privileged in Akv to a
comparable extent to which it is in mlahttr. The distribution pattern of the primarystressed long and short syllables in the second lift, then, indicates that Akv is more
similar to mlahttr on this parameter.
Table9.17.Occurrences of xPPx and xPpx in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag
Syllable
Counts
Akv
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
Long (P)
Short (p)
24
4
85.71
14.29
113
5
95.76
4.24
162
280
36.65
63.35
Total
28
100
118
100
442
100
515
The third consequence that the regularization of typeC in mlahttr brings about is
the radical decrease of the resolved first lift in comparison with the long one. Table9.18
shows the occurrence of these two minimally distinct configurations, xpxPx and
xPPx. As it turns out, Akv apparently follows mlahttr in favoring the long first
lift in opposition to fornyrislag, which displays a contrary preference pattern for
the resolved counterpart (p<0.001). Between Akv and mlahttr, however, there is
in evidence a significant difference in the relative proportion of the two configurations: Akv is distinguished from mlahttr by a weaker association with the long first
lift (p<0.001). Thus, the parameter of the resolved versus long first lift situates Akv
between the two extremes that are represented by mlahttr and fornyrislag, respectively.
Table9.18.Occurrences of xpxPx and xPPx in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag
Syllable
Counts
Akv
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
Long
Resolved
24
8
75.00
25.00
113
4
96.58
3.42
162
382
29.78
70.22
Total
32
100
117
100
544
100
We are thus confronted with the seemingly contradictory situation. The three parameters concerning the standardization of type C point to the diametrically opposite
groupings as regards the metrical affinity of Akv. On the one hand, the relatively small
extent to which the primary-stressed second lift prevails over the other less prominent
variants groups Akv with fornyrislag in opposition to mlahttr. On the other hand,
the large presence of the long primary-stressed syllable in the second lift relative to
that of the short one, and the diminished occurrence of resolution on the first lift,
show that Akv is more akin to mlahttr. Still more complicating is that, while apparently favoring the long first lift over the resolved one, this association does not prove
to be as close as in the case of mlahttr. The three parameters on the composition of
typeC thus argue for the conflicting groupings.
Given that the regularization of typeC in mlahttr is driven pervasively by the
unification of the three major variants of the optimal cadence / under the unmarked
variant Px (sections 8.3 and 8.4), the ambivalent character of Akv may plausibly be
interpreted as a consequence of a staged or graded implementation of the standardization, or simply a reflection of a less than full attempt at and execution of regularization. In this light, we may infer that, with the increasing role of the string Px
in metrical organization, the regularization would have been enforced differentially
depending on stress. More specifically, it operates foremost on the prototypical group
of typeC that ends in Px or its minimally distinct opposite, px, namely, the pair of
configurations xPPx (including xpxPx) and xPpx. In other words, the primary
516
target for standardization is the primary-stressed short disyllable, which is immediately opposed to the canonical form Px to be established. Accordingly, the configuration xPpx is prioritized in the metrical reorganization because of the direct target
for regularization it embodies. The suppression of the resolved variant, xpxPx,
however, does not constitute the immediate object to be eliminated, simply because
it ends exactly in the optimal cadence variant Px. By virtue of the structural integrity
with the configuration xPpx in the mechanism of composition, however, it is consequentially dissociated from the resolution that it has had the conventional privilege of
undergoing, as elucidated in section8.4 above. It may be conceivable that this difference in relation to the optimal cadence Px whether the two endings involved constitute the direct opposition or not would have given rise to the distinction between the
two paired configurations xPpx and xpxPx in yielding to the reorganization in
question.
The apparent ambivalence that concerns the three parameters on the standardization of typeC variants thus proves to be resolvable by assuming that Akv has not
yet organized the cadence of typeC as fully as mlahttr, and that it is still in an early
stage of the reorganization. As may be recalled, there are further indications of the
mixed character of Akv in the treatment of typeC. On the one hand, the lack of correlation between the size of the first drop and verse distribution, and concomitantly the
constant dominance of the b-verse, group Akv with mlahttr. On the other hand, the
hybrid nature of the variation of the first drop, which may lead us to posit typeC that
is involved in the ongoing process of shifting to typeC*, compels us to acknowledge
the persistent continuity with fornyrislag. In conclusion, then, we must characterize the meter of Akv as standing at the intersection of mlahttr and fornyrislag in
regard to the organization of the configuration xPPx, which is irreducible to one or
the other.
Finally, we should note that there are three examples of the catalectic variant
of typeC, as follows: Akv 7.10 kominn r hll Kirs, 28.6 til daus sccr, 31.3 ann er
scriinn var. We have thus the proportion of 3 catalectic to 51 full in Akv. The corresponding figures for mlahttr and fornyrislag are 1 to 126, and 77 to 1343, respectively. Fishers exact test gives p=0.080 for the pair of Akv and mlahttr, p=1 for that
of Akv and fornyrislag, and p=0.018 for that of mlahttr and fornyrislag. While
mlahttr and fornyrislag differ significantly, the differences involving the other two
pairs do not at a significance level of 0.05. In this sense, Akv may be characterized
as standing at a midpoint between, and intersecting with, the two meters. The frequency with which the catalectic variant of typeC occurs relative to the full counterpart in Akv therefore vindicates the metrical status of Akv as a hybrid of mlahttr and
fornyrislag (fornyrislag/mlahttr), rather than a peripheral variant that is reducible exclusively to one of the two.
517
9.1.7Type D (/ / )
There are twelve examples of the configurations that can be scanned as typeD, as
exemplified below.9
(10)
Akv 14.6 sleginn sessmeiom [px#PSx]

Akv 26.7 hodd Niflunga [P#PXx]
Akv 34.5 gumar gransir [px#PSx]
As shown in Table9.19, Akv does not differ significantly from mlahttr either in verse
distribution (p=0.694) or in alliterative pattern (p=1). By contrast, it diverges from
fornyrislag with respect to verse distribution (p=0.032), though not in alliterative
pattern (p=1). On the other hand, mlahttr cannot be distinguished from fornyris
lag on either parameter (section 8.1.7). In view of the p-value of 0.078 that obtains
for these two in regard to verse distribution, and also of the small sample size of
mlahttr, we might conjecture that this meter, too, should differ from fornyrislag in
verse distinction. In any event, Akv does not follow fornyrislag in verse distribution
of typeD.
Table9.19.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag
Meter
Akv
Mlahttr
Fornyrislag
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
3 (25.00%)
12 (100%)
11 (64.71%)
8 (72.73%)
6 (35.29%)
17 (100%)
129 (39.94%)
45 (34.88%)
84 (65.12%)
194 (60.06%)
323 (100%)
3 (33.33%)
3 (27.27%)
9 (75.00%)
6 (66.67%)
An outstanding property of this configuration is the preponderance of resolution on

the first lift: 7 out of a total of 12 verses (58.33%) are resolved, as shown in note9. This
pattern is reminiscent of that found in mlahttr (section8.1.7), where the proportion
of the resolved variants is still higher (13 out of 17 excluding anacrustic verses, 76.47%,
or 17 out of 23 including anacrustic ones, 73.91%). The two distributions, however, do
not differ significantly (p=0.422, with anacrusis excluded; p=0.451, with anacrusis
9A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): Akv 26.7, 29.3*, 31.11; a-verse with double alliteration
(6 examples): Akv 4.7*, 7.7*, 14.9*, 16.7*, 34.5*, 42.7; b-verse (3 examples): Akv 14.6*, 29.2, 43.6. * =
resolved on the first lift.
518
included). On the other hand, Akv differs from fornyrislag in this respect (p<0.001),
of course, exactly as does mlahttr.
In addition, as exemplified below, six verses constitute catalectic variants of
typeD.10
(11)
Akv 21.6 syni ians [px#Px]

Akv 37.7 gullz milendr [P#PS]
Akv 37.9 manar meita [px#Px]
The existence of the 6 catalectic variants of typeD as against that of the 12 full ones
in Akv makes a sharp contrast with mlahttr, in which this type is immune to catalexis (0 catalectic vs. 17 full; section8.1.7). The difference concerned proves to be of
statistical significance (p=0.019). Akv differs in this respect from fornyrislag, too, in
which the proportion of the catalectic variant is far lower (30 typeD- vs. 323 typeD;
section2.11), with a p-value of 0.004. On the other hand, mlahttr and fornyrislag
are not distinguishable on this parameter (p=0.380). Thus, the relatively frequent
occurrence of the catalectic variant of typeD in Akv accords it a distinct status of its
own by distancing it equally from the two meters; correspondingly, on this parameter
Akv cannot be characterized as intermediary between mlahttr and fornyrislag, as
on many others.
In contrast to its involvement in shortening by catalexis, typeD is not expanded
with anacrusis. The total absence of anacrusis in Akv, however, does not make a statistically significant difference from mlahttr (p = 0.074) and fornyrislag (p = 1),
in which this type receives anacrusis (sections 3.1 and 8.1.7). The latter two meters,
on the other hand, are distinguished from each other (p<0.001), whereby anacrusis
is more likely to occur in mlahttr. With respect to anacrusis, then, Akv intersects
with mlahttr and fornyrislag in such a way that it may be viewed as their hybrid, a
recurrent characterization of Akv.
9.1.8Type D* (/ / )
This type, as exemplified below, is instantiated by seventy-two examples.11
10A-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Akv 37.7; a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Akv 32.3, 37.9; b-verse (3 examples): Akv 19.8, 21.6, 25.2.
11A-verse with single alliteration (8 examples, including 3 with anacrusis): Akv 1.7, 3.7 (with anacrusis), 4.3, 14.13 (with anacrusis), 16.3 (with anacrusis), 16.9, 23.9, 25.9; a-verse with double alliteration (40 examples, including 4 with anacrusis): Akv 2.1, 2.3, 2.7, 3.3, 4.5, 5.3 (with anacrusis), 7.5, 7.9,
8.5, 9.7, 10.3, 11.3, 11.5, 11.7, 12.1, 12.3, 13.3, 14.5, 14.11, 14.15 (with anacrusis), 15.7 (with anacrusis), 21.5,
22.3, 24.3, 24.5, 30.5 (with anacrusis), 30.7, 33.7, 34.1, 35.1, 35.5, 36.3, 36.7, 38.3, 38.7, 38.9, 41.3, 41.5, 41.7,
42.9; b-verse (24 examples, including 3 with anacrusis): Akv 3.4, 4.6, 4.8, 5.2, 7.6 (with anacrusis), 11.2,
(12)
519
Akv 4.3 hilma gullrona [Px#PSx]

Akv 22.3 bluct, oc bi lgo [Px#x#x#P#Px]
Akv 40.4 varnait hann vi Gurno [Pxx#x#x#PSx]
While verse distribution does not distinguish between Akv and mlahttr with a
p-value of 0.393, single and double alliteration is distributed with a significant difference between the two (p=0.022; Table9.20): in both, double alliteration prevails,
but with a differing strength of association, whereby mlahttr is correlated to it more
closely than Akv. The ways in which Akv and mlahttr are treated with respect to
the two parameters are replicated exactly by those involving mlahttr and fornyris
lag: while the verse distribution remains hardly changed (p=0.661), the alliterative
pattern differs in such a way that mlahttr displays a more pronounced preference
for double alliteration (p<0.001). By contrast, neither verse distribution nor alliterative pattern differentiates between Akv and fornyrislag (p=0.859 for verse distinction
and p=0.315 for alliterative pattern). In conclusion, then, Akv shows greater affinity
to fornyrislag than to mlahttr in regard to the two parameters concerning typeD*.
Table9.20.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD* in Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag
Meter
Akv
Mlahttr
Fornyrislag
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
48 (66.67%)
40 (83.33%)
24 (33.33%)
72 (100%)
111 (60.66%)
106 (95.50%)
72 (39.34%)
183 (100%)
43 (64.18%)
11 (25.58%)
32 (74.42%)
24 (35.82%)
67 (100%)
8 (16.67%)
5 (4.50%)
The proportion of typeD* to typeD, which significantly distinguishes mlahttr from

fornyrislag (section 8.1.8), groups Akv with mlahttr, as opposed to fornyrislag:
with 12 instances of typeD and 72 of typeD*, Akv does not differ significantly from
mlahttr 23 counts of typeD vs. 183 counts of typeD* on this parameter (p=0.551),
although typeD* is not represented in it as overwhelmingly as in mlahttr. By contrast, the preponderance of typeD* over typeD in Akv, as in mlahttr, reverses the
pattern found in fornyrislag 323 counts of typeD vs. 67 counts of typeD* and the
concomitant difference proves to be significant (p<0.001).
11.6, 12.2, 13.4, 13.8, 15.4, 17.2 (with anacrusis), 17.4, 17.6, 27.8, 29.8, 33.8, 34.2, 36.6, 38.2, 38.4, 39.6 (with
anacrusis), 40.4, 42.8. Compare Heusler (1956: 218219).
520
There are 10 instances of typeD* with anacrusis in Akv, as listed in note11. The
proportion of 10 with anacrusis to 62 without in Akv differs moderately from that of
11 to 172 in mlahttr (p=0.046). On the other hand, Akv as well as mlahttr display
a significantly higher incidence of anacrusis than in fornyrislag, in which there is
no instance of typeD* with anacrusis in contrast to 67 counts without it (p=0.001
between Akv and fornyrislag; p=0.040 between mlahttr and fornyrislag).
Combined, the proportions of typeD* to typeD and of typeD* with anacrusis to
without it in Akv are found to be at odds with the grouping with fornyrislag that the
verse distribution and alliterative pattern suggest. We may therefore conclude that, as
far as the composition of typeD* is concerned, Akv is characterized as situated at a
transition stage in the process of diversification from fornyrislag to mlahttr: while
typeD* is used as extensively as in mlahttr, it is not yet encoded with the nearly
exclusive association with double alliteration that is characteristic of mlahttr.
9.1.9Type E (/ \ /)
There are two occurrences of typeE, as follows:
(13)
Akv 28.5 dlgrgni, dr [PSx#P]

Akv 37.4 lreifa tv [PSx#P]
The proportion of 2 type E verses to 346 others in Akv does not differ significantly
from that of 1 to 759 in mlahttr (p=0.233) and that of 103 to 5895 in fornyrislag
(p = 0.128), whereas mlahttr and fornyrislag are significantly different in this
respect (p<0.001). In this light, Akv intersects with the two meters and may accordingly be viewed as their hybrid in terms of composition of typeE. Given the lack of significant difference from mlahttr and fornyrislag alike, typeE stands in sharp contrast to typeB the other verse type ending in a lift which differs from both meters
(section9.1.5). Whether distinguishable or indistinguishable, however, Akv cannot be
reduced to either meter as far as types B* and E are concerned.12
12We are left with a single verse that defies scansion: Akv 8.3 varinn vom heiingia [px#Px#PXx].
With alliteration on the first two words belonging to class 1, the last trisyllabic word makes any attempt at proper scansion infeasible.
The system of verse types, the cadence, and resolution
521
9.2The system of verse types, the cadence, and resolution

As represented in Table9.21, the paradigmatic organization of verse types in Akv is
essentially the same as in fornyrislag: the four-position verses constitute the norm,
and they are divided into five basic types, A1, B, C, D, and E, with two marked variants, types A2a and A2b in contrast to typeA1. The marked five-position verses are
accompanied by anacrusis (types aA1, aA2a) or the extra drop between the otherwise
contiguous lifts (type D*). Type D* may be further expanded with anacrusis (type
aD*). Comparable similarities apply to the level of type variants as well. Akv has at its
disposal subtypeA1s and typeA1-, much as does fornyrislag.
While thus hardly indistinguishable from fornyrislag in paradigmatic terms,
the verse types in Akv differ conspicuously from fornyrislags counterparts and conversely come closer to mlahttrs, in their realizations. With its characteristically
expanded first drop, type A1 in Akv resembles type A1* in mlahttr more closely.
Type aA1 is more comparable to mlahttrs counterpart because of its close association with the b-verse, as well as its relatively large presence. Types B and C also
display a greater similarity to types B* and C* in mlahttr by virtue of the larger size
of the first drop involved. The high incidence of resolution on typeD is reminiscent
of the analogous treatment in mlahttr. Also common to Akv and mlahttr is the
markedly higher proportion of typeD* to typeD.
Table9.21.The system of verse types in Akv
Class

Unmarked
Marked
A
B
C
D
E
A1
B
C
D
E
aA1; aA2a (aA2b)
A2a; A2b
(aD) D*
(aE)
Six positions (overmarked)
aD*
522
Table9.22.Distribution of verse classes and types/subtypes in Akv

Class Type/subtype
A-verse
B-verse
Total
55 (58.51%)
3 (50.00%)
2 (28.57%)
11 (22.00%)
0 (0%)
4 (100%)
4 (80.00%)
0 (0%)
16 (84.21%)
2 (100%)
39 (41.49%)
3 (50.00%)
5 (71.43%)
39 (78.00%)
2 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (20.00%)
2 (100%)
3 (15.79%)
0 (0%)
94 (100%)
6 (100%)
7 (100%)
50 (100%)
2 (100%)
4 (100%)
5 (100%)
2 (100%)
19 (100%)
2 (100%)
A1
A1s
A1aA1
aA1s
A2a
A2b
aA2a
A3
A3-
3 (30.00%)
7 (70.00%)
10 (100%)
C
C-
12 (23.53%)
1 (33.33%)
39 (76.47%)
2 (66.67%)
51 (100%)
3 (100%)
D
DD*
aD*
9 (75.00%)
3 (50.00%)
41 (66.13%)
7 (70.00%)
3 (25.00%)
3 (50.00%)
21 (33.87%)
3 (30.00%)
12 (100%)
6 (100%)
62 (100%)
10 (100%)
1 (50.00%)
1 (50.00%)
2 (100%)
Overlong
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
175
173
348
Total
As with mlahttr, Akv is distinguished from fornyrislag by a cluster of significant

differences in verse type distributions that are unitarily attributed to the increasing
importance of the cadence / as a verse organizer, especially in the b-verse, and particularly of its representative realization form Px. At the same time, however, there are
indications that the cadence in question does not yet reach the full level of dominance
in Akv that it assumes in mlahttr. First, type aA1 occurs with a significantly higher
incidence in the b-verse in Akv, but not to the full extent that obtains in mlahttr
(section9.1.2). Second, typeB tends to be avoided in Akv, but not as persistently as
in mlahttr (section9.1.5). Third, typeC is reorganized so as to occur in the b-verse
consistently in Akv as well as in mlahttr (section9.1.6). Fourth, the proportion of
the configuration xPPx to xPpx markedly increases in Akv as well as in mlahttr
(section9.1.5); in contrast to mlahttr, however, the relative presence of the configuration xPPx in the whole variety of type C in Akv remains hardly distinguishable
from fornyrislag. Fifth, as a structural consequence of the elimination of the configuration xPpx, the resolved variant, xpxPx, loses its earlier privilege to the benefit of
the now representative configuration xPPx.
In mlahttr, resolution serves as a supplementary means of making four-position verses less deviant from the canon of five positions per verse (section8.4), in a
523
way that is analogous to fornyrislag, which, in conformity to the four-position principle, uses resolution as a compensation for the missing verse-final drop due to catalexis. A similar mechanism seems to be at work in Akv, too: the first lift of typeD is
resolved more often than not, and this preference for resolution does not differ significantly from the apparently still greater occurrence of it in mlahttr (section9.1.7). In
contrast to mlahttr (section8.1.2), however, typeA1 does not fall under the purview
of this remedial operation of resolution. As indicated in Table9.23, implementation of
resolution displays no significant association with the minimal size of the first drop of
typeA1 in Akv (p=0.528), whereas it is demonstrably correlated to the monosyllabic
drop in mlahttr (p<0.001).
Table9.23.Resolution on the first lift of PxPx and PxPx in Akv and mlahttr
Meter
Configuration
Resolved
Long
Total
Akv
PxPx
PxPx
0 (0%)
2 (3.39%)
35 (100%)
57 (96.61%)
35 (100%)
59 (100%)
Mlahttr
PxPx
PxPx
12 (50.00%)
29 (10.43%)
12 (50.00%)
249 (89.57%)
24 (100%)
278 (100%)
On the whole, then, neither fully reducible to fornyrislag nor to mlahttr, the meter
of Akv should be characterized on its own terms as a variant of either in mixed ways
(fornyrislag/mlahttr). From an evolutionary perspective, it may be viewed as a
meter in transition that is implicated in the ongoing process of diversification from
fornyrislag to mlahttr (compare Hoffory 1889: 101): while subject to increasing
expansion in realizations of drops, it is not fully reorganized yet on the basis of the
principle of five positions per verse and the omnipotent cadence Px, the two foundational properties of mlahttr.

Hamisml
Displaying metrical similarities to fornyrislag and Akv in complementary ways, the
meter of Hamisml may be situated between these two in typological and evolutionary terms.1 On the one hand, the principle of four metrical positions per verse still
remains in full force. On the other, the optimal cadence / controls metrical organization with greater rigor than in fornyrislag, but not to such an overwhelming extent
as in Akv.

10.1.1Type A1 (/ /)
There are seventy-one examples of the configuration PxPx in Hm,2 which are distributed according to verse distinction, alliterative pattern, and the size of the first
drop, as represented in Table10.1.
(1)
Hm 1.3 grti lfa [Px#Px]

Hm 11.1 Gengo r gari [Px#x#Px]
Hm 19.6 rkir ero komnir [Px#xx#Px]
Before moving on, it will be necessary to make brief remarks on some atypical instantiations of this type. Hm 30.5 gs hfom trar fengi displays the same peculiarity as
Sg 33.1 (section2.1.1), Am 81.8 (section8.1.1) and Akv 1.3, 14.3, and 32.8 (section9.1.1):
a class 1 word (trar) occupies the first drop together with the preceding and following
1Hm 19.1 and 19.2 are excluded from consideration because of their failure to manifest alliteration.
For previous accounts presented in different conceptual frameworks of the meter, see Ranisch (1888:
3081), Gering (1926: 166174), and Heusler (1956: 218221).
2A-verse with single alliteration (16 examples): Hm 1.3, 1.7, 2.9, 3.1, 3.5, 7.1, 8.1, 10.1, 15.3, 17.1, 21.1,
21.3, 23.1, 24.7, 28.1, 30.5; a-verse with double alliteration (18 examples): Hm 5.1, 5.3, 5.5, 6.1, 7.7, 11.1,
13.3, 15.5, 20.3, 21.5, 22.9, 24.1, 24.9, 25.3, 25.5, 26.1, 26.3, 27.1; b-verse (37 examples): Hm 1.2, 1.6, 1.8,
2.6, 3.2, 3.4, 3.8, 4.4, 6.6, 7.6, 7.8, 9.2, 9.4, 9.6, 10.6, 10.8, 11.2, 11.6, 13.2, 13.6, 14.2, 14.6, 16.2, 17.4, 17.6,
17.8, 18.4, 19.4, 19.6, 19.8, 20.2, 20.4, 22.8, 24.4, 24.8, 28.6, 28.8. Hm 24.78 Ftr sr na, / hndom
sr nom can be characterized as a case of minus or negative alliteration, whereby only the first
lifts of the paired verses begin with different consonants, contrary to the normal situation in which
they are exclusively privileged for alliteration. Against the background of the verbal parallelism of the
remaining less prominent words between the two verses (See, La Farge, Horst, and Schulz 2012: 968),
the absence of normal alliteration on the initial syllables may be viewed as enhancing, rather than
decreasing, their prominence by their unique difference.
526
A peripheral variant of fornyrislag/mlahttr 2: Hamisml
unstressed syllables.3 The presence of this configuration in all of the three meters
examined so far (fornyrislag, mlahttr, and Akv), however, does not distinguish Hm
from them on statistical grounds: p=0.066 between Hm and fornyrislag; p=0.345
between Hm and mlahttr; p=0.637 between Hm and Akv.
There is another variant, basically of the same constituent structure but accompanied with double alliteration: Hm 23.3 bli bragnar lgo. Unique to Hm, this configuration is of no significant value in situating this meter in relation to the other
three. This verse defies scansion as typeA1 with anacrusis, by virtue of alliteration
involving the two nouns bli and bragnar; as a consequence, the second noun
cannot be identified as anything but the second lift, and the last three syllables are
accordingly disqualified as a legitimate realization of the verse-final drop; therefore,
the identification with typeA1 is ruled out categorically. The verse would then presumably be analyzed as a composite of two verse units, typeA1 with anacrusis that is
extended by the cadence / (for a similar example in Hrbl, see section11.19.1 below),
an overlong verse seemingly corresponding to a hypermetric verse in West Germanic,
notably typeA1A1 with anacrusis (Suzuki 1996; 2004).4
Syllables
1
2
3
4
Total
Single alliteration
3 (50.00%)
10 (52.63%)
1 (16.67%)
2 (66.67%)
16 (47.06%)
A-verse
Double alliteration
6 (26.09%)
19 (63.33%)
6 (42.86%)
3 (75.00%)
34 (47.89%)
3 (50.00%)
9 (47.37%)
5 (83.33%)
1 (33.33%)
18 (52.94%)
B-verse
Total
17 (73.91%)
23 (100%)
11 (36.67%)
30 (100%)
8 (57.14%)
14 (100%)
1 (25.00%)
4 (100%)
37 (52.11%)
71 (100%)
3Ranisch (1888: 66) regards this verse as an instance of prose without argument. While the long
stretch of the first drop thus composed appears to be certainly anomalous by the standard of typical
typeA1 verses, it would seem to be far-fetched to deny it categorically a status of verse and accept the
rather far-reaching emendation proposed by Bugge (1869: 406): gs fengom trar.
4Ranisch (1888: 71) analyzes this example as an anacrustic six-syllable verse without determining
its internal structure. In a way, this verse is comparable to Akv 8.3 varinn vom heiingia (note12, section9.1.9): while the whole configurations differ, they display the common peculiarity of having the
first two alliterative words followed by another word, which excludes proper scansion as legitimate
four- or five-position verses.
527
Hm makes no significant difference from fornyrislag, mlahttr, and Akv in terms of

overall verse distribution and alliterative pattern (compare Table 9.1, section 9.1.1).
Relative to the size of the first drop, however, Hm differs in part from the other meters.
As in fornyrislag and Akv, the b-verse displays a stronger preference for the monosyllabic first drop than the a-verse (p=0.013); in this respect, then, Hm diverges from
mlahttr, which is not articulated in terms of the association between verse distinction and the size of the first drop (section8.1.1). Concerning further the similarity in
question among the remaining three meters (Hm, Akv and fornyrislag), the b-verse in
itself is not specifically associated with the monosyllabic first drop in Hm (p=0.109),
in contrast to fornyrislag, and in parallel to Akv. The lack of the intrinsic correlation
between monosyllables and the b-verse, then, groups Hm with Akv, and also with
mlahttr, and conversely differentiates it from fornyrislag. On the other hand, the
lack of intrinsic correlation between polysyllables and the a-verse in Hm (p=0.539)
distinguishes it from Akv and fornyrislag.
As far as the varying number of syllables occurring in the first drop is concerned,
Hm resembles mlahttr by virtue of the heaviest concentration on disyllables commonly involved, although the degree of concentration in Hm is much weaker. On the
other hand, approximately two-thirds of the total of the configuration PxPx have
their first drop occupied by either monosyllables or disyllables in Hm as well as in
Akv, whereas the comparable majority is constituted by disyllables alone in mlahttr
and by monosyllables alone in fornyrislag (compare Tables 10.1 and 9.2, section9.1.1).
As regards the proportion of word-final syllables to word-initial ones occurring in
the monosyllabic first drop (compare Table10.2, Table8.3, section8.1.1, and Table9.3,
section9.1.1), Hm does not differ from Akv (p=0.573) and fornyrislag (p=1) because
of the predominant occurrence of word-finals commonly observed. In this respect,
mlahttr uniquely diverges from the rest (p<0.001) with the opposite property of
word-initials prevailing. The opposition between word-finals and word-initials has no
demonstrable effect on verse distinction (p=0.632), much as in Akv (section9.1.1) and
in contrast to fornyrislag (section2.1.1).
Table10.2.Verse distinction of PxPx according to composition of the monosyllabic first drop
First drop
-x#
#x#
A-verse
B-verse
Total
4 (23.53%)
2 (33.33%)
13 (76.47%)
4 (66.67%)
17 (100%)
6 (100%)
As in Akv and fornyrislag, the two marked variants of typeA1, namely, subtypeA1s
and type A1-, are attested in Hm. Subtype A1s occurs eight times (including two
instances with anacrusis): a-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Hm 10.7 er hr
sitiom feigir mrom (with anacrusis), 16.1 Scco loa; a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Hm 7.5 Svalt Sigurr, 30.1 Vel hfom vi vegit; b-verse (4 exam-
528
ples): Hm 2.8 Gica borin, 14.8 hornung vera, 22.6 at hligi myni (with anacrusis), 25.8
Inacrs sono. Further, verse 26.6 bll r koma, too, might be scanned as subtypeA1s,
but the absence of heavy variants of this subtype (PPpx, with the first P and the last p
displaying alliteration) in Hm may argue for the alternative scansion as typeD.
The existence of typeA1- also groups Hm with Akv and fornyrislag in distinction
from mlahttr. Six instances are attested: a-verse with single alliteration (1 example):
Hm 14.3 mrr um lc; a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Hm 19.5 Rit r
um r, Hm 25.7 eggiar n irn; b-verse (3 examples): Hm 2.2 n gr, 11.4 rig fioll,
15.2 sciirn.
In conclusion, Hm may be viewed as standing at an intermediary stage between
fornyrislag and mlahttr in terms of metrical organization of typeA1, much as does
Akv. Yet, Hm may be distinguished from Akv by virtue of its closer resemblance to
fornyrislag on the finer details. We may accordingly make the following scalar and
evolutionary distinction among the four meters in terms of the metrical organization
of typeA1: fornyrislag > Hm > Akv > mlahttr.
10.1.2Type aA1 (/ /)
As exemplified in (2), the configuration xPxPx occurs fourteen times in the
corpus.5 Table10.3 represents its distributions in terms of verse distinction, alliterative pattern, and size of the first drop, while Table10.4 indicates the varying size of
anacrusis.
(2)
Hm 4.3 lifi einir r tta [xx#Px#x#Px]

Hm 19.7 fyr mtcom hafi r mnnom [x#Px#xx#x#Px]
Hm 23.4 komi r bristi Gotna [xx#x#Px#Px]
The overall distribution pattern of Hm comes closest to being identical to that of Akv
on all of the four parameters (p=1), namely, verse distribution, alliterative pattern,
size of the first drop, and size of anacrusis. Given the maximal opposition between
fornyrislag and mlahttr on these points, Hm and Akv may be characterized as
meters standing in transition from the four-position organization to the five-position
counterpart.
Of further interest, the first drop is more likely to be monosyllabic than polysyllabic, in contrast to the corresponding configuration without anacrusis (PxPx),
which is characterized by the contrary property of being more likely to have this
position realized by polysyllables (p=0.035; compare Table10.1, section10.1.1). This
5A-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Hm 4.3, 19.3; a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): Hm 19.7; b-verse (11 examples): Hm 5.2, 5.4, 5.6, 8.8, 9.8, 15.8, 21.4, 23.4, 24.6, 25.6, 30.4.
529
feature, however, is shared not only by Akv, but also by fornyrislag and mlahttr. In
other words, this correlation distinguishes the Norse meters from their West Germanic
cognates in generic terms.
Table10.3.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPxPx according to size of the first drop
Syllables
A-verse
B-verse
Total
1 (11.11%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
8 (88.89%)
9 (100%)
1 (25.00%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
3 (75.00%)
4 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
11 (78.57%)
14 (100%)
3
4
Total
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
3 (21.43%)
2 (66.67%)
1 (33.33%)
Table10.4.Size of anacrusis
Syllables
Counts
1
2
3
10
2
2
71.43
14.29
14.29
Total
14
100
As for the occurrence of word-final (five examples) and word-initial (four examples)
monosyllables in the first drop, no significant difference obtains between types aA1
and A1, with a p-value of 0.407 (compare Table10.2). Accordingly, the first drop of the
configuration PxPx is as likely to be realized by a word-final syllable with anacrusis
as without. This lack of distinction groups Hm with Akv (section9.1.2) and fornyrislag
(section3.1), in opposition to mlahttr (section8.1.2).
10.1.3Types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \)
The configurations PSPx and PxPS (including PSPS) are attested two and five times,
respectively, as follows: PSPx/PPPx: Hm 21.7 g born Gica, 22.3 mfingr mlti;
PxPS/PSPS: Hm 6.3 Ltt myndir , Gurn, 9.5 orz iccir enn vant, 17.5 vargtr
530
vindkld, 17.7 trtti trno hvt, 22.1 Hitt qva Hrrgl. Except for verse 6.3, they
are all a-verses with double alliteration. Notwithstanding a lack of statistical significance due to the small sample size, these configurations embody the two major distinguishing features of types A2a and A2b, namely, the conspicuous preference for the
a-verse and double alliteration. Moreover, the prototypical realizations of these types
are attested, verses 22.3 and 17.5. On the whole, then, Hm is indistinguishable from
Akv and fornyrislag as regards the metrical organization of these two configurations
as types A2a and A2b, respectively (sections 2.2 and 9.1.3). In addition, there is a single
example of typeA2a with anacrusis: Hm 22.7 mega tveir menn einir [xx#P#P#Px].
10.1.4Type A3 ([/] /)
All told, there are twenty examples of the configuration xPx (including xPS and
xpx),6 of which eighteen are a-verses. Examples are as follows:
(3)
Hm 4.1 Eptir er ycr rungit [xx#x#x#Px]

Hm 12.3 Hv mun iarpscammr [x#x#PS]
Hm 21.8 festa glga [P(=x)x#x#Px]
The varying number of syllables occurring in the initial upbeat is represented in

Table 10.5. Comparisons with the corresponding distributions in Akv, mlahttr,
and fornyrislag (Table9.11, section9.1.4) indicate that the focal size in Hm is trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic, which accounts for 70% of the total population. Somewhat
similar patterns are found in Akv and mlahttr, although they are characterized
respectively by the weaker and stronger concentrations on these zones. Given the
presence of disyllables in Hm that is comparable to that in Akv and in contrast to their
total absence in mlahttr, we may be justified in identifying the configuration xPx
as typeA3 (/) / , rather than as typeA3* (/) / .
Table10.5.Size of the first drop of xPx
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
Total
Counts
0
5
7
7
1
0.00
25.00
35.00
35.00
5.00
20
100.00
6A-verse (18 examples): Hm 1.1, 1.5, 2.7, 4.1, 6.5, 8.5, 9.1, 9.3, 9.7, 10.5, 11.3, 12.1, 12.3, 15.1, 18.1, 20.7,
22.5, 31.1; b-verse (2 examples): Hm 21.8, 22.2.
531
In addition, there are six instances of the catalectic variant of type A3, namely,
typeA3-, as follows: Hm 2.1 Vara at n, 2.3 at hefir langt, 6.7 saztu be, 13.5 Hvat
megi ftr, 14.1 qva at Erpr, 26.5 opt r eim belg. The existence of the catalectic
variant combines Hm, Akv, and fornyrislag in distinction from mlahttr.
The clustering of similar features commonly found in Hm and Akv in opposition to
fornyrislag and mlahttr may justify our concluding that Hm and Akv are located in
terms of metrical organization between the two polar opposites that are represented
by fornyrislag on the one hand and mlahttr on the other.
10.1.5Type B (/ /)
As exemplified below, the configuration xPxP occurs 8 times in Hm 3 a-verses
with single alliteration, 2 with double alliteration, and 3 b-verses.7
(4)
Hm 14.5 Illt er blauom hal [P(=x)#x#Px#P]

Hm 17.3 oc systor son [x#Px#P]
Hm 22.10 borg inni h [x#P#xx#P]
Much as do fornyrislag and Akv, Hm differs significantly from mlahttr in frequency

of the configuration in question because of its virtual absence in the latter meter
(p<0.001). With respect to the first two meters, Hm is distinguished from fornyrislag
in terms of overall incidence (p=0.033), while indistinguishable from Akv (p=0.625)
on this parameter. As for verse distribution, it does not differ from either (p=0.436
as against fornyrislag and p=0.342 as against Akv). On the other hand, the size of
the first drop groups Hm with fornyrislag owing to the large presence of monosyllables commonly observed (p=0.489), as opposed to Akv (p=0.043), in which the
monosyllabic first drop is minimally represented (compare Table10.6 and Table9.12,
section9.1.5). All things considered, then, there is no choice but to identify the configuration xPxP as typeB as opposed to typeB*. Finally, the cluster of similarities
and dissimilarities in the metrical properties of typeB considered above may lead us
to postulate the following scalar differentiation among the four meters as regards the
reorganization of typeB to typeB*: fornyrislag > Hm > Akv > mlahttr.
7A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): Hm 3.3, 14.5, 14.7; a-verse with double alliteration (2
examples): Hm 17.3, 31.3; b-verse (3 examples): Hm 18.6, 22.10, 27.4.
532
Table10.6.Size of the first drop of typeB

Syllables
Counts
1
2
5
3
62.50
37.50
Total
100
10.1.6Type C (/ /)
There are forty-two occurrences of the configurations in Hm that correspond to typeC
in fornyrislag,8 as exemplified below. In addition, there is a single instance of the
catalectic variant xPP: Hm 25.1 hraut vi.
(5)
Hm 15.7lto mg ungan [xx#P#Px]

Hm 18.5 r halr hugfullr [x#P#PS]
Hm 26.4 er ann belg leystir [x#x#x#P#Px]
Somewhat anomalous is Hm 30.6 ott scylim n ea gr deyia, which begins with an

unusually long upbeat consisting of seven syllables. Such an overlong first drop does
not occur even in mlahttr, in which the initial upbeat is expanded to comprise two
positions, resulting in the establishment of typeC* ( / / ; section8.1.6). It may
be worth recalling in this connection that the a-verse paired with the verse at issue,
namely, Hm 30.5 gs hfom trar fengi, appears hardly less peculiar in its composition: a full noun is used as part of the first drop together with the adjacent unstressed
syllables (section10.1.1).
This set of configurations corresponding to typeC in fornyrislag is distributed
as shown in Tables 10.7 and 10.8. Hm is distinguished from fornyrislag (p=0.003)
and mlahttr (p = 0.008) by the overwhelming occurrence of the configurations
in question in the b-verse (compare with Table9.13, section9.1.6). By contrast, it is
comparable to Akv, which is indistinguishable from Hm in this respect (p=0.451). As
regards the size of the first drop (compare Table10.8 and Table9.14, section9.1.6), it
is fornyrislag that displays the closest parallel to Hm by virtue of the predominance
of monosyllables (p = 0.425), whereas mlahttr is farthest removed (p < 0.001).
Although Hm and Akv do not differ with definite significance, either, in regard to
8A-verse with single alliteration (6 examples): Hm 5.7, 7.3, 13.7, 15.7, 16.3, 18.3; a-verse with double
alliteration (1 example): Hm 18.5; b-verse (35 examples): Hm 1.4, 2.10, 3.6, 6.2, 6.8, 7.2, 7.4, 8.2, 8.4, 8.6,
10.2, 10.4, 13.4, 14.4, 15.4, 15.6, 16.4, 20.6, 21.2, 21.6, 22.4, 24.2, 24.10, 25.2, 25.4, 26.2, 26.4, 27.2, 28.2, 28.4,
30.2, 30.6, 30.8, 31.2, 31.4.
533
the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables in the first drop (p=0.058), Akv is

also found to be analogous to mlahttr with the large presence of trisyllables (see
Table9.14, section9.1.6). Seen in this light, the apparent lack of distinction between
Hm and Akv in terms of the relative occurrence of monosyllables does not seem to
carry much weight. As far as the correlation between the varying size of the first drop
and verse distinction is concerned, Hm is distinguished from fornyrislag: as in Akv
and mlahttr, the b-verse prevails in Hm regardless of the number of syllables occurring in the first drop (Table10.8).
Table10.7.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of the configurations in Hm that correspond to
typeC in fornyrislag
A-verse
B-verse
Total
7 (16.67%)
6 (85.71%)
1 (14.29%)
35 (83.33%)
42 (100%)
Table10.8.Verse distinction of typeC according to size of the first drop

Syllables
A-verse
B-verse
Total
1
2
3
4
7
3 (13.04%)
3 (37.50%)
1 (11.11%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
20 (86.96%)
5 (62.50%)
8 (88.89%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
23 (100%)
8 (100%)
9 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
54.76
19.05
21.43
2.38
2.38
Total
7 (16.67%)
35 (83.33%)
42 (100%)
100
As indicated in Table10.9, the extent of variation of typeC according to syllable length

of the first and second lifts and stress degrees on the second lift, or, put simply, the
degree of concentration on the configuration xPPx with the long first and second
lifts, groups Hm with Akv (p = 0.834), and distinguishes it sharply from fornyris
lag (p < 0.001) and mlahttr (p < 0.001). While this configuration is outranked in
fornyrislag by the variant with the resolved first lift (xpxPx) on the one hand and
that with the short second lift (xPpx) on the other, it prevails overwhelmingly in
mlahttr. Hm and Akv stand in between, in which the configuration dominates to be
sure, but accounts for less than half the total occurrences of typeC. The close parallelism between Hm and Akv is thus most striking on this point.
534
Table10.9.Occurrences of typeC variants in Hm, Akv, mlahttr, and fornyrislag

Configuration
Hm
Counts
%
Akv
Counts
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
xPPx
xpxPx
xPpx
xPpxx
xPSx
xpxSx
xPsx
xPXx
xPxx
xpXx
18
5
2
0
5
4
6
2
0
0
42.86
11.90
4.76
0
11.90
9.52
14.29
4.76
0
0
24
8
4
0
8
1
1
2
1
2
47.06
15.69
7.84
0
15.69
1.96
1.96
3.92
1.96
3.92
113
4
5
0
4
0
0
0
0
0
89.68
3.17
3.97
0
3.17
0
0
0
0
0
162
382
280
1
133
91
133
75
58
28
12.06
28.44
20.85
0.07
9.90
6.78
9.90
5.58
4.32
2.08
Total
42
100
51
100
126
100
1343
100
Given the clustering of close resemblances to fornyrislag on the one hand and to Akv
on the other, as well as the consistent differences from mlahttr, the configuration
xPPx including the whole array of variants may be identified as type C ( / / ),
rather than typeC* ( / / ). Overall, then, we may generalize in scalar terms the
metrical distance among the four meters with respect to the organization of typeC, as
follows: fornyrislag > Hm > Akv > mlahttr.
10.1.7Type D (/ / )
The configurations that scan as typeD, as exemplified below, are attested ten times in
Hm, including one instance accompanied by anacrusis:9
(6)
Hm 11.5mrom hnlenzcom [px#PSx]

Hm 13.8hnd annarri [P#PXx]
Hm 30.3 ofan, eggmom [px#PSx]
In addition, there is a single example of the catalectic variant: Hm 2.4 liit san.
Hm does not differ from fornyrislag (p = 1), Akv (p = 0.192), and mlahttr
(p = 0.257) in verse distribution (compare Table10.10 and Table9.19, section9.1.7).
Given the significant difference that Akv shows from fornyrislag in this regard
(p=0.032; section9.1.7), Hm can be characterized as closer to fornyrislag than Akv is,
9A-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Hm 11.5*; a-verse with double alliteration (3 examples): Hm 2.5 (with anacrusis), 3.7, 30.3*; b-verse (6 examples): Hm 4.2, 12.2, 12.4, 13.8, 18.2*, 26.6. *
= resolved on the first lift.
535
in keeping with the overall relationship of similarities among the four meters that we
have postulated above: fornyrislag > Hm > Akv > mlahttr.
Table10.10.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD
A-verse
B-verse
Total
4 (40.00%)
1 (25.00%)
3 (75.00%)
6 (60.00%)
10 (100%)
A striking feature of typeD that distinguishes Akv and mlahttr from fornyrislag is
the high incidence of resolution on the first lift, whereby more than half the verses
concerned are resolved (section 9.1.7). Hm, however, does not display such an outstanding preference for resolution: only three out of a total of nine verses (without
anacrusis; 33.33%) are subject to resolution, as indicated in note9. Accordingly, Hm
differs significantly from mlahttr (p=0.040) on this parameter, and is conversely
indistinguishable from fornyrislag (p=0.140) as well as Akv (p=0.231). Given that Akv
does not differ from mlahttr on this parameter, but is distinguished from fornyris
lag (section9.1.7), we may be allowed to characterize Hm as closer to fornyrislag than
Akv is to it; accordingly, the same graded metrical difference fornyrislag > Hm >
Akv> mlahttr is recurrently in evidence.
10.1.8Type D* (/ / )
Hm gives eighteen examples (including one instance expanded with anacrusis) of the
host of configurations that are subsumed under typeD*, as exemplified below:10
(7)
Hm 17.2 fundo vstgo [Px#PSx]

Hm 24.5 brra sammra [Px#PSx]
Hm 27.3 mikils er mann hvern vant [px#x#x#P#x#P]
Table10.11 shows the distribution of typeD* in terms of verse distinction and alliteration pattern. On neither parameter does Hm differ from any of the three meters,
fornyrislag, Akv, and mlahttr (compare Table 9.20, section 9.1.8), with the sole
exception of alliterative pattern as against mlahttr: p = 0.588 (verse distinction)
and p = 1 (alliterative pattern) as against fornyrislag; p = 0.782 (verse distinction)
10A-verse with single alliteration (3 examples): Hm 20.1, 24.5, 30.7; a-verse with double alliteration
(10 examples): Hm 8.3 (with anacrusis), 8.7, 10.3, 13.1, 20.5, 24.3, 27.3, 28.3, 28.5, 28.7; b-verse (5 examples): Hm 5.8, 6.4, 17.2, 20.8, 23.2.
536
and p=0.687 (alliterative pattern) as against Akv; p=0.448 (verse distinction) and
p=0.037 (alliterative pattern) as against mlahttr.
A-verse
B-verse
Total
13 (72.22%)
3 (23.08%)
10 (76.92%)
5 (27.78%)
18 (100%)
At first glance, the incidence of anacrusis in type D* appears to be hardly distinctive. The proportion of one instance with anacrusis to seventeen without in Hm (see
note10) makes no significant difference from fornyrislag (p=0.212), Akv (p=0.452),
and mlahttr (p=1; see section9.1.8 above). However, since both mlahttr and Akv
are distinguished significantly on this parameter from fornyrislag (section9.1.8), Hms
indistinguishability from fornyrislag in this respect may deserve special notice. Since
the absence of anacrusis in typeD* in fornyrislag is motivated by the strictness of the
four-position principle (section3.1), the lack of difference on the probability of anacrusis in this type between Hm and fornyrislag may be interpreted as an indication that
the four-position principle is still as vigorous in Hm as in fornyrislag, and more so
than in Akv, the otherwise closest meter in typological and evolutionary terms.
By contrast, the presence of type D* relative to type D serves as a distinctive
feature of Hm. The occurrence of eighteen typeD* verses as against that of ten typeD
ones in Hm fails to embody the kind of extremely uneven distribution in favor of one
type over the other that is commonly found in the other three meters, as shown in
section 9.1.8 above. More specifically, Hm is distinguished by a lack of the preponderance of typeD* from both Akv (p=0.025) and mlahttr (p=0.002); on the other
hand, it is differentiated from fornyrislag by a lack of the reverse pattern of predominance of typeD (p<0.001). We may reasonably interpret this sole distinctive trait as
an indication that Hm is being composed at the earliest transition stage of metrical
evolution that proceeded from fornyrislag to mlahttr. On the whole, then, the following scalar distinction recurs: fornyrislag > Hm > Akv > mlahttr.
537
10.1.9Type E (/ \ /)
Not a single instance of typeE occurs in the corpus of Hm that comprises 214 verses.
The proportion of zero to this total number obviously does not differ from Akv
(p=0.528) and mlahttr (p=1). With a p-value of 0.051 obtained, however, the difference from fornyrislag can be significant. However we may evaluate this score, given
that mlahttr differs from fornyrislag (p<0.001) and Akv does not in this respect
(p=0.128; section9.1.9), Hm may be placed somewhere between these two extremes.
10.2The system of verse types, the cadence, and resolution

In view of the closer affinities to fornyrislag and Akv than to mlahttr as demonstrated throughout section10.1 above, it is only natural that the verse types in Hm are
paradigmatically organized in ways that are minimally distinct from these two meters.
Accordingly, the system of verse types in Hm may be represented as in Table10.12.
The minor differences are superficial, as they concern the presence or absence of
extremely marked types that lack statistical significance. At the level of type variations, too, Hm is no different from the two meters in question: catalexis applies to
types A1, A3, C, and D; and subtypeA1s is also used.
In terms of realizations in fine detail, Hm displays similarities to fornyrislag and
to Akv in complementary ways. On the one hand, Hm resembles fornyrislag by virtue
of the variation pattern of the first drop of types B and C, and resolution on the first
lift of typeD. On the other hand, it is found to be closer to Akv on account of the lack
of the intrinsic correlation between the monosyllabic first drop of type A1 and the
b-verse, the varying size of the first drop of typeA1 and typeA3, the overwhelming
occurrence of typeC in the b-verse, and the moderate dominance of the configuration
xPPx over others. In contrast to the cluster of features mentioned so far, the occurrence of typeD* relative to that of typeD distances Hm equally from Akv on the one
hand and fornyrislag on the other.
Table10.12.The system of verse types in Hm
Class

Unmarked
Marked
A
B
C
D
E
A1
B
C
D
(E)
aA1; (aA2a; aA2b)
A2a; A2b
aD; D*
(aE)
Six positions (overmarked)
aD*
538
Table10.13.Distribution of verse classes and types/subtypes in Hm

Class
Type/subtype
A-verse
B-verse
A1
A1s
A1aA1
aA1s
A2a
A2b
aA2a
A3
A3-
34 (47.89%)
3 (50.00%)
3 (50.00%)
3 (21.43%)
1 (50.00%)
2 (100%)
5 (100%)
1 (100%)
18 (90.00%)
6 (100%)
37 (52.11%)
3 (50.00%)
3 (50.00%)
11 (78.57%)
1 (50.00%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
2 (10.00%)
0 (0%)
71 (100%)
6 (100%)
6 (100%)
14 (100%)
2 (100%)
2 (100%)
5 (100%)
1 (100%)
20 (100%)
6 (100%)
5 (62.50%)
3 (37.50%)
8 (100%)
C
C-
7 (16.67%)
1 (100%)
35 (83.33%)
0 (0%)
42 (100%)
1 (100%)
D
DaD
D*
aD*
3 (33.33%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
12 (70.59%)
1 (100%)
6 (66.67%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
5 (29.41%)
0 (0%)
9 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
17 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
107
107
214
Overlong
Total
Total
As far as the cadence is concerned, distinguished from the two polar opposites,
fornyrislag on the one hand, and mlahttr on the other, Hm and Akv are found to be
closest to each other in the extent to which they are organized by the cadence: all of
the cadence-related metrical phenomena examined above are treated without appreciable distinction between the two meters.
As for the categorical distinguishing feature of the two extreme meters, that is,
the number of metrical positions per verse, there are some indications that Hm keeps
more faithful to the principle of four metrical positions than Akv does, and accordingly Hm may be identified as closer to fornyrislag than Akv is. First, the minimal
occurrence of anacrusis in typeD* in Hm as well as in fornyrislag, which is statistically lower than in Akv, testifies to the maximal rigor of the four-position principle in
the two meters (section10.1.8), as this configuration will violate the principle in the
greatest degree. Second, while typeD is more likely to undergo resolution in Akv than
in fornyrislag, no comparable difference is ascertained between Hm and fornyrislag
(section10.1.7). Since the higher incidence of resolution in question is characterized
as an auxiliary means of approximating otherwise four-position verses to five-position counterparts, as partly practiced in Akv (section9.2) and more fully implemented
539
in mlahttr (section8.4), Hms detachment from this practice indicates that the fourposition principle is almost as fully functional in Hm as in fornyrislag.
On the whole, then, Hm may be located between fornyrislag and Akv in the evolutionary trajectory that extends from fornyrislag at one end to mlahttr at the other
(Hoffory 1889: 101), which may be represented as fornyrislag > Hm > Akv > mlahttr.
Hm is thus minimally removed from fornyrislag in its overall metrical organization,
in which the principle of four metrical positions per verse prevails with only the slightest indication of being compromised, and the string Px has not yet been established
as the sole variant of the optimal cadence / .

Hrbarzli
In contrast to the two peripheral variants of fornyrislag/mlahttr treated in the preceding two chapters, the meter of Hrbarzli is firmly grounded on the innovative
principle of five metrical positions per verse. In this sense, it comes closest to being
mlahttr. On the other hand, the canonical cadence / does not yet reach the fullest
level of control that is characteristic of mlahttr. On the whole, then, Hrbl may be
identified as the closest approximation of mlahttr in the corpus.1

11.1.1Type A1 (/ /)
The configuration PxPx, as exemplified in (1), occurs thirty-one times in Hrbl,
and is distributed as indicated in Table 11.1.2 As it turns out, alliterative pattern is
no different from the other meters so far examined: p=0.112 as against mlahttr;
p=0.443 as against Akv; p=0.170 as against Hm; p=0.196 as against fornyrislag.
Single and double alliteration are thus likely to occur without appreciable distinction
in probability. As far as verse distribution is concerned, however, Hrbl is grouped with
mlahttr (p=0.333), Akv (p=0.288), and less definitely Hm (p=0.051), and is on the
contrary distinguished sharply from fornyrislag (p<0.001), by virtue of the lack of
preference for the b-verse.
(1)
Hrbl 8.7ga eina [Px#Px]

Hrbl 50.1 Satt hygg ec mic segia [P#x#x#x#Px]
Hrbl 3.2 fi ec ic morgon [Px#x#x#x#Px]
1The following nineteen verses are excluded from examination, as they are actually composed
in prose: Hrbl 6.5, 13.1, 13.5, 15.7, 17.1, 21.1, 23.9, 28.3, 29.9, 31.1, 36.1, 39.7, 41.1, 44.1, 45.1, 46.1, 57.1, 58.3,
60.1. For a previous account, see Gering (1926: 127144).
2A-verse with single alliteration (15 examples): Hrbl 3.1, 3.7, 8.7, 8.9, 9.1, 9.5, 9.9, 14.1, 16.5, 16.7, 29.5,
42.1, 43.1, 56.1, 56.7; a-verse with double alliteration (7 examples): Hrbl 5.1, 8.1, 10.1, 39.3, 50.1, 53.1,
56.3; b-verse (9 examples): 3.2, 3.8, 9.10, 16.8, 29.6, 29.8, 40.4, 49.4, 51.2. In addition, there are 2 examples of the configuration PxSx: a-verse with single alliteration: Hrbl 13.7; b-verse: Hrbl 43.4.
542
A peripheral variant of fornyrislag/mlahttr 3: Hrbarzli
Table11.1.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag
Meter
A-verse
Single alliteration
B-verse
Total
Double alliteration
Hrbl
22 (70.97%)
15 (68.18%)
7 (31.82%)
9 (29.03%)
31 (100%)
Mlahttr
182 (60.26%)
87 (47.80%)
95 (52.20%)
120 (39.74%)
302 (100%)
Akv
55 (58.51%)
31 (56.36%)
24 (43.64%)
39 (41.49%)
94 (100%)
Hm
34 (47.89%)
16 (47.06%)
18 (52.94%)
37 (52.11%)
71 (100%)
Fornyrislag
752 (36.95%)
399 (53.06%)
353 (46.94%)
1283 (63.05%)
2035 (100%)
The size of the first drop varies from one to six syllables, as illustrated in Table11.2.
While Hrbl significantly differs from fornyrislag as do all the others, owing to the
reduced presence of monosyllables, with a p-value of less than 0.001 in all, it diverges
from mlahttr as well, much as do Akv and Hm, on account of the relatively frequent
occurrence of the monosyllabic first drop (p < 0.001). The particular way in which
the first drop varies numerically, then, may subsume Hrbl under the same group as
Akv and Hm. In fact, Hrbl proves to be indistinguishable from Akv (p=0.671) and Hm
(p=1) on the parameter of the opposition between monosyllables and polysyllables
in the first drop.
Taking into consideration the foregoing examination, we may be led to analyze
the configuration PxPx as a four-position form, / / , with a single drop standing
between the lifts, and accordingly to identify it as type A1, as opposed to type A1*
(/ /).
Table11.2.Size of the first drop of typeA1 in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Syllables
Hrbl
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Akv
Counts
%
Hm
Counts
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
6
10
10
6
3
1
1
32.26
32.26
19.35
9.68
3.23
3.23
24
192
74
10
2
0
7.95
63.58
24.50
3.31
0.66
0
35
27
25
6
1
0
37.23
28.72
26.60
6.38
1.06
0
23
30
14
4
0
0
32.39
42.25
19.72
5.63
0
0
1517
434
77
6
1
0
74.55
21.33
3.78
0.29
0.05
0
Total
31
100
302
100
94
100
71
100
2035
100
543
We may also want to explore how the varying size of the first drop is correlated
to verse distinction, which is represented in Table11.3. Making analogous comparisons between the a-verse and the b-verse in the other meters in regard to the distinction between the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first drop (compare Table8.4,
section 8.1.1, Table 9.4, section 9.1.1, Table 10.1, section 10.1.1, and Table 11.3), we
arrive at the following results: with p-values of 0.417 and 0.135, respectively, Hrbl and
mlahttr display no significant association between the two parameters at issue;
by contrast, the monosyllabic first drop is closely associated with the b-verse in Akv
(p=0.009), Hm (p=0.013), and fornyrislag (p<0.001). In this respect, then, Hrbl
may be characterized as closer to mlahttr than any other meter.
Table11.3.Verse distinction of PxPx according to size of the first drop
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
6
A-verse
B-verse
Total
6 (60.00%)
9 (90.00%)
5 (83.33%)
2 (66.67%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
4 (40.00%)
1 (10.00%)
1 (16.67%)
1 (33.33%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
10 (100%)
10 (100%)
6 (100%)
3 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
Table 11.4 compares the distribution of word-initial and word-final syllables in

the monosyllabic first drop of type A1 in the five meters under consideration. Of
paramount interest, Hrbl and mlahttr share the predominance of word-initials
(p=0.328) in distinction from the other three meters. While hardly distinguishable
from Akv, probably due to the relatively small sample involved (p=0.070), Hrbl significantly differs from the remaining two in statistical terms: p=0.026 against Hm and
p=0.009 against fornyrislag. Hrbl thus appears to be the closest to mlahttr with
respect to the way in which the monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 is realized.
Table11.4.Occurrences of word-finals and word-initials in the first drop of typeA1 in Hrbl,
mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
First drop
Hrbl
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Akv
Counts
%
Hm
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
-x#
#x#
3
7
30.00
70.00
3
21
12.50
87.50
23
12
65.71
34.29
17
6
73.91
26.09
1075
442
70.86
29.14
Total
10
100
24
100
35
100
23
100
1517
100
The foregoing examinations might induce us to conclude that Hrbl is composed in a

meter that comes closest to being the prototype of mlahttr as is manifested in Am.
In other respects, however, Hrbl deviates in no small measure from mlahttr, and
544
resembles rather its more peripheral variants, such as are embodied in Akv and Hm.
In this connection, we should recall that Hrbl, much as Akv and Hm, is differentiated
from mlahttr by the significantly larger presence of monosyllables in the first drop,
as demonstrated above (Table11.2).
In addition, there are two other features that substantiate the grouping of Hrbl
with these less central variants of fornyrislag/mlahttr, particularly Akv. At issue
are two major variants of type A1, subtype A1s and type A1-, both of which occur
in Hrbl and Akv, but neither is attested in mlahttr (apart from a single instance
of subtypeA1s with anacrusis; sections 8.1.1 and 8.1.2). Hrbl gives the following six
examples of subtypeA1s:
(2)
Hrbl 3.3 meis hefi ic baki [P#xx#x#x#px]

Hrbl 5.3 mest at vita [P#x#px]
Hrbl 9.7 rvaldr goa [PS#px]
Hrbl 15.1 Hins viltu n geta [P#xx#x#px]
Hrbl 51.1 Hrbarr inn ragi [PS#x#px]
Hrbl 56.2 langt er at fara [P#x#x#px]
Moreover, we find six occurrences of subtypeA1s with anacrusis, as will be treated in

section11.1.2 below.
There are six comparable verses in Akv (section 9.1.1) and Hm (section 10.1.1),
respectively (disregarding two anacrustic ones in each). This is in sharp contrast to
mlahttr, in which there are no definite instances of such configurations, apart from
the single example with anacrusis (sections 8.1.1 and 8.1.2). It should be noted that
the examples attested in the three poems Hrbl, Akv, and Hm include two minimal
variants of the subtype in question, which cannot be scanned in any another way,
namely, the configurations PSpx and Pxpx.
The catalectic variant of type A1, that is, type A1-, constitutes the other distinguishing feature of type A1 that is commonly observed in Hrbl, Akv, and Hm as
opposed to mlahttr. In Hrbl, we find the following five examples of typeA1-:
(3)
Hrbl 6.1 eygi er [Px#P]

Hrbl 23.1 Ec var austr [P#x#P] (also Hrbl 29.1, 30.1)
Hrbl 38.1 Klki vanntu , rr [Px#xx#x#P]
By the same token, Akv offers seven corresponding instances (section9.1.1), and Hm
contains six (section 10.1.1). In marked contrast, the configuration PxP is totally
unknown to mlahttr (section8.1.1).
As it turns out, the proportions of subtypeA1s to typeA1 and those of typeA1- to
typeA1 differ significantly between any of the three poems (Hrbl, Akv, and Hm) on
the one hand and mlahttr on the other (Table 11.5): p < 0.001 between Hrbl and
mlahttr, between Hm and mlahttr, and between Akv and mlahttr, in regard to
545
both variants. Correspondingly, the three poems are in turn indistinguishable from
each other with respect to the overall distribution patterns of the three configurations
at issue. Furthermore, the use of these two marked variants in the three poems does
not differ significantly from that in fornyrislag. Thus, the presence versus absence
of subtypeA1s and typeA1- places mlahttr and fornyrislag at opposite ends of the
scale; the remaining three poems may then be localized at some point that is closer
to fornyrislag.
Table11.5.Occurrences of PxPx, Pxpx, and PxP in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Configuration
Hrbl
Mlahttr
Akv
Hm
Fornyrislag
PxPx
Pxpx
PxP
31
6
5
302
0
0
94
6
7
71
6
6
2035
284
268
The two variants of type A1 in question are both reduced in prominence in their
surface manifestations because of the short second lift (subtype A1s) and the null
second drop (typeA1-). Since their total absence in mlahttr is explained as a consequence of the reconfiguration of typeA1 as typeA1* with a resultant enhanced prominence on the verse as a whole (section8.1.1), their significantly larger presence in Hrbl
as well as in Akv and Hm can be adduced as a corroboration for claiming that typeA1
still persists in these three meters.
11.1.2Type aA1 (/ /)
Altogether, thirty-two examples of the configuration xPxPx are attested in Hrbl, as
exemplified below, and distributed as shown in Table11.6.3
(4)
Hrbl 56.9 oc mun hon kenna hnom ttunga brautir [x#x#x#xx#xx#Pxx#Px]

Hrbl 42.3 sem iafnendr unno [x#Px#Px]
Hrbl 30.2 oc vi einhveria dmac [x#x#PXx#Px]
While the alliterative pattern remains undifferentiated throughout the five meters
under discussion, verse distribution is involved in a three-way variation: Hrbl,
3A-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Hrbl 8.5, 56.9; a-verse with double alliteration (3
examples): Hrbl 23.7, 42.3, 56.5; b-verse (27 examples): 1.2, 2.2, 3.4, 5.4, 6.4, 7.2, 7.4, 8.6, 8.8, 9.8, 12.2,
13.4, 13.8, 14.4, 15.2, 23.2, 23.6, 29.2, 30.2, 33.2, 39.4, 39.6, 40.2, 42.4, 55.2, 56.10, 58.2. In addition, there
is a single instance of the configuration in which the second lift is filled by a secondary-stressed syllable (Hrbl 8.4).
546
grouped together with Akv and Hm, is distinguished on the one hand from fornyris
lag by the significantly higher frequency of the b-verse (p = 0.019). In relation to
mlahttr, however, the three poems do not behave uniformly: while Akv is distinguished sharply from mlahttr by its failure to maximize occurrence of the b-verse
(p = 0.001), the other two also differ from it, but not as conspicuously, with p-values of 0.035 (between Hrbl and mlahttr) and 0.037 (between Hm and mlahttr).
Within the group itself, the three members are indistinguishable on the parameter
in question: p=0.575 between Hrbl and Akv; p=0.684 between Hrbl and Hm; p=1
between Akv and Hm. On the whole, then, Hrbl, Akv, and Hm stand at the midpoint
on the three-graded scale of degrees of association with the b-verse, ranging from null
(fornyrislag) to moderate (Hrbl, Akv, and Hm) to maximal (mlahttr).
Table11.6.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPxPx in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag
Meter
Hrbl
Mlahttr
Akv
Hm
Fornyrislag
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
5 (15.63%)
27 (84.38%)
32 (100%)
98 (96.08%)
102 (100%)
39 (78.00%)
50 (100%)
11 (78.57%)
14 (100%)
14 (53.85%)
26 (100%)
2 (40.00%)
2 (50.00%)
7 (63.64%)
2 (66.67%)
4 (33.33%)
4 (3.92%)
11 (22.00%)
3 (21.43%)
12 (46.15%)
3 (60.00%)
2 (50.00%)
4 (36.36%)
1 (33.33%)
8 (66.67%)
Total
With virtually the same numbers of occurrences of types aA1 (32 examples) and A1
(31 examples), Hrbl is distinguished from all other meters by the conspicuous presence of the anacrustic variant relative to the regular one without anacrusis; it differs
even from Akv (50 type aA1 instances as against 94 typeA1 ones; p=0.032), which
stands out by virtue of the highest rate of anacrusis in the four meters examined so
far, namely, fornyrislag (26 vs. 2035), mlahttr (102 vs. 302), Akv (50 vs. 94), and Hm
(14 vs. 71).
How should we account for such a high incidence of typeA1 with anacrusis in
Hrbl as is unparalleled elsewhere? Given the relatively large presence of monosyllables in the first drop of typeA1 in Hrbl (section11.1.1), we may be led to infer, as suggested above, that the reanalysis of typeA1 as typeA1* such as is fully implemented in
mlahttr is not yet complete. If we assume, however, that Hrbl is increasingly subject
to the principle of five positions per verse, the extensive use of anacrusis in Hrbl may
547
be explained as a consequence of the heavier reliance on this alternative means of

composing longer verses in accordance with the new principle, because of the persist
ence of typeA1 (/ / ) which resists the replacement by typeA1* (/ / ). Thus,
the meter of Hrbl is moving largely toward the prototype of mlahttr as is embodied
in Am by its fuller commitment to the five-position canon than the other transitional
meters (Akv and Hm).
Table 11.7 shows the size of anacrusis in terms of varying syllable numbers
implemented. Unique to Hrbl, anacrusis is realized predominantly by polysyllables:
while 14 verses begin with monosyllabic anacrusis, 18 contain disyllabic or longer
anacrusis. By contrast, the remaining meters display a contrary pattern of preferring
monosyllables to polysyllables as anacrusis: 72 monosyllables vs. 30 polysyllables in
mlahttr; 33 monosyllables vs. 17 polysyllables in Akv; 10 monosyllables vs. 4 polysyllables in Hm; and 20 monosyllables vs. 6 polysyllables in fornyrislag. The distribution patterns are all significantly different between Hrbl and any of the others at
least at a confidence level of 90%, except for between Hrbl and Hm, probably due to
the small sample size involved: p=0.067 between Hrbl and Akv; p=0.114 between
Hrbl and Hm; p = 0.010 between Hrbl and mlahttr; p = 0.016 between Hrbl and
fornyrislag.
Table11.7.Size of anacrusis in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Syllables
Hrbl
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Akv
Counts
Hm
Counts
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
7
14
10
4
2
2
43.75
31.25
12.50
6.25
6.25
72
26
4
0
0
70.59
25.49
3.92
0
0
33
11
5
1
0
66.00
22.00
10.00
2.00
0
10
2
2
0
0
71.43
14.29
14.29
0
0
20
5
1
0
0
76.92
19.23
3.85
0
0
Total
32
100
102
100
50
100
14
100
26
100
Obviously, the larger size of anacrusis may be regarded as integral to the higher incidence of anacrusis in Hrbl: the meter underlying this poem displays a marked preference for implementing anacrusis in a maximally prominent fashion through its substantial form and striking incidence.
The varying size of the first drop, notably the opposition between the monosyllabic and polysyllabic realizations of this metrical position, is significantly correlated
to the presence versus absence of anacrusis in typeA1 (Table11.8). More specifically,
with a p-value of 0.006, the configuration with the monosyllabic first drop is more
likely to be accompanied by anacrusis than that with the polysyllabic one in Hrbl.
Analogous associations are in force in all other meters, too, as we have already seen
above: p=0.001 in Akv; p=0.035 in Hm; p<0.001 in mlahttr; and p=0.001 in
fornyrislag.
548
Seen from a different perspective, however, the five meters under consideration
can largely be divided into two groups. At issue are the differing ways in which the
individual meters differentiate between monosyllables and polysyllables in their
association with anacrusis. With the polysyllabic first drop, the absence of anacrusis
consistently prevails over its presence in all of the meters, though not with identical
degrees of association as shown above. By contrast, the relation between the monosyllabic first drop and occurrence of anacrusis is far from uniform throughout the five
meters. At one end of the spectrum stand Hm and fornyrislag, in which anacrusis is
still in the minority, although it is more likely to appear than in the case of the polysyllabic first drop. At the other end are found Hrbl and mlahttr, which are characterized by the distribution patterns that are diametrically opposed to those of the polysyllabic counterpart: anacrusis prevails with the monosyllabic first drop in absolute
numbers, whereas its absence is in the majority when the position is filled by polysyllables. Finally, Akv may be viewed as standing at the intersection of the two groups.
The foregoing observations on the varying associations between monosyllables and anacrusis are substantiated in statistical terms: while Hrbl differs significantly from Hm (p=0.002) and fornyrislag (p<0.001), it is indistinguishable from
mlahttr (p=0.362) and Akv (p=0.084). Akv in turn, however, differs significantly
from mlahttr (p<0.001). Thus, Hrbl proves to be closest to mlahttr in the exact
manner of organizing the first drop of typeA1 in association with anacrusis.
Table11.8.Distribution of the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first drop in types A1 with and
without anacrusis in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Meter
First drop
Without anacrusis
With anacrusis
Total
Hrbl
Monosyllabic
Polysyllabic
10 (31.25%)
21 (67.74%)
22 (68.75%)
10 (32.26%)
32 (100%)
31 (100%)
Mlahttr
Monosyllabic
Polysyllabic
24 (23.30%)
278 (92.36%)
79 (76.70%)
23 (7.64%)
103 (100%)
301 (100%)
Akv
Monosyllabic
Polysyllabic
35 (51.47%)
59 (77.63%)
33 (48.53%)
17 (22.37%)
68 (100%)
76 (100%)
Hm
Monosyllabic
Polysyllabic
23 (71.88%)
48 (90.57%)
9 (28.13%)
5 (9.43%)
32 (100%)
53 (100%)
Fornyrislag
Monosyllabic
Polysyllabic
1517 (98.31%)
518 (100%)
26 (1.69%)
0 (0%)
1543 (100%)
518 (100%)
A similar pattern of grouping is in evidence in regard to the distribution of word-initials

and word-finals in the monosyllabic first drop. As represented in Table11.9, the two kinds
of monosyllables are sharply differentiated in relation to occurrence of anacrusis in Hrbl
and mlahttr: word-finals are strongly associated with anacrusis, and word-initials are
not. By contrast, the distinction of monosyllables in question is definitely foreign to Hm
549
and fornyrislag, and to a lesser extent to Akv. Relevant p-values in the five meters are
given as follows: p=0.001 in Hrbl; p<0.001 in mlahttr; p=0.094 in Akv; p=0.407 in
Hm; p=0.190 in fornyrislag. Again, we witness the close affinity of Hrbl with mlahttr in
metrical organization of the first drop of typeA1 in relation to the use of anacrusis.
Table11.9.Distribution of word-initials and word-finals in relation to anacrusis in Hrbl, mlahttr,
Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Hrbl
Anacrusis Without With
Mlahttr
Without With
Akv
Without With
Hm
Without With
Fornyrislag
Without With
-x#
3
20
13.04% 86.96%
3
59
23
28
17
5
1075
15
4.84% 95.16% 45.10% 54.90% 77.27% 22.73% 98.62% 1.38%
#x#
7
2
21
20
12
5
6
4
442
11
77.78% 22.22% 51.22% 48.78% 70.59% 29.41% 60.00% 40.00% 97.57% 2.43%
Hrbls concern with giving anacrusis a high profile, as remarked earlier, is well in
keeping with the close association that the meter carefully makes between anacrusis and minimality of the first drop. By maximizing the distinction in prominence
between the two initial drops the more prominent anacrusis and the less prominent
first drop the meter is capable of heightening the presence of anacrusis still further
in accord with its overall preference in composition.
In conclusion, then, the configuration xPxPx in Hrbl may be characterized in
terms of metrical organization as closer to that in mlahttr than in any other meter:
it is the only poem in which anacrusis is most outstandingly correlated to the minimal
shape of the first drop, notably word-final unstressed syllables x#, as in mlahttr.
In other respects, however, Hrbl goes farther than even mlahttr in its privileged
treatment of anacrusis: it implements anacrusis with a higher frequency and in a
more salient form. Such a conspicuous use of anacrusis in typeA1 in Hrbl may in turn
be ascribed to the interaction of the increasing importance of the principle of five
positions per verse on the one hand and of the sustained underlying representation /
/ (typeA1) that still defies categorical restructuring as / / (typeA1*).
As instantiated by the following six examples, subtype A1s is accompanied by
anacrusis with a conspicuously high incidence comparable to that in typeA1: there
are six anacrustic variants as against six without anacrusis (section11.1.1), the proportion that is no different from typeA1 (32 with and 31 without anacrusis; p=1).
(5)
Hrbl 7.3 ea hverr scipit [xx#P#x#px]

Hrbl 8.10 ef vill um sundit fara [x#x#x#x#Px#px]
Hrbl 9.6 enn Magna fair [x#Px#px]
Hrbl 15.3 s inn strgi iotunn [xx#PSx#px]
Hrbl 29.4 eir Svrangs synir [x#Px#px]
Hrbl 39.2 enn varla konor [x#Px#px]
550
A further similarity to type A1 is the apparent correlation between anacrusis and

the size of the first drop: anacrusis appears to occur more frequently when the first
drop is occupied by a monosyllable than by a polysyllable. Of the seven instances of
subtypeA1s with the monosyllabic first drop (with and without anacrusis), as many
as five (71.43%) are accompanied by anacrusis; by contrast, only one of the five verses
(20.00%) with the polysyllabic first drop is augmented with anacrusis. As it turns out,
however, this seeming association of anacrusis with the monosyllabic first drop of
subtypeA1s lacks statistical significance (p=0.242).4
11.1.3Types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \)
Type A2a is attested three times, and typeA2b once, as listed below. All of the three
examples of type A2a occur in the b-verse, while the single instance of type A2b
constitutes an a-verse. Two instances of typeA2a Hrbl 16.4 and 30.4 begin with
anacrusis; and two verses Hrbl 16.2 and 50.3 have the heavy drop occupied by a
primary stress.
(6)
Hrbl 16.2 fimm vetr alla [P#P#Px]

Hrbl 16.4 er Algrn heitir [x#PS#Px]
Hrbl 30.4 oc launing hac [x#PS#Px]
Hrbl 50.3 langt myndir n kominn, rr [P#xx#x#x#px#P]
Although the very small number of occurrences makes it infeasible to make a strong
generalization based on statistical reasoning, we may draw attention to the following
properties that are seemingly characteristic of types A2a and A2b in Hrbl. The absence
of the minimal and prototypical variants of the two types, namely, PSPx and PxPS,
reminds us of the analogous situation in mlahttr, in which typeA2a in whatever
shape is unattested and all instances but one of typeA2b have the first drop filled
by polysyllables (section8.1.3). Furthermore, the single exceptional instance of the
configuration PxPS in mlahttr is extended with anacrusis, precisely as are the two
verses of the minimal variant of typeA2a (PSPx) in Hrbl. Thus, Hrbl and mlahttr
seem to share the common property of avoiding the minimal variants of types A2a
(PSPx) and A2b (PxPS). Compatible with this interpretation is Hrbl 16.2: equipped
with the primary-stressed first drop, this verse constitutes a configuration that is
4These notable parallelisms to type A1, whether statistically supported or not, in turn may
strengthen the plausibility of identifying these six verses in (5) as subtypeA1s with anacrusis, rather
than typeB or E with anacrusis. The latter alternative scansions must be rejected decisively by the
exclusion of resolution at the end of a verse. The scansion as subtypeA1s is thus supported by the
convergence of independent empirical motivations.
551
more prominent than the minimal one PSPx to be avoided. By contrast, both Akv and
Hm contain this prototypical variant of type A2a, three out of a total of six in Akv
(section 9.1.3), and one out of a total of three in Hm (section 10.1.3). Overall, then,
we may conclude that the metrical organization of types A2a and A2b groups Hrbl
with mlahttr in distinction from Akv and Hm, which constitute a separate group.
Given the minimal presence of the configurations that are scannable as types A2a and
A2b and the resultant lack of demonstrable distinction between the two, we would
subsume them under the common verse type, typeA2.
11.1.4Type A3 ([/] /)
Eleven examples of the configuration xPx (including xPS) are found in Hrbl, as
exemplified below.5
(7)
Hrbl 29.7 uro eir mic fyrri [x#xx#x#x#Px]

Hrbl 5.2 er hveriom iccir [x#xx#Px]
Hrbl 56.6 unz hittir Verland [x#x#xx#PS]
The initial upbeat varies in terms of syllable numbers occurring in it, ranging between
two and five in the distribution pattern represented in Table11.10, in comparison with
other meters. At first glance, we may note that disyllables are commonly underrepresented in Hrbl and mlahttr, in contrast to Akv and Hm as well as fornyrislag.
Conversely, the proportions of four (and five) syllable sequences are relatively high
in Hrbl, mlahttr, and also Hm, as opposed to Akv and fornyrislag. Thus, Hrbl and
mlahttr on the one hand, and Akv and fornyrislag on the other, appear to be polarized, with Hm standing in between.
Due to the small sample size involved, however, these observations on the grouping of the five meters on the basis of the seemingly differing proportions of syllable
numbers cannot be firmly verified on statistical grounds. Applying Fishers exact
test on the occurrences of disyllables or those of quadrisyllables fails to support the
grouping suggested above. A resort to the Kendall Rank Correlation test does not
lead to a definite result, either. Specifically, the rank correlation coefficients (Kendall
tau) and their corresponding p-values are obtained as follows: = 0.183 and p = 1
5A-verse (7 examples): Hrbl 15.5, 29.3, 29.7, 33.1, 34.1, 35.1, 40.1; b-verse (4 examples): Hrbl 5.2, 42.2,
56.4, 56.6. Besides, there is a single instance of the catalectic variant, typeA3-: Hrbl 3.5 t ec hvld.
Unlike typeA1-, however, catalexis occurring in typeA3 is incapable of making a significant discrimination among the five meters in question: the presence of typeA3- relative to typeA3 (1 to 11 in Hrbl,
0 to 8 in mlahttr, 2 to 19 in Akv, 6 to 20 in Hm, and 28 to 592 in fornyrislag) lacks statistical significance.
552
between Hrbl and Akv; = 0.400 and p=0.702 between Hrbl and Hm; = 0.800 and
p = 0.251 between Hrbl and mlahttr; = 0.645 and p = 0.119 between Hrbl and
fornyrislag.
A further potential criterion for measuring the proximity of Hrbl (and the others)
to mlahttr on the one hand and fornyrislag on the other is the relative occurrence
of typeA3 in the corpus. As pointed out in section8.1.4 above, typeA3 occurs with a
significantly lower incidence in mlahttr than in fornyrislag for good reason. With
this in mind, we compare the following counts of typeA3 in the whole population of
each meter: 11 in the population of 166 verses in Hrbl; 8 in the population of 760 verses
in mlahttr; 19 in the population of 348 verses in Akv; 20 in the population of 214
verses in Hm; 705 in the population of 5998 verses in fornyrislag.
Thus, by virtue of its significant difference from mlahttr on this parameter
(p < 0.001), Hrbl proves to be no different from the other meters, which all differ
from the same meter with a p-value of less than 0.001. Of further interest, Hrbl barely
differs from fornyrislag as well (p=0.048), whereas it is indistinguishable from the
two transient meters (p=0.688 as against Akv and p=0.353 as against Hm). Given
that neither of the last two meters displays structural properties of typeA3 that can
be adduced as evidence for the reanalysis whether ongoing or complete of typeA3
as typeA3*, we may be warranted in inferring on the strength of the analogous status
within the system that Hrbl, too, has not yet reached the stage in which typeA3 is
reorganized as a five-position configuration (typeA3*).
This inference gains in plausibility, when we refer to the treatment of typeA1 in
Hrbl, Akv, and Hm: in none of them is typeA1 reconfigured as typeA1*, as argued
above. Since typeA3 is derived from typeA1 through zero realization of the first lift
(section 2.3), the two types are isomorphic in underlying metrical representation.
In this light, the persistence of type A1 in these meters constitutes a forceful argument for characterizing the configuration xPx as comprising four positions, namely,
typeA3, as opposed to typeA3*. We may accordingly be led to postulate the metrical
representation (/) / underlying the configuration xPx in Hrbl, and to identify it
as typeA3 in concert with Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag, and as opposed to mlahttr.
Table11.10.Size of the first drop of xPx in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Syllables
Hrbl
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Akv
Counts
%
Hm
Counts
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
6
0
1
4
3
3
0
0
9.09
36.36
27.27
27.27
0
0
0
5
3
0
0
0
0
62.50
37.50
0
0
0
5
11
3
0
0
0
26.32
57.89
15.79
0
0
0
5
7
7
1
0
0
25.00
35.00
35.00
5.00
0
3
211
312
57
8
1
0.51
35.64
52.70
9.63
1.35
0.17
Total
11
100
100
19
100
20
100
592
100
553
11.1.5Type B (/ /)
The configuration xPxP is used four times, all being b-verses, in Hrbl, as exemplified below:6
(8)
Hrbl 7.3 ea hverr scipit [xx#P#x#px]

Hrbl 3.6 r ec heiman fr [x#x#Px#P]
The relative presence of this configuration in Hrbl 4 out of 166 verses does not
differ significantly from those in Akv (10 examples in the population of 348 verses;
p=1) and Hm (8 examples in the population of 214 verses; p=0.563). It is significantly
different, however, from fornyrislag (451 examples in the population of 5998 verses;
p=0.010) on the one hand, and from mlahttr (1 example in the population of 760
verses; p=0.004) on the other. Thus, the relative presence of typeB (or typeB*) in
the whole population divides the five meters concerned into three groups in order
of decreasing occurrence: fornyrislag > Akv/Hm/Hrbl > mlahttr. Accordingly, Hrbl,
along with Akv and Hm, stands between the two extremes, fornyrislag on the one
hand and mlahttr on the other, where type B is used maximally and minimally,
respectively.
While put together by the relatively high profile of the configuration at issue, the
three meters are grouped with varying degrees of resemblance among themselves
along other parameters. First, the distribution between the a-verse and the b-verse
suggests a closer link of Hrbl and Akv, in distinction from Hm. Specifically, while Hrbl
is indistinguishable from Akv by the shared preference for the b-verse (p=0.505), it
seems to be distanced from Hm (p=0.081).
Table11.11.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPxP in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag
Meter
Hrbl
Mlahttr
Akv
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
3 (30.00%)
6B-verse (4 examples): Hrbl 3.6, 8.2, 9.4, 43.2.
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
Total
4 (100%)
4 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
7 (70.00%)
10 (100%)
554
Meter
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Hm
3 (60.00%)
Fornyrislag
5 (62.50%)
B-verse
3 (37.50%)
8 (100%)
117 (25.94%)
451 (100%)
2 (40.00%)
334 (74.06%)
270 (80.84%)
64 (19.16%)
Total
A second parameter is constituted by the varying size of the first drop. As shown in
Table11.12, the vast majority, accounting for around 90%, embodies monosyllables or
disyllables in Hrbl, Hm, and fornyrislag; by contrast, Akv is distinguished from these
three by the preponderance of the disyllabic and trisyllabic first drop. On this parameter, then, Hrbl may be characterized as closer to Hm than to Akv. Of greater interest,
drawing on the predominance of monosyllables and disyllables in the first drop, we
may be justified in identifying the configuration under consideration in Hrbl as typeB
(/ /), rather than typeB* ( / /).
Table11.12.Size of the first drop of typeB in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Syllables
Hrbl
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts %
Akv
Counts
%
Hm
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
1
3
0
0
25.00
75.00
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
100
0
1
5
3
1
10.00
50.00
30.00
10.00
5
3
0
0
62.50
37.50
0
0
215
216
18
2
47.67
47.89
3.99
0.44
Total
100
100
10
100
100
451
100
In conclusion, as far as the configuration xPxP is concerned, Hrbl seems to be

standing between the two poles represented by fornyrislag and mlahttr, respectively. Occupying this middle zone, Hrbl, Akv, and Hm display varying degrees of similarity according to different parameters.
11.1.6Type C* ( / /)
As exemplified in (9), Hrbl offers twenty-four examples of the configurations that are
characterized as typeC in fornyrislag, Akv, and Hm, and as typeC* in mlahttr.7
7A-verse with single alliteration (8 examples): Hrbl 11.1, 12.1, 14.3, 16.1, 16.3, 37.3, 58.1, 59.3; a-verse
with double alliteration (6 examples): Hrbl 1.1, 2.1, 9.3, 23.5, 28.1, 48.1; b-verse (10 examples): Hrbl
14.2, 15.6, 16.6, 23.4, 23.8, 34.2, 38.2, 50.4, 54.2, 56.8. In addition, we find two instances of the catalectic
(9)
555
Hrbl 11.1 Hvat scaltu of nafn hylia [x#xx#x#P#Px]

Hrbl 23.8 undir migari [xx#PSx]
Hrbl 58.1 Taca vi vl oc erfii [xx#x#x#x#Pxx]
Given that the relative presence of these configurations distinguishes sharply between
mlahttr and fornyrislag (section8.1.6), we may use this feature as one of the major
criteria by which to identify the meter of Hrbl along the scale between these two polar
opposites represented by mlahttr and fornyrislag, respectively. The numbers of
typeC (or typeC*) verses and the total of verses involved in the five meters under consideration are given as follows: 24 examples in the population of 166 verses (Hrbl); 126
examples in the population of 760 verses (mlahttr); 51 examples in the population
of 348 verses (Akv); 42 examples in the population of 214 verses (Hm); 1343 examples in the population of 5998 verses (fornyrislag). Performing Fishers exact test on
the four meters in comparison with Hrbl, we obtain the following results: p=0.562
between Hrbl and mlahttr; p=1 between Hrbl and Akv; p=0.220 between Hrbl and
Hm; p=0.014 between Hrbl and fornyrislag. As it turns out, Hrbl is distinguished
only from fornyrislag on the parameter of the likelihood of using typeC (or typeC*):
verses of this type occur in relatively smaller numbers in Hrbl than in fornyrislag and
without appreciable distinction from the remaining three verses.
The distribution patterns of these configurations are indicated in Table 11.13.
Unlike the relative frequency considered above, the verse distribution does not serve
as a distinguishing parameter for localizing Hrbl relative to mlahttr and fornyris
lag: Hrbl is scarcely distinguishable from either p = 0.113 against mlahttr and
p=0.090 against fornyrislag on the grounds of the distinction between the a-verse
and the b-verse. Yet it differs markedly from Akv (p=0.004) and Hm (p=0.001) on
the same parameter.
variant, typeC- (rather than typeC*-; see section8.1.6 above): Hrbl 9.2 tt ec secr sic [x#x#P#P]; 12.4
nema ec feigr s [xx#x#P#P].

Given that use of typeC- relative to typeC differs significantly between mlahttr and fornyris
lag (p=0.012), we might be tempted to invoke this parameter for the purpose of characterizing the
meter of Hrbl in relation to these two polar opposites. The proportions of the catalectic to the regular variant in the five meters are as follows: 2 to 24 in Hrbl; 1 to 126 in mlahttr; 3 to 51 in Akv;
1 to 42 in Hm; 77 to 1343 in fornyrislag. As it turns out, however, the distributions involved are
only of suggestive value (if any), because Hrbl is indistinguishable from all of the others, as follows:
p=0.075 between Hrbl and mlahttr; p=0.658 between Hrbl and Akv; p=0.552 between Hrbl and
Hm; p=0.649 between Hrbl and fornyrislag.
556
Table11.13.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag
Meter
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
Hrbl
14 (58.33%)
8 (57.14%)
6 (42.86%)
10 (41.67%)
24 (100%)
Mlahttr
49 (38.89%)
6 (12.24%)
43 (87.76%)
77 (61.11%)
126 (100%)
Akv
12 (23.53%)
10 (83.33%)
2 (16.67%)
39 (76.47%)
51 (100%)
7 (16.67%)
35 (83.33%)
42 (100%)
814 (60.61%)
1343 (100%)
Hm
Fornyrislag
6 (85.71%)
1 (14.29%)
529 (39.39%)
397 (75.05%)
132 (24.95%)
Table11.14 illustrates the distribution of the first drop in terms of numbers of syllables
represented. Of particular interest is the varying extent to which monosyllables occur
in the position in question across the five meters. Since mlahttr and fornyrislag
are maximally distinguished along this parameter (p<0.001; section8.1.6), we may
wish to examine this feature in order to characterize Hrbl in terms relative to the two
diametrically opposed meters. As it turns out, Hrbl is found to be similar to mlahttr
in this respect (p=0.157), and accordingly differs from fornyrislag (p<0.001): the
monosyllabic first drop tends to be avoided in Hrbl as well as in mlahttr. Noteworthy also is Hrbls definite dissimilarity to Hm (p = 0.001), and its marginal resemblance to Akv (p=0.092), in regard to the size of the first drop of typeC (or typeC*).
On the other hand, Akv in turn is distinguished from mlahttr on this parameter
(p<0.001).
The foregoing examination may motivate us in postulating the metrical structure
/ / as the underlying representation for the configurations xPPx/xPSx/x
PXx in Hrbl, and to identify them as typeC*, precisely as in mlahttr. This analysis,
however, turns out to be at odds with the characterization proposed in the last section
for the configuration xPxP as typeB (/ /), rather than typeB* ( / /).
557
Table11.14.Size of the first drop of typeC in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Total
Hrbl
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Akv
Counts
Hm
Counts
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
3
8
6
2
5
0
0
12.50
33.33
25.00
8.33
20.83
0
0
6
72
42
6
0
0
0
4.76
57.14
33.33
4.76
0
0
0
17
14
18
1
1
0
0
33.33
27.45
35.29
1.96
1.96
0
0
23
8
9
1
0
0
1
54.76
19.05
21.43
2.38
0
0
2.38
820
458
63
2
0
0
0
61.06
34.10
4.69
0.15
0
0
0
24
100
126
100
51
100
42
100
1343
1. 00
As may be recalled, the opposition between the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first
drop is correlated to the distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse in fornyris
lag, whereby monosyllables are associated with the b-verse, and polysyllables with
the a-verse (section 2.8.1). This correlation, however, is foreign to Akv, Hm, as well
as to mlahttr (section8.1.6): in them, the b-verse consistently prevails irrespective
of the size of the first drop. Interestingly enough, Hrbl displays an analogous property to the last three meters: in it, too, the monosyllabic and polysyllabic first drops
remain undifferentiated in regard to their preference for verse distribution (p=0.550;
compare Table11.15 below and Table9.15, section9.1.6, and Table10.8, section10.1.6).
Unique to this poem, however, we recognize a significant difference in verse distinction between monosyllables/disyllables on the one hand and longer sequences on
the other (p=0.011): the smaller set is associated with the b-verse, whereas the larger
one is correlated to the a-verse, the association that is comparable to that observed in
fornyrislag, although the dichotomy there concerns the division between monosyllables and polysyllables.
In this connection, it will be appropriate to recall that there is evidence for inferring that type C in fornyrislag was reorganized as type C* in Hrbl, supplied with
an additional drop to the first position, as argued above. Now that the first drop is
extended to contain two successive drops in Hrbl, the minimal number of syllables
involved there would have risen to two. Inasmuch as the division into monosyllables and polysyllables in fornyrislag is interpreted as that between the minimal
and more than minimal numbers of syllables to be aligned to the first drop according
to the underlying representation / / , it would follow as a matter of course that
the restructuring resulting in the expanded representation / / (typeC*) in Hrbl
should entail shifting the basis of opposition to the division between the first two
syllables (minimal) and longer ones (more than minimal). In this light, then, we may
understand the apparently novel organization that is unique to Hrbl as a logical consequence of the structural reorganization whereby typeC was redefined as typeC* in
this meter.
558
Table11.15.Verse distinction of typeC according to size of the first drop in Hrbl, mlahttr, and
fornyrislag
Syllables
A-verse
Hrbl
B-verse
Total
A-verse
Mlahttr
B-verse
Fornyrislag
A-verse
B-verse
Total
Total
1
2
3
(33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
1
5
6
(16.67%) (83.33%) (100%)
223
597
820
(27.20%) (72.80%) (100%)
2
6
8
(25.00%) (75.00%) (100%)
30
42
72
(41.67%) (58.33%) (100%)
262
196
458
(57.21%) (42.79%) (100%)
5
1
6
(83.33%) (16.67%) (100%)
14
28
42
(33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
43
20
63
(68.25%) (31.75%) (100%)
4
2
6
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
1
1
2
(50.00%) (50.00%) (100%)
4
5
2
(100%)
0
2
(0%) (100%)
4
1
5
(80.00%) (20.00%) (100%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
Another distinguishing feature of mlahttr as opposed to fornyrislag is the virtual

monopoly of the configuration xPPx as realizations of typeC* (section8.1.6). Of paramount importance, the degree of concentration on this privileged variant with the
long first and second lifts in Hrbl distances it both from fornyrislag (p<0.001) and
mlahttr (p=0.001; Table11.16): while this configuration occurs with a significantly
higher incidence in Hrbl than in fornyrislag, it is not as maximally favored as in
mlahttr. Confronted with this result, we may wish to explore a more precise localization of Hrbl predicated on this parameter by making comparisons with the remaining two meters, Akv and Hm. As it turns out, the three meters in question do not differ
from each other on this parameter: p=0.460 between Hrbl and Akv; p=0.307 between
Hrbl and Hm; p=0.834 between Akv and Hm. As noted in section10.1.6 above, Akv
and Hm are distinguished significantly from fornyrislag and mlahttr (p<0.001) on
this parameter. Accordingly, since the configuration xPPx commonly accounts for
approximately half of the total of typeC, Hrbl, Akv, and Hm apparently constitute a
distinct group that is irreducible to the two polar opposites.
Table11.16.Occurrences of typeC variants in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Configuration
xPPx
xpxPx
xPpx
xPpxx
xPSx
xpxSx
Hrbl
Counts
%
14
5
0
0
2
0
58.33
20.83
0
0
8.33
0
Mlahttr
Counts
%
113
4
5
0
4
0
89.68
3.17
3.97
0
3.17
0
Akv
Counts
%
24
8
4
0
8
1
47.06
15.69
7.84
0
15.69
1.96
Hm
Counts
%
18
5
2
0
5
4
42.86
11.90
4.76
0
11.90
9.52
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
162
382
280
1
133
91
12.06
28.44
20.85
0.07
9.90
6.78
Configuration
xPsx
xPXx
xPxx
xpXx
Total
Hrbl
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Akv
Counts
%
Hm
Counts
%
559
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
0
2
0
4.17
0
8.33
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
2
1
2
1.96
3.92
1.96
3.92
6
2
0
0
14.29
4.76
0
0
133
75
58
28
9.90
5.58
4.32
2.08
24
100
126
100
51
100
42
100
1343
100
On closer examination, however, the three meters may be further distinguished on a

finer detail. Rather than comparing the privileged variant against the remainder in a
sweeping manner, we may introduce a grouping and then make a comparison on the
basis of this intermediate level of verse type organization. At issue is the grouping
predicated on whether the second lift is prototypically filled by a primary-stressed
syllable or not, or more generally based on the three-way distinction of stress that
falls on the second lift primary, secondary, and weak. The distribution patterns in
question are indicated in Table11.17.
Table11.17.Occurrences of typeC/C* variants according to stress on the second lift in Hrbl,
mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Configuration
Hrbl
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Akv
Counts
%
Hm
Counts
%
xPPx/xPpx
xPSx/xPsx
xPXx/xPxx
19
3
2
79.17
12.50
8.33
122
4
0
96.83
3.17
0
36
10
5
70.59
19.61
9.80
25
15
2
59.52
35.71
4.76
Total
24
100
126
100
51
100
42
100
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
825 61.43
357 26.58
161 11.99
1343
100
Comparing the middle group consisting of Hrbl, Akv, and Hm with the two polar
opposites represented by mlahttr and fornyrislag in regard to the occurrence of
the primary-stressed second lift relative to the less prominent ones, we obtain the
following results. While the three meters all differ from mlahttr (p=0.006 between
Hrbl and mlahttr; p < 0.001 between Akv and mlahttr, and between Hm and
mlahttr), only Hrbl can be distinguished from fornyrislag at a significance level of
0.10 (p=0.091), whereas the other two are not (p=0.240 between Akv and fornyris
lag; p = 0.872 between Hm and fornyrislag). Hence, we may conclude that Hrbl is
more similar to mlahttr than are Akv and Hm.
As examined at length in section8.1.6 above, mlahttr stands out by the stronger
tendency to use class 1 words in the first drop of typeC* compared with the corresponding position of typeC in fornyrislag (p<0.001). On this parameter, Hrbl, too, is
differentiated from fornyrislag (p<0.001), as are Akv (p<0.001) and Hm (p=0.006).
Specifically, five out of a total of twenty-four type C* verses in Hrbl contain class 1
words in the initial upbeat, as illustrated below:
560
(10)
Hrbl 14.3 fanntau mann inn harara [xxx#P(=x)#x#Pxx]

Hrbl 23.5 mikil myndi tt iotna [p (=x)x#xx#P#Px]
Hrbl 48.1 Sif h heima [P(=x)#x#P#Px]
Hrbl 58.1 Taca vi vl oc erfii [xx#x#P(=x)#x#Pxx]
Hrbl 59.3 launa mun ec r farsynion [P(=x)x#x#x#x#PSx]
Moreover, this ratio of 5 to 19 in Hrbl makes no significant difference from those of

9 to 42 in Akv and of 3 to 39 in Hm, although it could be regarded as slightly higher
than that in mlahttr with the proportion of 8 to 118 (p=0.047). In any event, inasmuch as mlahttr is also distinguished from fornyrislag (11 to 1332) with a p-value of
less than 0.001 (section8.1.6), nothing should stand in the way of grouping Hrbl with
mlahttr along with Akv and Hm.
In summary, we have isolated and examined the seven parametric variations of
typeC/C* that may determine the metrical identity of Hrbl at some point on the scale
between mlahttr and fornyrislag (Table 11.18): (i) occurrence of type C/C* relative to other types; (ii) distribution in the a-verse and the b-verse; (iii) size of the first
drop; (iv) correlation between the first drop and verse distribution; (v) predominance
of the configuration xPPx over other variants; (vi) occurrence of the prototypical
primary-stressed second lift relative to the less prominent variants; (vii) use of class
1 words in the first drop. Parameter (ii) is indeterminate, as Hrbl is indistinguishable
on this score from either mlahttr or fornyrislag. By the same token, parameter (v)
in itself is hardly illuminating in the opposite sense, because Hrbl is sharply differentiated from both mlahttr and fornyrislag in this respect. Parameters (i), (iii),
(vi), and (vii) point to the close affinity of Hrbl with mlahttr, whereas parameter
(iv) supports the grouping with fornyrislag. In this light, it seems beyond reasonable doubt that Hrbl stands somewhere between the two maximally distinguished
meters.
The nature of the parameters involved, however, may suggest that Hrbl is closer
to mlahttr than the other two transient meters, namely, Akv and Hm. Of the greatest
importance by far in this regard would seem to be the radically increased size of the
first drop (parameter [iii]) and what it implies for underlying metrical organization,
that is, the (ongoing) recategorization of typeC as typeC*. This constitutes a prima
facie innovation in the metrical system, whereby verse form is reconstituted.
No less significant than this feature is parameter (vi), which in conjunction with
parameter (v) brings about a sharper articulation of originally only moderately differentiated material, whereby the primary-stressed syllable in general and the long
one in particular are increasingly privileged as the second lift. This increased structuration may be attributed to the growing organizing force of the cadence variant Px,
which will ultimately lead to the unification of type C* under the sole representative Px in mlahttr. Parameter (i) is also of interest: while failing to incur change in
underlying representation or to introduce novel structuration, it nonetheless affects
metrical organization by modifying the system of verse types in paradigmatic terms:
561
reduced occurrence of typeC leads to a weakened status of it, and conversely a heightened profile of other verse types, notably typeA1.
By contrast, the single parameter that links Hrbl to fornyrislag parameter (iv)
is an inheritance from traditional meter (fornyrislag), which may simply point to a
relative conservatism of Hrbl compared with mlahttr. On the other hand, parameter
(vii), when taken in isolation, may be interpreted as no more than a slackening of
the privilege of class 1 words being prioritized in their alignment to lifts, a weakening of the original convention that took place elsewhere as well, as in the Heliand
and late Old English poetry in West Germanic traditions. Since this relaxation is thus
implemented widely across the North and West Germanic boundaries, this parameter
might be regarded as of limited value in determining metrical identity in a genealogical light, as we are currently concerned with. In association with the expansion of the
first drop (parameter [iii]), however, the extensive use of class 1 words in this position
turns out to be of no less significance, since this may specifically be explained as a
consequence of the enlarged first drop in underlying representation.
Table11.18.Grouping of Hrbl with mlahttr or fornyrislag in regard to typeC on the basis of its
parametric variations
Parameter
(i) Relative presence of typeC
(ii) Verse distribution
(iii) Size of the first drop
(iv) Correlation between the first drop and verse distribution
(v) Predominance of xPPx
(vi) Occurrence of the primary-stressed second lift
(vii) Use of class 1 words in the first drop
Mlahttr
Fornyrislag
11.1.7Type D* (/ / )
Type D* occurs thirty-five times in Hrbl, as exemplified below.8 Nine of these are
accompanied by anacrusis. Its distribution in terms of verse distinction and alliterative pattern is represented in Table 11.19. Given that the a-/b-verse distinction does
not differ between mlahttr and fornyrislag (section 8.1.8), we may concentrate
8A-verse with single alliteration (4 examples): Hrbl 7.1, 43.3 (with anacrusis), 55.1, 59.1; a-verse with
double alliteration (14 examples): Hrbl 8.3, 13.3 (with anacrusis), 23.3, 30.3, 30.5, 37.1, 39.1, 39.5, 40.3,
48.3, 49.1, 49.3, 53.3, 54.1; b-verse (17 examples): Hrbl 6.2 (with anacrusis), 10.2, 11.2, 15.4 (with anacrusis), 28.2 (with anacrusis), 30.6, 35.2 (with anacrusis), 37.2, 37.4, 48.2, 48.4, 49.2 (with anacrusis), 50.2,
53.2, 53.4, 59.2 (with anacrusis), 59.4 (with anacrusis).
562
on the distribution of single and double alliteration in the a-verse for characterizing
Hrbl in relation to these two maximally distinguished meters. While double alliteration prevails in all of the five meters, mlahttr is uniquely distinguished from the
remainder by the virtual absence of single alliteration. Accordingly, Hrbl differs from
mlahttr on this parameter (p=0.011), as do all of the others (p=0.022 between Akv
and mlahttr; p=0.037 between Hm and mlahttr; p<0.001 between fornyrislag
and mlahttr); conversely, Hrbl is indistinguishable from Akv (p=0.722), Hm (p=1),
and fornyrislag (p=1).
(11)
Hrbl 7.1 Stru hingat eikionni [Px#xx#PXx]

Hrbl 23.3 brir blvsar [Px#PSx]
Hrbl 37.2 barac Hlseyio [Px#x#PSx]
Table11.19.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD* in Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and
fornyrislag
Meter
Hrbl
Mlahttr
Akv
Hm
Fornyrislag
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
18 (51.43%)
14 (77.78%)
17 (48.57%)
35 (100%)
111 (60.66%)
106 (95.50%)
72 (39.34%)
183 (100%)
8 (16.67%)
48 (66.67%)
40 (83.33%)
24 (33.33%)
72 (100%)
3 (23.08%)
13 (72.22%)
10 (76.92%)
5 (27.78%)
18 (100%)
43 (64.18%)
11 (25.58%)
32 (74.42%)
24 (35.82%)
67 (100%)
4 (22.22%)
5 (4.50%)
What seems to be an outstanding feature of Hrbl is the complete absence of typeD.

As shown in section 8.1.8 above, mlahttr and fornyrislag differ significantly in
regard to the proportion of typeD* to typeD. We may therefore use this feature as a
viable criterion for determining the metrical identity of Hrbl against the two meters
that we have been using as the two major reference points. As it turns out, Hrbl is distinguished from all of the other four meters: not only from fornyrislag with the diametrically opposite distribution pattern (p<0.001; 67 typeD* vs. 323 typeD), but also
from mlahttr (p=0.031; 183 typeD* vs. 23 typeD), from Akv (p=0.017; 72 typeD*
vs. 12 typeD), and Hm (p<0.001; 18 typeD* vs. 10 typeD). Thus, given the lack of
significant difference between Akv and mlahttr (section 9.1.8) and their common
distinction from Hm (section10.1.8), Hrbl may be situated in the following scale of
563
increasing occurrence of typeD* relative to typeD: fornyrislag < Hm < Akv/mlahttr

< Hrbl. Hrbl is thus uniquely distinguished from the rest by the maximal occurrence of
typeD* to the exclusion of typeD.
A further notable property of Hrbl appears to be a high incidence of anacrusis in
typeD*, with 9 anacrustic and 26 nonanacrustic examples. While this feature differentiates between mlahttr (11 with anacrusis and 172 without) and fornyrislag (all
67 without anacrusis) in light of p=0.040, Hrbl differs from either from mlahttr,
with p = 0.001, and from fornyrislag, with p < 0.001; on the other hand, Hrbl is
treated indistinguishably in this respect from Akv (10 with anacrusis and 62 without;
p=0.178) and Hm (1 with anacrusis and 17 without; p=0.137). Akv in turn differs from
fornyrislag (p=0.001), but not as definitively from mlahttr (p=0.046), whereas
Hm is no different from mlahttr (p=1) and fornyrislag (p=0.212). From these comparisons emerges Hrbls strongest preference for using anacrusis in typeD* among
the five meters.
In this connection, it will be illuminating to recall that anacrusis operates on
type A1 with by far the highest frequency in Hrbl, which is distinguished from all
of the other four meters on this parameter, as pointed out in section 11.1.2 above.
Interestingly enough, typeD* is less likely to receive anacrusis than typeA1, with a
p-value of 0.019. This differentiated manner of implementing anacrusis readily yields
to explanation by resorting to the principle of five positions as a replacement of the
four-position counterpart in Hrbl. Since typeD* satisfies the new principle of composition even without invoking anacrusis because of the extant extra drop standing
between the lifts, it is immune to the demand for using anacrusis as a fifth position.
By contrast, given that typeA1* is still unavailable as a new expanded type with fivepositions, the configuration PxPx, particularly its minimally prominent, and hence
maximally deviant, variant Px#Px, crucially depends on anacrusis as the only viable
means of improving its metricality in accordance with the new principle. Of further
interest, the extensive use of anacrusis as an optional process for the derivation of
typeD* with anacrusis in Hrbl is neatly paralleled by the analogously increased productivity with which anacrusis is secondarily applied to five-position verses, notably
type A1*, in mlahttr (section 8.1.2). The mandatory use of anacrusis as a means
of supplying the fifth indispensable position would presumably have promoted its
optional occurrence by analogical extension.
11.1.8Type E (/ \ /)
There is a single occurrence of typeE, as follows:
(12)
Hrbl 6.3 berbeinn stendr [PS#x#P]
564
While this type is used with very low frequency in all of the five meters, it is still
less likely to occur in mlahttr than in fornyrislag, with a p-value of less than
0.001 (section8.1.9). The avoidance of this type thus constitutes a defining feature of
mlahttr. We may naturally wish to know how Hrbl is organized in this respect. With
one occurrence of typeE in a total 166 verses, Hrbl proves to be hardly distinguishable
from the other four meters: mlahttr (1 typeE as against 759 others; p=0.327); Akv
(2 typeE as against 346 others; p=1); Hm (0 typeE as against 214 others; p=0.437);
fornyrislag (103 typeE as against 5895 others; p=0.531). We must accordingly conclude that Hrbl cannot be distinguished from either mlahttr or fornyrislag, as far
as the treatment of typeE is concerned.
11.1.9Overlong verses
Altogether, we find at most three verses that appear to be too long/heavy to be accommodated into the existing set of verse types:
(13)
Hrbl 6.2 sem ri b g eigir [x#x#P#P#P#Px]

Hrbl 12.3 mun ec fora fiorvi mno [x#x#x#Px#Px#Px]
Hrbl 13.3 at vaa um vginn til n [x#px#x#Px#x#P]
On closer consideration, however, two of these examples, Hrbl 6.2 and 13.3, may be
characterized as exceptionally expanded variants of type D* with anacrusis. The
first verse has the first drop standing between the lifts ri and g, respectively
occupied by a primary-stressed syllable, b, a class 1 word. This verse, then, can be
understood as a further strengthened variant of the one embodied by Hrbl 35.2 sem
hscr forn vr [x#PS#P#x#P], in which the corresponding position is realized
by the second element of a compound, namely, -scr, also a class 1 word, though
reduced to a word-internal constituent. We should note, moreover, that this verse,
too, is expanded with anacrusis, a further parallel to the verse under consideration.
Similarly, Hrbl 13.3 should constitute an expanded variant of typeD* with anacrusis. In this case, however, expansion affects another position, that is, the penultimate
drop that is located between the second lift (v-) and the last drop (n). What is exceptional about this example is that the position in question is filled by a disyllable, -ginn
til, a unique feature in Hrbl. Coming closest to this verse would seem to be Hrbl 15.4
er r steini var hfuit [x#x#Px#x#px#x#P], also scanned as typeD* with anacrusis:
although two unstressed syllables intervene between the second primary-stressed syllable (h; part of the second lift) and the last drop (), the penultimate drop is realized
by a monosyllable (-it), because the first of the two consecutive unstressed syllables
is aligned to the second lift by resolution.
We are thus left with Hrbl 12.3, which defies any attempt at reconciliation with the
existing verse types by relegating one of the three primary-stressed syllables involved
The system of verse types, the cadence, and anacrusis
565
to a drop, as we have just done to the other two verses. We would therefore be forced
to admit that this is a complex of two verses, typeA3 + typeA1, or to anticipate analysis proposed for c-verses of ljahttr (section12.2), typeA1 affixed with anacrusis
+ the cadence Px. The closest parallel to the verse at issue, then, would be Hm 23.3
bli bragnar lgo [x#Px#Px#Px] (section10.1.1).
11.2The system of verse types, the cadence, and anacrusis

With the principle of five metrical positions firmly in place, the system of verse types
in Hrbl may be represented as in Table11.20: five-position verses are characterized as
central and unmarked, with both shorter and longer ones standing on the periphery.
In the total absence of typeD with and without anacrusis, and of typeE with anacrusis, their status in the system is only conjectural: there are no formal grounds for
excluding them categorically.
Table11.20.The system of verse types in Hrbl

Class
Four positions
Marked
Minimal
Five positions
Unmarked
Expanded before the Expanded after the
first position
A
B
C
D
E
A1; A2; A3
B
C
(D)
E
aA1; aA2
C*
D*
(aD)
(aE)
aD*
Table11.21.Distribution of verse classes and types/subtypes in Hrbl

Class
Type/subtype
A1
A1s
A1aA1
aA1s
A2
aA2
A3
A3-
Six positions
Marked
Expanded before the
A-verse
B-verse
Total
23 (69.70%)
5 (83.33%)
5 (100%)
5 (15.15%)
2 (33.33%)
1 (50.00%)
0 (0%)
7 (63.64%)
1 (100%)
10 (30.30%)
1 (16.67%)
0 (0%)
28 (84.85%)
4 (66.67%)
1 (50.00%)
2 (100%)
4 (36.36%)
0 (0%)
33 (100%)
6 (100%)
5 (100%)
33 (100%)
6 (100%)
2 (100%)
2 (100%)
11 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
4 (100%)
4 (100%)
566
Class
Type/subtype
A-verse
B-verse
Total
C
CC*
1 (33.33%)
0 (0%)
13 (61.90%)
2 (66.67%)
2 (100%)
8 (38.10%)
3 (100%)
2 (100%)
21 (100%)
D*
aD*
16 (61.54%)
2 (22.22%)
10 (38.46%)
7 (77.78%)
26 (100%)
9 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
Overlong
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
83
83
166
Total
Unlike Akv and Hm, Hrbl stands closer to mlahttr in the paradigmatic organization of verse types and the many ways in which they are realized on the surface. The
crucial distinction from fornyrislag and its loose offshoots, Akv and Hm, is the governing force of the principle of five positions per verse, which replaces the original one
of four positions. As a consequence, typeC is transformed into typeC* with an extra
drop supplied after the first position, precisely as is the traditional typeD*. By virtue
of the new principle of verse composition, typeD*, which was available in fornyris
lag as a marked alternative to the normal typeD with four positions, comes to prevail
as an unmarked type as against the latter, a reversal in metrical status that takes place
in mlahttr as well. Type C* admits a limited range of exception by allowing three
verses to begin with a single unstressed syllable, which are scanned as typeC. And yet
this degree of exceptionality is paralleled in mlahttr (Table8.22). Type C* accordingly seems to be as firmly established in Hrbl as in mlahttr.
The only verse type that resists expansion into a five-position configuration, then,
is typeA1 (and by entailment typeA3 as well), which is not displaced by typeA1* yet.
Indeed, the size of the first drop is enlarged to such an extent that the rate of monosyllables is significantly reduced in Hrbl, as in Akv and Hm, compared with fornyrislag.
Despite this expansion, however, the resultant size of the first drop in Hrbl fails to
reach the level that mlahttr attains: the monosyllabic first drop still remains more
likely to occur in Hrbl, Akv, and Hm than in mlahttr (section11.1.1), for which alone
the succession of two drops after the first lift can be justified on convincing grounds
(section8.1.1).
While falling short of imposing typeA1* as a new generalization at the expense
of the traditional A1 type, the fully established, five-position principle successfully
controls composition of typeA1 in a complementary way: it promotes implementation of anacrusis, particularly on typeA1, so that a five-position variant, which would
otherwise remain unavailable in categorical terms, comes to the fore. The boosting
of anacrusis is thus ascribed to the principle of five positions, which, in the face of
unavailability of the expanded variant / / (typeA1*), invokes anacrusis as an
alternative means of composing five-position verses corresponding to the still resisting underlying representation / / (section11.1.2). As a further auxiliary tactic and
567
in a way analogous to mlahttr, Hrbl minimizes use of the least prominent variant of
typeA1 with a word-final syllable realizing the first drop, namely, Px#Px, in conformity to the requirement for more substantive materialization of the first drop along the
line of the new principle of composition (section11.1.1).
One might wonder why type B, in contrast to type C, fails to be expanded by
reconfiguration as typeB* with two consecutive drops in the beginning: Is there any
principled reason for such a divergent treatment of the same verse-initial drop? The
question would seem all the more acute when we recall that both types receive parallel treatment in Akv, each resulting in a larger size of the first drop than in fornyris
lag, although this expansion remains at the surface level of realization, rather than
prompting reorganization of underlying representation, as shown in sections 9.1.5
and 9.1.6 above. This incongruence between the two types in Hrbl may suggest that
they are not necessarily treated as an integrated pair, despite their exclusive commonality of beginning with a drop followed by a lift.
Up until now, we have been assuming without questioning that types B and C
are organized identically in regard to the first drop. At this point, however, we may
as well pause and reconsider this alleged structural identity in order to see our issue
in perspective. In fact, we have already observed that the two types in question differ
at the level of realization of their first drop in archaic meter, namely, fornyrislag. As
pointed out in section9.1.5 above, typeB is significantly larger than typeC in size of
the first drop in fornyrislag. Given such a disparity between the two types, it would
hardly be surprising that they may at times be treated distinctly. In this new light, we
are led to restate our original question as follows: Why is typeC, rather than typeB,
singled out as subject to recategorization as an expanded verse type (typeC*) in its
underlying representation in Hrbl?
Part of the answer may be found in the originally smaller size of the first drop in
typeC than in typeB in fornyrislag, as mentioned above. Against the general background of expanding verse form in the development from fornyrislag to mlahttr,
the relatively more pronounced materialization of typeB in the earlier meter would
have required expansion on a correspondingly larger scale to be identified as distinctly expanded and hence to be given a categorical recognition as a new verse type
in metrical representation. Conversely, type C, which has at its disposal a smaller
amount of substance for realization, would have had correspondingly greater sensitivity to be manipulated and hence recategorized in the presence of comparable variation in materialization.
Furthermore, the two types have differing probabilities of occurrence in fornyris
lag: as examined in section3.3 above, we count 451 examples of typeB and 1343 of
typeC in the corpus of 5998 verses composed in fornyrislag (Table3.23, section3.3).
In light of a p-value of less than 0.001, typeC has a significantly greater likelihood of
composition in fornyrislag. This would entail that typeC should have a far greater
chance to be made innovative use of and to be involved in a consequential reorganization in the metrical system.
568
In conclusion, then, by making a crucial reference to the differing ways of realization in the actual practice of verse-making in the original meter, we find ourselves
capable of providing a principled account of why typeC, rather than typeB, is prioritized in its categorical reconfiguration as an expanded type, namely, typeC*, in Hrbl:
the higher incidence of typeC, and its relatively smaller material form, would have
converged to induce its transformation into typeC* with greater effectiveness than
would have been available to typeB.
The optimal cadence / plays a pivotal role in organizing the system of verse
types in mlahttr, as we demonstrated in section8.3 above. In Hrbl, however, the
cadence is far from taking on such an absolutely controlling function, in contrast
to the principle of five positions per verse, which figures almost as centrally as in
mlahttr. There are several pieces of evidence that show that the cadence / does
not yet feature as a pervasive metrical organizer in Hrbl. First, the proportions of types
B and E in Hrbl, the two verse types that are diametrically opposed to the canonical
cadence on account of the verse-final lift involved, are indistinguishable from Akv
and Hm, on the one hand, and distinct from mlahttr and fornyrislag on the other.
Specifically, we find 5 examples of these two types as against 161 others in Hrbl. In
comparison, mlahttr offers the rate of 2 to 758 (p=0.003 against Hrbl), Akv 12 to 337
(p=1 against Hrbl), Hm 8 to 206 (p=0.782 against Hrbl), and fornyrislag 554 to 5444
(p=0.004 against Hrbl). While drastically reduced in occurrence, types B and E fall
short of being as consistently avoided in Hrbl as in mlahttr.
Second, the variants of types D and D* with a rising contour over the last two
positions, such as are embodied by the configurations P(x)PxP and P(x)PxS, are
represented relative to those with a falling contour, like the configurations P(x)PPx
and P(x)PSx, in Hrbl to an extent comparable to Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag. By contrast, they are attested in far smaller proportions in mlahttr. The relevant statistical
data may be summarized as follows: the ratios of the rising to the falling variants
are 6 to 29 in Hrbl, 3 to 203 in mlahttr, 5 to 79 in Akv, 3 to 25 in Hm, and 39 to 356
in fornyrislag; accordingly, the p-values that result from comparisons of Hrbl with
each of the other four meters are: p<0.001 (against mlahttr); p=0.080 (against
Akv); p=0.719 (against Hm); p=0.242 (against fornyrislag). Since the decrease in
occurrence of the rising-contour variants can be ascribed to the establishment of the
cadence / as an optimal verse-final unit in mlahttr (section 8.3), the relatively
higher presence of these configurations in Hrbl may be adduced as evidence against
an analogous situation in this meter: the optimal cadence does not yet acquire the
determining force in Hrbl that it has at its disposal in mlahttr.
Third, the closer association of typeB with the b-verse in Hrbl (section11.1.5) as
well as in Akv (sections 9.1.5) than in fornyrislag casts doubt on the organizational
force of the optimal cadence. Given that the cadence / serves more as a line-ending
unit than simply as a verse-final constituent in mlahttr (section8.3), the stronger
preference of typeB for the b-verse that is characterized as an innovation in Hrbl and
Akv in distinction from fornyrislag would bring about a reorganization that would
569
contradict the generalization based on the cadence, whereby the b-verse should be
more likely to end in / as opposed to /. The fact that this redistribution was nonetheless actualized, therefore, indicates that the cadence in question would hardly
have had a regularizing force sufficiently strong to suppress potential violations of
the generalization at stake. We may hence surmise that Hrbl is not yet fully sensitive
to the cadence / in its metrical organization.
While the foregoing considerations all support the lack of pervasiveness of the
optimal cadence in the metrical organization of Hrbl, there is also an indication that
may point in the opposite direction. At issue is the relative presence among the whole
of typeD* of the variant with the penultimate drop occupied by a primary stress (e.g.,
Hrbl 10.2 hylc um nafn sialdan). In a total of 35 instances of this type (section11.1.7),
13 verses instantiate the variant in question, of which 10 occur in the b-verse. In comparison, the remaining 22 examples are distributed in such a way that 15 appear in the
a-verse, and 7 in the b-verse. The distribution pattern of these two groups proves to be
statistically significant, given p=0.015. This might be construed as a slight suggestion
that the b-verse should be more favorable to the sequence / at the end, because the
concatenation Px involved here counts as closer to it than any other realization of
in typeD*.
Anacrusis figures more prominently in Hrbl than in any other meter: in it the proportions of anacrustic (51 counts; 30.72%) to regular (115 counts; 69.28%) verses are
by far the largest. In comparison, the corresponding figures in the other four meters
are: 123 (16.18%) to 637 (83.82%) in mlahttr; 64 (18.39%) to 284 (81.61%) in Akv; 20
(9.35%) to 194 (90.65%) in Hm; 44 (0.73%) to 5954 (99.27%) in fornyrislag. Table11.22
gives an overview of p-values that obtain between any two meters among the whole
set. Fornyrislag differs significantly from any of the other four meters: anacrusis
occurs there with the lowest incidence among the five meters under consideration
(p<0.001). Then follows Hm with the second lowest frequency of anacrusis, which
also differs significantly from any of the others. Indistinguishable from each other,
mlahttr and Akv are affected by anacrusis with the second highest incidence.
Finally, Hrbl, which is consistently differentiated from all of the other four by the significantly higher incidence of anacrusis, displays a conspicuous preference for it. This
unparalleled vigor with which anacrusis operates in Hrbl may in turn be explained
largely as a consequence that arises from the interplay of the established principle
of five positions per verse on the one hand, and the unavailability of typeA1* on the
other (section11.1.2).
570
Table11.22.P-values calculated from the proportion of anacrustic to regular verses between any
two meters among Hrbl, mlahttr, Akv, Hm, and fornyrislag
Meter
Hrbl
Mlahttr
Akv
Hm
Fornyrislag
Hrbl
p<0.001
p=0.002
p<0.001
p<0.001
Mlahttr
Akv
Hm
Fornyrislag
p<0.001
p=0.002
p=0.388
p<0.001
p=0.012
p=0.003
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
p<0.001
p=0.388
p=0.012
p<0.001
p=0.003
p<0.001
p<0.001
Finally, unlike mlahttr (section8.4), Hrbl leaves resolution unexploited as a supplementary means of making four-position verses closer to five-position ones: there is
no evidence that resolution is more likely to occur on the minimal variant of typeA1
(PxPx): when the first drop is monosyllabic, we count eleven instances with the long
first lift and only one with the resolved one; on the other hand, with the polysyllabic
first drop, the corresponding figures are twenty and one, respectively. Accordingly,
with a p-value of 1, the distributions involved do not differ significantly. Moreover,
in the total absence of typeD, we are not allowed to surmise a significant association
between this verse type and resolution, as observed in mlahttr.
Part III.Ljahttr
Introduction
Introduction
Ljahttr is composed of three distinct verses, the a-verse, the b-verse, and the
c-verse, which are placed linearly in this order to be integrated into higher units of
metrical organization, namely, the half-stanza and the stanza, as specified below.
While broadly corresponding to those in fornyrislag and mlahttr in their structure, the a-verse and the b-verse are differentiated from each other so sharply in terms
of the dominant verse types represented in each and the basis of their organization,
that they may most appropriately be categorized as different in kind in ljahttr.1
Uniquely limited to this meter, however, is evidently the c-verse: unlike the a-verse
and the b-verse, it seems to comprise three, rather than two, lifts in its typical manifestation.
At the next higher level, that of poetic lines, the a-verse and the b-verse are combined to form a single line, called the long line, in accordance with the traditional
Germanic requirement of binding by alliteration, as is practiced in fornyrislag and
mlahttr. Uniquely characteristic of ljahttr is the other line variant, the full line,
which is constituted by a sole occurrence of the c-verse that alliterates on its own.2
In other words, a single c-verse is coterminous with a single full line. Thus, ljahttr
uses two kinds of poetic lines that are clearly distinguished on formal grounds, duplex
(the long line) and simplex (the full line).
In this way, ljahttr stands out through its heterogeneity in verse- and linecomposition. More specifically, asymmetry pervades these two lower levels of metrical organization: the first and the second half of the long line are diversified maximally and come closest to being polar opposites of each other; and the two successive
lines, which are provided with different numbers of lifts, seem to be no more reducible to a remotely common scheme of line composition. The juxtaposition of two disparate forms, then, serves as an overarching principle of composition in ljahttr. By
marked contrast, homogeneous organization permeates the other two eddic meters,
which employ a single kind of verse the distinction between the a-verse and the
1See Heuslers (1890: 152) acute observation as follows: Der Langvers des Fornyralag hlt seine
beiden Vershlften den selben rhythmischen Formen offen. Nur etliche Unterschiede in der Hufigkeit der verschiedenen Typen stellen sich als gewollt dar. Dagegen sind die beiden Halverse im
Ljahttr grundverschieden gebaut. Wir mseen jeden selbstndig betrachten. See also Hartman
(2011: 240): The ljahttr long-line is not identical to the long-line in fornyrislag, however, because
the on-verse and the off-verse are quite restricted and show a limited number of common metrical
patterns.
2Quite confusingly, the current long line was earlier called the (paired) short lines, whereas the
full line was referred to as the long line, the nomenclature that originated from Bugge (1879: 142) and
was adopted by Sievers (1879: 352). Obviously, the original naming is based on the older practice
of printing the three constituent verses of a half-stanza as three separate lines, whereby the c-verse
stands out as longer than the preceding two.
574
Introduction
b-verse primarily rests on their line-internal location rather than on their structural
properties and a single kind of line the long line is the sole option here.
The arrangement of these heterogeneous verses and lines is strictly regulated at
the upper two levels of organization, those of stanzas and half-stanzas. Prototypically, a long line and a full line, arranged in this order, constitute a half-stanza; the
half-stanza is thus tripartite in terms of verse constituency, the a-verse, the b-verse,
and the c-verse. And this intermediate unit is doubled to make a stanza, so that a
typical stanza is organized in terms of constituent lines as follows: LFLF (L = long
line; F = full line). By strict definition, only this prototypical form of stanza LFLF may
be acknowledged as ljahttr. Occasionally, however, more complicated arrangements materialize by multiplying either long lines (e.g., LLF) or full lines (e.g., LFF)
that are constitutive of half-stanzas, or combining more than two half-stanzas (e.g.,
LFLFLF; Vm 55).3 It should be noted in this connection that stanzas do not have to
be composed by an exact copying of a given half-stanza form. Accordingly, we sometimes find stanzas that are arranged asymmetrically, as follows: LFFLF (e.g., Hav 74),
LFLFF (e.g., Hav 105).
The following eleven poems constitute the textual basis of our investigations into
ljahttr to be carried out in this part: Hvaml (Hav; excluding stanzas 73, 8183,
8587, 8990, 144), Vafrnisml (Vm), Grmnisml (Grm; excluding stanza 51), For
Scrnis (Skm), Hrbarzli (Hrbl; stanzas 4, 1820, 22, 2427, 32, 47, 52), Locasenna
(Ls), Alvssml (Alv), Helgaqvia Hirvarzsonar (HHv; the second half-stanza 12.57
and stanzas 1330), Reginsml (Rm; stanzas 14, 610, 12, 1922, 2425), Ffnisml
(Fm; stanzas 131, 34, 3739), Sigrdrfoml (Sd; stanzas 24, 614, 1837). On the other
hand, the following sporadic occurrences of ljahttr verses are excluded from
examination, because they appear in the works composed predominantly in other
meters (see also section1.1 above): HHII stanza 29 (otherwise in fornyrislag), Hm
stanza 29 (otherwise in fornyrislag/mlahttr).
As with the other meters we were concerned with in the preceding chapters, we
disregard all verses that defy proper scansion primarily due to a lack of alliteration.
These nonalliterative or otherwise defective verses to be discarded are: Hav 22.1, 22.2,
36.2, 37.2, 39.5, 70.1, 70.2, 80.3, 80.6, Vm 5.4, 5.5, Grm 27.3, Skm 1.1, 1.2, 12.3, Hrbl 4.3,
32.3, Ls 39.4, 39.5, Alv 11.5.
Finally, a few remarks of evaluation need to be made on Gering (1902), a meticulous descriptive work on ljahttr, which deserves full credit and admiration for its
philological care and comprehensiveness in scope. This is basically a list of verses
according to Sieverss type theory and the variations within each type that are predicated on familiar parameters such as resolution, alliteration, anacrusis, number of
drops, and syllable length. Given the authors primary concern with classification,
it is only natural that he did not offer anything approaching generalizations of, and
3The configuration LFF is given a name of its own, galdralag (Sievers 1893: 81).
Introduction
575
still less explanations for, a number of his interesting findings. Even taken as a purely
descriptive work as it should be, however, we cannot simply draw on it as the dataset
for advancing our own research.
In brief, Gerings work is largely outdated: more specifically, it is hampered seriously by his misconception of resolution as being applicable to unstressed disyllables
as well as to stressed ones (on this issue, see section4.1 above), and by his proliferation of three-lift verses which he conceptualized as comparable to hypermetric verses
in the West Germanic tradition (on the dubious extension of hypermetric verses to
ljahttr, see sections 12.4 and 13.4 below). His constant intervention with the text,
as epitomized by deletion of unstressed syllables for the sake of the correct meter
as he conceived it, only obscures the rich variation in metrical practice that may as
well be assumed to have been inscribed in the extant text (see sections 1.1 and 1.3
above). The use of different editions as the textual basis is held responsible for many
disagreements between his and our datasets on verse- and line-divisions as well as
specific readings. Gerings practice of referring to line numbers rather than those of
verses (as we do) causes considerable difficulty in checking with the current standard
edition (Neckel and Kuhn 1983). For these reasons theoretical, philological, and
practical alike we can make only limited use of Gering (1902) for our purposes.
12The a-verse and the b-verse

In fornyrislag and mlahttr, the a-verse and the b-verse are both organized on the
basis of the common single system of verse classes and types: each class and type are
qualified for occurrence in both verses. While the two kinds of verses display distinct
preference patterns for specific configurations depending on a host of parameters,
these differences between the a-verse and the b-verse largely concern surface variations in realization, rather than underlying invariant verse categories. In ljahttr,
by contrast, the a-verse and the b-verse are sharply differentiated in terms of verse
classes and types that they are allowed to accommodate: as a consequence, the
two verses are largely complementary in metrical organization. Thus, the originally
common set of verse classes is compartmentalized into two subsets, each concerned
with each verse. In this chapter, then, we will examine verse classes, types, and realization variants in the a-verse and the b-verse through a comparison with the other
two Norse meters as well as with each other, and explore their contrastive organizations in the system.1

12.1.1Type A1 (/ /)
Exemplified in (1) below, this type is distributed as represented in Table12.1,2 which
shows how the configuration PxPx (without anacrusis) occurs depending on two
parameters, the size of the first drop on the one hand and the distinction between the
a-verse and the b-verse on the other. As should be clear, typeA1 occurs predominantly
in the a-verse; in fact, it displays a significantly closer association with the a-verse
(< 0.001), in sharp contrast to fornyrislag, which is characterized by the contrary
property of showing preference for the b-verse (Table12.1; see also section2.1.1 above).
(1)
Hav 60.1 urra sca [Px#Px]

Ls 38.4 handar innar hgri [Px#xx#Px]
Grm 40.5 bamr r hri [P#x#Px]
Also in sharp distinction from fornyrislag (section2.1.1), typeA1 in ljahttr remains

undifferentiated in terms of verse distribution in relation to the varying size of the
1Compare Sievers (1885: 6280, with concentration on Ls; 1893: 8990), Heusler (1890: 152162),
Gering (1902: 164234), Boer (1916: 103132; with particular reference to Vm), and Russom (2009:
7381, 84; with concentration on Hav).
2For a list of verses, see appendix 1.
578
The a-verse and the b-verse
first drop (Table 12.1). Specifically, no significant difference in verse distribution is

in evidence between mono- and polysyllables in the first drop (p=0.793; compare
p<0.001 in fornyrislag). This lack of significance may largely be attributed to the
extreme scarcity of typeA1 in the b-verse. As support for this account, we may draw
attention in advance to a correlation that emerges between the size of the first drop
and verse distinction when accompanied by anacrusis (section12.1.2): with increased
occurrences in the b-verse concomitant with anacrusis, monosyllables turn out to be
associated with the b-verse. A further distinguishing property of typeA1 in ljahttr
is the significantly smaller presence of the monosyllabic first drop than in fornyrislag
(p<0.001): typeA1 verses thus tend to be longer in ljahttr.
Table12.1.Verse distinction of typeA1 (without anacrusis) according to size of the first drop in
ljahttr and fornyrislag
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
Total
A-verse
Ljahttr
B-verse
Total
153 (52.04%) 7 (46.67%) 160 (51.78%)

85 (28.91%) 7 (46.67%) 92 (29.77%)
35 (11.90%)
0 (0%) 35 (11.33%)
18 (6.12%) 1 (6.67%)
19 (6.15%)
3 (1.02%)
0 (0%)
3 (0.97%)
294 (100%)
15 (100%)
309 (100%)
A-verse
Fornyrislag
B-verse
Total
443 (57.76%) 1130 (85.28%) 1573 (75.19%)

265 (34.55%) 170 (12.83%) 435 (20.79%)
53 (6.91%)
24 (1.81%)
77 (3.68%)
5 (0.65%)
1 (0.08%)
6 (0.29%)
1 (0.13%)
0 (0%)
1 (0.05%)
767 (100%)
1325 (100%)
2092 (100%)
As for the alliterative pattern in the a-verse, typeA1 is found to be insensitive to the
varying number of syllables in the first drop: regardless of whether the first drop is
realized monosyllabically or polysyllabically, the proportion of single and double
alliteration remains unchanged in ljahttr (p=0.899), whereas single alliteration
is more likely to appear with the monosyllabic first drop in fornyrislag (p=0.005).
Table12.2.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 (without anacrusis) according to size of the first drop in
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
Total
Single
alliteration
106 (51.71%)
53 (25.85%)
27 (13.17%)
16 (7.80%)
3 (1.46%)
205 (100%)
Ljahttr
Double
alliteration
Total
47 (52.81%) 153 (52.04%)

32 (35.96%) 85 (28.91%)
8 (8.99%) 35 (11.90%)
2 (2.25%)
18 (6.12%)
0 (0%)
3 (1.02%)
89 (100%)
294 (100%)
Single
alliteration
Fornyrislag
Double
alliteration
Total
258 (62.47%) 185 (52.26%) 443 (57.76%)

125 (30.27%) 140 (39.55%) 265 (34.55%)
27 (6.54%)
26 (7.34%)
53 (6.91%)
2 (0.48%)
3 (0.85%)
5 (0.65%)
1 (0.24%)
0 (0%)
1 (0.13%)
413 (100%)
354 (100%)
767 (100%)
579
Occasionally, the first drop may be occupied by a class 1 word, in conjunction with
other unstressed material, as listed below, in which P(=x) refers to the otherwise
lifted syllable of a nominal:
(2)
Hav 13.1 minnis hegri heitir [PSx#P(=x)x#Px]

Hav 109.3 Hva rs at fregna [Px#P(=x)#x#Px]
Hav 125.5 rimr orom senna [P#P(=x)x#Px]
Hav 137.12 heiptom scal mna qveia [Px#x#P(=x)x#Px]
Grm 24.1 Fimm hundru glfa [P#P(=x)x#Px]
HHv 28.1 rennar nundir meyia [Px#p(=x)xx#Px]
Fm 2.1 Gfuct dr ec heiti [px#P(=x)#x#Px]
In the above verses, the second nominals, represented as being headed by a primarystressed syllable P in recognition of their inherent propensity to build a lift, are actually
aligned to the first drop by demotion: they are metrically equivalent to unstressed syllables. The exceptional alignment takes place also in fornyrislag (section2.1.1). In fact,
Grm 24.1 with hundru serving as the first drop is closely paralleled by Vkv 7.7 siau hundru
allra and Gr III 7.1 Siau hundru manna, two of the eight relevant verses. In comparison, ljahttr more liberally allows this marked composition to occur: while fornyris
lag attests as few as 8 such examples in a total of 2092 typeA1 verses, ljahttr is more
tolerant of this peripheral form by giving 8 instances out of a total of 309 typeA1 verses;
therefore, with a p-value of less than 0.001, class 1 words are more likely to be treated as
equivalent to those of the less prominent classes and to serve as the first drop of typeA1
in ljahttr. From this comparative perspective, we may be led to surmise that ljahttr
would have further developed the practice that is still nascent in fornyrislag of treating
class 1 words as metrically weak and thus aligning them to the first drop of typeA1.
The group of typeA1 verses under discussion was scanned in a radically different
way by Gering (1902: 194196, 227). Postulating three rather than two lifts, he claimed
that these verses, and allegedly many others similarly composed, constitute hypermetric verses comparable to those found in West Germanic meters. This scansion,
however, is fraught with intractable difficulty, and must accordingly be rejected. For a
criticism of Gerings analysis, see section12.4 below.
Another possible parameter bearing on verse distribution and alliterative pattern
is the opposition between word-initial (#x-) and word-final monosyllables (-x#).
Table 12.3 indicates the extent to which the distribution of the minimal variant of
type A1, PxPx, varies depending on this property. As it turns out, the a-verse prevails immensely, whether the first drop is filled by word-initials or word-finals (p=1).
This lack of difference stands in sharp contrast to the situation in fornyrislag, in
which word-final syllables are associated with the b-verse more closely (p<0.001). As
regards alliterative pattern, however, the distinction between word-initials and wordfinals in ljahttr is of significant value: word-finals display a stronger preference for
single alliteration in ljahttr (p=0.007) as in fornyrislag (p<0.001).
580
Table12.3.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx according to composition of the monosyllabic first drop in ljahttr and fornyrislag
Ljahttr
A-verse
B-verse Total
Single
Double
alliteration alliteration
Fornyrislag
A-verse
B-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
Total
-x#
4
84
80 (95.24%)
64 (80.00%) 16 (20.00%) (4.76%) (100%)
236 (21.95%)
173 (73.31%)
63 (26.69%)
839
1075
(78.05%) (100%)
#x#
70 (95.89%)
3
73
41 (58.57%) 29 (41.43%) (4.11%) (100%)
193 (43.67%)
249
442
72 (37.31%)
121 (62.69%) (56.33%) (100%)
The so-called subtype A1s, in which the second lift is realized by a short stressed
syllable alone as given in (3), occurs in ljahttr with a higher frequency than in
fornyrislag.3 More specifically, occurrences of subtype A1s relative to those of
typeA161 subtypeA1s as against 309 typeA1 (without anacrusis) in ljahttr, and
284 subtypeA1s as against 2092 typeA1 (without anacrusis) in fornyrislag differ
significantly between the two meters (p=0.018). However, the configuration PSpx,
namely, the prototypical variant of subtypeA1s that prevails common to fornyrislag
and its West Germanic cognate meters, is used only sparingly in ljahttr. Of the 61
instances of this subtype, no more than 5 instantiate the variant in question, whereas
in fornyrislag more than half, 158 counts out of a total of 284 verses of subtypeA1,
represent the configuration PSpx. Obviously, the observed difference in distribution is
of statistical significance with a p-value of less than 0.001. Thus, the larger presence
of subtype A1s in general, and conversely the much diminished occurrence of the
originally central configuration PSpx in particular, constitute distinguishing properties of subtypeA1s in ljahttr.
(3)
Skm 24.1 nau ola [PS#px]

Grm 1.1 Heitr ertu, hripur [P#xx#px]
Hav 54.5 fegrst at lifa [P#x#px]
The preponderance of the variant Pxpx at the expense of the alternative PSpx
appears to be analogous to the proportion of type A1 (PxPx, 309 examples) to
typeA2a (PSPx, 18 examples; section12.1.3). In fact, the distribution patterns of these
two pairs do not differ significantly (p=0.383). This might be understood as an indi-
3As will be argued in sections 12.1.5 and 13.1 below, subtypeA1s, as it is referred to in fornyrislag
as well as in its West Germanic cognates, is integrated into the metrical paradigm as one of the three
major varieties of typeA1 that share the opening / but are differentiated by the distinct cadence
realizations Px, px, and P.
581
cation that subtype A1s has been reorganized in ljahttr in line with the organization of type A1, so that the configuration Pxpx has been recharacterized as its
central member comparable to the configuration PxPx that represents typeA1; and
conversely the earlier typical instantiation of subtypeA1, PSpx, has been relegated to
a peripheral status. This apparent similarity notwithstanding, a difference in level of
categorization between the two pairs in question remains to be solved: the configurations Pxpx and PSpx are variants within a subtype (A1s), whereas the configurations
PxPx and PSPx are autonomous verse types (types A1 and A2a).
In this light, and in accordance with the ever increasing role of the cadence in
ljahttr, we may arrive at a better interpretation: the configuration Pxpx is to Px
Px what the configuration PSpx is to PSPx. Put another way, the configuration Pxpx
is now integrated with typeA1 PxPx as its marked variant ending in the short disyllable (px); similarly, the configuration PSpx is recategorized as a variant of typeA2a
with the marked cadence px, as opposed to the configuration PSPx, which constitutes
the prototype of typeA2a by virtue of the unmarked cadence variant Px. Given this
reorganization, the earlier, central member of subtypeA1s (PSpx) should be relabeled
subtypeA2as the short variant of typeA2a; recall that s stands for short while
the label subtype A1s should be restricted to the previously peripheral variant of
subtype A1s, namely, Pxpx. Since type A1 counts as unmarked in opposition to
typeA2a, it may follow as a matter of course that the marked variant of the unmarked
typeA1, Pxpx, should occur with a significantly higher incidence than the marked
variant of the marked typeA2a, PSpx, as is actually borne out by the facts.
A further parallelism of the configuration Pxpx to PxPx deserves notice: as
pointed out above, the first drop of typeA1 may occasionally be occupied by a class
1 word (see [2] above). Quite analogously, subtypeA1s has the first drop filled by a
nominal. There are two such examples: Hav 19.1 Haldit mar keri; Grm 23.1 Fimm
hundru dura.
At first glance, subtypeA1s would seem to display a conspicuous preference for
anacrusis: while the configurations Pxpx and PSpx number 61, those that are apparently augmented with anacrusis amount to nearly four times as many, 238 instances.
Anacrusis would thus have to be regarded as a privilege of subtypeA1s as is unparalleled in other verse types. On closer analysis, however, the configurations in question,
namely, xPxpx and xPSpx, should most appropriately be identified as typeB,
rather than subtype A1s with anacrusis, as will be demonstrated in section 12.1.8
below. Accordingly, we must assume that a reanalysis is implemented on these configurations in ljahttr, thereby breaking with the traditional scansion practiced in
fornyrislag. This reanalysis in turn is induced by the reconstitution of the equivalence between the long monosyllable and the short disyllable as the two variants of
the emergent cadence / (as opposed to the traditional /) in ljahttr (section13.3.4).
A further variant of typeA1 to be mentioned is the configuration PxSx (including a single instance of PxxSx), in which the second lift is occupied by a secondarystressed syllable. There are only three examples, all occurring in the a-verse: Hav
582
103.7 fimbulfambi, Vm 45.4 morgindggvar, Alv 5.4 fiarrafleina. By contrast, the corresponding verse form is found in much larger numbers and with a distinct distribution
pattern in fornyrislag: of a total of fifty-seven examples, as many as forty-two appear
in the b-verse. The two patterns of distribution in question differ significantly, given
p=0.024, whereas the proportions of the configuration PxSx to PxPx are of no significant difference (p=0.077). We may therefore conclude that the configuration PxSx
is favored in the a-verse in ljahttr in sharp contrast to fornyrislag.
12.1.2Type aA1 (/ /)
Type A1 is often preceded by anacrusis, as exemplified in (4) below.4 And anacrusis
also operates on the variant of typeA1 with the second lift realized by a secondarystressed syllable (PxSx): three examples are attested in the corpus.5 Altogether, types
A1 and A1* (mlahttr) with and without anacrusis are distributed as represented in
Tables 12.4 and 12.5 in ljahttr and the other two eddic meters.
(4)
Vm 42.4 fr iotna rnom [x#Px#Px]

Hav 137.7 vat ior tecr vi lri [xx#P#x#x#Px]
Ls 17.2 ic qve ec allra qvenna [x#x#x#Px#Px]
Hav 30.1 At augabragi [x#PxSx]
As indicated in Table12.4, typeA1 is accompanied by anacrusis with a significantly

greater incidence in ljahttr than in fornyrislag (p<0.001; section3.1); yet compared with mlahttr, the likelihood of anacrusis proves to be indistinguishable
(p=0.209; section8.1.2).
Occurrences of anacrusis vary considerably between the a-verse and the b-verse
(Table12.4): with a p-value of less than 0.001, typeA1 is more likely to be attended by
anacrusis in the b-verse, although in terms of absolute numbers it occurs slightly less
frequently in the b-verse on account of the conspicuously small presence of typeA1
there. The size of anacrusis, however, is of no significant value for verse distinction:
whether monosyllabically or polysyllabically realized, anacrusis does not differ in its
verse distribution (p=0.382).
Seen from a comparative perspective (Table 12.4), the presence versus absence
of anacrusis is not correlated to the distinction in verse distribution in fornyrislag
in overall terms (p=0.315; section3.1); in mlahttr, on the other hand, anacrusis
is highly privileged in the b-verse (p < 0.001; section 8.1.2). Even compared with
mlahttr, however, the association between anacrusis and the b-verse proves to be

5Hav 30.1, 72.4, Vm 31.1, all a-verses with single alliteration.
583
significantly closer in ljahttr (p<0.001), in which typeA1 with anacrusis appears

more frequently than without in absolute numbers. In none of the three meters does
the size of anacrusis have any effect on verse distribution, as the proportion of monosyllabic to polysyllabic anacrusis remains indistinguishable between the a-verse and
the b-verse in ljahttr (p=0.382), fornyrislag (p=0.170), and mlahttr (p=1).
Despite the lack of correlation to verse distinction, however, ljahttr stands out from
the other two meters by the expansion of anacrusis (Heusler 1956: 237): ljahttr displays a stronger preference for polysyllabic anacrusis than fornyrislag and mlahttr
with p-values of 0.024 and 0.010, respectively.
Table12.4.Verse distinction of types A1 and A1* according to anacrusis in ljahttr, fornyrislag,
and mlahttr
Syllables
Ljahttr
A-verse B-verse Total
Fornyrislag
A-verse
294
15
309
86.98% 27.27% 78.63%
767
98.46%
1325
2092
98.95% 98.77%
182
97.85%
120
302
55.05% 74.75%
25
7.40%
18
43
32.73% 10.94%
11
1.41%
9
0.67%
20
0.94%
3
1.61%
69
72
31.65% 17.82%
11
3.25%
16
29.09%
27
6.87%
1
0.13%
4
0.30%
5
0.24%
1
0.54%
25
11.47%
26
6.44%
4
1.18%
4
7.27%
8
2.04%
0
0%
1
0.07%
1
0.05%
0
0%
4
1.83%
4
0.99%
4
1.18%
1
1.82%
5
1.27%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
1
1.82%
1
0.25%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
338
100%
55
100%
393
100%
779
100%
1339
100%
2118
100%
186
100%
218
100%
404
100%
Total
Mlahttr
B-verse
Total
As far as alliterative pattern in the a-verse is concerned (Table12.5), anacrusis exerts

no significant effect in ljahttr: with or without anacrusis, single alliteration prevails without appreciable difference in probability (p = 0.728). Similarly, anacrusis
seems to be of no differential value in fornyrislag in overall terms (p=0.243), that is,
unless we focus on the limited occurrences of the minimal variant xPx#Px, which
is biased toward double alliteration in contrast to the regular configuration Px#Px
(Table 6.5, section 6.2.1.1). Regardless of such a highly localized and small-scale
correlation between anacrusis and double alliteration, fornyrislag does not share
the conspicuous concentration on single alliteration characteristic of type aA1 in
ljahttr.
584
Table12.5.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 in the a-verse according to anacrusis in ljahttr and

fornyrislag
Syllables
0
1
2
3
4
Single
alliteration
Ljahttr
Double
alliteration
Total
205 (69.73%) 89 (30.27%) 294 (100%)

19 (76.00%) 6 (24.00%) 25 (100%)
8 (72.73%) 3 (27.27%) 11 (100%)
3 (75.00%) 1 (25.00%)
4 (100%)
2 (50.00%) 2 (50.00%)
4 (100%)
Single
alliteration
Fornyrislag
Double
alliteration
Total
413 (53.85%) 354 (46.15%) 767 (100%)

3 (27.27%)
8 (72.73%) 11 (100%)
1 (100.00%)
0 (0.00%)
1 (100%)
0 (0.00%)
0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%)
0 (0.00%)
0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%)
Table12.6 indicates the correlation between the varying number of syllables in the
first drop and occurrence of anacrusis. Of particular concern here is the degree of
association between the opposition of the monosyllabic versus polysyllabic first drop
and that of presence versus absence of anacrusis. Performing Fishers exact test, we
obtain a p-value of 0.001, which means that anacrusis displays a stronger preference for monosyllables in the first drop than polysyllables: anacrusis is more likely
to occur on the variant of typeA1 with the monosyllabic first drop than those with
the polysyllabic one. A still more conspicuous correlation obtains in fornyrislag, in
which anacrusis is implemented exclusively on the variant of typeA1 that has its first
drop filled by monosyllables (p=0.001); and comparing the corresponding distributions in ljahttr and fornyrislag, we find that fornyrislag displays a closer association between anacrusis and the monosyllabic first drop (p=0.002). By far the closest
association between anacrusis and the monosyllabic first drop, however, inheres in
mlahttr: while in the other two meters the variant without anacrusis prevails with
the monosyllabic as well as the polysyllabic first drop, in mlahttr the presence and
absence of anacrusis are largely complementary, conditioned as it is by the opposition between monosyllables and polysyllables in the first drop.6
Thus, ljahttr is distinguished from the two other meters by the weaker association between anacrusis and the monosyllabic first drop of type A1. In fact, the
distribution of typeA1 with anacrusis along the parameter of the monosyllabic and
polysyllabic first drop in ljahttr 61 vs. 23 is analogous to that of typeA1 without
anacrusis along the same parameter 1573 vs. 519 in fornyrislag (p = 0.607). It
should be mentioned emphatically, however, that typeA1 without anacrusis, too, displays a comparably less close correlation to the monosyllabic first drop in ljahttr
than in fornyrislag (p<0.001). As a consequence, the size of the first drop remains
6This trade-off between monosyllables and polysyllables that is neatly correlated to the presence
and absence of anacrusis is ascribed to the principle of five metrical positions per verse that permeates verse composition as a binding generalization in mlahttr (sections 8.1.2 and 8.2).
585
capable of making a stochastic distinction between the presence and absence of anacrusis in ljahttr, much as in fornyrislag.
Table12.6.Size of the first drop of types A1 with and without anacrusis in ljahttr, fornyrislag,
and mlahttr
Syllables
Ljahttr
Without
With
anacrusis
anacrusis
Fornyrislag
Without
With
anacrusis
anacrusis
Mlahttr
Without
With
anacrusis
anacrusis
1
160 (51.78%) 61 (72.62%) 1573 (75.19%) 26 (100.00%)
24 (7.95%) 79 (77.45%)
2
92 (29.77%) 15 (17.86%) 435 (20.79%)
0 (0.00%) 192 (63.58%) 21 (20.59%)
3
35 (11.33%)
7 (8.33%)
77 (3.68%)
0 (0.00%) 74 (24.50%)
2 (1.96%)
4
19 (6.15%)
1 (1.19%)
6 (0.29%)
0 (0.00%)
10 (3.31%)
0 (0.00%)
5
3 (0.97%)
0 (0.00%)
1 (0.05%)
0 (0.00%)
2 (0.66%)
0 (0.00%)
Subtotal 2to5 149 (48.22%) 23 (27.38%) 519 (24.81%)
0 (0.00%) 278 (92.05%) 23 (22.55%)
Total
309 (100%)
84 (100%)
2092 (100%)
26 (100%)
302 (100%) 102 (100%)
The size of the first drop displays a significant correlation to verse distinction
(Table12.7): with a p-value of 0.006, the b-verse is more likely to have the first drop
filled by a monosyllable. This is in contrast to typeA1 without anacrusis, in which no
comparable correlative patterning is in evidence, presumably due to the types virtual
limitation to the a-verse (section12.1.1). In regard to alliterative pattern in the a-verse,
it is found to be insensitive to the variation in the size of the first drop (p=1), much as
with typeA1 without anacrusis.
Table12.7.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1 with anacrusis according to size of
the first drop
Syllables
1
2
3
4
Single alliteration
19 (73.08%)
6 (60.00%)
6 (85.71%)
1 (100%)
A-verse
Double alliteration
26 (42.62%)
10 (66.67%)
7 (100%)
1 (100.00%)
7 (26.92%)
4 (40.00%)
1 (14.29%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
Total
35 (57.38%)
61 (100%)
5 (33.33%)
15 (100%)
0 (0%)
7 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
Anacrusis displays a closer association with word-final monosyllables (e.g., Hav 31.5
s er um veri glissir) than with word-initials (e.g., Hav 103.8 heitir, s er ft kann
segia) in ljahttr (p=0.001; Table12.8): anacrusis is thus more likely to appear in
586
typeA1 in which the first drop is realized by -x# rather than by #x. On the other hand,
the two kinds of monosyllables are evenly distributed in typeA1 without anacrusis,
as demonstrated in section12.1.1 above. By contrast, fornyrislag is distinguished by
the properties contrary to those characteristic of ljahttr: when taken in isolation or
compared with the corresponding configuration in ljahttr, typeA1 without anacrusis shows a stronger preference for word-finals; on the other hand, considered from
a meter-internal perspective through comparison with the anacrustic counterpart, no
significant difference proves to be ascertained concerning the correlation between
anacrusis and the distinction between the two kinds of monosyllables (p = 0.190;
section 3.1). At any rate, the preponderance of word-finals in the first drop constitutes a feature of typeA1 with anacrusis that sharply distinguishes ljahttr from
fornyrislag. In this respect, ljahttr is characterized as closer to mlahttr, which
displays a still stronger association between anacrusis and word-finals in typeA1 that
is diametrically opposed by the comparably strong correlation between absence of
anacrusis and word-initials (section8.1.2).
Table12.8.Occurrences of anacrusis in typeA1 according to composition of the monosyllabic first
drop in ljahttr and fornyrislag
First drop
Ljahttr
Without anacrusis
With anacrusis
Fornyrislag
Without anacrusis
With anacrusis
-x#
#x#
84 (53.50%)
73 (46.50%)
46 (79.31%)
12 (20.69%)
1075 (70.86%)
442 (29.14%)
15 (57.69%)
11 (42.31%)
Total
157 (100%)
58 (100%)
1517 (100%)
26 (100%)
As indicated in Table12.9, the distinction between word-initials and word-finals

displays no significant correlation to verse distinction (p=0.513). As for alliterative
pattern, however, word-finals are associated with single alliteration, whereas wordinitials are not (p = 0.045). This divergence in the two parameters response to the
distinction between word-initial and word-final syllables is exactly the pattern that is
observed in typeA1 without anacrusis (Table12.3, section12.1.1). By contrast, neither
of the parameters is sensitive to the opposition in question for typeA1 with anacrusis
in fornyrislag and mlahttr (Table12.9).
587
Table12.9.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1 with anacrusis according to composition of the monosyllabic first drop in ljahttr, fornyrislag, and mlahttr
Meter
Ljahttr
First drop
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
-x#
17 (36.96%)
14 (82.35%)
3 (17.65%)
29 (63.04%)
46 (100%)
2 (33.33%)
6 (50.00%)
4 (66.67%)
6 (50.00%)
12 (100%)
2 (28.57%)
7 (46.67%)
5 (71.43%)
8 (53.33%)
15 (100%)
2 (40.00%)
5 (45.45%)
3 (60.00%)
6 (54.55%)
11 (100%)
58 (98.31%)
59 (100%)
19 (95.00%)
20 (100%)
#x#
Fornyrislag
-x#
#x#
Mlahttr
-x#
#x#
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (1.69%)
1 (5.00%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
Total
12.1.3Types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \)

Exemplified in (5), the configuration PSPx is used fourteen times (including a single
instance of anacrustic realization), and distributed as shown in Table12.10.7 While
indistinguishable from typeA1 in regard to verse distribution (p=1), this configuration significantly differs in terms of alliterative pattern by virtue of its closer association with double alliteration (p=0.015). In view of the preponderance of class A in
general in the a-verse due to the initial lift commonly involved (section12.2), we may
be justified in giving priority to the parameter of alliterative pattern in the present
context and identifying on that basis the configuration PSPx as a distinct verse type,
typeA2a (/ \ /).
(5)
Grm 25.4 scapker fylla [PS#Px]

Alv 12.4 uppheim iotnar [PS#Px]
7A-verse with single alliteration (5 examples): Hav 29.4, 118.4, Grm 25.4, Hrbl 25.1, Alv 6.4 (with
anacrusis); a-verse with double alliteration (9 examples): Hav 11.4, Alv 10.4, 12.4, 16.4, 18.4, 22.4, 24.4,
30.4, Fm15.4.
588
There is another group comprising five verses structured PSPx in which the sequence
PS is constituted by a proper noun.8 Its overall distribution is of no significant difference in terms of verse distinction (p=0.263) and alliterative pattern (p=1) from the
group treated in the above paragraph. It is therefore warranted to subsume the two
groups of verses under typeA2a.
(6)
Vm 37.1 Hrsvelgr heitir [PS#Px]

Grm 47.5 Blvercr, Fiolnir [PS#Px]
A further variant of typeA2a is the configuration PPPx, with or without anacrusis, in

which the first drop is occupied by a primary-stressed syllable, as follows:
(7)
Hav 55.4 vat snotrs mannz hiarta [xx#P#P#Px]

Ls 55.1 Fioll ll scilfa [P#P#Px]
Compared with fornyrislag, typeA2a in ljahttr displays a conspicuously stronger

preference for the a-verse (p<0.001), a property common to other types subsumed
under class A in general. As regards alliterative pattern in the a-verse, however,
the two meters are indistinguishable (p=0.336): in either meter, typeA2a does not
display a preference for single alliteration in contrast to typeA1. This common lack of
close association with single alliteration may be adduced as further support for the
autonomous status of typeA2a in distinction from typeA1 in ljahttr much as in
fornyrislag, in which typeA2a is a well-founded verse type (section2.2.1).
8A-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Vm 27.1, Grm 22.1; a-verse with double alliteration (2
examples): Vm 37.1, Grm 44.8; b-verse (1 example): Grm 47.5.
589
Table12.10.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA2a (with or without anacrusis) in

Meter
Configuration
Ljahttr
Fornyrislag
A-verse
PSPx
14 (100%)
5 (35.71%)
9 (64.29%)
PSPx
(proper noun)
4 (80.00%)
2 (50.00%)
2 (50.00%)
PPPx
2 (100%)
2 (100%)
0 (0%)
A2a (total, without

anacrusis)
18 (94.74%)
7 (38.89%)
11 (61.11%)
A2a (total, without

anacrusis)
29 (49.15%)
7 (24.14%)
22 (75.86%)
B-verse
Total
0 (0%) 14 (100%)
1 (20.00%)
5 (100%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
1 (5.26%)
19 (00%)
30 (50.85%) 59 (100%)
The configuration PxPS, as given in (8), occurs eight times, four a-verses with double
alliteration (including one example with anacrusis) and four b-verses.9
(8)
Hav 98.4 alt ero scp [P#xx#PS]

Ls 21.4 vat aldar rlg [xx#Px#PS]
Skm 23.2 mivan, mlfn [Px#PS]
A variant of this configuration results when the second drop is realized by a constituent
of a proper noun, as in (9). Altogether, eleven such examples are found in the corpus.10
(9)
Ls 48.1 egi , Heimdallr [px#x#PS]

HHv 27.1 Heyru n, Hrmgerr [Px#x#PS]
Grm 47.7 Glapsvir oc Fiolsvir [PS#x#PS]
Also subsumed under the same group is the configuration PxPP, in which the second
drop is realized by a primary-stressed syllable, a mirror image of the heavy variant of
typeA2a, PPPx. There are nine such verses (including one instance accompanied with
anacrusis), all being a-verses, as represented in Table12.11.11
9A-verse with double alliteration (4 examples): Hav 98.4, Ls 21.4 (with anacrusis), HHv23.4, Sd4.4;
b-verse (4 examples): Skm 23.2, 25.2, Alv 24.5, 32.5.
10A-verse with single alliteration (4 examples): Grm 48.3, Ls 48.1, HHv29.1, 30.1; a-verse with double alliteration (6 examples): Grm 36.7, 37.1, 47.4, 48.1, HHv27.1, Rm10.1; b-verse (1 example): Grm 47.7.
11A-verse with single alliteration (5 examples): Grm 9.4, Ls 57.1, 59.1, 61.1, 63.1; a-verse with double
alliteration (4 examples): Hav 119.5, Skm 27.5, 37.1, Ls 33.4 (with anacrusis).
590
Table12.11.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA2b (with or without anacrusis) in

Meter
Configuration
PxPS
Ljahttr
Fornyrislag
A-verse
0 (0%)
4 (50.00%)
4 (100%)
B-verse
Total
4 (50.00%)
8 (100%)
PxPS (proper noun)
10 (90.91%)
4 (40.00%)
6 (60.00%)
1 (9.09%) 11 (100%)
PxPP
9 (100%)
5 (55.56%)
4 (44.44%)
A2b (total, without

anacrusis)
20 (80.00%)
8 (40.00%)
12 (60.00%)
5 (20.00%) 25 (100%)
A2b (total, without

anacrusis)
62 (95.39%)
16 (25.81%)
46 (74.19%)
3 (4.61%) 65 (100%)
0 (0%)
9 (100%)
Putting the three variants together (but excluding the three anacrustic instances) and
comparing them with typeA1, we get p=0.011 for verse distribution and p=0.011 for
alliterative pattern in the a-verse. These configurations taken as a whole may therefore be differentiated as type A2b (/ / \) from type A1 in ljahttr, although the
distinction involved is not as outstanding as in fornyrislag, where relevant p-values
are scored at less than 0.001 on both parameters (section2.2).
Finally, it should be pointed out that types A2a and A2b combined occur relative
to typeA1 more frequently in ljahttr than in fornyrislag, with a p-value of less
than 0.001: 44 counts of types A2a/A2b vs. 309 counts of typeA1 in ljahttr; 124
counts of types A2a/A2b vs. 2092 counts of typeA1 in fornyrislag (all without anacrusis). The relatively higher incidence in ljahttr may be understood as a consequence of this meters general preference for longer/heavier realizations, as becomes
recurrently evident.
12.1.4Type A3 ([/] /)
As given in (10), this type is characterized by the initial upbeat that precedes the
cadences Px, PS, or px. While conspicuously predominant in the a-verse, this configuration occasionally appears in the b-verse as well, as indicated in Table12.12.12 This
small presence in the b-verse 12 occurrences as against 142 in the a-verse cannot
be ignored as simply accidental, in light of p=0.001 that obtains by comparison with
591
the exclusive occurrence in the a-verse 154 as against 0 in the b-verse that would
materialize if the meter followed the categorical prohibition against this configuration
in the b-verse, as in the West Germanic cognates. As may be recalled, an analogous
distribution pattern is observed in fornyrislag (Table12.12; for details see section2.3
above). In fact, the two meters are indistinguishable in this respect, given p=0.467.
(10)
Hav 149.1 at kann ec it fira [x#x#x#x#Px]

Skm 31.7 s er var runginn [x#x#x#Px]
Hav 76.4 enn orztrr [x#PS]
Alv 9.1 Segu mr at, Alvss [xx#x#x#PS]
Hav 114.1 hon sv gorir [x#x#px]
Ls 20.2 ess mun ec n geta [x#x#x#x#px]
Table12.12.Occurrences of typeA3 in ljahttr and fornyrislag

Ljahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
A-verse
B-verse
142
12
92.21
7.79
662
43
93.90
6.10
Total
154
100
705
100
Among the total of 154 verses belonging to typeA3 are 27 instances of the configuration xPS in which the final drop is filled by the second elements of compounds,
whether common or proper nouns, as given in (10) above. This configuration could
alternatively be analyzed as a variant of typeC- in which the second lift is realized
by a secondary-stressed syllable and the final drop is missing on the surface. As will
be demonstrated in section12.1.10 below, however, this alternative scansion must be
rejected as infeasible.
Despite the overall distribution pattern commonly observed in the two meters,
ljahttr is distinguished from fornyrislag by a higher incidence of typeA3: the proportion of this configuration to typeA1 154 to 309 in ljahttr and 705 to 2092 in
fornyrislag differs significantly with a p-value of less than 0.001.
Another notable difference between the two meters concerns the size of the initial
upbeat (Table 12.13). The range of five syllables (one to five) involved in ljahttr
forms a symmetrical profile in terms of overall counts represented by each number
of syllables, with the middle trisyllabic upbeat constituting a prominent peak and
the two shorter and longer syllable strings decreasing as they are distanced from the
center. In fornyrislag, on the other hand, while ranging more extensively from one
to six syllables, the overall distribution pattern is far from symmetrical; rather, it has
heavy concentrations shifted to the lower domain, namely, the disyllables and tri-
592
syllables. This observation is supported on statistical grounds: the quadrisyllabic or

longer sequences are more likely to occur in ljahttr than in fornyrislag, with a
p-value of 0.001. Ljahttr is accordingly characterized by the significantly larger
size of the initial upbeat in typeA3 than fornyrislag. It may be of interest to recall here
that similar distinctions obtain for the size of the first drop of typeA1 (section12.1.1)
and also for that of anacrusis in type aA1 (section12.1.2): in either case, ljahttr has
access to larger syllable numbers as realizations of the weak positions in question.
Since the larger size means greater prominence, we may generalize that the initial
upbeat of typeA3 is more prominent in ljahttr than in fornyrislag.
Table12.13.Size of the first drop in typeA3 in ljahttr, fornyrislag, and mlahttr
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
6
Total
Ljahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
2
42
63
38
9
0
1.30
27.27
40.91
24.68
5.84
0
8
248
373
67
8
1
1.13
35.18
52.91
9.50
1.13
0.14
0
0
5
3
0
0
0
0
62.50
37.50
0
0
154
100
705
100
100
Of related interest, the first drop may occasionally contain a class 1 word, which is
most likely to constitute a lift (as represented by P[=x]). Relevant verses are as follows:
(11)
Hav 69.4 sumr af frndom [P(=x)#x#Px]

Hav 75.4 mar er auigr [P(=x)#x#Px]
Hav 110.1 Baugei inn [P(=x)S#Px]
Hav 111.1 Ml er at ylia [P(=x)#x#x#Px]
Hav 124.4 alt er betra [P(=x)#x#Px]
Hav 145.4 betra er sent [P(=x)x#x#PS]
Grm 9.1 Mioc er aukent [P(=x)#x#PS] (also Grm 10.1)
Grm 28.2 nnor Vegsvinn [P(=x)x#PS]
Grm 39.4 enn annarr Hati [x#P(=x)x#px]
Skm 30.1 Tramar gneypa [p(=x)x#Px]
Hrbl 4.1 rligom vercom [P(=x)xx#Px]
Hrbl 26.8 hnisa n fsa [P(=x)x#x#Px]
Ls 31.4 reiir ro r sir [P(=x)x#x#x#Px]
Alv 35.4 miclom tlom [P(=x)x#Px]
HHv 17.4 margar brir [P(=x)x#Px]
Fm 23.1 Heill n, Sigurr [P(=x)#x#x#px]
Sd 30.4 sumom at bana [p(=x)x#x#px]
593
This phenomenon is analogous to the exceptional occurrence of class 1 words in the

first drop of typeA1, treated in section12.1.1 above. This occasional alignment of class
1 words to the initial drop of type A3 assumes added importance when considered
from a comparative perspective. Against the 18 occurrences in the population of
154 typeA3 verses in ljahttr, we find 38 instances in a total of 705 in fornyrislag
(section2.3.1), and 1 instance in a total of 8 in mlahttr. While the proportions do not
differ between ljahttr and mlahttr (p = 1), they are statistically distinguished
between ljahttr and fornyrislag (p=0.007): class 1 words are more likely to serve
as part of the first drop of typeA3 in ljahttr than in fornyrislag. Given the greater
prominence falling on class 1 words than on others, this significant difference may
be interpreted as a further indication that the position in question has access to more
prominent material.
In connection with the higher level of prominence on the first drop of type A3
in ljahttr than in fornyrislag, the virtual absence of its monosyllabic realization
deserves special attention. As with the corresponding configuration in mlahttr
(Table 12.13; for details, see section 8.1.4), one might be inclined to claim on this
basis that typeA3 contains two drops ( ), rather than one () as in fornyrislag,
in the initial portion preceding the cadence in typeA3 in ljahttr. While the presence or absence of the monosyllabic drop in itself is of no statistical significance in
distinguishing between ljahttr and fornyrislag (p = 0.697), as well as between
ljahttr and mlahttr (p=1), and between fornyrislag and mlahttr (p=1; see
further section 8.1.4 above), the varying presence of monosyllables and disyllables
relative to longer ones differs nearly as much between ljahttr and fornyrislag
(p=0.076) as between fornyrislag and mlahttr (p=0.056) at a significance level of
0.10. Not differing significantly from each other (p=0.109), ljahttr and mlahttr
may accordingly be grouped together on this parameter, which is also in keeping with
their higher likelihood of accommodating class 1 words there. It might follow, then,
that the configuration xPx in ljahttr is identified as typeA3* ([/] /) rather
than typeA3 ([/] /) as in mlahttr.
It should be recalled, however, that the postulation of two consecutive drops in
the upbeat for mlahttr does not solely and crucially rest on the distribution of syllable numbers there: as it is, the sample represented is too small to be accessible to
meaningful statistical analysis (section8.1.4). In this light, the apparent parallelism
of the configuration xPx in ljahttr to typeA3* in mlahttr in the way in which
the initial upbeat is composed in terms of syllable numbers cannot provide a decisive
criterion on its own for proper identification.
Of greater importance is the structural parallelism with the first drop of the configuration PxPx (types A1 or A1*). As demonstrated in section8.1.1 above, this configuration in mlahttr must be characterized as containing two consecutive drops
between the lifts, / / , by virtue of the distinct variation pattern of syllable numbers
that demonstrably obtains in a relatively large sample (Table 8.2, section 8.1.1). To
follow a similar line of reasoning for the corresponding configuration in ljahttr,
594
we encounter a radically different profile, as represented in Table12.1: while greater

in size as a whole compared with fornyrislag, the first drop is still as predominantly
monosyllabic in ljahttr as in fornyrislag. The observed pattern can thus hardly
more justify the postulation of two metrical positions for the first drop in ljahttr
than in fornyrislag. The demonstrable presence in ljahttr of typeA1 (/ / ) as
opposed to typeA1* (/ / ), therefore, forcefully argues for the identification of
the configuration xPx as typeA3 ([/] / ), rather than typeA3* ([/] / ), on
grounds of structural parallelism. Most importantly, given the derivation of typeA3
(or typeA3*) from typeA1 (or typeA1*), the unavailability of the structural source
(i.e., typeA1*) excludes categorically the postulation of typeA3*.
The varying size of the initial upbeat has another dimension to it: it correlates
to a variation of the second drop. Specifically, the alignment of this position to a
secondary-stressed syllable (xPS) has a higher probability of the initial drop being
manifested in shorter form than when it is aligned to an unstressed syllable (xPx),
as suggested by the significant difference (p=0.038) with which monosyllables are
represented in the configurations xPx and xPS (Table12.14).13 This correlation is
also known to fornyrislag, but not to mlahttr: on the one hand, the two configurations are distinguishable on this parameter in fornyrislag (p=0.006), with the heavy
variant xPS likely to be shorter than the light one; and on the other hand, there is no
instance of the configuration xPS in mlahttr, while the light variant xPx itself is
attested in few numbers.
Table12.14.Size of the first drop and the composition of the second drop of typeA3
Syllables
xPx/xpx
xPx
xPS
1
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
2 (7.41%)
2
36 (28.35%)
29 (26.61%)
6 (22.22%)
3
57 (44.88%)
48 (44.04%)
6 (22.22%)
4
25 (19.69%)
23 (21.10%)
13 (48.15%)
5
9 (7.09%)
9 (8.26%)
0 (0%)
Total
127 (100%)
109 (100%)
27 (100%)
A further notable variant of type A3 is the configuration xpx in which the lift is
realized by a short stressed syllable alone, as exemplified in (10) above. There are
eighteen such verses in the corpus.14 Of particular interest is the larger presence
13The alternative scansion of this configuration as type C- must be ruled out: with a virtual monopoly of the a-verse (24 a-verses vs. 3 b-verses), it is distributed no differently from the configuration
xPx, typeA3 (p=0.442; 118 a-verses vs. 9 b-verses); by contrast, typeC- (xPP; 27 a-verses vs. 14
b-verses; Table 12.37, section 12.1.10) differs significantly from the configuration xPS in question
(p=0.045) as well as from the configuration xPx (p<0.001). Furthermore, there are no grounds for
assuming that the same configuration was recategorized from typeA3 (as demonstrated for fornyris
lag; section2.3.1) to another type in ljahttr.
14A-verse (15 examples): Hav 18.4, 60.4, 114.1, Grm 39.4, 49.4, Skm 16.4, Ls 10.4, 16.4, 17.1, 51.4, Alv 2.1,
Fm23.1, Sd13.7, 30.4, Rm19.1; b-verse (3 examples): Hav 41.5, Ls 20.2, Fm31.2.
595
of this configuration (18 occurrences) relative to the regular one xPx (109 occurrences) in ljahttr than in fornyrislag, in which the configuration xpx counts 27
as against 592 instances of xPx. With a p-value of 0.001, then, the short variant of
typeA3 in question is more likely to be used in ljahttr. This higher incidence of the
typeA3 variant ending in the short disyllable px is paralleled by that of subtypeA1s
ending in the same cadence: as shown in section12.1.1 above, the configuration Px
px is attested in larger proportion to type A1 in ljahttr than in fornyrislag. We
may generalize, then, that ljahttr makes more extensive use of the short disyllabic
cadence.15
As may be recalled, the short variant xpx is concentrated in the foreign group of
poetry (section4.3.9). In this light, the high profile of this configuration in ljahttr
should be further examined through comparison with the two constituent groups
of fornyrislag. As it turns out, ljahttr differs not only from the domestic group
(p<0.001: 4 examples of xpx vs. 319 others), but, quite remarkably, from the foreign
one (p=0.049; 23 examples of xpx vs. 273 others). The configuration xpx is thus
more likely to occur in ljahttr than even in the collection of poems of South
German content, the genre that is identified as the place of origin for the verse form in
question (section4.3.9; on the conspicuously high incidence of the configuration x
px in ljahttr among those with the short lift that developed in fornyrislag through
contact with the Continental tradition, see section12.1.9 below).
Finally, the larger presence of polysyllables in the initial drop in typeA3 than in
types B (Table12.28, section12.1.8) and C (Table12.33, section12.1.9), as in fornyrislag,
is attributed to the underlying juxtaposition of two metrical positions / involved, as
opposed to the occurrence of a single drop in the latter two types.
12.1.5Type A1- (/ / [])
The catalectic variant of type A1, as exemplified in (12), is distributed as shown in
Table 12.15.16 While indistinguishable from type A1 in terms of alliterative pattern
(p = 0.216), this configuration differs from the normal type by virtue of its weaker
association with the a-verse (p=0.002). Such a relation between types A1- and A1 in
ljahttr is not observed in fornyrislag, in which the two configurations are not only
sharply distinguished on both parameters with p-values of less than 0.001 (Table2.28;
for details, see section2.4 above), but the association between catalexis and verse distinction goes in the opposite direction: typeA1- displays closer associations with the
15The restriction to the cadence is of vital importance. As will be shown in sections 12.1.9 and 12.1.11
below, the lifts that are not subsumed under the cadence are as likely to be realized by a short syllable
in ljahttr as in fornyrislag.
16For a list of verses, see appendix 1. This type corresponds to Gerings (1902: 187193) typeF2.
596
a-verse and single alliteration than does typeA1. A further notable difference between
the two meters is the differing probability of occurrence: comparing uses of typeA1(128 counts in ljahttr and 268 counts in fornyrislag) relative to typeA1 (309 counts
in ljahttr and 2092 counts in fornyrislag) shows that the catalectic variant is more
likely to occur in ljahttr than in fornyrislag, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
(12)
Hav 32.4 aldar rg [Px#P]

Vm 3.1 Fil ec fr [P#x#P]
Skm 42.2 langar ro tvr [Px#x#P]
Table12.15.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA1- in ljahttr and fornyrislag

Meter
A-verse
Single alliteration
B-verse
Total
Double alliteration
Ljahttr
110 (85.94%)
84 (76.36%)
26 (23.64%)
18 (14.06%)
128 (100%)
Fornyrislag
160 (59.70%)
126 (78.75%)
34 (21.25%)
108 (40.30%)
268 (100%)
Tables 12.16 and 12.17 show how the varying size of the first drop bears on verse distribution and alliterative pattern in typeA1-. As it turns out, no significant difference
is in evidence on either parameter. Specifically, the opposition between the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first drop is indifferent to verse distinction (p=0.792) and
alliterative pattern in the a-verse (p=0.155). The lack of correlation between the syllable numbers and verse distribution in ljahttr, paralleled in the case of typeA1
(section12.1.1), stands in marked contrast to the situation in fornyrislag, in which the
polysyllabic first drop displays a conspicuous preference for the a-verse in comparison with the monosyllabic one in typeA1- (p<0.001; Table2.29, section2.4) as well as
in typeA1 (p<0.001).
A further notable difference between the two meters concerns the size of the first
drop in typeA1- in comparison with that in typeA1. Comparing Tables 12.16 and 12.1
(section12.1.1) shows that typeA1- is distinguished from its full counterpart by a significantly higher rate of monosyllables (p=0.001): the catalectic variant displays a
stronger preference for the monosyllabic first drop. This proves to be quite the opposite of the generalization arrived at in fornyrislag: typeA1- is more likely to have its
first drop realized by larger numbers of syllables than typeA1 (section2.4).
The stronger preference for the monosyllabic first drop evinced by typeA1- compared with typeA1 shows that typeA1- is generally shorter than typeA1 in its first
drop. The smaller size of the first drop indicates in turn that ljahttr is not subject to
such an expansion of the first drop as is implemented in fornyrislag as a compensa-
597
tion for the missing verse-final drop. We may accordingly be prompted to generalize
that typeA1- constitutes a reduced variant of typeA1 not only in the final drop (as part
of the cadence), but also in the first drop (as part of the verse opening).
Table12.16.Verse distinction of typeA1- according to size of the first drop in ljahttr and
fornyrislag
Syllables
A-verse
Ljahttr
B-verse
Total
1
2
3
4
5
76 (69.09%) 12 (66.67%) 88 (68.75%)

21 (19.09%) 3 (16.67%) 24 (18.75%)
10 (9.09%) 3 (16.67%) 13 (10.16%)
3 (2.73%)
0 (0%)
3 (2.34%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
Total
110 (100%)
18 (100%)
128 (100%)
A-verse
Fornyrislag
B-verse
Total
29 (18.13%) 52 (48.15%) 81 (30.22%)

101 (63.13%) 42 (38.89%) 143 (53.36%)
24 (15.00%)
4 (3.70%) 28 (10.45%)
5 (3.13%) 10 (9.26%) 15 (5.60%)
1 (0.63%)
0 (0%)
1 (0.37%)
160 (100%)
108 (100%)
268 (100%)
Table12.17.Alliterative pattern of typeA1- according to size of the first drop in ljahttr and
fornyrislag
Syllables
Single
alliteration
Ljahttr
Double
alliteration
Total
Single
alliteration
Fornyrislag
Double
alliteration
Total
55 (65.48%) 21 (80.77%) 76 (69.09%)
24 (19.05%)
5 (14.71%)
29 (18.13%)
2
3
4
5
16 (19.05%)
10 (11.90%)
3 (3.57%)
0 (0%)
5 (19.23%) 21 (19.09%)
0 (0.00%) 10 (9.09%)
0 (0.00%)
3 (2.73%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
82 (65.08%) 19 (55.88%)
17 (13.49%) 7 (20.59%)
2 (1.59%)
3 (8.82%)
1 (0.79%)
0 (0%)
101 (63.13%)
24 (15.00%)
5 (3.13%)
1 (0.63%)
26 (100%)
126 (100%)
Total
84 (100%)
110 (100%)
34 (100%)
160 (100%)
At this point, it may be most appropriate to determine precisely in paradigmatic

terms the structural relation among the three configurations, PxPx (typeA1), Px
px (subtypeA1s), and PxP (typeA1-). Primarily distinguishing these three are the
distinct realizations of the same underlying cadence / : the long disyllable (Px), the
short disyllable (px), and the long monosyllable (P). On the other hand, the common
opening Px (/) involved may justify our characterizing the three configurations as
variants (types) subsumed under the same underlying form / / .17 Focusing on the
17The configuration PSpx, the prototypical variant of subtype A1s in the earlier meter (see section12.1.1 above), is disregarded, because it is characterized as integral to typeA2a, which will be
treated in the following section.
598
varying manifestations of the same cadence, we may call them the normal (A1), the
shortened (A1s), and the catalectic (A1-) types, respectively. As shown in Table12.18,
while these three types are indistinguishable as far as their alliterative patterns are
concerned (p=0.123 between types A1 and A1s; p=0.216 between types A1 and A1-;
p=0.538 between types A1s and A1-), they are differentiated along the parameter of
verse distinction and that of the size of the first drop in such a way that the normal
and catalectic types are maximally distinguished with the shortened one standing
between the two extremes: on the parameter of verse distribution, types A1 and A1differ significantly (p=0.002), as do types A1 and A1s (p<0.001), whereas types A1s
and A1- are indistinguishable (p=0.395); on the parameter of the varying size of the
first drop the opposition between monosyllabic and polysyllabic while types A1
and A1s are without appreciable distinction (p = 1), type A1- is distinguished from
both typeA1 (p=0.001) and typeA1s (p=0.024).18 Thus, it is exclusively typeA1s
that remains indistinguishable from the other two (on the differing parameters). Yet
in terms of occurrences, the following scale obtains in order of decreasing incidence
whereby the formally intermediate type occurs with by far the lowest frequency: A1
> A1- > A1s.
Table12.18.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PxPx, Pxpx, and PxP
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
PxPx
294 (95.15%)
205 (69.73%)
89 (30.27%)
15 (4.85%)
309 (100%)
Pxpx
49 (80.33%)
40 (81.63%)
9 (18.37%)
12 (19.67%)
61 (100%)
PxP
110 (85.94%)
84 (76.36%)
26 (23.64%)
18 (14.06%)
128 (100%)
12.1.6Type A2a- (/ \ / [])

The configuration PSP occurs ten times,19 as exemplified in (13), and is distributed
as represented in Table 12.19. All appear in the a-verse and display single alliteration. Compared with typeA2a, the catalectic variant displays a stronger association
18Type A1 comprises 160 monosyllables and 149 polysyllables; typeA1s, 31 monosyllables and 30
polysyllables; and typeA1-, 88 monosyllables and 40 polysyllables.
19A-verse with single alliteration (10 examples): Hav 16.1, 23.1, 24.1, 25.1, 26.1, 56.4, 79.1, Grm 5.4, Ls
29.4, Sd21.4. Compare Gering (1902: 191).
599
with single alliteration (p=0.002), whereas no significant difference can be observed

between the two types in regard to their verse distribution (p=1).
(13)
Hav 16.1 sniallr mar [PS#P]

Grm 5.4 lfheim Frey [PS#P]
Rm 4.1 Ofrgiold f [PS#P]
Table12.19.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of PSPx, PSpx, and PSP

Configuration
PSPx
PSpx
PSP
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
7 (38.89%)
3 (75.00%)
10 (100%)
18 (94.74%)
11 (61.11%)
4 (80.00%)
10 (100%)
1 (25.00%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
Total
1 (5.26%)
19 (100%)
1 (20.00%)
5 (100%)
0 (0%)
10 (100%)
In parallel to the three-way distinction of typeA1 based on the varying cadence realizations (Px, px, P), we may postulate the three-way gradation that is predicated on the
constant opening PS and the same variation of the cadence: the configurations PSPx
(typeA2a; normal), PSpx (typeA2as; shortened), and PSP (typeA2a-; catalectic). The
three configurations do not differ in verse distribution (p=0.380 between PSPx and
PSpx; p = 1 between PSPx and PSP; p = 0.333 between PSpx and PSP). In terms of
alliterative pattern, however, the normal type (PSPx) is distinguished from the catalectic one (p = 0.002), but not from the shortened one (p = 0.293), while the two
marked types are commonly characterized by the preponderance of single alliteration
(p=0.286). We may accordingly generalize, drawing partly on the fuller articulation
of the series A1/A1s/A1-, that types A2a and A2a- are furthest removed, with the shortened type standing in between. Also, as with the scale A1 > A1- > A1s established in the
preceding section, the normal type occurs most frequently, followed by the catalectic
and the shortened one in that order: A2a > A2a- > A2as.
600
12.1.7Type A3- ([/] / [])

Attested by sixty-three instances,20 the configuration xP, as exemplified in (14), is
subsumed under typeA3-, the catalectic variant of typeA3 (section12.1.4). As shown
in Table12.20, no difference can be ascertained in verse distribution between this type
and its full counterpart (typeA3; Table12.12), given a p-value of 0.360. Nor is there
any significant difference between ljahttr and fornyrislag on the same parameter
(p=1; Table12.20). What differentiates the two meters, however, is the proportion of
typeA3- to typeA3: the catalectic variant occurs with an outstandingly higher incidence in ljahttr than in fornyrislag (p<0.001).
(14)
Hav 23.4 er mr [x#x#P]

Fm 8.4 eigi em ec haptr [xx#x#x#P]
Sd 12.5 r um vefr [x#x#P]
Table12.20.Occurrences of typeA3- in ljahttr and fornyrislag

Ljahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
A-verse
B-verse
61
2
96.83
3.17
28
0
100
0
Total
63
100
28
100
With a p-value of less than 0.001, the minimal (i.e., disyllabic) upbeat appears
more frequently in typeA3- than in typeA3 (compare Table12.13, section12.1.4, and
Table12.21). The catalectic variant is thus distinguished from its full counterpart by the
significantly smaller number of syllables in the initial upbeat. This is precisely paralleled by the difference between types A1 and A1- in regard to the size of the first drop
(section12.1.5): the catalectic variant is more likely to be realized in a shorter form. Catalexis is thus significantly associated with a shortening of the first drop in typeA3- as
well as in typeA1-; in other words, reduction tends to cluster together in the two drops.
Precisely the converse pattern is observed in fornyrislag, however, in which
type A3- displays a stronger preference for larger numbers of syllables in its initial
upbeat than typeA3 (p=0.001; Tables 12.13 and 12.21), much as with the first drop of
typeA1- in distinction from typeA1. Fornyrislag is thus implicated in the trade-off
relation between the size of the first drop and that of the final one, so much so that the
full and catalectic variants are kept largely constant in terms of overall size.
601
Table12.21.Size of the first drop of typeA3- in ljahttr and fornyrislag

Syllables
Ljahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
2
3
4
7
33
25
5
0
52.38
39.68
7.94
0
2
12
13
1
7.14
42.86
46.43
3.57
Total
63
100
28
100
As with typeA3, the initial drop may contain a class 1 word, as listed in the following:
(15)
Hav 17.4 alt er senn [P(=x)#x#P]

Hav 133.4 erat mar sv gr [xx#P(=x)#x#P]
Hav 146.1 Li ec au kann [P(=x)#x#x#P]
Ls 37.1 Freyr er beztr [P(=x)#x#P]
Fm 6.4 fr er hvatr [P(=x)#x#P]
Fm 24.5 margr er s hvatr [P(=x)#x#x#P]
Sd 25.1 Alt er vant [P(=x)#x#P]
Rm 20.1 Mrg ero g [P(=x)#xx#P]
Finally, as will be shown in section 12.1.8 below, type B displays a conspicuous

preference for the b-verse, the distribution pattern diametrically opposed to that of
typeA3-. This supports our analysis whereby, despite the apparent verse-final lift on
the surface, typeA3- ends in the sequence / in its underlying metrical representation, precisely as does its regular counterpart, typeA3. And, as may be recalled, in
regard to verse distribution type A3 also stands in sharp contrast to type B, which
ends in a lift. In this way, the verse distribution of typeA3-, common to typeA3 and
distinct from type B as it is, constitutes eloquent testimony that the superficially
missing verse-final drop counts as metrically significant.
12.1.8Type B (/ /)
While the configuration xPxP, as given in (16), undoubtedly belongs to typeB, the
status of the sequence xPxpx (17) seems to be ambiguous in categorization: it can
be regarded as typeB or subtypeA1s with anacrusis as in fornyrislag (sections 2.7
and 12.1.1). Before examining typeB in general, then, it is necessary to determine the
metrical identity of this apparently ambivalent configuration.
602
(16)
Hav 119.8 vat hrsi vex [xx#Px#P]

Hrbl 19.6 au ero merki mest [x#xx#Px#P]
Hav 136.5 ea at biia mun [xx#x#Px#P]
(17)
Hav 6.4 er horscr oc gull [x#x#P#x#px]

Skm 28.3 ic Hrmnir hari [x#x#Px#px]
Vm 1.5 qve ec mr fornom stfom [x#x#x#x#Px#px]
On closer inspection, however, there is every reason to conclude that the configuration in question should be identified as type B. The distributions of the relevant
configurations are represented in Table12.22. While the configuration under consideration occurs overwhelmingly in the b-verse as does typeB (xPxP), subtypeA1s
(Pxpx) is distinguished by the mirror-image pattern of preponderant occurrence
in the a-verse. By virtue of the conspicuous presence in the b-verse commonly displayed, then, it may be warranted to regard the apparently ambiguous configuration
as typeB.
Table12.22.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPxpx, xPxP (typeB), and Pxpx
(subtypeA1s)
Configuration
xPxpx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
12 (5.11%)
223 (94.89%)
235 (100%)
8 (66.67%)
4 (33.33%)
xPxP
51 (17.00%)
40 (78.43%)
11 (21.57%)
249 (83.00%)
300 (100%)
Pxpx
49 (80.33%)
40 (81.63%)
9 (18.37%)
12 (19.67%)
61 (100%)
Still, one might resist the above proposal by contending that the reversal in verse
distribution between the configuration xPxpx and subtype A1s ought to be due
to the presence of anacrusis (x). While this possibility cannot be excluded a priori
in view of the analogous phenomenon observed in typeA1 with and without anacrusis in mlahttr (sections 8.1.1 and 8.1.2), this counterargument strikes us as inconclusive when we take into consideration the situation in ljahttr itself. While the
configuration PxPx (typeA1) that is minimally distinct from subtypeA1s gives 294
(95.15%) a-verses and 15 (4.85%) b-verses (section12.1.1), the anacrustic variant (x
PxPx) occurs 44 times (52.38%) in the a-verse and 40 times (47.62%) in the b-verse
(section12.1.2). As it turns out, anacrusis falls short of reversing the verse distribution
of the nonanacrustic variant in ljahttr; all it manages to achieve is to neutralize
the original predominance of the a-verse. In this light, the polar opposition between
603
the configurations xPxpx and Pxpx seems to be too far-reaching to be reconciled

as a variation conditioned by anacrusis and to be reduced to a common verse type.21
The identification of the configuration in question as typeB is supported on further
substantive grounds. The two competing scansions of the configuration xPxpx as
typeB versus subtypeA1s with anacrusis entail divergent empirical implications, verification of which is expected to settle the issue on firm grounds. At issue are the metrical
identities of the two weak positions constitutive of the configuration xPxpx. First, the
verse-initial upbeat is open to two scansions, the first drop of typeB on the one hand, and
anacrusis on the other. The scansion as typeB would imply that the composition of this
initial position is no different from that of the configuration xPxP. By contrast, the identification of the initial upbeat as anacrusis would lead to the equation with the string of
syllables initiating the configuration xPxPx, that is, typeA1 with anacrusis. Table12.23
indicates the varying ways in which the verse-initial weak position is composed in terms
of syllable numbers in the three configurations under consideration, xPxpx (typeB or
subtype aA1s), xPxP (typeB), and xPxPx (type aA1).
Specifically, as far as the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables at the
beginning of a verse is concerned, the configuration xPxpx differs significantly
from typeA1 with anacrusis (p<0.001), whereas it is of no statistical difference from
typeB on the same parameter (p=0.292). Seen from a different perspective, the monosyllabic upbeat prevails in typeA1 with anacrusis to a comparable extent to which the
disyllabic one does in the other two configurations, with p-values of 0.254 between
the configurations xPxpx and xPxPx and of 0.540 between the configurations
xPxP and xPxPx. In this way, anacrusis in type aA1 is distinguished from the
initial drop located in the other two configurations by the significantly smaller size.
The analogous size of the initial position, therefore, may justify the metrical equation
of the configuration xPxpx with typeB.
Table12.23.Size of the initial upbeat in xPxP, xPxpx, and xPxPx
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
xPxpx
xPxP
xPxPx
46 (19.57%)
103 (43.83%)
61 (25.96%)
20 (8.51%)
5 (2.13%)
71 (23.67%)
142 (47.33%)
68 (22.67%)
18 (6.00%)
1 (0.33%)
43 (51.19%)
27 (32.14%)
8 (9.52%)
5 (5.95%)
1 (1.19%)
21While grouped together with typeB by virtue of the close association with the b-verse commonly
involved, the configuration xPxpx is still differentiated from the other variant xPxP by the
significantly stronger preference for the b-verse (p<0.001). This difference can ultimately be ascribed
to the stronger correlation between the b-verse and the cadence px as opposed to P, as will be shown
in section13.3.4 below.
604
Syllables
xPxpx
xPxP
Total
235 (100%)
300 (100%)
xPxPx
84 (100%)
The second test concerns the quantitative composition of the verse-internal drop. As
represented in Table12.24, monosyllables occur predominantly in the configuration
xPxpx as well as in typeB, whereas they are used in less than half the examples
of subtype A1s. More specifically, the monosyllabic medial drop occurs in the configurations xPxpx and xPxP without a significant difference in probabilities
(p=0.824), but it is far less likely to appear in subtypeA1s (p<0.001), which stands
out from the other two by the longer realizations of its medial drop. The indistinguishable size of the verse-internal drop thus supports the metrical identification of the
configuration xPxpx with typeB, as opposed to subtypeA1s.
Table12.24.Size of the second drop in xPxP and xPxpx and of the first drop in Pxpx
Syllables
1
2
3
4
Total
xPxpx
xPxP
Pxpx
225 (95.74%)
9 (3.83%)
1 (0.43%)
0 (0.00%)
289 (96.33%)
8 (2.67%)
2 (0.67%)
1 (0.33%)
31 (50.82%)
20 (32.79%)
8 (13.11%)
2 (3.28%)
235 (100%)
300 (100%)
61 (100%)
We have yet to adduce a further argument against scanning the configuration xPx
px as subtypeA1s with anacrusis, which bears on the distribution patterns of anacrustic and nonanacrustic verses of type A1 and subtype A1s. As examined in sections 12.1.1 and 12.1.2 above, we find 84 and 309 instances of typeA1 with and without
anacrusis, respectively. By contrast, on the assumption that the configuration x
Pxpx is categorized as subtypeA1s with anacrusis, we would obtain a diametrically
opposite pattern, whereby anacrustic and nonanacrustic variants of subtype A1s
are numbered 235 and 61, respectively, and the observed difference in distribution
is of statistical significance (p < 0.001). Given that anacrusis otherwise constitutes
an extremely marked metrical option, we are confronted here with the unexpected
preponderance of the anacrustic variant, which would seem to be least amenable to
explanatory account.22
22The same configuration xPxpx scans as subtype A1s with anacrusis in fornyrislag (section2.7). It should be pointed out with emphasis that none of the arguments for the scansion as typeB
in ljahttr applies to fornyrislag. Each of these two alternative scansions thus claims maximal
plausibility for one of the two respective meters in a complementary way. In this light, we must assume that ljahttr implements a reanalysis of the traditional scansion, whereby the earlier categorization as subtype A1s with anacrusis is replaced by a new organization as type B. Obviously,
605
Another configuration that needs disambiguation in scansion are the sequences

xPSxP/xPsxP and xPSxpx/xPsxpx: should these be identified as typeB
with the string Sx forming the second drop or as typeE with anacrusis? Altogether,
there are thirty-two instances,23 as exemplified below, and their distribution is shown
in Table12.25.
(18)
Fm 5.4 inn frneygi sveinn [x#PSx#P]

Hav 64.2 scyli rsnotra hverr [xx#PSx#P]
Hav 108.4 ef ec Gunnlaar n nytac [x#x#Psx#x#px]
Hav 1.5 vat vst er at vita [xx#PS#x#x#px]
Ls 50.2 ins hrmkalda magar [x#PSx#px]
Table12.25.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of xPSxP and xPSxpx

Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
xPSxP/
xPsxP
5 (100%)
xPSxpx/
xPsxpx
4 (100%)
Total
9 (100%)
B-verse
Total
11 (68.75%)
16 (100%)
12 (75.00%)
16 (100%)
23 (71.88%)
32 (100%)
Double alliteration
5 (31.25%)
4 (25.00%)
9 (28.13%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
The two competing scansions entail different empirical implications that should
be verified for evaluation. Primarily at issue is the status of the initial upbeat: Is it
equated with the first drop of the configurations xPxP/xPxpx (type B; see
above) or anacrusis that typically occurs on typeA1 (xPxPx; section12.1.2)? Specifically, the divergent status implied by the two accounts is reflected in the varying
numbers of syllables that occupy the upbeat, as substantiated in Table12.26 below.
We are accordingly most interested in the variation pattern that the configurations at
issue display on the same parameter.
this recategorization is motivated by what appears to be a reinvigoration of resolution in ljahttr,

whereby the cadence / is realized predominantly by the two representative variants, P or px (for details, see section13.3.3 below).
23A-verse with single alliteration (9 examples): Hav 1.5, 6.7, 43.4, 108.4, Grm 50.4, Skm 33.4, Fm5.4,
24.1, Sd27.4; b-verse (23 examples): Hav 10.5, 36.5, 64.2, Vm 21.5, Grm 29.2, 34.5, 39.2, 39.5, 45.2, Skm
28.4, Hrbl 19.2, Ls 43.2, 49.5, 50.2, 52.2, Alv 18.2, 24.2, Rm19.2, Fm4.2, 9.5, 12.5, 20.5, 38.2.
606
As it turns out, the size of the initial upbeat is remarkably similar to that of anacrusis in type A1 (Table 12.26): in both, monosyllables are represented with indistinguishable proportions (p = 0.836). By contrast, the variation pattern evinced
by the first drop of type B differs radically: disyllables, rather than monosyllables,
account for nearly half of all occurrences; and accordingly the presence of monosyllables is significantly smaller in typeB than in the configurations under consideration (p=0.002). Given such convergent/divergent patterns of variation in the syllable
numbers of the initial upbeat, we may be justified in concluding that the apparently
ambiguous initial position should be identified as anacrusis, rather than the first
drop of typeB, and therefore that the configurations in question should be scanned
as typeE with anacrusis (on this verse type, see section12.1.14 below).
Table12.26.Size of the initial upbeat in xPSxP/xPSxpx, xPxPx (typeA1 with anacrusis),
and xPxP/xPxpx (typeB)
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
Total
xPSxP/
xPSxpx
xPxPx
xPxP/
xPxpx
15 (46.88%)
10 (31.25%)
4 (12.50%)
1 (3.13%)
2 (6.25%)
43 (51.19%)
27 (32.14%)
8 (9.52%)
5 (5.95%)
1 (1.19%)
117 (21.87%)
245 (45.79%)
129 (24.11%)
38 (7.10%)
6 (1.12%)
32 (100%)
84 (100%)
535 (100%)
Of related interest is the total absence of the configurations xPSxP/xPSxpx in

fornyrislag (section2.13). If we subscribe to the view that the initial upbeat constitutes
anacrusis as we are claiming here, we are capable of providing a principled account of
these innovative verses in ljahttr: as shown in sections 12.1.2, 12.1.11, and 12.1.13, anacrusis is used widely in this meter. In light of such an overall increased currency of anacrusis,
then, the emergence of typeE with anacrusis yields to an explanatory account as part of
the general characteristic of this meter. On identifying these verses as typeB in ljahttr,
however, we would be confronted with intractable difficulty in explaining why the second
drop of typeB is expanded to host stressed disyllables and longer sequences, the same syllable concatenations as are aligned to the two drops that are constitutive of typeE.
Now that the status of the configuration xPxpx has been firmly established
as typeB on the one hand, and the apparently similar forms xPSxP/xPSxpx
are no less securely differentiated as typeE with anacrusis on the other, we proceed
to examine typeB as a whole, particularly in comparison with that in fornyrislag, as
represented in Table12.27.24 We are immediately struck by the preponderance of the
607
b-verse in ljahttr, whereas the a-verse is favored in fornyrislag if not as conspicuously as is the b-verse in ljahttr.
Table12.27.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeB in ljahttr and fornyrislag
Meter
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
Ljahttr
63 (11.78%)
48 (76.19%)
15 (23.81%)
472 (88.22%)
535 (100%)
Fornyrislag
334 (74.06%)
270 (80.84%)
64 (19.16%)
117 (25.94%)
451 (100%)
No less differentiated between the two meters is the variation pattern of the first drop,
as indicated in Table12.28. Ljahttr is distinguished from fornyrislag by the relatively larger numbers of syllables involved. More specifically, while the proportions
of disyllables are more or less the same (p = 0.522), those of monosyllables on the
one hand and of trisyllables or longer ones on the other are significantly different
(p<0.001). The larger size of the initial drop of typeB thus found in ljahttr is paralleled by the first drop of typeA1 (section12.1.1), anacrusis in type aA1 (section12.1.2),
and the initial upbeat of typeA3 (section12.1.4).
Moreover, much as the first drop of types A1, A3, and A3- may occasionally be
realized by a class 1 word, we find ten examples of type B in which a comparable
alignment is implemented, as illustrated by the following:
(19)
Hav 6.2 scylit mar hrsinn vera [xx#P(=x)#Px#px]

Hav 8.5 er mar eiga scal [x#P(=x)#Px#P] (similarly, Hav 94.2)
Hav 10.2 berrat mar brauto at [xx#P(=x)#Px#P] (also Hav 11.2; single alliteration on brauto; see Lehmann and Dillard 1954: 24)
Hav 30.2 scala mar annan hafa [xx#P(=x)#Px#px]
Hav 38.2 scala mar velli [xx#P(=x)#Px#P]
Hav 61.2 ri mar ingi at [xx#P(=x)#Px#P]
Hav 65.5 er mar rom segir [x#P(=x)#Px#px]
HHv 29.5 borgit er lofungs flota [P(=x)x#x#Px#px]
Two points of interest may be mentioned. First, the vast majority involves mar, a
substantive which comes close to a pronoun. Second, the examples are heavily concentrated in Hav. These two properties are not common to the occurrence of class 1
words in the corresponding weak positions of types A1 (2), A3 (11), and A3- (15), for
which a greater variety of lexical items is used in a wider range of poems.
It should be noted in passing that the observed distribution does not justify our
concluding that the verse-initial upbeat of typeB comprises two drops and accord-
608
ingly that the configuration in question should best be identified as type B*, as in
mlahttr. Disyllables prevail in ljahttr, indeed, to a comparable extent that
monosyllables do in fornyrislag, as pointed out in the preceding paragraph. The
two meters overall profiles of distribution according to syllable size, however, are
far from isomorphic to each other. While the second-ranking monosyllables and topranking disyllables are evenly distributed in fornyrislag, accounting in conjunction
for more than 90% of the total population, the third-ranking monosyllables are nearly
as numerous as the second-ranking trisyllables in ljahttr. Thus, the vast majority
falls under monosyllables and disyllables in fornyrislag, whereas the comparable
majority is constituted by the three classes, monosyllables, disyllables, and trisyllables. This disparity in distribution pattern proves to be hardly compatible with the
situation that would otherwise be predicted to arise, in which the pattern found in
fornyrislag should largely be kept intact in ljahttr, with an upward shift in size
by one syllable, in accordance with the doubling of the initial upbeat assumed, and
as represented by the distribution profile of typeC* in mlahttr in comparison with
typeC in fornyrislag (Table8.15, section8.1.6). In other words, the initial upbeat of
type B in ljahttr is still filled by monosyllables with a significantly higher incidence than would follow from the postulation of double drops in the verse opening.
Table12.28.Size of the first drop of typeB in ljahttr and fornyrislag
Syllables
Ljahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
117
245
129
38
6
21.87
45.79
24.11
7.10
1.12
215
216
18
2
0
47.67
47.89
3.99
0.44
0
Total
535
100
451
100
As shown in Table12.29, the size of both drops seems to be correlated to verse distribution at a confidence level of 90%, but in opposite directions. Specifically, the
polysyllabic first drop displays a stronger preference for the b-verse than the monosyllabic one (p=0.051). By contrast, the polysyllabic second drop is associated with
the b-verse less closely than the monosyllabic counterpart (p=0.088). It may be of
interest to recall for comparison the situation in fornyrislag in which polysyllables
in the first drop display a significant association with the a-verse, precisely the opposite pattern found in ljahttr, while their apparently isomorphic preference for the
a-verse is not of statistical validity for the second drop (section2.7). Thus, while displaying the contrary patterns of association between size of the first drop and verse
distinction, the two meters commonly and moderately tend to favor the monosyllabic
second drop in the b-verse more strongly than the polysyllabic one.
609
Table12.29.Verse distinction of typeB according to size of the first and second drops
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
A-verse
First drop
B-verse
Total
20 (17.09%) 97 (82.91%) 117 (100%)

30 (12.24%) 215 (87.76%) 245 (100%)
8 (6.20%) 121 (93.80%) 129 (100%)
4 (10.53%) 34 (89.47%) 38 (100%)
1 (16.67%)
5 (83.33%)
6 (100%)
A-verse
Second drop
B-verse
Total
58 (11.28%) 456 (88.72%) 514 (100%)

4 (23.53%) 13 (76.47%) 17 (100%)
1 (33.33%)
2 (66.67%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
12.1.9Type C (/ /)
As exemplified in (20), this type comprises three major groups of variants depending
on the nature of stress falling on the second lift primary, secondary, and weak
and each group further consists of two varieties differentiated on the basis of syllable
length of the same metrical position long and short. Altogether, then, typeC falls
into the following six variants (section2.8.2): xPPx, xPpx, xPSx, xPsx, xPXx,
and xPxx.25 While the strings PSx and Psx may each be further divided into two
subvariants on morpholexical grounds, that is, common nouns or proper names, they
prove to be indistinguishable in metrical terms according to verse distribution (for x
PSx, p=0.671; Table12.30) and alliterative pattern (p=1 in both cases; Table12.30),
with the exception of the configuration xPsx for verse distribution (p=0.030). In
view of the overall indistinguishability, and given the extreme rarity of the xPsx
with a proper noun, we will treat these two morpholexically distinguishable varieties
under the same categories of the configurations xPSx and xPsx, respectively.
(20)
Hav 45.1 Ef tt annan [x#x#P#Px]

Hav 117.2 enn r nemir [x#x#P#px]
Sd 19.2 at ero biargrnar [x#xx#PSx]
Grm 5.5gfo rdaga [xx#x#Psx]
Vm 30.4 hvaan Aurgelmir [xx#PSx]
Hav 160.2 er gl irrir [x#x#Psx]
Hav 156.1 at kann ec i ellipta [x#x#x#x#PXx]
Skm 20.2 ec igg aldregi [x#x#Pxx]
610
Table12.30.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of the six major variants of typeC, xPPx, x
Ppx, xPSx, xPsx, xPXx, and xPxx
Configuration
xPPx
xPpx
xPPx/xPpx
xPSx
xPsx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
36 (36.73%)
24 (66.67%)
12 (33.33%)
62 (63.27%)
98 (100%)
11 (6.96%)
4 (36.36%)
147 (93.04%)
158 (100%)
47 (18.36%)
31 (65.96%)
16 (34.04%)
209 (81.64%)
256 (100%)
7 (17.95%)
32 (82.05%)
39 (100%)
48 (92.31%)
52 (100%)
8 (72.73%)
11 (100%)
4 (57.14%)
7 (100%)
40 (80.00%)
50 (100%)
52 (88.14%)
59 (100%)
92 (84.40%)
109 (100%)
3 (18.75%)
16 (100%)
30 (96.77%)
31 (100%)
33 (70.21%)
47 (100%)
7 (63.64%)
7 (100%)
4 (100%)
xPSx
(PSx = proper name)
3 (100%)
xPsx
(Psx = proper name)
3 (100%)
xPSx
(subtotal)
10 (100%)
xPsx
(subtotal)
7 (100%)
xPSx/xPsx
xPXx
xPxx
xPXx/xPxx
17 (100%)
13 (100%)
1 (100%)
14 (100%)
4 (7.69%)
3 (27.27%)
3 (42.86%)
10 (20.00%)
7 (11.86%)
17 (15.60%)
13 (81.25%)
1 (3.23%)
14 (29.79%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
At issue therefore are the six variants, xPPx, xPpx, xPSx, xPsx, xPXx, and x
Pxx. These are grouped into three pairs that are distinguished from each other based
on the stress properties of the second lift and are internally differentiated predicated
on the length of the same element. As a pair-based comparison brings to light, the
short opposites xPpx and xPxx differ from their long counterparts xPPx and
xPXx, respectively, by their closer association with the b-verse, with a p-value of
less than 0.001 in both cases. The short second lift is thus more likely to occur in the
b-verse than the long one. By contrast, the remaining pair fails to follow this pattern:
611
the strings xPSx and xPsx are left unarticulated on this parameter (p=0.294). The
short second lift is accordingly as likely to appear in the b-verse as the long one.
Compared with the corresponding situation found in fornyrislag (section2.8.2),
two features figure prominently in ljahttr. First, it is the short syllable that is favored
in the b-verse. In fornyrislag, on the other hand, the diametrically opposed association
obtains, whereby it is the long syllable that displays a marked preference for the b-verse.
Second, of the three pairs involved, the one loaded with the secondary-stressed lift (x
PSx/xPsx) remains undifferentiated in ljahttr, whereas it is the weakly stressed
counterpart (xPXx/xPxx) that fails to be distinguished in fornyrislag.
In a way that is complementary to the stress-based classification, the six configurations under consideration are cross-classified into two sets on the basis of syllable length
of the second lift. The first group has in common the short second lift, and consists of the
sequences xPpx, xPsx, and xPxx. Our concern, then, is to see whether the three strings
are differentiated in verse distribution in relation to the nature of stress on the second lift.
As it turns out, stress value lacks significance as far as the second lift is filled by a short
syllable. A pair-based comparison results in the following p-values: p=0.272 between x
Ppx and xPsx; p=0.255 between xPsx and xPxx; p=0.694 between xPpx and x
Pxx. With the constant preponderance of the b-verse, verse distribution is thus unaffected
by the nature of stress falling on the second lift. Put another way, short syllables as a whole
are uniformly favored at the cost of long ones.26
As may be recalled, a similar indifference to stress distinction applies to fornyris
lag as well: the configurations xPpx, xPsx, and xPxx only slightly (if at all) favor
the a-verse regardless of the difference in stress involved (section2.8.2). The three-way
opposition in stress degrees is thus treated without appreciable distinction in terms of
verse distribution in the two meters alike, insofar as the syllables involved are short.
Turning now to the other set that is defined by the long second lift, we encounter
a different situation: stress properties prove to be involved in the varying association
with the b-verse in ljahttr as well as in fornyrislag. Specifically, the three configurations at issue differ significantly on a pair basis in terms of verse distribution in
ljahttr, as follows: p=0.041 between xPPx and xPSx; p<0.001 between xPSx
and xPXx; p=0.002 between xPPx and xPXx. In this light, we may be justified
in postulating a scalar pattern of variation, whereby the three configurations in question are ranked in order of decreasing association with the b-verse: xPSx > xPPx >
xPXx. The secondary-stressed lift is thus associated with the b-verse most closely; at
the opposite end stands the weakly stressed one, which is least likely to occur in the
b-verse; and the primary-stressed lift is located at the midpoint.
26What is at issue here is the lack of distinction in stress properties in relation to verse distinction:
the opposition between the a-verse and the b-verse is independent of stress degrees on the second lift
of typeC. In regard to the relative frequency of the three degrees of stress, however, they are significantly differentiated with their varying likelihood of occurrence, as follows: primary stress > secondary stress > weak stress. On this issue, see further below in this section.
612
Of paramount interest, the three configurations display a scalar variation in association with the b-verse in fornyrislag, too. These comparable variations, however,
are not organized in the same way in the two meters. In fornyrislag, the degrees
of association with the b-verse covary with those of prominence on the second lift:
the more prominent, the more frequent in the b-verse (section2.8.2); the hierarchy
involved may accordingly be represented as xPPx > xPSx > xPXx, arranged in
order of decreasing association with the b-verse.
The divergent manners of association between varying configurations and verse
distinction in the two meters as disclosed above may be ascribed to the different
canonical cadences involved. As demonstrated in section5.3 above, the b-verse maximally favors the sequence Px at the end in fornyrislag, and the a-verse does so moderately. Since the standard cadence Px is characterized by the long (second) lift, the
verse-final strings are ranked in their relative resemblance to this canonical form in
fornyrislag. Accordingly, because of being short, the three sequences xPpx, xPsx,
and xPxx all tend to be avoided in favor of their long counterparts. Thus, regardless
of stress properties, long syllables are preferred to short ones. This does not mean,
however, that stress lacks any significance in organizing variation of the second lift.
Rather, the varying stress degrees also serve as a distinguishing factor.
Among the three variants with the long second lift, the concatenation xPPx is
valued maximally by virtue of its full identity with the canonical shape of the cadence
Px. Next ranked is the sequence xPSx, which is preferred to the third one xPXx on
account of the lesser deviation from the norm Px in stress properties. Fornyrislag is
thus organized by the scale xPPx > xPSx > xPXx that controls probabilities with
which the configurations at issue are likely to be used in the b-verse. Overall, then,
the relative resemblance to the canonical Px constitutes an underlying motivation for
determining the gradation pattern of association with the b-verse.
In ljahttr, however, the variation is governed by a different principle in the
b-verse: the traditional status of the string Px as the optimal cadence is largely compromised in the b-verse by the supremacy of the competing string px and/or P, while
the a-verse remains basically intact in its preference for the cadence Px much as in the
b-verse of fornyrislag. In other words, the once privileged string is now devaluated
and superseded in the ljahttr b-verse in the face of the increasing presence of the
earlier discredited variants px and P (section13.3.4). With this reversal in the canonicity
of the cadence, the short group of strings px, sx, and xx receive positive treatment
as preferred verse-final units of typeC in the b-verse as against their long counterparts,
whereas the a-verse continues to follow the same organization as does the fornyrislag
b-verse because of the common prototypical cadence Px being targeted.27
27The other standard cadence P as a realization of / does not concern us here, because it is structurally incompatible with typeC. It should be added that this cadence does not figure in typeC-, the
613
Entering into finer details, we notice that the six varying realizations of the last
two positions of typeC are ranked on a pair basis in terms of their incidences in the
a-verse and the b-verse, as represented in Table12.31 and summarized in the following: Px > px; Sx > sx; Xx > xx (a-verse); px > Px; sx > Sx; xx > Xx (b-verse). As far as the
parameter of syllable length is concerned, the evaluation is diametrically opposed
between the two verses in ljahttr: long syllables are favored in the a-verse, whereas
short ones are preferred in the b-verse. This pair-based weighing is subject to a further
calculation at a higher level in overarching terms of stress: primary-stressed syllables
count as optimal, and unstressed ones as least so, standing at the farthest end. Given
the ensuing overall ranking, Px/px > Sx/sx > Xx/xx (where A/B means that a ranking
of A and B is immaterial), we may be justified in concluding that stress overrides
length in determining preference patterns of the cadence for typeC in the a-verse and
the b-verse alike. First, stress makes a three-way distinction, primary, secondary, and
weak. In more precise terms, stress is differentiated into three degrees by a two-layered complex of two binary oppositions: presence versus absence of stress; primary
versus secondary stress. Then within each of the three classes thus defined by stress,
length serves as a secondary distinguishing parameter, short versus long, privileging
therewith long (a-verse) and short (b-verse) syllables, respectively.
Table12.31.Verse distinction of typeC according to composition of the second lift
Configuration
xPpx
xPPx
xPsx
xPSx
xPxx
xPXx
Total
A-verse
B-verse
11 (14.10%)
36 (46.15%)
7 (8.97%)
10 (12.82%)
1 (1.28%)
13 (16.67%)
147 (44.01%)
62 (18.56%)
52 (15.57%)
40 (11.98%)
30 (8.98%)
3 (0.90%)
78 (100%)
334 (100%)
Of further interest, among the stress-based tripartite distinction, the middle-standing

one of secondary stress fails to be distinguished between long and short on statistical
grounds, as mentioned above in passing: we obtain a p-value of 0.294 for this pair,
while the corresponding figures are both less than 0.001 for the other two pairs of
maximal and minimal stress, respectively. This may be understood as an indication
that the parameter of length does not constitute a statistically significant property
for the secondary-stressed second lift of typeC, while it does fulfill a distinguishing
function for the other two pairs: the middle zone is thus left insufficiently articulated
catalectic variant of typeC, either, in which apparently the same form P does appear but the underlying metrical representation involved is / , rather than / pure and simple.
614
for proper organization. Another manifestation of this gray middle zone is that the
configuration xPSx displays a closer association with the b-verse than xPPx, as
observed above. To be held responsible for this unexpected correlation should be
the incidence of the configuration xPSx that would appear to be higher than what
would otherwise follow from a significant distinction between long and short for this
group; as observed above, the variant with the secondary-stressed long syllable (x
PSx) is as likely to occur in the b-verse as the short counterpart (xPsx; p=0.294).
Underlying the entire weighing of the individual strings are the two organizing
parameters, which interact to bring out the distinct scalar patterns observed in the
a-verse and the b-verse. The overarching one on stress is very general in motivation,
ascribed as it is to the fundamentals of Old Germanic alliterative meter at large. This is
predicated on the alignment of the lift to language material whereby stronger degrees
of stress are chosen as more prototypical. With this parameter overriding the other
(length), we obtain the three-layered hierarchy, Px/px > Sx/sx > Xx/xx, as mentioned
earlier. Then the second, subordinate parameter on syllable length comes into play,
which is based on the selection of the optimal cadence out of the two options, the long
syllable (Px) or the short one (px). To the tripartite stress-based distinction already
made available by the first parameter, the second one on length adds further articulation, thereby determining the actual variation pattern of the second lift. This second
phase of calculation is processed according to the relative proximities of the members
of the three pairs of cadence variants to the optimal cadence selected, whereby being
long or short is chosen as the right specification, depending on the target at work, Px
or px. Ordered to each other in the way determined above, these two parameters combined give rise to the following two alternative scales in their fully articulated form:
(i) Px > px > Sx > sx > Xx > xx; (ii) px > Px > sx > Sx > xx > Xx.
At this point, you may recall that the opposition between long and short is not
fully spelled out for secondary-stressed syllables, judging from the lack of a statistically significant difference being ascertained. A question arising then is: Why is specifically the group of secondary stress, rather than others, left insufficiently articulated? Is this state of affairs a pure contingency? Or is it amenable to explanation? To
rephrase, is there a particular reason for not blocking the configuration xPSx from
the b-verse as strenuously as the other two (xPPx and xPXx)?
The relative tolerance for the configuration xPSx occurring in the b-verse in comparison with xPPx and xPXx can be explained by the greater deviation involved
in the latter two strings from the target px. On the one hand, according to the rule for
suspension of resolution (section 4.3.8), the string Px, unless it is preceded by the
resolved first lift in marked contexts, counts as too prominent to be compatible with
a dampening that affects the second of two consecutive lifts. Correspondingly on the
formal dimension, the rule for suspension of resolution provides a firm basis for disqualifying the long primary-stressed disyllable as opposed to the minimally distinct
short one. Given that primary-stressed syllables are prototypical realizations of the
lift, the constraint at issue should be of maximal relevance to the configuration x
615
PPx, rather than the two less prominent ones, and it is likely to apply most rigorously
here. On the other hand, the pair of the unstressed cadence variants Xx and xx is
weaker in prominence than the target px to such an extent that neither may be taken
to be similar to the canon, as is feasible with the pair of secondary-stressed strings
Sx and sx. By contrast, standing between these two extremes, the long secondarystressed Sx can be perceived as somehow equivalent to the target px in prominence:
while more salient by virtue of being long, to be sure, the weaker degree of stress
involved may serve as a counterbalance to the extra length, and the string Sx accordingly does not depart as far from the optimal form px as do the other two long disyllables Px and Xx.
The relative distance of the three long disyllables under consideration may be
graphically expressed in the following representation (Table12.32), in which the six
variants in question are related through the three binary features that are arranged in
three layers from top to bottom, as follows: (i) presence versus absence of stress (stress
1); (ii) primary versus secondary stress (stress 2); (iii) long versus short (length). For
purposes of representation, the first members of the binary oppositions are denoted
as +, the second as . The relative layering of these three features is based on the
characterization adduced above that stress outranks length in organizing the variation of the second lift in typeC.
Table12.32.Layered feature specifications of the short and long disyllables
Stress 1
Stress 2
Length
String
+
+
+
Px
+
+
px
+
Sx
sx
+
Xx
xx
Of central importance are the varying numbers of + specifications in the strings.

Given that the target px contains two +s, the relative resemblance to it may be measured by reference to the number of +s involved in each string. As illustrated in the
above representation, the long disyllable Sx is found to be equivalent to the short
one with primary stress (px) by sharing two + features. In this respect, then, the
secondary-stressed Sx can be characterized as closer to the target than either of the
other two long disyllables, the excessively prominent Px with three +s on the one
hand, and the insufficiently salient Xx with only one + on the other. Thus, the relative resemblance to the target px makes the secondary-stressed Sx the least deviant
among the three long disyllables, and presumably fails to impede its extensive use in
the b-verse despite its deviation from the optimal short syllable px in terms of syllable
length. In this way, we are capable of supplying a principled account of why the pair
of secondary-stressed strings alone remains indistinguishable from each other in the
likelihood of occurrence.
616
As shown in Table12.30 and as mentioned above in passing, the variants with

the primary-stressed second lift, namely, the configurations xPPx and xPpx,
occur with by far the highest frequency. Such an outstanding presence of the primarystressed variants is common to ljahttr and fornyrislag: in fact, the proportions of
the configurations in question to the other typeC variants do not differ between the
two meters (p=0.817; 256 counts of xPPx/xPpx against 156 others in ljahttr;
825 counts of xPPx/xPpx against 518 others in fornyrislag). Both meters, however,
are sharply distinguished in this respect from mlahttr (p<0.001), in which the two
configurations at issue in general, and the long variant in particular, constitute virtually the sole variant of typeC (more precisely, typeC*; section8.1.6).
There are five examples of the configuration xpXx: Hav 154.1 at kann ec i
nunda; 155.1 at kann ec i tunda; Vm 38.1 Segu at i tunda; Sd 33.1 at r ec
r it nunda; Sd 35.1 at r ec r it tunda. The question immediately arising is
the identification of these five exceptional verses, which are apparently open to two
scansions, typeA3 with the resolved lift on the one hand, and typeC with the short
first lift on the other. In the absence of evidence to the contrary, however, we may
be warranted in applying to these verses the same scansion that we demonstrably
did to the analogous configuration in fornyrislag in section2.8.3 above. The marked
variant in question is exclusively limited to the a-verse. This distribution, however,
does not differ from that of the minimally distinct configuration xPXx with the long
penultimate syllable (8 a-verses vs. 3 b-verses; p=0.509), whereas it diverges from the
pattern of the other minimally differentiated variant xPxx (1 a-verse vs. 30 b-verses;
p<0.001), much as does the related sequence xPXx (p<0.001). Thus, the maximal
deviation of the ending Xx from the canonical cadence in the b-verse, px, curbs the
configurations xpXx as well as xPXx from occurring in the b-verse.
Of further interest, this configuration is attested in ljahttr in as many numbers
as in fornyrislag in statistical terms: 5 instances of xpXx as against 42 minimally
distinct variants of typeC (where the second lift is occupied by an unstressed syllable)
in ljahttr, and 28 of xpXx as against 133 others in fornyrislag; accordingly, it is
as likely to be used in ljahttr as in fornyrislag, with a p-value of 0.365. The rate of
the variant in question relative to its unmarked one in ljahttr is comparable to that
of the corresponding forms of types D (PpXx), D- (Ppx), and D* (PxpXx), as will be
discussed in sections 12.1.11 through 12.1.13 below.
The marked configuration xpXx at issue, however, is largely confined to the
foreign group of fornyrislag poetry, as detailed in section4.3.9 above. We may accordingly wish to compare the distribution pattern in ljahttr with those in the foreign
group on the one hand, and in the domestic counterpart on the other. As it turns out,
ljahttr differs from the former (p=0.009; 25 examples of xpXx vs. 55 others),
but not from the latter (p=0.142; 3 examples of xpXx vs. 78 others). Accordingly,
while involved in no significant difference from fornyrislag considered as a whole,
the configuration xpXx is less likely to occur in ljahttr than in the foreign group
of fornyrislag, which is featured by a heavy concentration of this verse form.
617
This lower incidence of the configuration xpXx in ljahttr than in the fornyris
lag of foreign content constitutes a sharp contrast to the situation concerning the corresponding variant of typeA3, xpx, treated in section12.1.4 above. This configuration is more likely to occur in ljahttr than even in the same group of fornyrislag,
in which the form at issue would have emerged by innovation, as would the variant
xpXx. The increased incidence of the typeA3 variant may then be explained as a
consequence of the reorganization in ljahttr whereby the short disyllable is reintegrated as part of the cadence specifically in the a-verse in that meter (section12.1.4).
By contrast, inasmuch as the string pX in the typeC variant xpXx is not constitutive
of the cadence, it remains unaffected by the reorganization in question, and hence
receives no comparable favor in composition.
The first drop of typeC varies in its size ranging from one to five syllables, as indicated in Table12.33. Of particular interest, the size differs significantly from that in
fornyrislag, as epitomized by the wide difference in the proportions of monosyllables
to polysyllables with a p-value of less than 0.001: the first drop is thus filled by larger
numbers of syllables in ljahttr than in fornyrislag. On the other hand, ljahttr
is differentiated from mlahttr on the same parameter: the rate of monosyllables to
polysyllables is significantly higher in ljahttr (p=0.003); the size of the first drop
thus proves to be significantly smaller in ljahttr in comparison with mlahttr.
In this connection, we should draw attention to the following eighteen examples
in which the first drop is filled by a class 1 word:
(21)
Hav 6.8 fr mar aldregi [x#P(=x)#Pxx]

Hav 9.5 hefir mar opt egit [xx#P(=x)#P#px]
Hav 30.4 margr frr icciz [P(=x)#x#P#Px]
Hav 42.2 scal mar vinr vera [x#P(=x)#P#px] (also Hav 43.2)
Hav 66.5 sumt var lagat [P(=x)#x#Psx]
Hav 68.5 ef mar hafa nir [x#P(=x)#px#px]
Hav 69.1 Erat mar allz vesall [xx#P(=x)#P#px]
Hav 69.5 sumr af f rno [P(=x)#x#P#Px]
Hav 145.1 Betra er beit [P(=x)x#x#Psx]
Grm 31.5 annarri hrmursar [P(=x)xx#PSx]
Hrbl 26.1 rr afl rit [P(=x)#x#P#Px]
Ls 37.2 allra ballria [P(=x)x#Psx]
Fm 13.4 sumar ero skungar [p(=x)x#xx#PSx] (similarly, Fm 13.5, Sd 6.4, 6.5,
30.5)
Similar compositions are observed in the first drop of types A1 (section 12.1.1), A3
(section 12.1.4), A3- (section 12.1.7), and B (section 12.1.8). The alignment of a drop
to the most prominent word class, if only exceptionally, would have become feasible
against the background of the added prominence due to its larger size in terms of
syllable numbers assigned. Seen from a comparative perspective, the 18 occurrences
618
in the population of 412 typeC examples in ljahttr is hardly distinguishable from

the ratio of 8 in 126 in mlahttr (p=0.350), but significantly different from that of
11 in 1343 in fornyrislag (p<0.001). The outstanding difference from fornyrislag on
this parameter may thus be explained as a consequence of the enhanced prominence
of the first drop of type C in ljahttr that is realized in larger size there than in
fornyrislag.
In view of the significant difference from either meter, the exact identity of the
first drop in quantitative terms of metrical positions involved single as in fornyris
lag or double drops as in mlahttr has yet to be determined on independent
demonstrable grounds. It must be pointed out in the first place that the assumption of
a single drop and hence of a resulting four-position verse is a null hypothesis to hold,
and that the postulation of double drops and consequentially of a five-position verse
requires specific justification. This reasoning is founded on the view among others
that four-position verses in general are more archaic than five-position ones, which
emerge as innovations under specific circumstances, notably cliticization (section3.3
and chapter15; Suzuki 1996; 2004).
As shown in section8.2 above, the extension of typeC with an additional drop
before the first lift and the concomitant reanalysis of the configuration at issue as
typeC* in mlahttr are motivated primarily by the conspicuous increase of polysyllables and the correspondingly diminished occurrence of monosyllables in the first
drop. In this light, the significantly larger presence of monosyllables in ljahttr as
remarked above dissuades us from redefining the verse form as typeC*. Furthermore,
the absence of evidence for reconstituting the inherited typeA1 as typeA1* in ljahttr
(section12.1.1) in line with mlahttr (section8.1.1) provides additional support for
sustaining the original identity as typeC with a single position corresponding to the
first drop. Of no less relevance is the infeasibility of postulating typeB*, rather than
typeB, in ljahttr, as discussed in section12.1.8 above. Thus, from the perspective
of the whole metrical system, we find no grounds for inferring that ljahttr acquired
a new verse type with five positions by innovation, apart from anacrusis and typeD*,
which are held to be archaic, as they are common to all of the three eddic meters as
well as to the West Germanic cognates. All things considered, then, the configuration
xPPx and the other variants in ljahttr must be identified as typeC, rather than
typeC*, despite the notable expansion of its first drop in realization.
Table12.33.Size of the first drop of typeC in ljahttr and fornyrislag, and of typeC* in
mlahttr
Syllables
1
2
3
Ljahttr
Counts
%
60
193
105
14.56
46.84
25.49
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
820
458
63
61.06
34.10
4.69
Mlahttr
Counts
%
6
72
42
4.76
57.14
33.33
Syllables
4
5
Total
Ljahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
619
Mlahttr
Counts
%
50
4
12.14
0.97
2
0
0.15
0
6
0
4.76
0
412
100
1343
100
126
100
While expanded considerably in terms of realization, the varying size of the first drop
of typeC has no significant bearing on verse distribution (Table12.34): the proportions of monosyllables to polysyllables are of no statistical difference (p=0.153); the
a-verse and the b-verse do not differ in their preference for the size of the first drop.
This indifference to the quantitative value of the first drop in ljahttr constitutes
a sharp contrast with what obtains in fornyrislag. As demonstrated in section2.8.1
above, the a-verse is associated more closely with the polysyllabic first drop than
the b-verse in fornyrislag. In this respect, then, ljahttr is found to be parallel to
mlahttr (section8.1.6).
Table12.34.Verse distinction of typeC according to size of the first drop
Syllables
1
2
3
4
5
A-verse
7 (11.67%)
40 (20.73%)
14 (13.33%)
14 (28.00%)
3 (75.00%)
B-verse
Total
53 (88.33%) 60 (100%)
153 (79.27%) 193 (100%)
91 (86.67%) 105 (100%)
36 (72.00%) 50 (100%)
1 (25.00%) 4 (100%)
Table12.35 shows the relation to verse distinction, and also to alliterative pattern in
the a-verse, of the two variants of the first lift of typeC, namely, the long monosyllable
(P) and the resolved disyllable (px).28 As it turns out, the opposition between long and
resolved has a moderate effect on verse distribution (p=0.050): the resolved first lift
seems to be associated more closely with the b-verse than the long one. This distinction, however, does not bear on differentiation between single and double alliteration
(p=1): whether the first lift is resolved or long, typeC remains unaffected with respect
to its alliterative mode. The sensitivity of verse distinction, and, conversely, the insensitivity of alliterative pattern, to the opposition between the long and the resolved
first lift in ljahttr, stand in sharp contrast to the close association between the
two respective parameters in fornyrislag (section4.2.3): resolution on the first lift of
typeC brings about increased incidence of the b-verse and double alliteration in the
28Since resolution is extremely rare on the first lift of other variants (we count only five instances),
no particular examination needs to be carried out for them.
620
a-verse, with a p-value of less than 0.001 in either case. Again, ljahttr turns out
to be analogous to mlahttr by their common failure to organize these features in a
maximally efficient way (section8.1.6).
Table12.35.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeC with the primary-stressed second lift
according to resolution on the first lift
First lift
Long
Resolved
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
28 (66.67%)
42 (21.00%)
14 (33.33%)
3 (60.00%)
5 (8.93%)
2 (40.00%)
B-verse
Total
158 (79.00%)
200 (100%)
51 (91.07%)
56 (100%)
The distinction between the long and the resolved first lift deserves further comment,
given the significant correlation of this parameter to the opposition between long and
short syllables aligned to the second lift. The long first lift is associated with the short
second, and conversely the resolved first lift is associated with the long second, with
a p-value of less than 0.001, as shown in Table 12.36. While ljahttr still retains
the significant association of resolution on the first lift with the long second lift that
is observed in fornyrislag and its West Germanic cognate meters, the correlation is
no longer as strong in ljahttr: resolution operates on the first lift of typeC with
a ratio of 56 (the resolved first lift; px) to 200 (the long one; P) in ljahttr as indicated in Table12.36, whereas it is implemented with a significantly higher incidence
in fornyrislag (383 resolved as against 442 long; compare Table4.33, section4.3.5,
which does not include the single occurrence of the exceptional configuration x
PpxS, treated in section4.2.9). The proportions differ with a statistical significance,
with a p-value of less than 0.001. The less outstanding role of the first lift in determining the organization of typeC in ljahttr, as pointed out above, may accordingly be
ascribed in part to the diminished incidence of resolution on the position in question.
The notably reduced implementation of resolution in ljahttr for whatever reason
would presumably have deprived it of much of its original functionality in metrical
organization.
Table12.36.Resolution on the first lift and length of the second lift in typeC with the primarystressed second lift
Long first lift

Resolved first lift
Long second lift
Short second lift
Total
54 (27.00%)
44 (78.57%)
146 (73.00%)
12 (21.43%)
200 (100%)
56 (100%)
621
12.1.10Type C- (/ / [])
Lacking the otherwise expected, verse-final drop on the surface, as exemplified in
(22), this type is characterized as a catalectic variant of type C.29 Realized in the
invariable form xPP, typeC- always has the second lift filled by a primary-stressed
syllable (P).30 Its distribution is represented in Table12.37.
(22)
Ls 11.4 nema s einn ss [xx#x#P#P]

Hav 67.4 ea tvau lr [xx#P#P]
Fm 6.5 er hraz tecr [x#px#P]
Hav 102.1 Mrg er g mr [P(=x)#x#P#P]
In the final example in (22), the first drop contains a class 1 word (mrg). There are
two others like this: Hav 33.2 scyli mar opt f; Vm 38.4 hvaan Niorr um kom. Notice
that Hav 33.2 is a close parallel to Hav 42.2 scal mar vinr vera (typeC), given in (21) in
the preceding section.
Table12.37.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of types C- and C
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
xPP
27 (65.85%)
25 (92.59%)
2 (7.41%)
14 (34.15%)
41 (100%)
xPPx
36 (36.73%)
24 (66.67%)
12 (33.33%)
62 (63.27%)
98 (100%)
The configuration xPP is more likely to occur in the a-verse than the minimally distinct configuration xPPx, typeC, given p=0.003 (Table12.37). Despite the initial
drop, which should favor the b-verse as definitely evidenced by types aA1 and B (see
below and further section12.2), typeC- displays no preference for the b-verse; its apparent preference for the a-verse, however, is not of statistical significance (p=0.174). We
29A-verse with single alliteration (25 examples): Hav 7.1, 9.4, 14.4, 25.4, 39.4, 67.4, 102.1, 123.4, 127.5,
Vm 32.4, 34.4, 38.4, Grm 19.4, Skm 3.4, 22.4, 36.5, Ls 4.1, 35.4, 46.4, HHv27.4, Rm3.4, 4.1, Fm30.4, 37.4,
39.1; a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Ls 11.4, 55.4; b-verse (14 examples): Hav 33.2, 71.5,
112.6, Vm 6.5, Skm 21.2, 22.2, 28.2, 35.2, 36.6, Ls 12.2, 15.5, Alv 13.5, HHv22.5, Fm6.5. Compare Heusler
(1890: 160) and Gering (1902: 192193). Notice that this type largely corresponds to Gerings typeF3,
which, however, includes the configuration xPS, our typeA3 (section12.1.4). On the justification for
scanning this as typeA3, see below in this section.
30The configuration with the secondary-stressed, second lift (xPS), apparently corresponding to
the variant of typeC, xPSx, must be identified as typeA3. For details, see toward the end of this
section.
622
may hence generalize that typeC- differs from typeC by a weaker association with the
b-verse, to which the full variant as a whole is slightly biased (section12.1.9). It may be
of interest to recall in this connection that typeA1- is distinguished from typeA1 by a
weaker association with the a-verse (section12.1.2). In this light, a further generalization may suggest itself: the catalectic types fail to display the association with verse
distinction to the fullest extent that their regular counterparts do.
At this point, fundamental questions confront us: Why does such a weakening in
association occur in catalectic verses in ljahttr as opposed to fornyrislag? What
is the basis for differentiating ljahttr from fornyrislag in the distribution pattern
of catalectic verses? In our view, the key to solving these questions is the latent status
of the verse-final drop and its differing organization in the two meters in terms of the
network of markedness relation.
In fornyrislag, the a-verse is still characterized as marked in opposition to the
b-verse, as in the West Germanic cognate meters. In fornyrislag, the major difference
between the two verses resides in their preference patterns for varying realization variants of verse types, rather than for verse types themselves: these variants are differentiated in large measure in terms of their verse distribution. The original correlation
between catalexis and the a-verse is predicated on the opposition between the a-verse
and the b-verse in terms of markedness, whereby the a-verse counts as marked. Catalectic verses are defined as marked in formal terms by virtue of the absence on the
surface of the otherwise occurring verse-final drop; therefore they are favored in the
marked verse, namely, the a-verse.
In ljahttr, however, such a linearity-based markedness relation no longer
obtains: the a-verse and the b-verse are distinguished primarily by the largely complementary distribution of the verse types as opposed to their realization variants
that occur predominantly in either of them, principally defined by the nature of the
initial metrical position, lift or drop (section 12.2). The distributional complementarity involves the relatively abstract level of verse types in ljahttr, rather than
the more concrete one of their particular realizations as in fornyrislag. Thus, the
a-verse and the b-verse are not identified as marked or unmarked in absolute terms
as a consequence of the clustering of marked variants; rather, they are contextualized
depending on the particular verse types that they host. Put another way, the a-verse
(or the b-verse) is determined as marked relative to specific verse types: for example,
the a-verse counts as marked in regard to typeB, whereas the b-verse is defined as
marked with respect to typeA1.
On the other hand, the variants of a single verse type are ranked in prototypicality
largely in terms of their cadence, Px, px, and P. The prototypical variant is encoded
with a maximal association with either the a-verse or the b-verse, depending on verse
type; the peripheral variants are loaded with the less than full properties characteristic of their central ones, including degrees of association with verse distinction.
Hence, the noncentral members fall short of manifesting the maximal preference for
verse distinction that their prototype displays. Since the catalectic variants are obvi-
623
ously peripheral in their composition, they prove to be correlated with a weaker force
to the a-verse (or the b-verse) that their full ones are closely associated with. In the
case of typeC-, then, it fails to show the maximal association with the b-verse that
characterizes its regular counterpart.
In comparison with fornyrislag, type C- occurs relatively more frequently in
ljahttr. There are 41 examples of the configuration xPP and 98 of the regular
one, xPPx; on the other hand, fornyrislag gives 77 and 544 instances of the configurations xPP and xPPx, respectively. Thus, with a p-value of less than 0.001,
type C- is more likely to occur in ljahttr than in fornyrislag. Much the same is
true of type A1-, which is used with a significantly higher incidence in ljahttr
(section12.1.5).
Finally, we need to mention the configuration xPS, which is apparently amenable to two alternative scansions, typeA3 (section12.1.4) on the one hand, and typeCon the other. According to the first interpretation, the verse-final secondary stress
counts as a drop, whereas, following the second scansion, it is identified as the second
lift. Evaluation of these two competing accounts may be achieved by examining two
properties: verse distribution and size of the initial upbeat. On the first parameter, we
obtain the following results as given in Table12.38.
Table12.38.Verse distinction of xPS, xPx (typeA3), and xPP (typeC-)
Configuration
xPS
Counts
xPx (typeA3)
Counts
%
xPP (typeC-)
Counts
%
A-verse
B-verse
24
3
88.89
11.11
103
6
94.50
5.50
27
14
65.85
34.15
Total
27
100
109
100
41
100
As it turns out, the configuration xPS does not differ from xPx in verse distribution (p=0.381), while it is distinguished from the configuration xPP (p=0.045) by
the significantly higher incidence of the a-verse. The preponderance of the a-verse
that is found to be common to the configuration xPS and typeA3 to the exclusion
of typeC-, therefore, justifies our identifying the apparently ambiguous sequence as
typeA3.
This scansion proves to be compatible with the variation pattern of the upbeat
in terms of syllable numbers involved, as indicated in Table12.39. As far as the configuration xPS is concerned, the upper two members combined trisyllables and
quadrisyllables prevail over the lower ones among the whole range of syllable
numbers represented. By contrast, typeC- displays a mirror-image concentration on
the lower half monosyllables and disyllables. This contrast in distribution is statistically significant (p=0.001). On the other hand, typeA3 resembles the configuration
xPS in that it prefers trisyllables or longer sequences at the expense of mono- and
624
disyllables; in fact, the distributions of these two metrical forms are indistinguishable (p=0.810). We may accordingly be led to categorize the configuration xPS as
equivalent to typeA3.
The above arguments, however, might need to be qualified to some extent: all of
the thirteen instances of xxxxPS are tokens of the same verse, Segu mr at, Alvss,
attested in the same poem, Alv. Although we have been treating whatever tokens there
are as autonomous examples on their own rather than reducing multiple attestations
to a single representative example throughout the preceding and following investigations, a multiplication on this large scale might have a distorting effect on the small
sample at hand, one might suspect. While this suspicion may have to be taken seriously, it should be made clear at this point that there is nothing methodologically
objectionable about counting each token individually as it occurs in the corpus: by
admitting repetitions as part of legitimate data, we would be able to see the performance-based body rather than an abstract, decontextualized inventory of verse
expressions in a more dynamic light. Moreover, once we allow multiple occurrences
to be manipulated for analysis, we would be faced with recalcitrant problems of their
relative weighing (are we justified in counting only one instance and ignoring the
rest?) and treatment of highly similar but not exactly identical verses (formulas and
formulaic expressions).
Table12.39.Size of the first drop in xPS, xPx (typeA3), and xPP (typeC-)
Syllables
xPS
Counts
xPx (typeA3)
Counts
%
xPP (typeC-)
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
2
6
6
13
0
7.41
22.22
22.22
48.15
0
0
29
48
23
9
0
26.61
44.04
21.10
8.26
9
20
11
1
0
21.95
48.78
26.83
2.44
0
Total
27
100
109
100
41
100
12.1.11Type D (/ / )
There are only sixteen examples of this type (including five anacrustic variants),
which consists of several variants, PPSx, PPsx, PPPx, PPpx, PPXx, PPxx, and PPxP, as
exemplified in (23).31 They are distributed as represented in Table12.40. There are four
31PPSx: Skm 24.6; PPsx: Grm 35.1, 44.1; PPPx: Hav 36.4 (with anacrusis); PPpx: Hav 134.10, Grm 11.5;
PPXx: Skm 34.3; PPxx: Hav 141.5, 141.7, Ls 22.5 (with anacrusis), Fm16.4; PPxP: Hav 111.2, 146.4, 152.2
625
parameters that may be conceptualized as potential correlates to verse distinction

and/or alliterative pattern:32 falling versus rising contour, stress, length, and anacrusis. Let us examine these factors in turn.
The first feature concerns prominence on the last two positions first and second
drops relative to each other. Only the configuration PPxP the other candidate
PPxS, like Hdl 28.1 Haraldr hilditnn, is absent in the corpus can be characterized
as rising because of the markedly greater prominence falling on the final position;
the remaining configurations instantiate a falling contour.33 The verses with a falling
contour occur six times in the a-verse and five times in the b-verse, while those with
a contrary contour are counted one and four, respectively. The apparent bias of the
string xP toward the b-verse notwithstanding, the p-value of 0.308 thereby obtained
indicates that the difference in contour fails to correlate to verse distinction.
Second, stress degrees do not seem to have a significant bearing on distribution,
either: while unstressed syllables serve as the first drop twice in the a-verse and three
times in the b-verse, the primary- and secondary-stressed ones occupy this position
four times and twice, respectively. With a p-value of 0.567, the two groups do not differ
significantly in their association with verse distribution. No more distinctive is the
opposition between primary and secondary stresses: the primary-stressed first drop
appears once in the a-verse and twice in the b-verse, whereas the secondary-stressed
one is limited to the a-verse (three counts); the resultant distribution patterns are
indistinguishable (p=0.400).
Third, no more significant is the parameter of syllable length in the first drop,
despite the appearance to the contrary: the configurations with the long first drop are
limited to the a-verse, occurring there three times; on the other hand, the configurations having the short first drop occur three times in the a-verse and five times in the
b-verse. As shown by the resultant p-value of 0.182, however, syllable length lacks
statistical significance as a controller of verse distribution.
Finally, given the small sample size as it is, anacrusis cannot be regarded as a
significant correlate to verse distinction (Table 12.41). All of the seven a-verses are
without anacrusis with a single exception, whereas four out of a total of nine b-verses
are accompanied by anacrusis. Despite such an apparent preference for the b-verse
displayed by anacrusis, the observed distributional difference is of no statistical significance (p=0.308). Nonetheless, the observed pattern is not incompatible with the
(with anacrusis), Alv 15.5 (with anacrusis), 31.5 (with anacrusis).

32The extremely small numbers of a-verses attested makes it hardly viable to make anything approaching generalizations on alliterative pattern. We will accordingly concentrate on verse distinction
in the following discussion.
33The cadence xx, along with Xx, can be grouped with Px, px, Sx, and sx in opposition to xP and
xS, because, given two like positions standing in succession, the first one counts as more prominent
than the second, as is most clearly verified in the concatenation / / that is constitutive of typeC (section12.1.9), and prescribed explicitly by the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions (section1.2).
626
significant association of anacrusis with the b-verse that obtains in the other two
pairs of verse types (types A1 and E; sections 12.1.2 and 12.1.14).
As shown in the foregoing examination, none of the four potential parameters
is demonstrably associated with verse distribution. This would not mean, however,
that typeD is absolutely insensitive to these parameters in metrical organization. On
the contrary, a close look at a minimally distinct verse type, typeD*, in section12.1.13
below will convincingly justify our extrapolating that typeD, too, would have been
analogously organized in distribution depending on the varying forms of the cadence.
In this light, we may be led to hold the extremely small sample size involved to be
responsible for the apparent lack of control over realization of type D in its varied
forms.
As far as incidence of anacrusis is concerned, typeD does not differ from typeA1
on statistical grounds (p=0.357). And much as typeA1 is more likely to be expanded
with anacrusis in ljahttr than in fornyrislag (section 12.1.2), type D receives
anacrusis with a significantly higher incidence in ljahttr than in fornyrislag
(p<0.001): while only 5 examples of typeD with anacrusis are found alongside 323
without anacrusis in fornyrislag, there are 5 anacrustic and 11 nonanacrustic verses
in ljahttr, as listed in note31. By contrast, compared with mlahttr 6 with anacrusis as against 17 without (section8.1.7) the likelihood of undergoing anacrusis
does not differ significantly (p=0.734).
There is not a single example of the configuration PpXx with the second lift
occupied by a short stressed syllable on its own. On the other hand, we find 20 such
verses in fornyrislag, which gives 126 instances of the variants with the long second
lift and the unstressed first drop (section2.10.4). With the ratio of 0 to 5 (the variant
with the unstressed penultimate syllable, that is, the minimally distinct configuration
of PpXx), however, the complete absence of the short variant of typeD in ljahttr
lacks statistical significance: given a p-value of 1, the two meters do not differ significantly in regard to the status of the configuration PpXx relative to the long counterparts PPXx/PPxx. Moreover, as far as the dichotomy into the native and foreign
groups is concerned (section 4.3.9), ljahttr with its extremely small sample still
makes no significant difference not only from the domestic group (p=1; 3 examples
of PpXx vs. 69 others), but also from the foreign group (p=0.579; 17 examples of PpXx
vs. 57 others).
(23)
Skm 24.6 vgs trauir [P#PSx]

Grm 35.1 Ascr Yggdrasils [P#Psx]
Hav 36.4 tt tvr geitr eigi [x#P#P#Px]
Hav 134.10 scilin or koma [px#P#px]
Skm 34.3 synir Suttunga [px#PXx]
Fm 16.4 einn rammari [P#Pxx]
Hav 146.4 hilp heitir eitt [P#Px#P]
627
Table12.40.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD

Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
PPSx
1 (100%)
PPsx
2 (100%)
0 (0%)
Subtotal
PPSx/PPsx
1 (33.33%)
PPPx
1 (100%)
PPpx
1 (100%)
PPXx
1 (100%)
Subtotal
PPXx/PPxx
1 (50.00%)
PPxP
1 (33.33%)
1 (25.00%)
2 (40.00%)
1 (20.00%)
0 (0%)
Total
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
PPxx
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
Subtotal
PPPx/PPpx
1 (100%)
3 (42.86%)
7 (43.75%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
2 (66.67%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (50.00%)
1 (100%)
4 (57.14%)
Table12.41.Verse distinction of typeD according to anacrusis

Syllables
0
1
2
3
A-verse
6 (54.55%)
1 (33.33%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
5 (45.45%)
2 (66.67%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
Total
11 (100%)
3 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
B-verse
Total
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
0 (0%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
2 (100%)
2 (100%)
2 (66.67%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
3 (75.00%)
4 (100%)
3 (60.00%)
5 (100%)
4 (80.00%)
5 (100%)
9 (56.25%)
16 (100%)
628
12.1.12Type D- (/ / [])
As exemplified in (24), type D- is a catalectic variant of type D, lacking the otherwise expected, verse-final drop.34 Its distribution is shown in Table12.42. Compared
with type D without anacrusis,35 the catalectic type is associated with the a-verse
more closely than the regular one (p=0.013). This difference in distribution between
types D- and D, characterized by the reinforced association for the catalectic rather
than the normal variant in terms of verse distribution, contradicts the pattern that
obtains between types A1- and A1 on the one hand and between types C- and C on the
other: the catalectic variants are distinguished from the regular ones by a weakening
of association with the a-verse (section12.1.5) and with the b-verse (section12.1.10),
respectively. Deserving particular attention, then, is the conspicuous preference for
the a-verse that typeD- displays in outranking typeD.
(24)
Hav 105.4 ill igiold [P#PS]

Hav 153.4 hvars hatr vex [P#P#P]
Vm 53.1 lfr gleypa [P#Px]
Table12.42.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of types D- and D without anacrusis

Configuration
PPS
PPP
PPx
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
25 (86.21%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
29 (93.55%)
1 (100%)
1 (100%)
4 (13.79%)
B-verse
Total
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
2 (6.45%)
31 (100%)
34PPS: a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): Hav 105.4; PPP: a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): Hav 153.4; PPx: a-verse with single alliteration (25 examples): Hav 2.1, 31.1, 42.1, 43.1,
63.4, 121.5, 129.5, Vm 8.4, 14.4, 16.4, 29.4, 53.1, Grm 1.4, 3.4, 10.4, 18.1, 38.1, Skm 5.1, 14.4, Ls 34.4, Alv 26.4,
HHv16.4, 28.4, Rm6.4, Fm10.1; a-verse with double alliteration (4 examples): Hav 97.4, Vm 23.4, 49.1,
Skm 23.4; b-verse (2 examples): Grm 19.5, Ls 18.5. Compare Gering (1902: 188), who referred to this type
as typeF1.
35Since typeD- is not augmented with anacrusis, it seems most appropriate to exclude the anacrustic variant of typeD from consideration in the following, where we are primarily concerned with comparing typeD- with its regular counterpart. Moreover, due to the zero prominence on the final position
the catalectic type most closely corresponds to the variant of typeD that manifests a falling contour
over the last two positions. Our comparison accordingly concerns only this variant.
Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
25 (80.65%)
Type D
2 (33.33%)
31 (93.94%)
6 (54.55%)
B-verse
Total
2 (6.06%)
33 (100%)
5 (45.45%)
11 (100%)
6 (19.35%)
4 (66.67%)
629
Occurrences of type D-, relative to those of the full counterpart, are indicated in
Table 12.43, together with the corresponding data taken from fornyrislag and
mlahttr, in which type D refers exclusively to the variant without anacrusis that
ends in a minimally prominent syllable relative to the immediately preceding one.
The preponderance of the catalectic variant in ljahttr seems to be quite unexpected, given that catalexis in general constitutes a marked option of composition. In
fact, even in ljahttr, in which typeA1- is used with a significantly higher incidence
than in fornyrislag, the catalectic type (128 counts, 29.29%) constitutes a minority as
against the regular one (309 counts, 70.71%; section12.1.5). The complete reversal in
preference in the pair of types D- and D, therefore, requires explanation.
Table12.43.Occurrences of types D- and D in ljahttr, fornyrislag, and mlahttr
Type
Ljahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
Type DType D
33
11
75.00
25.00
30
304
8.98
91.02
0
16
0
100
Total
44
100
334
100
16
100
Thus, type D- in ljahttr is outstanding in the two respects: the overwhelmingly

strengthened association with the a-verse in comparison with the regular variant and
the larger presence than typeD. There are two interacting factors that may be held
responsible in conjunction for these two properties that are characteristic of typeD- in
ljahttr. First, the principle of four positions per verse that rigorously controls verse
composition in fornyrislag and its immediate West Germanic cognates is relaxed
in its implementation in ljahttr. This diminished organizational power is independently evidenced by the overall increased incidence of verses that are longer or
shorter than the four-position canon, namely, anacrusis (sections 12.1.2 and 12.1.11),
type A1- (section 12.1.5), type C- (section 12.1.10), and type D* (section 12.1.13). The
weakening of this fundamental principle thus naturally facilitates the use of typeDas well, along with the other less typical variants in terms of verse size.
This favorable condition, however, applies in a context-free way, insensitive as
it is to verse distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse. The nearly exclusive
privilege of the a-verse therefore has other motivations, which constitute the second
630
factor involved. Moreover, the weakened control by the principle of four positions in
itself cannot explain the predominance of typeD- over typeD: insofar as the fourposition verses are in the absolute majority in overall terms, the principle in question
must be regarded as still largely in effect; the sustained power of the principle would
accordingly predict the dominant presence of typeD, rather than typeD-, contrary to
the fact. The reversed status of typeD- and its maximal correlation to the a-verse have
therefore yet to be explained.
These two properties unique to type D- should therefore be accounted for by
invoking complementary factors that operate locally on this type. Specifically at issue
are the ending of typeD in opposition to that of typeD- and in relation to the canonical cadence in the a-verse, namely, the long disyllable Px aligned to the two metrical
positions / . The sequence () that ends typeD- is characterized as closer to the
optimal cadence Px (/) of the a-verse than the concatenation of two overt s at the
end of typeD, on account of the larger difference in prominence involved between the
two constituent positions, the realized and the unrealized . Accordingly, typeDreceives more favorable treatment in the a-verse than type D. By contrast, type A1
ends precisely in the optimal cadence Px, while the catalectic variant deviates from it
in the absence of the manifest final drop. Accordingly, typeA1- is bound to appear in
the a-verse with a lesser incidence than its full counterpart.
Furthermore, type D- as well as type D are structurally at variance with the
b-verse, because both begin with a lift, as will be shown in section12.2 below. It may
as well be recalled that typeD, when supplied with anacrusis, appears almost exclusively in the b-verse (section12.1.11). Such a complementary distribution of anacrusis
substantiates that typeD (and by implication typeD- as well) tends to be avoided in
the b-verse because of its verse-initial lift. These formally motivated, diametrically
opposite preferences that typeD- is inherently loaded with, therefore, account for its
radically uneven verse distribution.
Finally, we should draw attention to the existence of the marked variant with the
short second lift, namely, the configurations Ppx and Psx, as listed below:
(25)
Hav 63.4 einn vita [P#px]

Vm 14.4mldropa [Psx]
Grm 19.5 vpngfugr [Psx]
Skm 14.4 ior bifaz [P#px]
In fornyrislag, we find three examples of the verse form Ppx (section2.11). The proportions of the short variant to the long ones PPx/PSx (4 short vs. 27 long in ljahttr;
3 short vs. 18 long in fornyrislag) are indistinguishable (p=1).
631
12.1.13Type D* (/ / )
In sharp contrast to type D, its five-position counterpart, namely, type D* (26),
is attested numerously.36 Its major variants and their distribution are shown in
Table12.44.
(26)
Hav 88.1 acri rsnom [Px#PSx]

Ls 60.5 hncir , einheri [Px#x#Psx]
Hav 112.1 Romc r, Loddffnir [Px#x#PSx]
Grm 30.2 Glr oc Sceibrimir [P#x#Psx]
Hav 126.8 scr er scapar illa [P#x#px#Px]
Alv 9.2 ll of rc fira [P#x#P#px]
Hav 137.9 eic vi abbindi [P#x#PXx]
Vm 3.2 fiol ec freistaa [P#x#Pxx]
Hav 71.2 hior recr handarvanr [P#x#PxS]
Grm 54.5 Vfur oc Hroptatr [Px#x#PxS]
Ls 3.2 gis hallir [Px#Px#P]
36PxPSx: a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Hrbl 4.4; a-verse with double alliteration (10
examples): Hav 88.1, 133.1, 137.11, 137.13, Vm 41.1, Grm 23.4, Skm 21.4, Hrbl 20.1, Ls 13.1, Rm8.4; b-verse
(7 examples): Hav 48.5, 75.5, 137.10, Skm 34.2, HHv14.2, 16.2, Fm6.2.

PxPsx: a-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Hav 17.1, 41.4; b-verse (12 examples):
Skm 29.2, 34.4, Ls 48.2, 60.5, Alv 18.5, 20.5, 22.5, 28.5, 30.5, HHv25.2, Rm7.2, Sd23.5.

PxPSx (PSx = proper noun): a-verse with single alliteration (22 examples): Hav 112.1, 113.1,
115.1, 116.1, 117.1, 119.1, 120.1, 121.1, 122.1, 125.1, 126.1, 127.1, 128.1, 129.1, 130.1, 131.1,
132.1, 134.1, 135.1, 137.1, Vm 6.1, Grm 30.4; a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): Hrbl
24.1; b-verse (1 example): Grm 49.9.

PxPsx (Psx = proper noun): a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): Vm 45.1; b-verse (3
examples): Grm 30.2, 30.5, 36.5.

PxPPx: a-verse with double alliteration (3 examples): Hav 70.4, 126.8, Sd18.1.

PxPpx: b-verse (24 examples): Vm 4.2, 19.2, 54.5, Grm 9.5, Skm 17.5, 18.5, Ls 34.2, Alv 9.2,
11.2, 13.2, 15.2, 17.2, 19.2, 21.2, 23.2, 25.2, 27.2, 29.2, 31.2, 33.2, HHv15.2, 19.2, 28.2, Sd3.2.

PxPXx: a-verse with single alliteration (6 examples): Hav 160.1, Vm 36.1, Grm 14.1, 15.1,
16.1, 32.1; a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): Hav 137.9; b-verse (3 examples): Ls 11.2,
Alv 10.5, Sd4.2.

PxPxx: a-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Hav 51.1, Skm 7.1; a-verse with double
alliteration (2 examples): Skm 19.1, 20.1; b-verse (12 examples): Hav 121.6, 132.6, 134.6, Vm 3.2,
44.2, 46.2, 48.2, 50.2, 52.2, 54.2, Ls 38.2, 46.2.

PxPxS: b-verse (4 examples): Hav 71.2, Skm 33.2, Alv 12.5, 16.5.

PxPxS (PxS = proper noun): b-verse (2 examples): Grm 48.4, 54.5.

PxPxP: a-verse with single alliteration (1 example): Grm 42.1; a-verse with double alliteration (3 examples): Hav 111.9, Grm 25.1, Skm 27.3; b-verse (20 examples): Hav 57.2, 70.5, 105.2,
109.4, 111.10, 164.2, Vm 7.5, 34.2, 41.2, Grm 54.2, Hrbl 4.5, Ls 3.2, 4.2, 6.2, 16.2, 27.2, HHv26.5,
Fm13.2, Sd2.2, 36.5.
632

Configuration
PxPSx
PxPsx
A-verse
7 (38.89%)
18 (100%)
2 (14.29%)
12 (85.71%)
14(100%)
19 (59.38%)
32 (100%)
1 (4.17%)
24 (100%)
3 (75.00%)
4 (100%)
4 (14.29%)
28 (100%)
0 (0%)
3 (100%)
24 (100%)
24 (100%)
24 (88.89%)
27 (100%)
2 (100%)
0 (0%)
13 (40.63%)
3 (23.08%)
10 (76.92%)
PxPSx
(PSx = proper noun)
23 (95.83%)
22 (95.65%)
1 (4.35%)
PxPSx/PxPsx
(PS/sx = proper noun)
PxPPx
PxPpx
PxPPx/PxPpx
Total
11 (61.11%)
1 (9.09%)
10 (90.91%)
PxPSx/PxPsx
PxPsx
(Psx = proper noun)
B-verse
0 (0%)
1 (25.00%)
1 (100%)
24 (85.71%)
22 (91.67%)
2 (8.33%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
3 (11.11%)
3 (100%)
0 (0%)
3 (100%)
PxPXx
7 (70.00%)
6 (85.71%)
1 (14.29%)
3 (30.00%)
10 (100%)
PxPxx
4 (25.00%)
2 (50.00%)
2 (50.00%)
12 (75.00%)
16 (100%)
PxPXx/PxPxx
11 (42.31%)
8 (72.73%)
3 (27.27%)
15 (57.69%)
26 (100%)
Subtotal
51 (45.13%)
33 (64.71%)
18 (35.29%)
62 (54.87%)
113 (100%)
4 (100%)
4 (100%)
2 (100%)
2 (100%)
4 (16.67%)
1 (25.00%)
3 (75.00%)
20 (83.33%)
24 (100%)
4 (13.33%)
1 (25.00%)
3 (75.00%)
26 (86.67%)
30 (100%)
PxPxS
PxPxS
(PxS = proper noun)
PxPxP
Subtotal
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
633
Depending on relative prominence on the last two drops, this type is divided into two
major groups, the one with greater prominence on the penultimate position on the
one hand, and the one with the reverse contour on the other. These two variants correspond to types D2a and D2b, respectively, in Beowulf meter (Suzuki 1996: 95102),
although the distinction involved in ljahttr is exclusively at the surface level of
realization, as will be shown below. Of paramount interest, the distribution of these
groups is conspicuously different. As represented in Table12.44, the first group occurs
51 times in the a-verse and 62 times in the b-verse; by contrast, the second group is
instantiated by 4 a-verses and 26 b-verses. Thus, while the first group seems to be
neutral to verse distinction, the second one is closely associated with the b-verse. This
difference in distribution is statistically significant, with a p-value of 0.001: the group
ending in the drop with greater prominence than the preceding one is more likely to
occur in the b-verse than the other terminating in a minimally prominent drop.
This difference in preference pattern stems from the dominant cadence px/P
(aligned to the metrical position / and preceded by ) in the b-verse: the concatenation with greater prominence on the last position comes closer to this favored
cadence than the reverse sequence, which approximates to the string Px (embodying
the sequence of metrical positions /), which prevails in the a-verse.
Another parameter bearing on verse distinction is the syllable length of the
penultimate position in the group with a higher prominence there than on the versefinal drop. As indicated in Table12.45, the configurations with the long penultimate
syllable as a whole display as much preference for the a-verse as do those with the
short one for the b-verse. And this difference in distribution is statistically significant (p<0.001). Of further interest, this length-based opposition in verse distribution
holds true individually as well for each of the four pairs given above: PxPSx/PxPsx
(p=0.012), PxPSx/PxPsx (PSx/Psx = proper noun; p=0.005), PxPPx/PxPpx
(p<0.001), and PxPXx/PxPxx (p=0.043).
Such a complementary distribution is explained as varying approximations to the
cadence forms that count as optimal divergently in the a-verse (Px) and the b-verse
(px). While the a-verse favors the long penultimate syllable because of the optimal
cadence there (Px), the b-verse privileges the short one by virtue of the corresponding
cadence form (px).
Table12.45.Verse distinction of typeD* according to length of the penultimate drop
Penultimate drop
Long
Short
A-verse
44 (80.00%)
7 (12.07%)
B-verse
11 (20.00%)
51 (87.93%)
Total
55 (100%)
58 (100%)
In contrast to syllable length, the nature and degree of stress on the penultimate
position are immaterial in organizing verse distinction. By comparing the configura-
634
tions with the same length value of the penultimate syllable, we obtain the following p-values concerning the verse distributions of any two minimally distinguished
configurations listed in Table12.44: p=0.521 between PxPSx and PxPPx; p=0.013
between PxPSx and PxPSx (PSx = proper noun); p=0.703 between PxPSx and
PxPXx; p=1 between PxPSx (PSx = proper noun) and PxPPx; p=0.067 between
PxPSx (PS/sx = proper noun) and PxPXx; p=0.528 between PxPPx and PxPXx;
p=0.129 between PxPsx and PxPpx; p=1 between PxPsx and PxPsx (Psx =
proper noun); p=0.657 between PxPsx and PxPxx; p=0.143 between PxPsx (Psx
= proper noun) and PxPpx; p=1 between PxPsx (Psx = proper noun) and PxPxx;
p=0.020 between PxPpx and PxPxx.
Thus, stress differences fail to display a consistent correlation to verse distinction. Most striking otherwise is the conspicuous preference for the a-verse that is displayed by the configuration PxPSx ending in proper nouns (PSx or Psx). As far as
the configurations with the short penultimate syllable are concerned, the sequence
PxPpx occurs exclusively in the b-verse. As it is, however, this variant differs significantly only from the one with the unstressed penultimate syllable. The remaining
configurations are for the most part hardly distinguishable despite whatever differences in stress properties are involved. At any rate, in the absence of overall patterned
variation predicated on stress, we must conclude that stress is largely irrelevant to
verse distinction in typeD*.
The immateriality of stress differences for metrical organization, therefore, leads
us to posit a unitary metrical representation / / for typeD* as in fornyrislag
(section2.12.1) and mlahttr (section8.1.8), rather than postulate an array of distinct
representations predicated on the basis of the opposition between normal and heavy
drops as in Beowulf meter, in which the three variants / / , / / \ , and / /
\ are identified as verse types on their own. By extrapolation, furthermore, we may
be justified in extending a similar analysis to typeD, the four-position counterpart of
typeD* (section12.1.11).
As indicated in Table12.46, there are 16 instances of typeD* with anacrusis as
against 143 without.37 Presence of anacrusis, however, has no effect on verse distribution (p=0.415). Moreover, anacrusis does not occur as frequently as in types A1 and
D: the proportion of anacrustic to nonanacrustic tokens is smaller in comparison with
typeA1 (p=0.001) and, also with typeD (p=0.028).
Yet, seen from a comparative perspective, type D*, too, is affected by anacrusis more frequently in ljahttr than in fornyrislag (p = 0.004), in which not
a single example of anacrusis is found among a total of sixty-seven typeD* verses
(Table12.46); on the other hand, the probability of anacrusis does not differ signifi-
37A-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Hav 164.1, Ls 60.4; a-verse with double alliteration
(2 examples): Skm 31.1, Hrbl 26.3; b-verse (12 examples): Hav 79.5, 125.6, 146.2, 146.7, Vm 40.2, Grm 25.2,
26.2, 34.2, Ls 33.2, Alv 6.5, 27.5, 28.2.
635
cantly between ljahttr and mlahttr (p=0.227); and mlahttr is in turn distinguished from fornyrislag on this parameter (p=0.040), if not as outstandingly as
between ljahttr and fornyrislag. The commonly larger presence of typeD* with
anacrusis in ljahttr and mlahttr than in fornyrislag can be viewed as a consequence of the loss or weakening of the four-position principle in these two meters
the replacement by the five-position counterpart in mlahttr on the one hand,
and the less stringency of the four-position principle in ljahttr on the other as
opposed to fornyrislag, in which the four-position counterpart is in persistent force.
Specifically, typeD* with anacrusis, comprising as it does as many as six positions
altogether, would deviate most outrageously in fornyrislag from the four-position
principle, which is observed most strictly there. With expansion of verse size being
implemented extensively, augmenting typeD* with anacrusis becomes less deviant
and correspondingly more accessible in the two innovative meters.
Table12.46.Verse distinction of typeD* according to anacrusis in ljahttr, fornyrislag, and
mlahttr
Syllables
A-verse
Ljahttr
B-verse
Total
Fornyrislag
A-verse
Mlahttr
B-verse
Total
55
88
143
43
24
67
107
65
172
(38.46%) (61.54%) (100%) (64.18%) (35.82%) (100%) (62.21%) (37.79%) (100%)
2
6
8
(25.00%) (75.00%) (100%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
4
7
11
(0%) (36.36%) (63.64%) (100%)
1
2
3
(33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
1
2
3
(33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
0
(0%)
2
2
(100%) (100%)
At this point, it will be most revealing to extrapolate from the above findings on the
variation of type D* and to reconsider the apparent lack of organization in type D,
which may defy statistical analysis due to its small sample size, as we feared in
section 12.1.11 above. Table 12.47 compares verse distribution patterns according to
varying realizations of the last two positions (the cadence ) in types D and D*.
636
Table12.47.Verse distinction of types D and D* (including anacrustic variants) according to varying

cadences
Cadence
Px
px
Sx
sx
Xx
xx
xS
xP
Type D
Type D*
A-verse
B-verse
Total
A-verse
B-verse
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
2 (100%)
1 (100%)
1 (25.00%)
0 (0%)
1 (50.00%)
0 (0%)
5 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
3 (75.00%)
0 (0%)
1 (50.00%)
1 (100%)
5 (100%)
1 (100%)
2 (100%)
1 (100%)
4 (100%)
0 (0%)
2 (100%)
3 (100%)
1 (3.33%)
35 (79.55%)
3 (15.79%)
8 (72.73%)
5 (27.78%)
0 (0%)
4 (18.18%)
0 (0%)
29 (96.67%)
9 (20.45%)
16 (84.21%)
3 (27.27%)
13 (72.22%)
8 (100%)
18 (81.82%)
Total
3 (100%)
30 (100%)
44 (100%)
19 (100%)
11 (100%)
18 (100%)
8 (100%)
22 (100%)
Except for the string sx (p=0.048), all of the variants involved do not differ in verse
distribution between the two types, with p-values being well above 0.05, and precisely 1 for the most part. In this light, no objection can be raised to extrapolating the
isomorphic organization of the varying cadence realizations for typeD on the basis
of the well-established pattern in typeD* that is amenable to statistical analysis. We
may therefore make the following inferences on the patterned variations of type D
depending on a cluster of parameters that refer to the last two positions. First, the
cadence xP should be more likely to occur in the b-verse than those with the reverse
prominence contour as represented by Px. Second, the variants with a long syllable
in the penultimate position should be privileged in the a-verse to more or less the
same extent that those with a short syllable in the corresponding position favor the
b-verse. On the other hand, neither stress degrees nor anacrusis will presumably play
a notable role in differentiating the set of cadence variants in regard to verse distinction: whatever values may be assigned to these two parameters, the a-verse and the
b-verse should be evenly represented as a whole.
As shown in Table12.48, ljahttr, much as mlahttr, favors typeD* at the expense
of type D, in contrast to fornyrislag, which displays the contrary preference pattern in
favor of typeD over typeD*. The privileged treatment of typeD* in ljahttr is in harmony
with the expansion of verse forms in general in this meter: while typeD comprises four
metrical positions, typeD* contains an additional drop between the lifts.
Table12.48.Occurrences of types D and D* in ljahttr, fornyrislag, and mlahttr
Type
Ljahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
D
D*
16
159
9.14
90.86
328
67
83.04
16.96
23
183
11.17
88.83
Total
175
100
395
100
206
100
637
Finally, we should note that ljahttr offers four examples of typeD* with the short
second lift followed by an unstressed long syllable (PxpXx), as against twenty-four
minimally distinct instances with the long second lift and the unstressed penultimate
syllable (PxPXx, PxPxx): Vm 36.1 Segu at i nunda [Px#x#x#pXx]; Grm 14.1 Flcvangr er inn nundi [PS#x#x#pXx]; 15.1 Glitnir er inn tunda [Px#x#x#pXx]; Alv 10.5
lfar grandi [Px#pXx]. In comparison, there are four such verses in fornyrislag as
against eighteen minimally distinct instances (section2.12.1). The distributions in the
two meters are not of statistical significance (p=0.718). Comparing with the three corresponding forms of typeC (xpXx; section12.1.9), typeD (PpXx; section12.1.11), and
typeD- (PpX/Ppx; section12.1.12), we are struck by the comparable lack of significant
difference in all three of these types, typeC (p=0.365), types D (p=1) and D- (p=1).
Put another way, the incidence of the string pX(x) in types C, D, D-, and D* is definitely indistinguishable between the two meters seen as a whole.
Moreover, no more significant difference can be recognized, even when we
compare with the two constituent groups of fornyrislag poetry, the foreign and
domestic ones: p=0.237 as against the foreign group (4 examples of PxpXx vs. 9
others); p=0.554 as against the native group (0 examples of PxpXx vs. 9 others).
This overall lack of difference is only natural, given that the two groups cannot be distinguished from each other within fornyrislag itself, probably due to the small-sized
sample involved (section4.3.9).
12.1.14Type E (/ \ /)
Among a total of sixty-two examples of this type, slightly more than the half (thirtytwo) are augmented with anacrusis. Tables 12.49 (without anacrusis)38 and 12.50
(with anacrusis),39 then, show the distribution of typeE as it is differentiated by the
parameter of anacrusis. Furthermore, much as in fornyrislag (section 2.13.1), this
type apparently consists of at most three major variants in ljahttr, as exemplified
38PSxP: a-verse with single alliteration (14 examples): Hav 8.4, 19.4, 113.5, 126.5, Vm 10.1, 10.4, Grm
53.1, Skm 12.4, 26.1, Hrbl 47.1, HHv13.4, Fm9.1, 13.1, Sd10.1; a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): HHv26.4; b-verse (5 examples): Hav 161.5, Skm 3.2, 3.5, Ls 41.2, HHv25.5.

PSxP (PSx/PS = proper noun): a-verse with single alliteration (4 examples): Grm 2.6, 43.1, Skm
35.1, Hrbl 27.1; a-verse with double alliteration (2 examples): Hav 105.1, Vm 18.1; b-verse (3 examples): Hrbl 19.4, Ls 24.2, Fm4.5.

PPxP: a-verse with double alliteration (1 example): Skm 17.1.
39xPSxP: a-verse with single alliteration (7 examples): Hav 1.5, 6.7, 43.4, Skm 33.4, Fm 5.4, 24.1,
Sd27.4; b-verse (18 examples): Hav 10.5, 36.5, 64.2, Vm 21.5, Grm 39.2, 45.2, Skm 28.4, Hrbl 19.2, Ls 49.5,
50.2, Alv 18.2, 24.2, Rm19.2, Fm4.2, 9.5, 12.5, 20.5, 38.2.

xPSxP (PSx = proper noun): a-verse with single alliteration (2 examples): Hav 108.4, Grm 50.4;
b-verse (5 examples): Grm 29.2, 34.5, 39.5, Ls 43.2, 52.2.
638
in (27), depending on the way in which the heavy drop is realized by linguistic material. In view of the indistinguishable distribution patterns between any two groups of
variants, however, it is far from legitimate to separate and treat each group individually. Rather, we may generalize that, apart from anacrusis, typeE constitutes such a
homogeneous verse type that it is implicated in no significant, type-internal variation
in formal composition, again exactly as with typeE in fornyrislag.
(27)
Grm 53.1 Eggman val [PSx#P]

Hav 161.5 hvtarmri kono [PSx#px]
Skm 35.1 Hrmgrmnir heitir urs [PSx#xx#P]
Hrbl 19.4 Allvalda sonar [PSx#px]
Skm 27.1 Ara fo [px#Px#P]
Table12.49.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeE without anacrusis

Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
PSxP/
PSxpx
15 (75.00%)
14 (93.33%)
1 (6.67%)
PSxP/PSxpx
(PSx or PS =
proper noun)
4 (66.67%)
PPxP/PPxpx
0 (0%)
Total
6 (66.67%)
1 (100%)
2 (33.33%)
B-verse
Total
5 (25.00%)
20 (100%)
3 (33.33%)
9 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
8 (26.67%)
30 (100%)
1 (100%)
22 (73.33%)
18 (81.82%)
4 (18.18%)
Table12.50.Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeE with anacrusis

Configuration
A-verse
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
B-verse
Total
7 (28.00%)
18 (72.00%)
25 (100%)
5 (71.43%)
7 (100%)
23 (71.88%)
32 (100%)
PSxP/
PSxpx
7 (100%)
PSxP/PSxpx
(PSx or PS
= proper noun)
2 (100%)
Total
9 (100%)
2 (28.57%)
9 (28.13%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
639
As far as anacrusis is concerned, it displays significant correlation to verse distinction (p<0.001): while typeE without anacrusis occurs predominantly in the a-verse
(Table12.49), typeE with anacrusis displays a mirror-image pattern of preference for
the b-verse (Table12.50). This distributional contrast predicated on anacrusis is analogous to the significant difference that obtains in the two pairs of verses differentiated
on the same parameter: anacrusis is favored in the b-verse in types aA1 (p<0.001;
section12.1.2) and aD (without statistical support; section12.1.11).
Table12.51 represents the varying size of anacrusis in relation to verse distinction.
As it turns out, the number of syllables occurring as anacrusis lacks significant correlation to the distinction between the a-verse and the b-verse.
Table12.51.Verse distinction of typeE according to anacrusis
Syllables
0
15
1
2
3
4
5
A-verse
22 (73.33%)
9 (28.13%)
4 (26.67%)
4 (40.00%)
1 (25.00%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
B-verse
8 (26.67%)
23 (71.88%)
11 (73.33%)
6 (60.00%)
3 (75.00%)
1 (100%)
2 (100%)
Total
30 (100%)
32 (100%)
15 (100%)
10 (100%)
4 (100%)
1 (100%)
2 (100%)
Seen from a comparative perspective, there are no examples of anacrusis in a total of

103 instances of typeE in fornyrislag (sections 2.13.1 and 3.1). Performing Fishers test
on these corresponding distributions in the two meters gives a p-value of less than
0.001, and we may thereby generalize that typeE is far more likely to be expanded
with anacrusis in ljahttr than in fornyrislag. This greater propensity to host anacrusis in typeE in ljahttr is in keeping with the analogously larger presence of the
other two anacrustic types types aA1 and aD in this meter than in fornyrislag.
Table12.52 shows the correlation between verse distinction and realization of the
second lift, the long monosyllable (P) versus the short disyllable through resolution
(px). While the variant with the long second lift is much preferred in the a-verse, the
one with the resolved counterpart lacks preference for either verse; the observed difference is of statistical significance (p=0.034) as far as anacrusis is excluded; with
respect to anacrustic realizations, however, the difference turns out to be absolutely
lacking (p=1). In other words, resolution on the second lift subverts the otherwise
expected predominance of the a-verse, where anacrusis does not interfere to bring
about the common preference for the b-verse.
In ljahttr, the long monosyllable and the short disyllable constitute the
two options for realizing the verse-final lift. While largely equivalent to each other
in terms of prototypicality, they are differentiated in fine details. As demonstrated
in section12.1.8 above, the disyllabic cadence px displays a stronger preference for
640
the b-verse than the monosyllabic one P in typeB. By virtue of the presence of the
verse-initial drop, this type is loaded with the distinguishing property of displaying
a conspicuous preference for the b-verse, regardless of the way the second lift is realized. Of paramount interest, the disyllabic cadence variant is distinguished from its
monosyllabic counterpart by the still stronger association with the b-verse. Given this
state of affairs, then, it may be derived as a matter of course that, in a comparable
pair of configurations distinguished solely by the same opposition of the cadence, the
one ending in the string px stands out by the closer association with the b-verse. The
contrastive treatment at issue of the two variant endings px and P in typeE (without
anacrusis) may thus be explained in a principled way as the result of the inherent
closer association of the disyllabic string px with the b-verse than that of the long
monosyllable P.
In comparison, there are no examples of type E in fornyrislag in which the
second lift is resolved. The rate of zero in the total of 103 typeE verses in the corpus,
as against the proportion of 12 to 18 in ljahttr, demonstrates that the two meters
differ significantly in this respect (p<0.001). The complete absence of the short disyllable at the end of typeE is demonstrably attributed to the overall avoidance of resolution and conversely the maximal implementation of suspension of resolution on
the second lift in this meter (section4.3.8).40
Table12.52.Verse distinction of typeE according to anacrusis and the cadence
Syllables
0
14
1
2
3
4
A-verse
16 (88.89%)
5 (31.25%)
3 (42.86%)
1 (16.67%)
1 (50.00%)
0 (0%)
P
B-verse
Total
2 (11.11%) 18 (100%)
11 (68.75%) 16 (100%)
4 (57.14%) 7 (100%)
5 (83.33%) 6 (100%)
1 (50.00%) 2 (100%)
1 (100%) 1 (100%)
A-verse
6 (50.00%)
4 (25.00%)
1 (12.50%)
3 (75.00%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
px
B-verse
Total
6 (50.00%) 12 (100%)
12 (75.00%) 16 (100%)
7 (87.50%) 8 (100%)
1 (25.00%) 4 (100%)
2 (100%) 2 (100%)
2 (100%) 2 (100%)
Table12.52, sensitive as it is to the distinction between the long monosyllable and the
short disyllable as the realization of the second lift, is revealing in another respect.
Focusing on the variant ending in P, we are struck by the divergent verse distribution
along the parameter of anacrusis: with p=0.001, anacrusis is more likely to occur
in the b-verse than in the a-verse, when the second lift is realized by long syllables.
By contrast, we get a p-value of 0.243 where the disyllabic string px constitutes the
cadence. Thus, typeE is implicated only partially in the association between anacru-
40It may as well be noted in passing that no immediate association is ascertained between anacrusis and realization of the second lift, given p=0.456 calculated from Table12.52.
641
sis and the b-verse, the generalization that wholly and transparently characterizes
typeA1 (section12.1.2): typeE is thus subject to the interfering effect of the disyllabic
cadence px, which, even in the absence of anacrusis, is biased against the a-verse, in
contrast to the monosyllabic variant. As for typeD, the association is not statistically
supported, presumably due to the small sample involved (section 12.1.11). Finally,
because of the minimal susceptibility to anacrusis, typeD* is immune to the association at issue (section12.1.13).
As it turns out, then, the correlation between anacrusis and the b-verse, which
stems from the generalization that the b-verse preferably begins with a drop, is compromised to a certain extent, rather than violated categorically, in typeE. And this
compromise of restricting the correlation to the monosyllabic cadence P is in turn
derived in a principled way from the inherent property of the disyllabic cadence px
being biased toward the b-verse, as discussed above: regardless of occurrence of anacrusis, the verse-final disyllable px in itself is more closely associated with the b-verse
than the monosyllable P.
Another distinguishing feature of type E in ljahttr is the presence of the
variant (x)PsxP in which the heavy drop is realized by a short stressed syllable, as
listed below.
(28)
Hav 43.4 enn vinar sns [x#Psx#P]

Hav 108.4 ef ec Gunnlaar n nytac [x#x#Psx#x#px]
Grm 2.6 Geirroar sonr [Psx#P]
Ls 24.2 Smseyo [Psx#P]
Ls 43.2 sem Inguna Freyr [x#Psx#P]
HHv 25.5 hraunba verstr [Psx#P]
As remarked in section2.13.1 above, however, this configuration is totally absent in

fornyrislag. More specifically, the rate of 3 instances of PsxP (without anacrusis) as
against 27 with the long heavy drop in ljahttr makes a significant difference from
that of 0 to 103 in fornyrislag (p=0.011), which is in itself indistinguishable from
Beowulf on this parameter. Since the avoidance of the short stressed syllable from
the heavy drop of typeE is founded on whatever difference is perceivable in degrees
of prominence between short and long, as discussed in section2.13.1 above, we may
be led to conclude that ljahttr is not as sensitive to this difference in prominence
as fornyrislag, and accordingly that the metrical organization along this parameter
is articulated less sharply in this meter. It should be pointed out, however, that, still
displaying a preference for the long syllable over the short one as a realization of the
second position of typeE, ljahttr, too, true to tradition, conforms to the inherited
regularization on the whole.
Finally, the size of the second drop deserves commentary. Of a total of 30 examples of typeE without anacrusis, 22 have their second drop filled by monosyllables, 4
by disyllables (Hav 105.1 Gunnl mr um gaf, 113.5 fiolkunnigri kono, Vm 18.1 Vgrr
642
heitir vllor, Fm 4.5 Sigmundr ht minn fair), and another 4 by trisyllables (Hav 8.4
dlla er vi at, Skm 26.1 Tamsvendi ec ic drep, 35.1 Hrmgrmnir heitir urs, Sd 10.1
Brimrnar scaltu gera).41 By contrast, all of the 103 instances of typeE in fornyris
lag contain the monosyllabic second drop. The presence of the monosyllabic second
drop is thus significantly smaller in ljahttr than in fornyrislag (p<0.001). In other
words, the second drop of typeE is significantly enlarged in ljahttr, in line with
analogous phenomena in other types, notably the first drop of typeA1 (section12.1.1).
And yet, given the sustained predominance of monosyllables in the second drop,
there are no cogent reasons why we should replace the traditional underlying representation / \ / (typeE) with a longer one such as / \ / (typeE*).
12.1.15Two-position verses and overlong verses

A small number of verses comprise only two positions on the surface, as exemplified
in (29). There are twenty-one such examples in the corpus.42
(29)
Hav 76.1 Deyr f [P#P]

Grm 21.4 rstraumr [PS]
Ls 14.4hfu itt [px#x]
Fm 27.4 eiscld [Px]
While marginal in occurrence, two-position verses are more likely to be used in

ljahttr than in fornyrislag: we find 21 in a total of 2138 a- and b-verses in ljahttr,
whereas there are as few as 3 in a total of 5998 verses in fornyrislag (section2.14); we
accordingly obtain a p-value of less than 0.001.
In addition to the relatively larger presence, the two-position verses in ljahttr
are distinguished from those in fornyrislag by their exclusive occurrence in the
a-verse. It may be worth recalling that two of the three instances in fornyrislag are
b-verses (section 2.14). As it turns out, the verse distributions differ significantly
between the two meters, with a p-value of 0.011. Since the more or less even distribution observed in fornyrislag is statistically expected, it is the exclusive occurrence in
the a-verse in ljahttr that we are challenged to explain in a principled way.
41The anacrustic variants display a somewhat similar distribution: twenty-nine monosyllables and
three disyllables; the occurrence of the polysyllabic second drop in typeE is not affected by the presence or absence of anacrusis (p=0.101).
42A-verse with single alliteration (19 examples): Hav 27.1, 40.1, 52.1, 54.1, 55.1, 56.1, 76.1, 77.1, 106.1,
Grm 21.4, 30.7, 31.1, 43.4, Hrbl 32.1, Ls 14.4, Rm1.4, 9.4, Fm27.4, Sd3.1; a-verse with double alliteration
(2 examples): Grm 21.1, Sd37.4. Compare Heusler (1890: 158) and Gering (1902: 193194). Notice that
Gering referred to this type as typeG.
643
The privileged treatment at issue becomes amenable to understanding when we

take into account the overall pattern of variation in verse distribution that is predicated on the differing numbers of metrical positions realized on the surface. The distribution of a- and b-verses in ljahttr in terms of numbers of manifest constituent
positions is illustrated in Table12.53.
Table12.53.Distribution of verses according to the number of positions involved
Positions
2
3
4 or more
Total
A-verse
Counts
%
B-verse
Counts
%
21
239
811
1.96
22.32
75.72
0
36
1031
0
3.37
96.63
1071
100
1067
100
As should be obvious, three-position (catalectic) verses are more likely to occur in

the a-verse than in the b-verse (p<0.001); and conversely, the b-verse is characterized by the overwhelming predominance of normal verses consisting of four (or more)
positions; distinguished thus by the conspicuous uniformity in verse size, the b-verse
is minimally affected by catalexis. We may therefore generalize that the b-verse is
structured more rigidly in accordance with the canonical composition, thereby less
susceptible to variation in size. By contrast, in light of the higher flexibility in composition, the a-verse is expected to be more likely to accommodate the still more deviant
verse, the two-position one, than the b-verse. Moreover, by virtue of the inherently
greater deviation from the norm, the two-position verse is less likely to be used than
the less aberrant one, the three-position verse, both in the a-verse and the b-verse.
As it turns out, then, our predictions are borne out by the actually attested pattern of
distribution: the two-position verse counts as maximally exceptional in both verses,
and occurs with a higher incidence in the a-verse than in the b-verse.
Finally, we are left with a question on the formal basis of two-position verses:
How should they be determined in metrical representation? Drawing on our earlier
analysis of three-position verses, we may be led to characterize the still shorter verses
in question as doubly catalectic, as suggested in section2.14 above: they have their
last two metrical positions left unrealized on the surface. What then are the metrical
identities of those empty positions, we may naturally wonder. Given that empty positions are minimally prominent, and the verse-final drop, rather than the lift, is susceptible to catalexis in three-position verses, the last two positions involved in nonmaterialization in two-position verses should most plausibly be drops. Therefore, the
prototypical two-position verse should consist of two lifts, / /. Since the succession of
two lifts in the beginning of a verse is an exclusive property of typeD, the prototypical
representative of two-position verses may be identified as typeD with the unrealized
two drops: / / () ().
644
In fact, 8 verses out of a total of 21 have their second position occupied by class 1
words: Hav 76.1, 77.1, 106.1, Grm 21.1, 31.1, 43.4, Sd 3.1, 37.4. In another 5 instances, the
same position is filled by lexical-based, secondary-stressed syllables (i.e., second elements of compounds): Hav 27.1, 54.1, 55.1, 56.1, Grm 21.4. By contrast, we can find only
a single example in which the second position is realized by a word-final unstressed
syllable, the prototypical occupant of a drop: Fm 27.4 (see [29] above). Of related interest, the unstressed syllable involved here is relatively heavy, -VCC# (trimoraic), rather
than the prototypical word-final one, -V# (monomoraic). In the remaining 7 examples, the second position is filled by independent words with inherently lesser prominence, that is, function words: Hav 40.1, 52.1, Grm 30.7, Hrbl 32.1, Ls 14.4, Rm 1.4, 9.4.
In Hrbl 32.1 Lis ns [xP], however, the second word exclusively bears alliteration,
and accordingly the verse may as well be subsumed under the first group with the
prosodic representation P(=x)P. In this way, we may be justified in claiming that the
actual data largely corroborates the prototype-based characterization of two-position
verses as typeD with the last two drops being left empty.
At the other extreme, opposite to that of two-position verses, stand a few overlong
verses that defy scansion according to the system of verse types and their realization
variants that we have been building on so far. These exceptionally long verses are
listed below:
(30)
Hav 104.1 Inn aldna itun ec stta [x#Px#px#x#Px]; compare Gering

(1902:198)
Skm 14.2 er ec hlymia heyri n til [x#x#Px#Px#x#P] or [x#x#Px#Px#P#x]
Skm 31.1 Me ursi rhfoom [x#Px#PSxx]; compare Gering (1902: 198)
Hav 104.1 is a definite example of an overlong verse with three lifts, because of double
alliteration on the first two nominals, which then makes infeasible the alternative
scansion as a two-lift verse (typeA1) by demoting itun to part of the first drop, the
rescansion that otherwise works perfectly (see further section12.4 below).
With Lehmann and Dillard (1954: 73), Skm 14.2 can be scanned as type B (or
type aA1 depending on which of the last two words n or til is assigned a lift)
by regarding only heyri as alliterative and correspondingly relegating the preceding
word hlymia to the first drop. This is open to some doubt, however, since it contradicts the lexical-based pattern otherwise expected, whereby hlymia, a class 1 word
(infinitive), should take precedence as an alliterative element. If so, this verse would
manifest double alliteration, as See, La Farge, Picard, Priebe, and Schulz (1997: 92)
assume. This option would in turn necessitate a postulation of a third lift n or til,
resulting thereupon in an overlong verse which is apparently unscannable. The
occurrence of class 1 words in the first drop or anacrusis, however, is far from a categorically excluded option, as shown in sections 12.1.1 and 12.1.8 above; therefore, if
hlymia were nonalliterative as it is actually not, the scansion as a normal verse with
two lifts would pose no problem. Overall, then, while lacking in crucial evidence for
The system of verse types and their realizations
645
scansion, we would like to subsume it under an existing verse type and scan it as
typeB.
Skm 31.1 proves to be less problematic, although it must be regarded as exceptional. This can be characterized as a marginal realization of typeD* with anacrusis
in which the penultimate drop is occupied by two syllables, -Sx- (-hfo-). The closest
parallel to this verse would be Sd 36.5 vant er iofri at f, in which the penultimate drop
is realized by two syllables, -x#x# (-ri#at).
12.2The system of verse types and their realizations

This section explores the paradigmatic organization of the whole set of verse types
and their major realization variants that we have identified and examined in the foregoing discussion mainly from a syntagmatic perspective. We may approach this issue
at two levels of organization, which differ in degrees of abstraction. We may begin
with the more abstract level, the one of metrical positions. All verses comprise either
four or more than four positions. The four-position verses are by far in the majority, and they may accordingly be characterized as basic. There are five such basic
verse classes (or verse schemes categories that are superordinate to verse types),
A (/ /), B (/ /), C (/ /), D (/ / ), and E (/ \ /). These are the most abstract
representations of verses, which may be divided into several verse types (e.g., class
A falls into types A1, A2a, etc.), or are subject to no further differentiation, such as
classes B and C, which are coterminous with types B and C.
The longer verses derive from some of these basic counterparts by expanding
them through an addition of a drop () either before or after the verse-initial lift.
Anacrusis supplies an extra drop at the beginning of a verse, resulting in types aA
(/ / ), aD (/ / ), aD* (/ / ), and aE (/ \ /). On the other hand,
an additional drop may be inserted after the verse-initial lift, in which case typeD*
(/ / ) arises. It should be noted that the two modes of expansion are not mutually
exclusive, as type aD* is composed by such double operations.
Moreover, the restriction of a drop insertion to typeD may be formally explained by
generalizing that an extra drop is placed after the initial position, with a proviso that
a succession of is prohibited. The prohibition against the two consecutive drops,
however, need not be stipulated, insofar as the principle of four positions per verse
is adhered to as a fundamental rule of composition, as in fornyrislag (section 2.15)
and ljahttr, and in sharp contrast to mlahttr (section8.2). These conditions then
exclude the configurations / / (typeA*; due to the resultant two successive drops),
/ \ / (typeE*; due to the insertion before a [heavy] drop), and / \ / (typeE*; due
to the resultant two successive drops). While an array of verses are found in the corpus
that might be identified as instances of the first and last configurations, there are no
meter-internal reasons for adopting such scansions: they are all regarded as instantiations of the basic configurations / / and / \ / (sections 12.1.1 and 12.1.14).
646
As represented in Table12.54, these basic and expanded types are organized on

the basis of two parameters that concern the metrical positions lifts and drops that
are located at the edges of verses, namely, verse-initial and verse-final. The verse-final
drop falls into two variant cadence forms, / and , depending on the identity of
the immediately preceding metrical position. The string / defines types A and C,
while the alternative determines typeD. Since the succession of two lifts at the
end of a verse is disallowed, the verse-final lift is not subject to comparable variation
in cadence structure: the verse-final lift is invariably preceded by a drop, /.
Table12.54.Organization of basic and expanded verse classes
Final drop
Final lift
Initial lift (a-verse)

Basic
Expanded
Initial drop (b-verse)

Expanded
Basic
A; D
E
aA; aD; aD*

aE
D*
C
B
These two sets of binary-opposed features, initial lift versus initial drop on the one
hand, and final lift versus final drop on the other, play a pivotal role in determining
verse distribution. First, the types with an initial lift prevail in the a-verse, whereas
those with an initial drop are favored in the b-verse (compare Heusler 1890: 159;
Gering 1902: 199). Accordingly, types A, D, D*, and E display a close association with
the a-verse, while their anacrustic counterparts, as well as types B and C, are distinguished by their strong preference for the b-verse (compare Heusler 1956: 239).
Second, as far as the basic types with the initial lift are concerned, those ending in
a drop are more closely associated with the a-verse. On the other hand, as for the
other group starting with a drop, typeB, ending in a lift, is distinguished from typeC,
ending in a drop, by its stronger preference for the b-verse. Thus, the opposition in
verse-initial position between lift and drop outranks the corresponding one in final
position in determining distribution of verse classes: the initial lift and the initial drop
are associated with the a-verse and the b-verse, respectively. Then, the opposition
bearing on the end of a verse serves as a supplementary condition for reinforcing the
respective associations that are established: the final drop and the final lift promote
occurrences in the a-verse and the b-verse, respectively.
The categorical bipartition of the verse classes according to the distinction
between the a-verse and the b-verse is obviously an innovation that sharply distinguishes ljahttr from the other two meters. The structural basis underlying the
division, however, is already known to fornyrislag, which uses it as a set of parameters for metrical organization in other domains, namely, the association between
verse classes and alliterative pattern in the a-verse (section 6.2.2), and the correlation between verse classes and stanza-initial verses (section 7.6). The clustering of
the verse opening / and the cadence / , with the former outranking the latter,
favors double alliteration on the one hand, and displays a marked preference for
647
stanza-initial and/or half-stanza-initial verses. Given the preexisting generalizations

in the traditional meter, we may be led to conclude that, rather than devising from
scratch, poets would have applied the inherited model at hand to a reorganization of
the system of verse classes.
This analogical transference is motivated by a common conceptual basis. The
cluster of the string / at the edges of a verse is encoded with a maximal prominence
in the inherited meter by the intermediary of the isomorphism to the accentual pattern
of the most prominent lexical class (class 1, nominals). On the one hand, double alliteration counts as more prominent than single alliteration by virtue of the extra alliterative element involved. On the other, the stanza-initial and/or half-stanza-initial
a-verses are characterized as surpassing other a-verses on account of the unique function of initiating the stanza or half-stanza that they perform in addition to the lineinitiating function that is common to the a-verse in general. This double line and
half-stanza or triple line, half-stanza, and stanza initiality accords the a-verses
concerned increased prominence. Both double alliteration and stanza-initiality are
privileges of the a-verse: the b-verse is categorically incompatible with either. Given
this inherent association with the a-verse, it seems to be only natural that the pair
of structural conditions encoded with increase in prominence should by analogical
generalization be extended to cover the a-verse at large in distinction from the b-verse
as is done in ljahttr.
In addition to the association between the a-verse and the verse-initial lift that
is established in ljahttr by analogical generalization and reorganization, there
is also an independent factor that works in the opposite direction and gives rise to
the converse association between the b-verse and the verse-initial drop. As argued
in section 8.1.2 above, anacrusis is reconstituted as a privilege of the b-verse in
mlahttr, in contrast to its neutrality in terms of verse distinction in fornyrislag.
Correspondingly, the reinvigoration of anacrusis as a major means of composing fiveposition verses in mlahttr would have shaped the new identity of the b-verse as a
vehicle for the verse-initial drop.
At issue at the less abstract level of representation are linguistic realizations
of metrical positions, particularly in terms of stress, length, and syllable numbers
including zero. Put another way, we are concerned here with verse types (broadly
corresponding to Sieverss types) derived from the basic classes or schemes, and their
major realization variants. While the arrangement of metrical positions is primarily
at issue at the underlying level that we were concerned with above, this less abstract
level bears on the varying ways in which principally the cadence and, secondarily the
opening, are linguistically realized. Table12.55 illustrates the paradigmatic organization of verse types and subtypes, and Table12.56 provides an overview of their distribution in the a-verse and the b-verse.
648
Table12.55.The system of verse types and subtypes with special reference to the cadences and
their realizations in ljahttr
Basic: A; expanded: aA
Cadence
/
Realization
Long disyllable
Variant
Px; Sx
A1
Type/subtype
A2a
A3
Basic: B
Cadence
Realization
Variant
Type/subtype
Basic: C
Cadence
Realization
Variant
Type/subtype
Short disyllable
px; sx
A1s
A2as
A3s
Long monosyllable
P
A1A2aA3-
Short disyllable
px; sx
B
Long monosyllable
P; S
B
PS
Short disyllable
px; sx; xx
C
Long monosyllable
P
C-
PS
Short disyllable
px; sx; xx
D; D*; aD; aD*
Long monosyllable
(x)P; (x)S
D; D*; aD; aD*
Short disyllable
px
E; aE
Long monosyllable
P
E; aE
PS
A2b
A3b
/
Long disyllable
/
Long disyllable
Px; Sx; Xx
C
Basic: D; expanded: D*; aD; aD*

Cadence
Realization
Long disyllable
Variant
Px; Sx; Xx; xP; xS
Type/subtype
D; D*; aD; aD*
Basic: E; expanded: aE
Cadence
/
Realization
Long disyllable
Variant
Type/subtype
Table12.56.Distribution of verse classes and types in the a-verse and the b-verse of ljahttr
Class A
Type A1
Type A1s
Type A1Type aA1
Type A2a
Type A2aType aA2a
Type A2b
Type aA2b
Type A3
A-verse
B-verse
753 (87.76%)
294 (95.15%)
49 (80.33%)
110 (85.94%)
44 (52.38%)
18 (94.74%)
10 (100%)
2 (100%)
20 (80.00%)
3 (100%)
142 (92.21%)
105 (12.24%)
15 (4.85%)
12 (19.67%)
18 (14.06%)
40 (47.62%)
1 (5.26%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
5 (20.00%)
0 (0%)
12 (7.79%)
Total
858 (100%)
309 (100%)
61 (100%)
128 (100%)
84 (100%)
19 (100%)
10 (100%)
2 (100%)
25 (100%)
3 (100%)
154 (100%)
A-verse
B-verse
Total
Type A3-
61 (96.83%)
2 (3.17%)
63 (100%)
Class B
Type B
63 (11.78%)
63 (11.78%)
472 (88.22%)
472 (88.22%)
535 (100%)
535 (100%)
Class C
Type C
Type C-
105 (23.18%)
78 (18.93%)
27 (65.85%)
348 (76.82%)
334 (81.07%)
14 (34.15%)
453 (100%)
412 (100%)
41 (100%)
Class D
Type D
Type DType aD
38 (77.55%)
6 (54.55%)
31 (93.94%)
1 (20.00%)
11 (22.45%)
5 (45.45%)
2 (6.06%)
4 (80.00%)
49 (100%)
11 (100%)
33 (100%)
5 (100%)
Class D*
Type D*
Type aD*
59 (37.11%)
55 (38.46%)
4 (25.00%)
100 (62.89%)
88 (61.54%)
12 (75.00%)
159 (100%)
143 (100%)
16 (100%)
Class E
Type E
Type aE
31 (50.00%)
22 (73.33%)
9 (28.13%)
31 (50.00%)
8 (26.67%)
23 (71.88%)
62 (100%)
30 (100%)
32 (100%)
21 (100%)
0 (0%)
21 (100%)
1 (100%)
0 (0%)
1 (100%)
1071 (50.09%) 1067 (49.91%)
2138 (100%)
2 positions
Unscannable
Total
649
The basic and expanded types are identically organized in terms of the variation in
the ways in which the cadence is realized by linguistic materials, except for catalexis,
which is hardly compatible with anacrusis. Specifically, typeA1, if subject to anacrusis and catalexis in conjunction, would result in the configuration / / (), which
would prove to be indistinguishable from type B, unless special distinctions were
available to recover the underlying difference; by the same token, typeD, on undergoing anacrusis and catalexis at the same time, would emerge as the configuration / /
(), which would turn out to be identical to typeC on the surface.
The verse classes ending in a drop A, C, and D including their expanded varieties have access to three distinct realizations of the cadence that are differentiated
on the basis of syllable quantity: long disyllables, short disyllables, and long monosyllables. Each variant realization of the cadence is further distinguished by varying
degrees of stress on it, primary-stressed (P and p), secondary-stressed (S and s), and
weak-stressed (or unstressed; X and x).
The status of the three realization variants is variable according to individual contexts in which they appear. Assuming in the absence of evidence to the contrary that
frequency of occurrence constitutes a reflection of markedness status, the first variety
(long disyllables) counts as the unmarked option in regard to class A, because it is
aligned to the metrical positions concerned (/ ) most transparently without additional processes of adjustment. By contrast, the other two variants necessitate adjust-
650
ment in mapping onto the target metrical positions: on the one hand, the alignment
to short disyllables involves a reduced syllable length or mora count in the lift; on the
other, the realization by long monosyllables constitutes catalexis, which requires the
underlying verse-final drop to be left unrealized on the surface.
With respect to the cadence / of class C, however, short disyllables may be identified as unmarked on two complementary grounds, by virtue of the syntagmatic specifics involved on the one hand, and the resemblance to one of the canonical cadence
in the b-verse on the other, in which class C occurs primarily. First and most generally,
the consecutive occurrence of two lifts has the perceptual effect of diminishing the
salience of the second lift, which in turn motivates it to be occupied by a relatively
reduced amount of prominence than it is otherwise due, as in class A above. Of the
two alternatives, then, the short disyllable is chosen over the long one, because of
the latters mismatch on the surface with the two metrical positions to be aligned to.
Second, and specific to ljahttr, the short disyllable px as a realization variant of
the cadence / fully matches the canonical verse ending px (= /) in the b-verse, as
far as the surface prosodic rather than underlying metrical identity is concerned.
As for the cadence characteristic of classes D and D* together, no single
variant seems to prevail as an unmarked realization at the expense of others (sections
12.1.11 through 12.1.13), except that the catalectic variants P(x) and S(x) are underrepresented. In the absence of the maximal difference in prominence that inheres in the
optimal cadence / in the a-verse, it would make sense that no particular prosodic
string should be singled out as an optimal realization of the underlying metrical representation in question.
The cadence /, which may more specifically be represented as / because it is
invariably preceded by a drop, does not make such a categorical distinction of the
available variants as does the reverse counterpart / , which privileges the long disyllable Px or the short one according to metrical context: while the long monosyllable is
in the majority in both classes B and E, the alternative variant, the short disyllable px,
is also used in considerable numbers (sections 12.1.8 and 12.1.14). The relatively large
presence of short disyllables deserves special attention, given that resolution is otherwise extremely rare in eddic meters in general, and in the second lift in particular,
as will be examined in section13.3.3 below.
No less individually determined are the range and scale of variation, depending
on specific properties of given classes. Class A receives maximal organization: not
only fully organized in the range of cadence realization, it is subject to further articulation on two parameters that bear on the composition of a verse in its earlier part.
First, the first drop is divided into normal () and heavy (\) varieties; the latter is
instantiated by filling it with a stressed syllable, giving rise to typeA2a. Second, the
first lift may be left unrealized in a way that is analogous to catalexis, thereby creating
typeA3 ([/] /). These two marked variants, types A2a and A3, are structured paradigmatically in ways that are comparable to the unmarked one, typeA1, with the full
range of cadence realizations accessible. As far as long disyllabic realizations of the
651
cadence are concerned, the second syllable may be stressed (PS), and we accordingly
obtain two variants of typeA2b the configurations / / \ and / \ / \, corresponding
to typeA1 and A2a, respectively, and also the variant of typeA3 ([/] / \), which may
be called subtypeA3b. Unlike the first two configurations ending in / \, subtypeA3b
is merely a peripheral variant of typeA3, as is subtypeA3s (see immediately below),
rather than an autonomous verse type. Where the cadence is realized by short disyllables, the configurations Pxpx (subtype A1s), PSpx (subtype A2as), and xpx
(subtypeA3s) emerge. It should be noted that the group of configurations ending in
px collectively referred to as subtypeA1s in fornyrislag as well as in the West Germanic meters is now reallocated by paradigmatic reorganization to two distinct categories in ljahttr, subtypeA1s (Pxpx), associated with typeA1, on the one hand,
and subtypeA2as (PSpx), grouped with typeA2a, on the other (section12.1.1). Finally,
the alignment to the long monosyllabic cadence variant / () leads to types A1- (/ /
[]), A2a- (/ \ / []), and A3- ([/] / []), the catalectic variants of types A1, A2a, and
A3, respectively.
The other class that shares the cadence / with class A is class C. A notable feature
of this class is the legitimate alignment of the lift to an unstressed syllable, X or x, the
mode of alignment that is ruled out in class A. The reason why even unstressed syllables are allowed to realize the (second) lift is its reduced prominence owing to the
immediately preceding most prominent position, the first lift. The juxtaposition of
two strong positions brings about a relative weakening of the second one, which may
also be held responsible for the larger presence of short disyllables as a realization of
the cadence in typeC than in typeA1 (section2.8.2). The relatively attenuated prominence in the cadence that is overshadowed by the preceding stronger position also
proves to be hardly compatible with the realization by the heavy variant PS, which
is characterized by an increased amount of prominence on account of the stress on
the second syllable. In fact, there are no examples of the configuration xPPS in the
corpus of ljahttr poems.
By contrast, fornyrislag, in which the short disyllabic cadence (px) does not
play a comparable role in controlling verse composition, allows occasional use of the
heavy string PS as realizations of the last two positions of typeC (section2.8.2): this
string occurs 15 times as against 103 instances of Px in the a-verse. Since the string PS
counts as less deviant from the canonical cadence Px than from the alternative px, it
is allowed to occur in fornyrislag (the a-verse), but not in ljahttr (the b-verse).43
This distribution pattern in fornyrislag differs significantly from the complete
absence of the heavy cadence in question in ljahttr among a total of 62 examples
43This configuration xPPS is limited to the a-verse. The prohibition against its occurrence in the
b-verse is due to the stronger preference for the cadence Px there than in the a-verse in fornyrislag.
In other words, the absence of the cadence PS in the b-verse is ascribed to the more rigorous status of
the cadence Px in the b-verse. For details, see section2.8.2 above.
652
of the typeC variant ending in Px in the b-verse (p=0.002).44 Thus, the state of affairs
in ljahttr cannot be dismissed as coincidental simply due to the low frequency
of compounds PS in the lexicon; rather, it should be explained as a consequence of
the distinct organization in the new meter. Along this line of reasoning, we have presented in the preceding paragraph a principled account predicated on an excessive
amount of prominence on the string PS as against the canonical one px.
Still weaker realizations are available to classes D and D*, each defined by the
succession of drops in the cadence (). The lesser prominence involved allows not
only unstressed syllables to occupy the first of the two drops Xx and xx as in class
C, but also a relatively stronger syllable to be aligned to the last position, thereby
giving rise to the reversed concatenations xP and xS as legitimate realizations of the
cadence (sections 12.1.11 and 12.1.13). As duly expected, the realization by the string
PS is ruled out because the succession of drops is structurally incompatible with the
excessively increased prominence involved in the concatenation.
Classes B and E are defined by the cadence /. Since the lift is qualified for occupation exclusively by a long monosyllable or a short disyllable by way of resolution, a
long disyllable is categorically excluded as a legitimate realization variant for these
two classes. We are accordingly left with short disyllables px and sx on the one hand
and long monosyllables P and S on the other as proper realization variants of the
cadence for classes B and E. The range of variant realizations is less extensive for
class E than for class B: only primary-stressed syllables are eligible for alignment
(Table 12.55). This restriction stems from word structure: while compounds of the
forms PxS and Pxsx are readily available, those of the structures PSxS and PSxsx are
virtually nonexistent in the lexicon.
12.3Alliteration
Table12.57 shows the distribution of three distinct modes of alliteration in the a-verse,
ax, (x)a, and aa. As it turns out, ljahttr is distinguished both from fornyrislag and
mlahttr by the significantly larger proportion of single alliteration ax (p<0.001),
and conversely by the smaller one of double alliteration (p < 0.001), although its
overall pattern is more similar to fornyrislag, with the predominance of single alliteration ax. The conspicuous presence of single alliteration ax in ljahttr seems all
the more striking when we recall that this meter is characterized by the considerable
expansion of verse forms as is mlahttr, by the standard of fornyrislag. Despite the
similar increase in verse size, however, ljahttr does not share mlahttrs marked
44Since the a-verse in ljahttr is biased toward the cadence Px as is the b-verse of fornyrislag,
we may as well focus on the ljahttr b-verse for direct comparison.
Alliteration
653
preference for double alliteration; on the contrary, it favors single alliteration ax to a

larger extent than even fornyrislag.
Table12.57.Alliterative pattern of the a-verse in ljahttr, fornyrislag, and mlahttr
Alliteration
Ljahttr
Counts
%
Fornyrislag
Counts
%
Mlahttr
Counts
%
ax
(x)a
aa
634
203
234
59.20
18.95
21.85
1454
690
857
48.45
22.99
28.56
109
8
263
28.68
2.11
69.21
Total
1071
100
3001
100
380
100
Against the background of prevalent single alliteration in the a-verse, we may wonder
if the verse types differ at all in their likelihood of selecting single or double alliteration. Since types A3 and A3- are fixed with the alliterative pattern (x)a, we are concerned with the remaining types, with exclusive reference to their variants with the
primary-stressed second lift for lack of inherent bias to single alliteration. Moreover,
since we have already discussed whatever notable differences in alliterative pattern
are observable within each verse type, we may exclusively address variations of alliteration across verse types by abstracting away from those internal to them.
As should be clear from Table 12.58, all of the verse types, with the exception
of types A2 and D, occur with single alliteration more frequently. Moreover, these
observational tendencies are statistically significant for the most part, except for the
two-position type (p=0.054), typeC (p=0.144), and typeD* (p=0.267), as follows:
typeA1 (p<0.001), typeA1- (p<0.001), typeA2- (p=0.034), typeB (p=0.003), typeC(p < 0.001), type D- (p = 0.050), and type E (p = 0.002). Since the distribution patterns of the two-position type, typeC, and typeD* are indistinguishable from those of
some types that favor single alliteration in statistical terms, such as typeA1 (p=0.166
against the two-position type; p=0.617 against typeC; p=0.178 against typeD*), it
may be justified to infer that these three types, too, prefer single to double alliteration.
Furthermore, the status of typeD is less than clear, given its extremely small sample.
Even the maximal proportion of seven to zero would result in a difference of p=0.059
as against the even distribution. Accordingly, we do not have to regard it as exceptional
to the generalization that single alliteration is favored throughout verse types. The only
genuine exception then is typeA2, which alone fails to display a preference for single
alliteration. More importantly, this type is significantly distinguished from all of the
others, except for typeD (p=1) and typeD* (p=0.071), by the pattern of not favoring
single alliteration. Since typeD is not suitable for statistical reasoning as mentioned
above, and since the difference from typeD* is still significant at a confidence level of
90%, it might stand to reason to generalize that only typeA2 does not share the general
preference for single alliteration that is almost ubiquitous in ljahttr.
654
We are confronted then with the following question: Why does only A2, rather
than any other type, not conform to the pattern of favoring single alliteration? At
this point, a comparative perspective will throw light on the issue. In fornyrislag,
four verse types display a preference for double alliteration, types A2a (sections
2.2.1 and 6.2.1.2), A2b (sections 2.2.2 and 6.2.1.2), D (sections 2.10.1 and 6.2.1.6), and
D* (section2.12.1), whereas the remainder favors single alliteration. Thus, typeA2 in
ljahttr, which comprises types A2a and A2b, turns out to be equivalent to its counterpart in fornyrislag: both do not share the general characteristic of being biased
toward single alliteration. Furthermore, given that ljahttr is distinguished from
fornyrislag by the stronger association with single alliteration, as demonstrated
above, it should be only natural that the original association with double alliteration
is correspondingly weakened in ljahttr to the point where it ends up being neutral
to verse distinction as is actually the case: with a p-value of 0.517, typeA2 in ljahttr
is not distinguished from the statistically expected even distribution of single and
double alliteration.
Of further interest, the above consideration entails significant implications for
types D and D*, which apparently fail to favor single alliteration on their own statistical grounds, as observed above. As it turns out, these are exactly the remaining verse
types that are encoded with preference for double alliteration in fornyrislag. Corresponding to the increased occurrence of single alliteration in ljahttr, the earlier
association with double alliteration becomes less conspicuous and neutralized. In
this way, the apparently exceptional treatment of not only typeA2, but also types D
and D*, may be explained as a reorganization of the inherited pattern that is implemented in harmony with the radically growing preference for single alliteration in the
new system.
Table12.58.Alliterative pattern of the a-verse according to verse types
Verse type
Single alliteration
Double alliteration
Total
2 positions
A1
A1A2
A2B
C
CD
DD*
E
14 (87.50%)
273 (71.65%)
82 (75.93%)
18 (41.86%)
10 (100%)
48 (76.19%)
31 (65.96%)
25 (92.59%)
3 (42.86%)
22 (78.57%)
36 (61.02%)
27 (87.10%)
2 (12.50%)
108 (28.35%)
26 (24.07%)
25 (58.14%)
0 (0%)
15 (23.81%)
16 (34.04%)
2 (7.41%)
4 (57.14%)
6 (21.43%)
23 (38.98%)
4 (12.90%)
16 (100%)
381 (100%)
108 (100%)
43 (100%)
10 (100%)
63 (100%)
47 (100%)
27 (100%)
7 (100%)
28 (100%)
59 (100%)
31 (100%)
Alliteration
655
Drawing on the examination in section6.3 above, we may now turn to exploring the
lexical basis of alliteration in the three major types, A1, B, and C, which do not seem
to be biased toward class 1 words; moreover, because of their relatively large sample
size, these three types are amenable to revealing statistical analysis. As with our
investigations into comparable properties in fornyrislag (section6.3) and mlahttr
(section8.5), we are primarily concerned with the varying presence of class 1 words
relative to those of the other two combined in the two lifts of each of the three verse
types in question. And, as in section6.3 above, we are most interested in ascertaining how the lexical distinction serves not only to differentiate between single and
double alliteration in the a-verse, but also to determine the three-way categorization
of verses, the a-verse with single alliteration (ax), the a-verse with double alliteration
(aa), and the b-verse in general (b-v).45
Beginning with type A1 (Table 12.59), we notice that the a-verse with single
alliteration appears to be associated with occurrence of class 1 words in the first lift
more closely than the other two verses, with p-values of 0.021 (against the a-verse
with double alliteration) and of 0.013 (against the b-verse), while the latter two do
not differ significantly (p = 0.683). This differentiation pattern, namely, ax > aa
b-v (where A > B means that A is more likely to host class 1 words than B; A B
means that, despite the apparent difference A > B, A and B do not differ statistically;
see section 6.3.1 above), proves to be far from remotely similar to that obtained in
fornyrislag, b-v > ax > aa (section 6.3.1). Remarkably, however, the scale does not
essentially differ from mlahttrs, ax > b-v aa (section8.5), in which b-v and aa are
closest to being identical.
In regard to the second lift, we find a three-way distinction emerging. Specifically,
the a-verse with double alliteration is associated with class 1 words more closely than
the other two verses: p=0.011 against the a-verse with single alliteration; p<0.001
against the b-verse. The latter two verses are in turn distinguished from each other
with a p-value of less than 0.001. Therefore, we obtain the scalar distinction aa > ax
> b-v for the second lift of typeA1, which matches the one for fornyrislag (aa ax >
b-v; section6.3.1) less than perfectly. On the other hand, mlahttr is equipped with
a still less articulated variant of the scale, in which only the polar opposites, aa at
one extreme and b-v at the other, are kept distinct (aa ax b-v; section8.5). Overall,
then, the graded distinction in the likelihood of accommodating class 1 words in the
second lift differs less widely across the three eddic meters than in the first lift; the
differences concerned are simply degrees of differentiation.
45Since we exclude type A3 from examination due to its degenerate property of having only one
manifest lift ([x]a), single alliteration refers exclusively to the pattern ax. Therefore, a-verses and bverses with the (x)a pattern of alliteration do not figure in the following discussion.
656

Word
class
1
2
3
Total
A-verse
Single
alliteration
First lift
Double
alliteration
B-verse
209 (89.70%) 79 (79.80%) 42 (76.36%)

22 (9.44%) 12 (12.12%)
9 (16.36%)
2 (0.86%)
8 (8.08%)
4 (7.27%)
233 (100%)
99 (100%)
55 (100%)
A-verse
Single
alliteration
Second lift
Double
alliteration
B-verse
159 (68.24%) 81 (81.82%) 23 (41.82%)

61 (26.18%) 15 (15.15%) 30 (54.55%)
13 (5.58%)
3 (3.03%)
2 (3.64%)
233 (100%)
99 (100%)
55 (100%)
Turning to typeB (Table12.60), the apparent scale ax > b-v > aa lacks statistical significance between any two verses, so that the representation ax b-v aa (ax aa) must
be assumed: p=0.069 between single and double alliteration in the a-verse; p=0.076
between the a-verse with single alliteration and the b-verse; p=0.488 between the
a-verse with double alliteration and the b-verse. In comparison, fornyrislag has a
two-way distinction, b-v aa ax (b-v > ax), whereby the b-verse is distinguished from
the a-verse with single alliteration by a significantly higher incidence of class 1 words
(p<0.001), whereas neither differs definitely from the a-verse with double alliteration on this parameter (p=0.067 between the a-verse with double alliteration and
the b-verse; p=0.137 between the two kinds of a-verses). Again, the lack of similarity
between ljahttr and fornyrislag is striking.46
By contrast, the second lift is involved in a three-way distinction, aa > b-v ax.
The a-verse with double alliteration has by far the highest probability with which
class 1 words occupy the second lift: p=0.002 against the a-verse with single alliteration; p=0.004 against the b-verse. At the opposite end is the a-verse with single
alliteration, which does not differ on the same parameter from the b-verse (p=0.361).
Interestingly enough, a similar but more articulated scale obtains in fornyrislag (aa
> b-v > ax; section6.3.2), in which the b-verse and the a-verse with single alliteration
are significantly distinguished. We witness again a similarity in articulation on the
second lift in contrast to a wide disparity on the first.
46It should be called to mind here that the virtual absence of a type directly comparable to typeB,
namely, typeB*, in mlahttr (section8.1.5) makes comparison impracticable.
Alliteration
657

Word
class
A-verse
First lift
B-verse
Second lift
A-verse
Single
Double
alliteration
alliteration
B-verse
Single
alliteration
Double
alliteration
44
(91.67%)
4
(8.33%)
0 (0%)
10
(71.43%)
2
(14.29%)
2 (14.29%)
374
(80.95%)
50
(10.82%)
38 (8.23%)
18
(37.50%)
29
(60.42%)
1 (2.08%)
12
(85.71%)
2
(14.29%)
0 (0%)
208
(45.02%)
232
(50.22%)
22 (4.76%)
Total
48 (100%)
14 (100%)
462 (100%)
48 (100%)
14 (100%)
462 (100%)
1
2
As regards typeC (Table12.61), the seemingly graded difference among the three verses
turns out to be of no statistical significance, with the result that we must postulate an
unarticulated complex, ax aa b-v (ax b-v): p=0.395 between the a-verse with
single alliteration and the one with double alliteration; p=0.153 between the a-verse
with single alliteration and the b-verse; p=1 between the b-verse and the a-verse with
double alliteration. On the same parameter, fornyrislag displays a two-way distinction, b-v aa ax (b-v > ax; section6.3.3). With exactly the same scale ax aa b-v
(ax b-v), however, mlahttr proves to be analogous to ljahttr for its immunity
to any articulation on this dimension (section8.5). Thus, in ljahttr as well as in
mlahttr, the first lift of type C remains unorganized concerning its propensity to
attract class 1 words in relation to alliterative pattern and verse distinction.
By contrast, the second lift is partially differentiated: the a-verse with double
alliteration stands out from the remaining two verses by the conspicuous presence of
class 1 words: p=0.035 against the b-verse; p=0.005 against the a-verse with single
alliteration. As for the relation between the latter two verses, they are left undifferentiated, with a p-value of 0.123, despite the apparently higher incidence of class 1
words in the b-verse. Accordingly, we come out with the scale aa > b-v ax, which is
essentially no different from that in fornyrislag, namely, aa > ax b-v, in which the
a-verse with single alliteration only apparently outranks the b-verse (section6.3.3).
This scale in ljahttr proves to be identical with the one for typeB (aa > b-v ax)
in the same meter. In this connection, the corresponding scale for mlahttr, aa ax
> b-v (section8.5), may formally be regarded as a simplified version of the scale that
works in fuller form for the second lift of typeA1 in ljahttr, as postulated above.
Much the same relation applies to the fornyrislag scale for the second lift of typeA1
(section6.3.1), which is identical to the mlahttr scale for the second lift of typeC.
658
Table12.61.Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeC

Word
class
A-verse
First lift
Single
alliteration
Double
alliteration
2
3
28
(90.32%)
3 (9.68%)
0 (0%)
Total
31 (100%)
B-verse
A-verse
Second lift
B-verse
Single
alliteration
Double
alliteration
13
(81.25%)
3 (18.75%)
0 (0%)
162
11
(77.51%)
(35.48%)
42 (20.10%) 19 (61.29%)
5 (2.39%)
1 (3.23%)
13
(81.25%)
3 (18.75%)
0 (0%)
108
(51.67%)
99 (47.37%)
2 (0.96%)
16 (100%)
209 (100%)
16 (100%)
209 (100%)
31 (100%)
To recapitulate the foregoing examinations on varying probabilities for class 1 words

to occur in the lifts, the following two properties may be regarded as common to all of
the three types, one inferred rather speculatively, and the other based on firm statistical
grounds. First, the a-verse with single alliteration would seem to be most favorable to
class 1 words occurring in the first lift. While not all of the three types privilege this verse
definitively, they all display the ranking whereby class 1 words appear most frequently
in the a-verse with single alliteration; furthermore, as far as typeA1 is concerned, this
verse is statistically distinguished from the second-ranking verse (p=0.021).
By far the more important, however, is the invariable property that has to do with
the second lift: the a-verse with double alliteration is most likely to accommodate
class 1 words in the second lift, as is inferred confidently on statistical grounds. In
all of the three types concerned, this verse is distinguished from the observationally second-ranking one the a-verse with single alliteration (typeA1) or the b-verse
(types B and C) by a significantly higher incidence of class 1 words in the second
lift. Of further interest, this consistent privileging of the a-verse with double alliteration is pervasively recognized in the other Norse meters: in fornyrislag, the verse in
question invariably ranks first in attracting class 1 words in the second lift, although
not with as much statistical significance as in ljahttr; and in mlahttr, if only
having partial statistical support, the a-verse with double alliteration features as most
favorable to hosting class 1 words in the second lift.
The pervasively common Norse association between the a-verse with double alliteration and occurrence of class 1 words in the second lift, however, cannot be appreciated fully in such local terms. As a comparison with Beowulf has shown (section6.3.4),
this classical Old English poem, too, seems to favor the a-verse with double alliteration at the expense of the other two as the optimal verse for realizing class 1 words in
the second lift, although the privileging can be justified only in part on a statistical
basis. While details have yet to be discovered in future investigation, we may surmise
for the time being that the correlation between double alliteration and class 1 words
in the second lift may have been a time-honored convention that is deeply rooted in
ancient metrical practice.
A critique of Gerings (1902) analysis
659
Another distinguishing feature of alliteration in ljahttr is the relatively frequent occurrences of double alliteration in the b-verse compared with the other two
meters. In a total of 1067 b-verses, 38 (3.56%) display double alliteration.47 In comparison, 8 (0.27%) manifest double alliteration in a total of 2997 b-verses in fornyrislag,
and only one out of a total of 380 b-verses in mlahttr. While the latter two meters
do not differ in distribution (p=0.553), ljahttr is significantly different from both
with p-values of less than 0.001. We must accordingly conclude that ljahttr is more
likely to implement double alliteration in the b-verse than the other two. This constitutes a sharp contrast to the a-verse, in which double alliteration is least likely to
occur in ljahttr among the three meters, as observed above.
This would entail then that the a-verse and the b-verse are becoming less differentiated in terms of alliterative pattern: the significance of double alliteration as
their distinguishing marker is diminished in ljahttr. Such a relative convergence
between the two verses, however, is counterbalanced by the largely complementary
distribution of verse types: as demonstrated in section12.2 above, the system of verse
types is polarized in line-internal localization by the two parameters of verse-initiality
and verse-finality. Accordingly, the opposition between the a-verse and the b-verse
is encoded increasingly in the distinction of verse types rather than in alliterative
pattern. This diminished reliance on alliterative pattern for distinction seems to tie
in with the expansion of type A3 to the b-verse in fornyrislag (section 2.3.1) and
ljahttr (section12.1.4), whereby the so-called (x)a mode of alliteration no longer
counts as a privilege of the a-verse.
12.4A critique of Gerings (1902) analysis

Sievers (1893: 90) observed that numerous b-verses have three lifts and that they thus
come close to the c-verse in this respect. Assuming as Sievers did that the three-lift
verse should be characterized as a hypermetric verse, Gering (1902: 194199, 227
231) went on to extensively apply this hypermetric-verse model to the a-/b-verse of
ljahttr, as Sievers did in regard to the c-verse (section13.4). At first glance, Gering
came out with an impressively large collection of such hypermetric a-/b-verses.
According to this conceptualization, the three-lift verse is analyzed as a conflation of two regular verses in such a way that the second lift of the initial verse part
(m- in the following example) serves simultaneously as the first lift of the second
half, as exemplified below (compare Gering 1902: 227):
47Hav 17.2, 27.8, 33.5, 42.2, 43.2, 57.2, 71.2, 75.2, 75.5, 109.4, 111.10, 164.2, Vm 3.2, 43.6, 44.2, 46.2, 48.2,
50.2, 52.2, 54.2, Grm 25.2, 26.2, 34.2, 36.5, 45.2, 54.2, Skm 22.5, 23.2, 25.2, 25.5, 34.2, Hrbl 32.2, Ls 2.5, 13.5,
14.2, 30.5, 33.2, 65.5.
660
(31)
A=
A=
//
///
AA = / / /
Hav 137.12 heiptom scal mna qveia
Gerings analysis, however, is inconclusive and must be rejected as most implausible.
While it is true that ljahttr is longer and heavier in verse forms than fornyrislag, as
we have seen throughout the preceding sections, the vast majority fits neatly into the
normal two-lift scheme, with the numbers of accompanying drops varying between
zero (two-position verses) and four (typeD* with anacrusis). What would apparently
count as a third lift constitutes in actuality nothing but a drop, normal () or heavy
(\), that happens to be occupied by a primary-stressed syllable. This almost wholesale
reducibility to the basic verse scheme with two lifts argues most eloquently against
Gerings analysis, which requires a totally separate verse structure in addition to the
regular one. The consequential duality in constituent lifts two and three obviously
misses the unitary account that would otherwise be attainable.
Having pointed out the general conceptual defect of Gerings thesis, let us
examine his analysis in detail and refute it on empirical grounds. Before moving
on, however, another general remark needs to be made: our textual basis, Neckel
and Kuhn (1983), differs in no small measure from the edition that Gering drew on
in regard to verse delineations (whatever other discrepancies may be involved). As a
consequence, many examples that Gering adduced as three-lift, hypermetric verses
simply do not exist in our text anymore. For example, Gering delineated Ls 43.4 as
mergi smra mlak, resulting in a three-lift verse, which is altered as mergi smra in
Neckel and Kuhn (1983: 105) by transferring the last word to the next verse. As similar
examples can easily be multiplied, Gerings impressive body of hypermetric a- and
b-verses proves to be more apparent than real.
Turning to specifics, among the manifold varieties of hypermetric verses that
Gering identified in his classification, what poses serious challenges to our reductionist account are the verses that meet the following conditions: (i) a candidate for a third
lift is a member of class 1, which is most likely to constitute a lift; (ii) double alliteration occurs and involves the first two lifts to the exclusion of the last; (iii) the verses
concerned end in typeA, or put in terms of metrical positions, lift + drop + lift + drop.
Unless these three conditions are all satisfied, a potential third lift would readily lend
itself to a demotion to a drop.
Regarding the first condition, since only class 1 (independent) words are inherently prototypical occupants of the lift, they are most likely to serve as an extra lift,
which would constitute an exceptional mode of alignment given the regular two-lift
scheme. In other words, invoking inherently marginal materials for the exceptional
alignment to a third lift would have to be dismissed as a most implausible metrical
practice. Gerings list of hypermetric verses, however, contains a large number of
661
instances in which the alleged extra lift is instantiated by class 2 words: for example,
Hav 111.7 of rnar heyra ec dma (typeBA; Gering 1902: 195), Grm 31.4 Hel br undir
einni (typeDA; Gering 1902: 195), Alv 14.1 Mni heitir me mnnom (typeAA; Gering
1902: 195), in which the finite verbs (heyra, br, and heitir) are easily incorporated
into the first drop of typeA1. Still many other verses have the extra lift aligned to secondary-stressed syllables, which naturally lack alliteration, as in Hav 64.2 scyli r
snotra hverr (typeCB; Gering 1902: 229) and Grm 31.5 annarri hrmursar (typeA*C;
Gering 1902: 230); these two are readily identified as typeE with anacrusis and typeC,
respectively.
On the second condition, class 1 words may occasionally occur as part of the
first drop and anacrusis even in fornyrislag, in which their scansion as hypermetric
verses is out of the question (see section2.1.1). Furthermore, as noted above, ljahttr
is distinguished from fornyrislag by the expansion of verses and their concomitant
increase in prominence. In this light, it would hardly be surprising that relatively
heavy materials manage more easily to make their way into weak positions as their
legitimate realizations in ljahttr. Therefore, nonalliterative class 1 words are more
likely to be treated as part of the drop and anacrusis in this meter than in fornyrislag,
though still on an occasional basis (section12.1.1), as exemplified in Hav 13.1 minnis
hegri heitir (typeA*A; Gering 1902: 195), Hav 137.12 heiptom scal mna qveia (typeAA;
Gering 1902: 227), and HHv 28.1 rennar nundir meyia (typeAA; Gering 1902: 195),
which are all identified as typeA1 (as already treated in section12.1.1 above), and also
Grm 23.4 tta hundru einheria (typeAD*; Gering 1902: 198), which is rescanned as
typeD*.
Finally, with respect to the third condition, while a vast majority of nonalliterative class 1 words are analyzed as part of a drop, as shown above, such a rescansion
must be excluded as unviable where the resulting drop gives rise to a sequence of
more than two drops at the end of a verse. The succession of maximally two drops is a
legitimate constituent of some of the existing verse types, notably types D and D*: for
example, Hav 125.6 scalattu r vi verra man (with alliteration on r), in which the
last class 1 word is analyzed as the last drop of typeD* with anacrusis, rather than the
third lift.48 Any longer sequences, however, are unmetrical.
The last two conditions brought together then converge to block the alleged threelift verses ending in lift + drop + lift + drop from being rescanned as their two-lift
counterparts by demotion of the last lift to a drop; the resultant sequence of three
drops would be utterly unmetrical. What seems to be the only instance that violates
48Incidentally, Gering (1902: 215) scanned this verse as type B, with alliteration on verra. Correspondingly, he identified the preceding verse, Hav 125.5 rimr orom senna, as typeDA (Gering 1902:
195). Granting this scansion just for the sake of argument, we would simply recharacterize this verse
as typeA1 with anacrusis, which is exceptionally filled by a class 1 word (rimr). In any event, either
of the paired verses can be accommodated to the two-lift scheme.
662
these conditions in combination and hence remains unscannable according to the

two-lift scheme is Hav 104.1 Inn aldna itun ec stta, treated in section12.1.15 above as
an indisputable example of a verse that defies reduction to the two-lift normal verse.
With the two class 1 words (aldna and itun) obviously alliterating, we must identify
them as two lifts. Thereupon, the last three syllables could not be incorporated into
the last one or two drops of the existing types with two lifts: the verse-final drop must
be aligned to a single syllable or a short disyllable. This verse thus cannot be subsumed under any of the verse types that are independently available based on the
two-lift scheme.
As shown in section 12.1.1 above, there are seven type A1 verses in which the
second of the three constituent class 1 (or 2) words is aligned to the first drop and
fits the two-lift pattern perfectly. These verses display the alliterative pattern axx, in
which the second and third class 1 words do not alliterate. Against the preponderance
of such verses, Hav 104.1 must be regarded as truly exceptional; it displays the unique
alliterative pattern aax in which the first and second class 1 words alliterate. And the
anomaly and extreme rarity of this example falls out as a matter of course from our
exclusive commitment to the two-lift model: all verses should be scannable in accordance with the two-lift model, and unscannable exceptions would be minimal in occurrence. By contrast, the additional postulation of the three-lift scheme would encounter difficulty in explaining the uneven distribution of the two patterns aax (like Hav
104.1) and axx (like Hav 13.1; see [2], section12.1.1) that should be equally available.49
By way of summary, we may illustrate how the above three conditions work by
looking at Fm 7.1 Veit ec, ef vaxa nir as an exemplary case. Gering scans it as
typeAA, with double alliteration on veit and vaxa. Notice that the first condition is
not met here, because two of the alleged three lifts do not belong to class 1. Moreover,
on closer inspection, there is no convincing reason for identifying the initial word
veit as the first lift, except for apparent alliteration. Since this is a finite verb (class 2),
and numerous such words form part of the first drop or anacrusis, we may reasonably
treat it as such, hence the second and third conditions fail to obtain. Accordingly, we
may be justified in rescanning this verse as typeA1 with anacrusis and single alliteration. While the resulting four-syllable anacrusis is not very common, it is far from
excluded as a matter of principle. In fact, we find a close resemblance in some verses
of the same type, as represented by the following example: Ls 14.1 Veit ec, ef fyr tan
vrac. Since alliteration obviously falls on tan (consider Ls 14.2 sv sem fyr innan
emc), veit initiates the four-syllable anacrusis, which precedes the two-word main
verse of typeA1; this verse accordingly scans as typeA1 with anacrusis. Similar verses
with double alliteration are: Ls 27.1 Veiztu, ef ec inni ttac; Ls 43.1 Veiztu, ef ec li
49Or one would at any rate have to provide a principled account of the conspicuous preference for
one pattern at the expense of the other.
663
ttac. In this way, the verse in question fully reduces to the two-lift scheme: we have
no empirical basis for postulating a hypermetric verse here.
In conclusion, with the single exception of Hav 104.1 Inn aldna itun ec stta and
possibly a couple of others (section12.1.15), all a- and b-verses of ljahttr yield to
scansion according to the scheme whereby a verse contains two lifts and no more.
Therefore, Gerings three-lift model lacks empirical justification, to say nothing of its
conceptual feasibility.
13The c-verse
The c-verse may be conceptualized as consisting of two parts, the main verse constituent and the cadence (Sievers 1885: 6365; Russom 2009: 7677). The first part largely
corresponds to the a-verse (or the b-verse) in composition: it is usually realized by
one of the verse types that preferably occur in the a-verse, with readjustments made
as appropriate (to be specified in due course). The latter part is embodied by a fixed
value of a single lift /, with its familiar variations in realization ranging between monosyllabic and short disyllabic variants and between primary-stressed and secondarystressed ones. The inventory of the cadence thus comprises the strings P, px, S, and
sx, among which the first two count as core members, given the unmarked alignment
of the lift to a primary-stressed syllable. Added to these four variants are long disyllables, Px and Sx, which are used only exceptionally.
In brief, the c-verse begins like the a-verse, comprising two lifts and two drops
whether manifest or latent (as with types A1- and A3, for example; see below) and is
composed with much the same preference patterns for verse classes. This body of the
verse, however, is invariably expanded with the cadence / and ends accordingly in one
of its realization variants P, px, S, sx, Px, or Sx with the first two being prototypical
and the last two maximally peripheral. Having three lifts altogether, then, the c-verse
is correspondingly longer and heavier than the other two verses. Furthermore, the
c-verse constitutes a metrical line on its own with its autonomous alliterative pattern,
rather than being subject to a pairing with another to form an alliterative line as with
the a-verse and the b-verse. By virtue of this coterminous status of being a verse and
a line on its own, the c-verse is conventionally referred to as the full line (Vollzeile;
Sievers 1893: 80),1 as opposed to the long line (Langzeile) that is composed by coupling the a-verse and the b-verse (each being also referred to as a half-line; Halbzeile).

In this section, we will provide a comprehensive account of the full diversity of the
c-verse according to the verse types that constitute its main part. The c-verse will thus
be characterized primarily on the basis of the identity of its central constituent, and
designated accordingly by reference to it, such as types A1 (/ / /), A1- (/ / /),
and A3 ([/] / /), whereby the last lift constitutes the cadence and hence is, strictly
speaking, extraneous to the main body of the c-verse being referred to by the familiar
labels such as typeA1. By drawing in this way on the shared structural core, we will
be able to make a classification of the c-verse in terms commensurate to that of the
1Heusler (1890: 122) called it Kurzzeile, for the obvious reason that the c-verse, when conceived of
as a line, is shorter than the preceding one (the long line).
666
The c-verse
other verses. This will in turn facilitate comparison between the three distinct verses
in ljahttr, and lead us to a proper identification of the c-verse both in its commonalities to and differences from the a- and b-verses.2
13.1.1Type A1 (/ /)
As exemplified in (1), this type starts with the configuration of metrical positions that
is identified as typeA1 (/ / ), and ends in a lift (/), the constant cadence characteristic of the c-verse in general.3 The whole variety of this type rests not only on the
varying size of the first drop as with the corresponding verse type occurring in the
a-verse and the b-verse, but also on the variation of the second drop as well as of the
cadence, both properties being unique to the c-verse.
(1)
Hav 7.3 unno hlii egir [Px#Px#px]

Grm 9.6 bryniom um becci strt [Px#x#Px#P]
Ls 12.6 gremu eigi go at r [Px#xx#P#x#P]
Table13.1 shows the size of the first drop in the c-verse in comparison with that occurring in the other two verses. As should be immediately obvious, the monosyllabic first
drop is more likely to occur in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse (p<0.001). The first
drop of typeA1 is thus outstandingly smaller in the c-verse.
Table13.1.Size of the first drop of typeA1 in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse (excluding anacrusis)
Syllables
Counts
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
163
24
7
1
0
83.59
12.31
3.59
0.51
0
160
92
35
19
3
51.78
29.77
11.33
6.15
0.97
Total
195
100
309
100
Concerning the variation of monosyllables in the first drop (Table13.2), word-finals

in opposition to word-initials figure more prominently in the c-verse than in the a-/b-
2Compare Sievers (1879: 353372; 1885: 6280, with concentration on Ls; 1893: 8289), Heusler
(1890: 135151), Gering (1902: 454490), Boer (1916: 103132; with particular reference to Vm), Russom
(2009: 7381; with concentration on Hav), and Hartman (2011: 241258).
667
verse (p=0.015). Since word-final unstressed syllables are characterized as of minimal

prominence, we may generalize that the first drop of typeA1 counts as weaker in the
c-verse on statistical grounds. Moreover, the larger presence of minimal syllables in
the first drop of typeA1 in the c-verse stands in harmony with the overall quantitative
value of the same position determined above: the first drop of typeA1 is statistically
shorter in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse.
Table13.2.Composition of the monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse
First drop
Counts
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
-x#
#x#
-x-
104
50
9
63.80
30.67
5.52
84
73
3
52.50
45.63
1.88
Total
163
100
160
100
What distinguishes further sharply between typeA1 in the c-verse and in the other
verses is the differing extent to which the second drop varies in realization. As shown
in (2), while monosyllabic for the most part, the position in question is sometimes
realized by polysyllables (compare Sievers 1893: 86):
(2)
Grm 14.3 sessa kostom sal [Px#Px#x#P]

Hav 112.3 nita mundo, ef nemr [Px#Px#x#x#P]
More specifically, of a total of 195 typeA1 verses (without anacrusis), 171 (87.69%) have
the second drop filled by monosyllables, 4 (2.05%) by disyllables, and 20 (10.26%) by
trisyllables.4 By contrast, the same position is invariably monosyllabic in the a-verse
and the b-verse. This absolute restriction to monosyllables for realization is due to the
inherited convention, widely held in Old Germanic meters including fornyrislag and
mlahttr, that blocks the verse-final drop from being aligned to multiple syllables
(Suzuki 1996: 165169). This rule is motivated by the minimal amount of prominence
falling on this position, which is best matched with the correspondingly weakest syllable, namely, the word-final unstressed syllable.
Of no less interest, even the monosyllabic second drop proves to be far more varied
in its composition in the c-verse: it is instantiated not only predominantly by the
word-final syllable -x# as in the a-verse and the b-verse, but also if only occasion-
4Interestingly enough, the trisyllabic second drop is instantiated by a single verse that is repeated
verbatim twenty times in Hav: nita mundo, ef nemr (Hav 112.3, 113.3, 115.3, 116.3, 117.3, 119.3, 120.3,
121.3, 122.3, 125.3, 126.3, 127.3, 128.3, 129.3, 130.3, 131.3, 132.3, 134.3, 135.3, 137.3).
668
The c-verse
ally by the word-initial (#x- or #x#) or the medial (-x-), as represented in Table13.3.
On the other hand, the proportion of word-finals is significantly higher in the a-/bverse (p<0.001), with only 2 instances of word-initials among a total of 309 examples.
Table13.3.Composition of the monosyllabic second drop of typeA1
Second drop
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
Counts
-x#
-x#x#x#
134
7
4
26
78.36
4.09
2.34
15.20
307
0
0
2
99.35
0
0
0.65
Total
171
100
309
100
Such an expansion in the range of realization variants accessible to the second drop
of typeA1 in the c-verse is justifiably attributed to the unique structure that arises only
there. Immediately followed by the cadence /, the originally verse-final drop can no
longer be identified as such: it counts as verse-internal. Once reconfigured as medial,
the position in question no longer falls under the purview of the aforementioned rule
that restricts the verse-final drop to monosyllables, and word-final ones for the most
part. Since a medial drop counts as more prominent than the verse-final one, which
is of minimal prominence, it is by no means qualified to share the latters privilege of
the exclusive alignment to the word-final unstressed syllable that is loaded with the
lowest amount of prominence. Accordingly, much as the second drop that does not
stand at the end of a verse, that of typeB in the a-/b-verse, for example, is licensed to
be filled by polysyllables if only on an occasional basis (e.g., Skm 40.2 r verpir
sli af mar; section12.1.8), the second drop of typeA1 in the c-verse, now finding
itself located verse-internally, becomes no less eligible for polysyllabic occupation.5
Equipped with the expanded range of options for alignment of the second drop,
the c-verse has access to a new way of metrical organization that is pertinent to the
drop: the meter is now capable of controlling realizations of the first and second
drops through their mutual dependence. Specifically, as indicated in Table 13.4,
which shows the distribution of the varying syllable numbers that are constitutive of
the two drops of typeA1, only the monosyllabic second drop is seemingly compatible
with the polysyllabic first drop (p=0.016).6 We may accordingly be justified in gener-
5The proposed account may refute one of Hartmans (2011: 250) arguments against the bipartite
composition of the c-verse.
6It is worth noting as a reminder for caution that the twenty instances of the configuration PxPxxxP
(with the trisyllabic second drop) are instantiated by a single verse, nita mundo, ef nemr (sec-
669
alizing that the larger the second drop, the smaller the first one; in other words, the
two drops in typeA1 stand in inverse proportion to each other in terms of their size.
Table13.4.Size of the first and second drops of typeA1 in the c-verse
Second drop
Syllables
139 (81.29%)
2
3
First drop
Total
24 (14.04%)
7 (4.09%)
1 (0.58%)
171 (100%)
4 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
4 (100%)
20 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
20 (100%)
Table13.5 shows the varying ways in which alliteration is implemented among the
three constituent lifts of typeA1. While the first lift is invariably involved, the treatment of the others is subject to variation. Of the three logically possible patterns,
triple alliteration (aaa) falls far behind double alliteration (aax and axa). The two
modes of double alliteration in turn display no significant difference in probability of
occurrence (p=0.674).
Table13.5.Alliterative pattern of typeA1
Alliteration
Counts
Double (aax)
Double (axa)
Triple (aaa)
95
86
14
48.72
44.10
7.18
195
100
Total
At this point, we may naturally posit the following question: Is the selection of alliterative patterns metrically motivated? What (if any) metrical properties conduce to
particular modes of alliteration? Table13.6 illustrates how the varying size of the first
drop bears on alliterative patterning. Focusing on the familiar opposition between
monosyllables and polysyllables, we readily recognize a significant relation between
the two parameters, the size of the first drop on the one hand and the manifestation of
particular alliterative patterns on the other. Specifically, the polysyllabic first drop is
associated more closely with triple alliteration than the monosyllabic one (p=0.003).
Furthermore, the occupation of the first drop by polysyllables is associated more
closely with the pattern aax than axa (p<0.001). Since the double alliteration aax
tion13.1.1). In light of the multiple, formulaic use of this same expression, the evidence on the correlation being adduced here must be treated with care.
670
The c-verse
and triple alliteration aaa share the property of alliteration occurring on the second
lift to the exclusion of the other pattern axa, we may be led to identify the occurrence
of polysyllables in the first drop as a significant correlate of this alliterative feature
(p<0.001). These correlations observed in the c-verse, however, stand in contrast to
the situation in the a-/b-verse, in which the size of the first drop of typeA1 displays no
significant association with alliterative pattern, as pointed out in section12.1.1 above.
Table13.6.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to size of the first drop
Syllables
Double (aax)
Double (axa)
1
2
3
4
74 (45.40%)
17 (70.83%)
4 (57.14%)
0 (0%)
82 (50.31%)
4 (16.67%)
0 (0.00%)
0 (0%)
Triple (aaa)
7 (4.29%)
3 (12.50%)
3 (42.86%)
1 (100%)
Total
163 (100%)
24 (100%)
7 (100%)
1 (100%)
In regard to the variation of the monosyllabic first drop, three forms are distinguished,
the word-final -x#, the word-initial #x-, and the medial -x-, which are distributed as
shown in Table 13.7. As should be immediately clear, the word-initial is associated
with triple alliteration more closely than the word-final (p=0.005). While the apparently closer association between the double pattern aax and word-initials lacks statistical significance (p=0.208), we may be allowed to generalize, drawing on the insight
adduced in the last paragraph, that the word-initial favors alliteration on the second
lift more strongly than the word-final (p=0.059).7 In contrast to the quantitative variation of the first drop as examined above, such a cluster of associations predicated
on the parametric variation of the monosyllabic first drop in the c-verse is paralleled
to a certain extent by a similar (yet weaker) distinction that obtains in the a-/b-verse,
in which the word-initial is not as strongly associated with single alliteration as the
word-final (section12.1.1). This parallelism readily yields to explanation: inasmuch as
only the first lift of the main constituent of the c-verse participates in alliteration, the
double alliterative pattern axa is characterized as analogous to single alliteration in
the a-verse. Viewed from this perspective, the lower incidence of the word-initial syllable as the first drop with the pattern axa than with aax wholly reduces to its lesser
association with single alliteration in the a-verse.
7Since the word-internal -x- entails a nonprimary stress on the second lift, it necessarily privileges
the pattern axa at the expense of triple alliteration and the double pattern aax. Given such an inherent
bias toward the mode axa, the medial -x- is excluded from discussion.
671
Table13.7.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 according to composition of the monosyllabic first drop

Syllables
Double (aax)
Double (axa)
-x#
#x-x-
48 (46.15%)
26 (52.00%)
0 (0%)
55 (52.88%)
18 (36.00%)
9 (100%)
Triple (aaa)
1 (0.96%)
6 (12.00%)
0 (0%)
Total
104 (100%)
50 (100%)
9 (100%)
Type A1 has at its disposal four cadence variants, among which the monosyllable P
ranks first, followed by the disyllable px, as indicated in Table13.8; these two forms
combined account for well over 90% of all examples.
Table13.8.Cadence variants of typeA1
Cadence
Counts
P
px
S
115
73
7
58.97
37.44
3.59
Total
195
100
Table13.9 shows the distribution of the three cadence variants depending on the size
of the first drop. As it turns out, the choice between the two major variants, P and px,
is unaffected by the varying size of the first drop: the opposition between the monosyllabic and the polysyllabic first drop has no bearing on the distribution of these two
variants (p=0.692).
Table13.9.Size of the first drop and cadence variants in typeA1
Syllables
1
2
3
4
Counts
97
13
5
0
%
59.51
54.17
71.43
0
Counts
60
10
2
1
px
%
36.81
41.67
28.57
100
Counts
6
1
0
0
Total
Counts
3.68
4.17
0
0
163
24
7
1
100
100
100
100
By contrast, the second drop would appear to have consequences on the selection of
the two variants in question: at first glance, it might seem to be partly conditioned
by size of the second drop in such a way that polysyllabic realizations are associated closely with the monosyllabic variant P, while monosyllabic ones are not biased
toward either option, and consequently the two groups are distinguished in their
overall distribution as represented in Table13.10 (p=0.006). On closer inspection,
however, the alleged correlation will prove to be inconclusive to say the least. As
672
The c-verse
observed above, the twenty verses with the trisyllabic second drop are all exactly
the same, nita mundo, ef nemr (see note4 above). The conspicuously numerous
occurrences of the same expression as a kind of formula may thus distort the overall
pattern, we might be led to suspect. Given that the opposition between monosyllables
and disyllables is not loaded with significant difference (p=0.318), we should avoid
making a sweeping generalization that the polysyllabic second drop favors the monosyllabic cadence.
Table13.10.Size of the second drop and cadence variants in typeA1
Syllables
1
2
3
Counts
94
1
20
%
54.97
25.00
100
Counts
70
3
0
px
%
40.94
75.00
0
Counts
7
0
0
Total
Counts
4.09
0
0
171
4
20
100
100
100
Finally, subtypeA1s (Pxpx), with the second lift aligned to a short syllable, occurs as
a very uncommon variant of typeA1. There are only four such examples, one of which
is accompanied by anacrusis: Hav 69.3 sumr er af sonom sll, Grm 7.3 unnir yfir glymia,
Ls 65.6 leiki yfir logi, HHv 19.6 ec dreca Hlvarz sonom hafi. In addition, we find
five occurrences of the configurations xPxpx#P, xPxpx#px, xPxpx#Px, and
xPxpxSx, as follows: Hrbl 25.3 ef ttir vilgi mikils vald, Alv 16.3 kalla dvergar
Dvalins leica, HHv 26.7 oc festi sv yarn flota, Fm 30.3 hvars vreiir scolo vega, Sd
19.4 oc mtar meginrnar. While these verses, too, can be scanned as subtype A1s
with anacrusis, the alternative scansion as type B seems to be more plausible: on
identifying them as subtypeA1s with anacrusis, we would have the proportion of 6
with anacrusis to 3 without, which would differ significantly from the proportion of
58 with anacrusis to 195 without for typeA1, with a p-value of 0.008. On the other
hand, the scansion of these five verses as typeB would lead to the proportion of 1 with
anacrusis to 3 without for subtypeA1s, which would be indistinguishable from the
corresponding proportion for typeA1, with a p-value of 1. It should be noted in this
connection that HHv 19.6, mentioned above, cannot be scanned as typeB along with
the five others, because of the trisyllabic sequence px#x# uniquely involved, which is
unqualified for alignment to a lift (the second lift of typeB): a lift cannot be realized
by syllables larger than short disyllables. By contrast, the two unstressed syllables
following the short stressed one, -x#x#, are legitimately aligned to the final drop of
subtypeA1s that is relocated to a verse-internal position.
Of particular interest, subtype A1s thus delimited occurs with a significantly
lower incidence in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse (p<0.001): excluding anacrusis
for the sake of comparison, we count 3 instances of subtypeA1s and 195 of typeA1 in
the c-verse; by contrast, there are 61 subtypeA1s and 309 typeA1 verses in the a-/bverse (Table13.11). At first glance, the radically diminished presence of subtypeA1s
673
in the c-verse would strike us as at odds with the overall reduction in prominence
that is in effect in the c-verse. As we have seen above, the first drop of typeA1 is considerably shorter in the c-verse. Since the second lift realized by a short syllable as in
subtypeA1s counts as less prominent than that embodied by a long one as in typeA1,
the less pronounced variant should be used with greater favor in the c-verse, much as
is the minimal realization of typeA1, PxPx.
On closer examination, the apparently unexpected avoidance of subtype A1s
proves to be governed by independent overriding motivations that specifically control
a set of closely related configurations. At issue is the concatenation of the short
second lift and the verse-final drop ( / ), which is involved at the end of types A3
(xpx) and C (xPpx), as well as in subtypeA1s. Exclusively common to these three
configurations is their conspicuously diminished occurrence relative to those with
the long second lift in the c-verse, in comparison with the a-/b-verse, as illustrated in
Table13.11. With a p-value of less than 0.001, the short second lift is far less likely to
occur in the c-verse.
Table13.11.Occurrences of px and Px at the end of types A1, A3, and C in the c-verse and the
a-/b-verse
Configuration
Counts
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
Pxpx (A1s)
PxPx (A1)
Total
3
195
198
1.52
98.48
100
61
309
370
16.49
83.51
100
xpx (A3)
xPx (A3)
Total
8
387
395
2.03
97.97
100
18
109
127
14.17
85.83
100
xPpx (C)
xPPx (C)
Total
1
10
11
9.09
90.91
100
158
98
256
61.72
38.28
100
These significant differences in the incidence of short lifts between the a-/b-verse
and the c-verse stem from the varying prominence of the relevant positions involved,
which is largely determined syntagmatically by their location in the verse. As generalized in the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions (section1.2), like positions count
as less prominent as they stand closer to the end of a verse. Given this generalization, the second lifts occurring in verse-internal position, namely, those constitutive
of the c-verse with three lifts, are characterized as more salient than their counterparts which are found in the a-/b-verse with two lifts. Since short syllables are less
prominent than long ones, they are more in harmony with being aligned to the positions that are located closer to the end. Accordingly, the greater discrepancy between
the nonminimality in prominence syntagmatically determined and the minimality in
674
The c-verse
prominence inherent in short syllables provides an explanatory account of the significantly lower likelihood of the second lifts being realized by short syllables in the
c-verse.
The general account above may be elaborated by taking into consideration the
relative distance in prominence as against the immediately following drop. At stake is
the second drop of the verse types in question. This position is located in verse-final
position in the a-/b-verse, and accordingly falls under a strict constraint on alignment
to language material: as categorically required by Old Germanic alliterative meter in
general and its Norse developments in particular, the verse-final drop is absolutely
restricted to a single syllable in realization. In the c-verse, however, the corresponding
metrical position finds itself followed by a further constituent, the cadence. Standing
thus no longer under the purview of the constraint in question, the second drop is
eligible to be filled by a multiple number of syllables, although the prototypical association with word-final syllables is still maintained.
Given free access to longer syllable sequences, the second drop can be regarded
as loaded with a greater potential for prominence: the second drop under consideration accordingly counts as more prominent in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse. The
resultant increased prominence on the second drop in the c-verse would in turn have
repercussions on the composition of the immediately preceding position, the second
lift. Inasmuch as the same position is followed by the weakest possible amount of
prominence falling on the second drop in the a-/b-verse, it is allowed to be realized
in the correspondingly minimal form of a short stressed syllable. Upon relocation of
the second drop to a medial position with the consequential increase in prominence
available to it, the preceding lift cannot remain in its minimal shape, as it does in the
a-/b-verse: it needs extra prominence to boost it; otherwise, its status as a categorically stronger position than the following one would be seriously compromised at
the level of realization. Thus, in order to give proper voice to the underlying metrical
distinction involved, reinforcement would be due on the second lift: with the short
syllable largely disqualified as appropriate material to be aligned to, the second lift
comes to be occupied by a long syllable which is loaded with greater prominence as
required.
13.1.2Type aA1 (/ / /)
There are fifty-eight examples that are subsumed under this verse type.8 As exemplified in (3), this verse may provisionally be conceptualized as constituted by a juxtaposition of typeA1 with anacrusis and the cadence /.9

9This tentative analysis will be radically revised subsequently in this section.
(3)
675
Hav 106.6 sv htta ec hfi til [x#Px#x#Px#P]

Grm 15.6 oc svfir allar sakir [x#Px#Px#px]
Sd 25.9 oc launa sv lom lygi [x#Px#x#Px#px]
Although anacrusis appears to be realized in relatively shorter form in the c-verse,

the size of anacrusis in typeA1 does not differ from that in the a-/b-verse on statistical grounds (p=0.169; Table13.12). In observational terms, however, the relatively
smaller size of anacrusis in the c-verse is well in keeping with the similar, but more
outstanding and statistically supported treatment of the first drop of the same verse
type (without anacrusis) whereby it is more likely to be realized in less prominent
form in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse (section13.1.1).
Table13.12.Size of anacrusis in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse
Syllables
Counts
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
1
2
3
4
5
37
14
5
2
0
63.79
24.14
8.62
3.45
0
43
27
8
5
1
51.19
32.14
9.52
5.95
1.19
Total
58
100
84
100
Speaking of the size of the first drop in the c-verse, typeA1 with anacrusis, in contrast
to the one without, does not differ significantly from the same type occurring in the
a-/b-verse (p=0.225), despite the apparently larger presence of monosyllables in the
c-verse, as indicated in Table13.13.
Table13.13.Size of the first drop of typeA1 with anacrusis in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse
Syllables
Counts
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
1
2
3
4
48
6
4
0
82.76
10.34
6.90
0
61
15
7
1
72.62
17.86
8.33
1.19
Total
58
100
84
100
By the same token, the distribution of word-finals and word-initials in the monosyllabic first drop of type A1 with anacrusis does not differ significantly between the
c-verse and the a-/b-verse (p=1; Table13.14).
676
The c-verse
Table13.14.Composition of the monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 with anacrusis in the c-verse and
the a-/b-verse
First drop
Counts
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
-x#
#x#
-x-
34
8
6
70.83
16.67
12.50
46
12
3
75.41
19.67
4.92
Total
48
100
61
100
Furthermore, the pattern of variation of the first drop in typeA1 is not affected by the
presence or absence of anacrusis, in light of p-values of 1 (monosyllables vs. polysyllables) and 0.381 (word-finals vs. others) that are obtained through comparison of
Tables 13.13 and 13.14 with 13.1 and 13.2, respectively, in the last section. This is in
sharp contrast with the a-/b-verse, in which occurrence of anacrusis displays a close
association with the monosyllabic first drop (section12.1.2).
It is hardly surprising that anacrusis fails to differentiate between type A1 with
and without anacrusis in the c-verse in regard to the prominence of the first drop as
measured in terms of the number of syllables involved and of the relative presence of
word-finals and word-initials. As substantiated in section13.1.1 above, typeA1 without
anacrusis is characterized as demonstrably less substantial in the c-verse than in the
a-/b-verse along the parameters in question. In actuality, typeA1 without anacrusis
in the c-verse turns out to be somewhat comparable to, if not drastically smaller than,
typeA1 with anacrusis that occurs in the a-/b-verse: the relevant p-values are 0.048 for
the number of syllables and 0.127 for the proportion of word-finals and word-initials.
By virtue of such a radical reduction in size, typeA1 without anacrusis in the c-verse
ends up being hardly distinguishable from typeA1 with anacrusis as a matter of course.
As with typeA1 without anacrusis (section13.1.1), the second drop can occasionally
be polysyllabic in realization, because of the novel configuration in which the otherwise
verse-final position in question () is followed by another (/) in the same verse. In fact,
there are five examples with the disyllabic second drop: Hav 133.6 n sv illr, at einugi
dugi; Ls 43.6 oc lema alla lio; HHv 29.6 oc siclings mnnom i sama; Fm 27.3 oc halt
Ffnis hiarta vi funa; Sd 4.6 oc lcnishendr, mean lifom. We also find a single instance
of the trisyllabic second drop: Hav 120.7 oc nem lcnargaldr, mean lifir.10
As for the composition of the monosyllabic second drop, the three variants are
in use and distributed, comparable to those appearing in the first drop, as shown
in Table 13.15. As it turns out, the second drop of type A1 in the c-verse is com-
10It will be interesting to note that the only example having a trisyllabic string in the second drop of
typeA1 with anacrusis is attested in Hav, which exclusively offers analogous verses without anacrusis
as well (section13.1.1).
677
posed in analogous fashion regardless of anacrusis (p=0.226; compare Table13.3,

section13.1.1).
Table13.15.Composition of the monosyllabic second drop of typeA1 with anacrusis
Second drop
Counts
-x#
#x#
-x-
36
13
3
69.23
25.00
5.77
Total
52
100
Given that typeA1 is largely unaffected by anacrusis in its internal composition the
size and structure of the drops we should better conceptualize this optional verseinitial entity as attached to the c-verse as a whole, rather than localize it as an integral
part of the main constituent detached from the cadence. In other words, the constituent structure of the c-verse that has been posited as type aA1 up to now, namely, [ /
/ ][/] typeA1 with anacrusis + cadence needs revision and must be replaced
by the alternative analysis, [[][[/ / ][/]]], an initial augmentation of the c-verse
proper that is composed of typeA1 + cadence. Anacrusis, accordingly, does not form
an immediate constituent with typeA1 to the exclusion of the cadence; rather, being
optional, it may be conceived of as external to the body of the c-verse, which consists
of the two units, typeA1 and the cadence.11
Type A1 with anacrusis is accompanied with a range of alliterative patterns that is
distributed in a comparable way to its nonanacrustic correspondent (compare Tables
13.16 and 13.5). Specifically, the proportion of triple to double alliteration (p=0.415),
and that of the pattern aax to axa (p=0.346), do not differ significantly with or without
anacrusis. This insensitivity to patterned variation tallies with the detached status of
anacrusis from the main body of the c-verse, as proposed in the last paragraph.
Table13.16.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with anacrusis
Alliteration
Counts
Double (aax)
Double (axa)
Triple (aaa)
23
29
6
39.66
50.00
10.34
Total
58
100
11In the absence of evidence to the contrary, similar analyses will be assumed for other minor verse
types with anacrusis, that is, types aD and aD*.
678
The c-verse
Unlike typeA1 without anacrusis, the opposition between monosyllables and polysyllables in the first drop does not correlate to that between double and triple alliteration
(p=0.274; Table13.17). Furthermore, the same parameter fails to display a correlation to the distinction between the two modes of double alliteration, aax and axa
(p = 0.118): while the polysyllabic first drop apparently co-occurs with the pattern
aax more frequently than the monosyllabic one, as in typeA1 without anacrusis, the
pattern lacks statistical significance. Considered from a widened perspective of combining the modes aaa and aax, however, the polysyllabic first drop turns out to be
correlated to the presence of alliteration in the second lift of typeA1 at a significance
level of 0.10 (p=0.079). Accordingly, the polysyllables occurring in the first drop may
be characterized as being in greater harmony with the alliterative patterns aaa and
aax than axa.
Table13.17.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with anacrusis according to size of the first drop
Syllables
Double (aax)
Double (axa)
Triple (aaa)
Total
1
2
3
17 (35.42%)
4 (66.67%)
2 (50.00%)
27 (56.25%)
1 (16.67%)
1 (25.00%)
4 (8.33%)
1 (16.67%)
1 (25.00%)
48 (100%)
6 (100%)
4 (100%)
With respect to the variation of the monosyllabic first drop, the opposition between
word-finals and word-initials is not found to be correlated to that between triple
and double alliteration (p = 1; Table 13.18). Nor does the same parameter correlate
to the distinction between the presence and absence of alliteration in the second lift
(p=0.238). The lack of correlation along these parameters concerning the composition of the monosyllabic first drop, which seems to be apparently at odds with the
significant associations that are in evidence when typeA1 is not attended by anacrusis (section13.1.1), may be attributed to the much smaller sample involved here. This
suspicion would seem all the more plausible given that the distributions attested in
both sets are highly comparable in terms of percentage.
Table13.18.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 with anacrusis according to composition of the monosyllabic first drop
First drop
Double (aax)
Double (axa)
Triple (aaa)
Total
-x#
#x#
-x-
12 (35.29%)
5 (62.50%)
0 (0%)
19 (55.88%)
2 (25.00%)
6 (100%)
3 (8.82%)
1 (12.50%)
0 (0%)
34 (100%)
8 (100%)
6 (100%)
Type A1 with anacrusis displays a strong preference for the disyllabic cadence px
and then the monosyllabic P, the two representative variants that account for nearly
90% of all relevant verses. Of particular interest, the relative ranking of the two major
679
cadence variants is reversed in types A1 with and without anacrusis: whether anacrusis occurs or not significantly bears on the selection of the two forms (p<0.001); in
other words, the presence of anacrusis is associated more closely with the disyllable
px than its absence, which relatively favors the monosyllable P instead.
Table13.19.Cadence variants of typeA1 with anacrusis
Cadence
Counts
px
P
S
Px
sx
Psx
36
16
2
2
1
1
62.07
27.59
3.45
3.45
1.72
1.72
Total
58
100
13.1.3Types A2a (/ \ /) and A2b (/ / \)

There are eight examples of typeA2a (/ \ / /), all but one of which manifest the alliterative pattern aax, as exemplified below:12
(4)
Hav 100.3 vgdrt ll um vakin [PS#P#x#px]

Hav 164.3 allrf ta sonom [PS#Px#px]
Grm 8.3 Valhll v of rumir [PS#P#x#px]
A notable feature of this type is that all of these verses end in short disyllables px.
Moreover, the second drop may occasionally be occupied by a nonlexical word (Hav
100.3 and Grm 8.3), as in typeA1.
In addition, there is a single instance of typeA2b (/ / \ /), as follows: Ls 25.6 firriz
forn rc firar. This verse manifests triple alliteration. Again, the cadence is realized
as a short disyllable px. Accordingly, all nine examples, whether typeA2a or typeA2b,
end in the disyllabic variant px.
12Hav 100.3 (axa), 140.3, 143.4, 164.3, 164.4, Grm 8.3, 41.3, Alv 16.6.
680
The c-verse
13.1.4Type A3 ([/] /)
Belonging to this type are as many as 420 verses,13 as exemplified in (5), which are
distributed according to the number of syllables that fill the verse-initial upbeat as
represented in Table13.20. A comparison with the corresponding type in the a-/b-verse
shows that the verse-initial upbeat (the first drop) is smaller in size in the c-verse, as
the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables differs significantly between the two
verse groups (p<0.001), as with typeA1 (section13.1.1).
(5)
Hav 22.6 at hann era vamma vanr [x#x#xx#Px#P]

Hav 68.3 oc slar sn [x#Px#P]
Ls 56.6 ll ertu, deigia, dritin [P(=x)#xx#Px#px]
Vm 14.6 aan kmr dgg um dala [xx#x#P#x#px]
Hav 10.3 enn s manvit mikit [x#x#PS#px]
Ls 19.6 oc hann fiorgvall fri [x#x#PS#P]
Table13.20.Size of the first drop of typeA3 in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse
Syllables
C-verse
Counts
%
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
Type B in b-verse
Counts
%
Type B in c-verse
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
6
47
131
138
75
22
7
11.19
31.19
32.86
17.86
5.24
1.67
2
42
63
38
9
0
1.30
27.27
40.91
24.68
5.84
0
97
215
121
34
5
0
20.55
45.55
25.64
7.20
1.06
0
38
12
1
1
0
1
71.70
22.64
1.89
1.89
0
1.89
Total
420
100
154
100
472
100
53
100
At this point, we encounter the following question: Why is the monosyllabic drop of
typeA3 more likely to occur in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse? Or more generally
put, why does the initial upbeat of typeA3 tend to be shorter in the c-verse? Of particular interest in this connection is the occurrence of monosyllables in the c-verse in
sharp contrast to their virtual absence in the a-/b-verse. What facilitates the use of the
minimal form in the c-verse, then?
Interestingly enough, similar tendencies to shorten the first drop obtain in types
A1 (section13.1.1) and B (section13.1.8) among others. Moreover, while no definitive
statistical significance is in evidence, the monosyllabic drop is more largely represented in the c-verse with respect to type aA1 both anacrusis and the first drop
681
between the lifts and typeC (p=0.098) as well. In light of these recurring patterns,
we may be allowed to attribute the relatively small size of the initial drop in typeA3
to the metrical organization of the c-verse in general, although details have yet to be
figured out.
A further strand of generalization is at work in regard to the size of the first drop
in typeA3: there is a significant association between the number of syllables in initial
position and relative prominence on the second drop. Specifically, as Table 13.21
makes evident, the variant of typeA3 with the second drop occupied by a secondarystressed syllable (i.e., second elements of compounds), namely, the configuration x
PS, is more likely to begin with a smaller number of syllables than the configuration
xPx, as the ratios of monosyllables to polysyllables in the initial drop differ significantly between the two (p=0.003). As may be recalled, this is the same generalization
that holds true in the a-/b-verse (section12.1.4) of ljahttr, and also in fornyrislag
(section2.3.1).
Table13.21.Size of the first drop and stress on the second drop of typeA3
Syllables
xPx
xPS
Total
39
(9.87%)
8
(32.00%)
118
(29.87%)
13
(52.00%)
136
(34.43%)
2
(8.00%)
73
(18.48%)
2
(8.00%)
22
(5.57%)
0
(0%)
7
(1.77%)
0
(0%)
395
(100%)
25
(100%)
Of related interest, the variant xPS is less likely to occur in the c-verse than in the
a-/b-verse: the proportion of 25 (xPS) to 395 (xPx) in the c-verse differs significantly from that of 27 (xPS) to 127 (xPx; section 12.1.4) in the a-/b-verse, with a
p-value of less than 0.001. It deserves mentioning that the a-/b-verse of ljahttr
does not differ from fornyrislag in relative presence of the heavy variant of typeA3
(p = 0.087): as examined in section 2.3.1 above, there are 86 examples of the configuration xPS as against 619 instances of xPx in fornyrislag. Thus, something
special must be at work to differentiate the ljahttr c-verse. The outstanding difference at issue observed within ljahttr is remarkable in another respect, too:
the light variant xPx occurs with a conspicuously higher incidence in the c-verse,
while the heavy one xPS decreases radically. This diminished presence of the heavy
variant in the c-verse may reasonably be explained as a consequence of the pervasive reduction that affects the c-verse in distinction from the a-/b-verse in ljahttr
(section13.2).
As with type A1 in the c-verse (section 13.1.1), the second drop of type A3 may
at times be disyllabic, and is occasionally filled by even two separate words, as
given in (6) below. Compared with typeA1, however, the polysyllabic second drop is
attested in typeA3 with a significantly higher incidence (p=0.028), as indicated in
Table13.22.
682
(6)
The c-verse
Hav 112.4 r muno g, ef getr [x#xx#P#x#x#P]

Hav 135.7 get vloom vel [x#x#Pxx#P]
Skm 3.6 minn drttinn, um daga [x#Px#x#px]
Table13.22.Size of the second drop of types A3 (excluding xPS) and A1

Syllables
Type A3
Counts
%
Type A1
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
317
78
0
0
80.25
19.75
0
0
171
4
20
0
87.69
2.05
10.26
0
Total
395
100
195
100
We are then confronted with the following question: Why is typeA3 more likely to
expand the second drop than typeA1, notwithstanding the common basis of derivation in general and the identical verse ending involved in terms of metrical positions
in particular, namely, / ? On closer consideration, the apparently identical verseending constituents / cannot be equated in every detail. Specifically, the second
lift seems to differ markedly between the two verse types in regard to its prominence.
In typeA1, being only optionally alliterative, the position in question may count as
subordinate to the preceding, first lift, which invariably carries alliteration. On the
other hand, in typeA3, the second lift always manifests alliteration; in the absence of
the overt first lift on the surface, it serves as the first alliterative element in the verse.
By virtue of these differing contributions to alliteration, the second lift of typeA3, the
carrier of alliteration, may be characterized as maximally prominent and certainly
more so than the one located in the corresponding place in typeA1, that is, the second
lift of typeA1. Given the pivotal prominence of a verse falling on the immediately preceding second lift in typeA3, the following drop, the second drop of typeA3, can be
equipped with a relatively great amount of prominence through opposition to it; by
contrast, the typeA1 counterpart is incapable of accommodating such an expanded
prominence without endangering the optimal distinguishability from the preceding,
relatively less pronounced, second lift. Thus, the syntagmatically conditioned difference in relative degrees of prominence on the immediately preceding lift may be held
responsible for the varying extent to which the second drop of types A1 and A3 is
amenable to alignment to a greater range of materials in terms of syllable numbers
and word structure.
683
Type A3 is occasionally realized in its marked form with the short second lift,
xpxpx, as illustrated in (7) below.14 Curiously enough, there is no example of the
related configuration xpxP ending in the monosyllabic cadence variant P, as indicated in Table13.23. The complete absence of this variant, as compared with the corresponding distribution of the configurations with the long second lift (xPxP; x
Pxpx), is of statistical significance (p=0.020).15 When the second lift is realized by
a long syllable as is normally the case, both cadence variants P and px are used more
or less evenly (p=0.130).
(7)
Hav 31.6 tt hann me grmom glami [x#x#x#px#px]

Hav 113.7 sv at hon lyki ic liom [x#x#x#px#x#px]
Table13.23.Occurrences of variants of typeA3 and similar configurations in the c-verse and the
a-/b-verse
Configuration
xPP
xPpx
xPPx
xpxP
xpxpx
xpxPx
xPxP
xPxpx
xPxsx
Type
C-verse
A3A3A3A3
A3
A3
A3
A3
A3
Counts
10
70
2
0
7
1
171
214
2
A-/B-verse
Type
Counts
CC
C
CC
C
B
B
B
36
158
54
5
10
44
244
220
2
Table13.24.Occurrences of typeA3 variants, xPxP, xPxpx, xpxP, and xpxpx

Configuration
xPx_
xpx_
_P
_px
171 (44.42%)
0 (0%)
214 (55.58%)
7 (100%)
Total
385 (100%)
7 (100%)
14As already pointed out in section 13.1.1 in connection with subtype A1s, the short variant of
type A3, namely, the configuration xpx, is significantly less likely to occur in the c-verse than in
the a-/b-verse, with a p-value of less than 0.001. For a unitary structural account of the diminished
presence of the short second lift not only in type A3 but also in types A1 and C, see section 13.1.1
above.
15To compare like with like, we are focusing on the configurations xPxP and xPxpx, to the
exclusion of the heavier sequences xPSP and xPSpx.
684
The c-verse
The exclusive use of the cadence px at the expense of its otherwise more or less equivalent monosyllable P may be attributed to the maximal prominence inherent on the
disyllabic variant. The privileging of the maximal prominence at the cadence is in
turn motivated by the small prominence on the second lift that is exceptionally realized by a short syllable as opposed to a long one as is regularly implemented. Thus,
the unique occurrence of the cadence variant px may be explained as a compensation
for the extremely low prominence on the preceding lift, the carrier of alliteration. In
this light, the single occurrence of the marginal cadence variant, Px, also becomes
susceptible to understanding: the much reduced prominence on the second lift may
at times go so far as to license a still more pronounced, exceptional variant, the long
disyllable Px, that exceeds the otherwise maximally prominent, short disyllable px.
The unmarked status of the configuration xpxpx as opposed to the minimally
distinct configuration xpxPx in the c-verse, as we have just seen, constitutes the
converse of what we find in the a-/b-verse: as indicated in Table13.23, it is the configuration with the long penultimate syllable (xpxPx) that occurs far more frequently
there. The distributions at stake differ significantly (p<0.001). While exactly the same
configurations are involved in terms of syllable concatenation, their metrical identities are entirely different: while the two configurations in the c-verse are complex in
composition, consisting of typeA3 (with the short lift) and the cadence (px or Px),
the corresponding ones in the a-/b-verse are simplex verses, scanned as typeC with
the resolved first lift and the short or long second lift. The diametrically opposed distribution patterns that the same physical concatenations in the same meter evince,
then, are consequences of their diverse metrical organizations which are in force in
the distinct domains, the a-/b-verse on the one hand, and the c-verse on the other.
Common to both cases, the variation in prominence on the preceding lift may be held
responsible for the preference patterns. The main difference, however, resides in the
increase or decrease of prominence. The selection of the more prominent cadence
variant px over P in typeA3 of the c-verse is motivated by the reduced prominence on
the preceding lift (aligned to a short stressed syllable), as we have explained above.
By contrast, the choice of the long second lift over the short one in typeC of the a-/bverse is induced by the enhanced prominence that is occasioned by resolution of the
preceding lift.
A similar yet less conspicuous difference is also observed in the pair of configurations xpxP and xpxpx between the two groups of verse in question. In the c-verse,
the form ending in the cadence px prevails fully to the exclusion of the other; in the
a-/b-verse, however, no such exclusive choice of one at the cost of the other is in operation; rather, the two options appear to be more or less equivalently open. These distributions prove to be significant at a confidence level of 90%, presumably due to the
small sample involved. In any event, attaching the monosyllabic cadence variant P
after the short variant of typeA3 is avoided as we have explained above. On the other
hand, the same pair of configurations when occurring in the a-/b-verse are subject
to totally different treatment: the one ending in the monosyllable P is identified as
685
typeC-, whereas the other one ending in the short disyllable is scanned as typeC.
And the two verses are not implicated in immediate opposition in terms of metrical
evaluation; hence, they are unlikely to receive particularly distinctive organization.
The account proposed above entails a claim that the selection of the disyllabic
cadence px over the monosyllabic one P is at least partially conditioned by relative degrees of prominence on the earlier part of a verse. This implication is further
corroborated by the significant difference we observe in the proportion of the two
cadence variants at issue between types A1 and A3 in the c-verse. Specifically, there
are 115 and 73 typeA1 examples of the verses PxPxP and PxPxpx, respectively
(Table13.8, section13.1.1); on the other hand, we count 171 and 214 of the corresponding typeA3 variants, that is, the configurations xPxP and xPxpx, respectively.
The two types thus differ in the distribution of the two variants, whereby the disyllabic cadence px is more likely to appear in typeA3 than in typeA1 (p<0.001).
As should be clear by now, the two types are distinguished primarily by the status
of the first lift: where it is manifested, typeA1 results, whereas typeA3 leaves it unrealized on the surface. This divergent treatment of the first lift leads to an immediate
differentiation of prominence on the position in question: typeA3 suffers a reduction
in prominence due to the failure of its first lift to be realized in full. Accordingly, we
witness here the recurrent correlation between weaker prominence on the earlier part
of a verse and more frequent occurrence of the maximally prominent cadence px,
which is also paralleled by the trade-off between the presence versus absence of the
first lift and the size of the second drop that differentiates types A1 and A3 observed
above.
A further notable property of the marked variant of typeA3 is that it is less likely to
occur in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse: while there are 387 and 8 examples, respectively, of the configurations with the long and the short second lift in the c-verse, we
find 109 and 18 corresponding instances in the a-/b-verse.16 These distributions are
significantly different (p<0.001): the short variant xpx is less likely to occur in the
c-verse.
At first glance, this diminished occurrence of the short second lift in the c-verse
might appear to be contradictory to the general pattern of reduction that the c-verse
tends to undergo, as with the reduced size of the first drop pointed out above. In this
light, we might be tempted to expect the counterfactual pattern to obtain whereby the
short variant of typeA3 should be more favored in the c-verse. On closer inspection,
however, the actual state of affairs will turn out to be no more aberrant, as the organization is implemented on other independently motivated grounds.
At issue is the relatively greater amount of prominence due on the lift located
farther away from the end of a verse than on its analog standing toward the end. As
16Again in order to compare like with like, we focus on the variant of typeA3 in which the final
drop is instantiated by a word-final unstressed monosyllable, that is, the configuration xPx.
686
The c-verse
discussed in section13.1.1 above, the second lift of typeA3 occurring in the c-verse
is followed by another lift, which constitutes the cadence. By contrast, the same
position of the same verse type found in the a-/b-verse counts as the lift minimally
distanced from the end of a verse. In light of the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions based on verse-internal location (section1.2), the position at issue in the c-verse
is characterized as having larger prominence at its disposal by virtue of its greater
distance away from the end of a verse. On the other hand, short syllables are obviously less prominent than long ones. Given the location-based differential in inherent prominence accessible to the two lifts under consideration, one in the c-verse,
the other in the a-/b-verse, to align minimally prominent, short syllables to the less
prominent position the second lift in the a-/b-verse will constitute a more natural
materialization than the alternative of doing so to the more prominent opposite. Thus,
the second lift of typeA3 in the a-/b-verse is identified as more qualified for realization by short syllables. On a more general level of abstraction, the lower incidence
of the short variant xpx in the c-verse may be characterized as a consequence of
the standardization of the linguistic-metrical mapping whereby metrical positions are
increasingly aligned to their prototypical material, notably the primary-stressed long
syllable for the lift (section13.2).
The configurations xPxP and xPxpx that we scan as type A3 extended
with the cadence P or px throughout the foregoing discussion are amenable to an
alternative scansion: they can be analyzed as type B pure and simple without any
additional component to follow. It will be appropriate, then, to assess this competing
scansion. Since there is nothing infeasible in purely structural terms with the alternative account, we must explore whatever implications it may entail for larger issues
that go beyond the formal identification of the configurations in question, and bear
on metrical organization in a wider context.
Given that types A1 with or without anacrusis and A2 end for the most part in a
semiautonomous unit, the cadence px or P, and only exceptionally in others (sections
13.1.1 and 13.1.3), to scan the configurations xPxP and Pxpx as typeB would
force us to assume that they end in the zero cadence (); otherwise, we would have to
postulate radically different, dual metrical organizations whereby some c-verses are
of composite structure, normal verse + cadence, and others are of simplex composition, identical to those occurring in the a-/b-verse. This would seriously compromise
a unitary account of the c-verse in its entirety. We might accordingly attempt to reduce
the alleged duality in metrical organization to a single scheme: upon accepting the
pervasive bipartite composition of the c-verse, we would analyze the configurations
under consideration as typeB with the zero cadence variant.
While formally elegant, this solution would amount to giving the verse-ending the status of being no different from the prototypical one because of the by far
largest presence of these configurations. As will be shown in section 13.1.8 below,
there are approximately fifty examples that scan as typeB with an explicit cadence,
px, P, or others, whereas the variant ending in the zero cadence exceeds 400. Such a
687
characterization would in turn conflict with the otherwise valid generalization that
the c-verse prototypically ends in the cadence px/P. The postulation of after the
configurations in question would accordingly have to distinguish its varying use in
frequency depending on verse structure, specifically between PxPxP/PxPxpx and
xPxP/xPxpx. One might then be led to stipulate that the prior existence of P
or px internal to the main constituent preempt attachment of a cadence unit P or px.
In actuality, however, the configuration xPxPpx does exist, if not very frequently.
However one might work out the details, the identification of as a prototypical
cadence for certain verse types would in the final analysis be tantamount to denying
the composite structure of the c-verse as a whole, particularly the semiautonomous
status of the cadence. The incapability of treating the cadence of the c-verse in unitary
terms becomes all the more serious when we recall that the a-verse and the b-verse
are highly constrained in their cadence in ljahttr, in sharp contrast to fornyrislag;
we would naturally expect the c-verse to be analogously structured in the absence of
compelling evidence to the contrary.17
Having argued that the alternative scansion as type B would fail to provide an
integral account of the c-verse in regard to its cadence structure, we now turn to the
verse opening for a critical evaluation. On identification of xPxP and xPxpx as
typeB, it would no longer be viable to make a generalization on the organization of
the opening of the c-verse: it would be allowed to begin with either a lift (as with types
A1 and A1-) or a drop (as with typeB) without the kind of conspicuous distinction in
preference that obtains in the a-verse and the b-verse. More specifically, under the
assumption that the configurations xPxP and xPxpx constitute typeB, we get
478 (43.02%) verses beginning with a lift and 633 (56.98%) with a drop (Table13.25).18
By contrast, following the alternative scansion being defended here, we count 980
(88.21%) and 131 (11.79%) examples, initiated respectively with a lift and a drop. In
comparison, there are in the a-verse 839 (78.34%) instances beginning with a lift,
as against 232 (21.66%) with a drop in verse-initial position; and in the b-verse, 168
(15.75%) and 899 (84.25%) verses start with a lift and a drop, respectively. Of vital
importance here are the differing extents to which the two groups of verses those
beginning with a lift and a drop, respectively are differentiated in distribution in
the c-verse according to the two competing scansions, in comparison with the corresponding patterns that are found in the a-verse and the b-verse (Table13.25).
17From another perspective, the postulation of the zero cadence would be tantamount to the positing of two (rather than three) lifts in the c-verse. On the long-standing controversy on the number of
constituent lifts in the c-verse, see the comments made toward the end of section13.2.
18Concomitantly, the configurations xPP and xPpx are characterized as starting with a drop:
they ought to scan as types C- and C, respectively, in opposition to the proposed scansion as typeA3-;
for details, see section13.1.7 below.
688
The c-verse
Table13.25.Distribution of verses beginning with a lift and those with a drop

Verse
A-verse
B-verse
C-verse (scanned as typeA3)
C-verse (scanned as typeB)
/
839 (78.34%)
168 (15.75%)
980 (88.21%)
478 (43.02%)
232 (21.66%)
899 (84.25%)
131 (11.79%)
633 (56.98%)
The scansion as typeB results in the distribution pattern in which the differentiation
of the two groups is achieved in a significantly weaker degree than is the case with
the b-verse: while both verses display a preference for verses starting with a drop,
the c-verse proves to be polarized far less sharply (p<0.001). By contrast, with the
proposed identification as typeA3, the c-verse is associated with the verse-initial lift
more closely than is the a-verse (p<0.001). Equipped with this scansion, then, we are
capable of making an insightful generalization that the line opening in ljahttr
whether the long or the full line is marked by a lift with a significant consistency
accounting for approximately eight verses in every ten. In this way, the radical difference in explanatory potential concomitant with the two rival scansions may supply
strong support for identifying the configurations xPxP and xPxpx as typeA3
suffixed with the cadence P and px, as proposed above.
Additionally, scanning the configurations xPxP and xPxpx as typeB would
result in a radical increase in size of the initial upbeat, so much so that the resulting
typeB in the c-verse would begin with a significantly larger number of unstressed syllables than its counterpart in the b-verse (p<0.001; Table13.20): while in the b-verse
about two-thirds of typeB verses (312 out of a total of 472) start with unstressed monosyllables or disyllables, more than half (245 out of a total of 473) begin with unstressed
trisyllables or longer strings in the c-verse. As pointed out above, and examined
further in subsequent sections, the initial portion of the c-verse, that is, the major
body of the verse with the cadence subtracted, has an outstanding tendency to be
reduced in prominence compared with the realization of a corresponding verse type
in the a-/b-verse. The alternative scansion being criticized here, however, would have
to contradict this otherwise robust generalization.
A further advantage of the scansion as typeA3 has yet to be adduced. Given that
neither the a-verse nor the b-verse in itself is biased toward double alliteration, it
does not seem to be conceptually plausible to assume that the corresponding verses
with two lifts as putatively instantiated by type B in the form of the configurations xPxP and xPxpx are rendered capable of regularly manifesting double
alliteration in the c-verse. On the other hand, the conceptualization of the c-verse
as consisting of two distinct parts, the two-lift verse + the one-lift cadence, seems
to be more congruent with the mode of alliteration that is implemented unique to
it, namely, the virtually obligatory double alliteration: the reinforced mode of alliteration, that is, double alliteration, is ubiquitously made possible in the c-verse
689
due to its unique compositional basis which has constant access to more than two
lifts.
As represented in Table 13.26, type A3 ends most frequently in the cadence px
and then P. These two major variants account for more than 99% of all examples. In
comparison, the relative status of these two variants is reversed in typeA1: the monosyllable is the most representative. Being of statistical significance (p<0.001), this
reversal is another manifestation of the recurrent pattern that we already observed in
the pair of types A1 and aA1 (section13.1.2) and that of types A1 and A2 (section13.1.3).
Table13.26.Cadence variants of types A3 and A1
Cadence
Type A3
Counts
%
Type A1
Counts
%
px
P
sx
Px
S
245
172
2
1
0
58.33
40.95
0.48
0.24
0
73
115
0
0
7
37.44
58.97
0
0
3.59
Total
420
100
195
100
Of further interest, the selection of the two cadence variants is sensitive to the way
in which the second drop is realized by unstressed syllables or secondary-stressed
ones. As shown in Table13.27, the occurrence of a secondary stress on the position in
question is associated with the disyllabic cadence px more closely than that of zero
stress, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
Table13.27.Cadence variants of typeA3 according to stress on the second drop
xPx
xPS
px
Counts
221
24
55.95
96.00
Counts
171
1
%
43.29
4.00
sx
Counts
2
0
%
0.51
0
Px
Counts
1
0
%
0.25
0
Total
Counts
%
395
25
100
100
13.1.5Type A1- (/ / [])

As exemplified in (8) and numbered 104 altogether,19 typeA1- consists of a main constituent that occurs as typeA1- on its own in the a-/b-verse, and the cadence / that is
realized in various guises such as px, sx, P, and so forth (see further below).
690
(8)
The c-verse
Hav 48.3 sialdan st ala [Px#P#px]

Hav 53.6hlb er ld hvar [P#x#P#P]
Vm 12.3 dag um drttmgo [P#x#Psx]
As indicated in Table13.28, the proportion of the monosyllabic first drop to the polysyllabic one in the c-verse is indistinguishable from that in the a-/b-verse (p=0.886).
The lack of distinction between the two groups of verses on this parameter is contrasted sharply by the significant difference that involves types A1 and A3 (and also
types B and C, as will be shown in subsequent sections) in terms of the size of the first
drop: the c-verse variants are significantly shorter than the a-/b-verse counterparts.
Table13.28.Size of the first drop of typeA1- in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse
Syllables
1
2
3
4
Total
Counts
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
73
27
4
0
70.19
25.96
3.85
0
88
24
13
3
68.75
18.75
10.16
2.34
104
100
128
100
At this point, we are challenged by the following question: Why is it that typeA1-,
rather than others, fails to have its c-verse variant shortened in the first drop? More
specifically, what is the formal basis for making typeA1- insensitive to the otherwise
pervasive operation of reduction on the first drop in the c-verse? Given that typeA1is catalectic in opposition to types A1 and A3, we may reasonably suspect that this
feature should hold a key to the issue. We may accordingly be led to take zero realization of the verse-final drop to be responsible for the unique treatment of typeA1-. We
may then wonder: What mechanism is at work that prevents reduction from occurring
on the c-verse realization of typeA1-?
It will be worth recalling in this connection that typeA1- in the a-/b-verse is considerably shorter in regard to the first drop than typeA1 (section12.1.5), in sharp contrast to fornyrislag, in which the opposite relation obtains: the catalectic type has the
first drop enlarged, rather than reduced. Ljahttr is thus characterized distinctively
by the correlation between the smaller size of the first drop and zero realization of
the second one. Given this extensive reduction that operates on catalectic verses in
distinction from full ones in the a-/b-verse, it would seem less viable to shorten this
already vulnerable group of verses to a further extent in the c-verse than to invoke
reduction for regular verses that are immune to such a shortening process in the a-/bverse; a further implementation of reduction would hardly be practicable in securing
distinguishability between the realizations that are shortened (a-/b-verses) and those
that are doubly reduced (c-verses). In this light, the option of making c-verse variants
691
of typeA1- shorter than their a-/b-verse counterparts would have to be dismissed as

impracticable.
Furthermore, since the two types (types A1 and A1-) do not occur on their own as
autonomous verses, but as integral parts of longer verses augmented with the cadence
unit, they do not have to be kept distinct in their own right; rather, as will be shown
in depth later on, the two types are largely distinguishable from each other by the
varying realizations of the cadence. In view of this independent distinguishability,
there should be no functional reasons for maintaining in the c-verse the distinction
between the two types that obtains in the a-/b-verse; accordingly, typeA1- need not
particularly yield to further reduction in the first drop, to be composed in still shorter
form in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse.
For reasons of minimal functionality, then, typeA1- fails to receive shortening in
the c-verse; consequently, this type is left undifferentiated from its counterpart occurring in the a-/b-verse, as far as the size of the first drop is concerned. Yet, the blocking
of the otherwise expected reduction on c-verse variants as opposed to a-/b-verse ones
has far-reaching repercussions on the composition of the two related types, types A1
and A1-, in the c-verse (Table13.29): the first drop in the catalectic type not only fails
to decrease in size for the reasons adduced above, but also goes so far in the opposite
direction as to exceed the regular counterpart. With a p-value of = 0.011, typeA1- is less
likely to host monosyllables than its full counterpart in the c-verse: typeA1- counts as
longer than typeA1 in the c-verse. The emerging distribution pattern thus proves to
be quite the opposite of what is observed in the a-/b-verse: it is rather typeA1- that is
significantly shorter in the a-/b-verse with a p-value of less than 0.001 (section12.1.5).
Syllables
1
2
3
4
Total
Counts
A1-
Counts
A1
74
27
4
0
70.48
25.71
3.81
0
163
24
7
1
83.59
12.31
3.59
0.51
105
100
195
100
While apparently unexpected at first glance, the reversal in the length of the first drop
that is constitutive of types A1- and A1 relative to each other is understandable if
not logically provable in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions in light of the
network of relations both types are implicated in, and the chain of reactions that this
organization entails. The first drop of typeA1 is considerably shorter in the c-verse
than in the a-/b-verse, as is true of other types (section13.1.1). On the other hand, the
position at issue of typeA1- is shorter than the corresponding one of typeA1 in the
a-/b-verse (section12.1.5) as a consequence of the overall reduction implemented on
692
The c-verse
the catalectic type, the process ultimately reducible to convergence in size between
the two drops. This may in turn preclude further reduction from occurring on typeA1in the c-verse; therefore, typeA1- remains hardly changed in size of the first drop in
the c-verse and the a-/b-verse.
Accordingly, nothing definitive concerning relative size of types A1- and A1 in the
c-verse will follow from the insignificant difference in itself between the c-verse and
the a-/b-verse in regard to typeA1-. The two parameters in question should be logically independent: typeA1- could be longer or shorter than typeA1 inasmuch as it
is in itself unaffected by shortening in the c-verse. Only where the c-verse variant of
typeA1- is reduced in comparison with the a-/b-verse counterpart, would we predict
that typeA1- should be shorter than typeA1.
As a plausible explanation for the larger size of the catalectic type, we would
like to draw attention once again to the inverse proportion that obtains between the
first and the second drop in terms of their size (section 13.1.1): the smaller (or the
less prominent) the second drop, the larger (or the more prominent) the first. This
generalization is based on the two observations. First, exclusively the monosyllabic
second drop is compatible with the polysyllabic first drop in the c-verse of typeA1
(Table13.4); put another way, polysyllables may occur in the first drop only when the
second one is monosyllabic. Since the second drop remains unrealized in typeA1-, it
counts as still smaller than the minimal manifestation, the monosyllabic one. Given
this numerical difference, we would expect by extrapolation that type A1- should
accommodate at least as many as and, more plausibly, more than the numbers of syllables that co-occur with the monosyllabic second drop. Since typeA1- systematically
lacks the second drop in its manifest form, its first drop should necessarily be realized
in larger size and more prominent shape.
The second directly verifiable observation that the generalization in question is
drawn from concerns the patterned variation in the size of the initial upbeat of typeA3
in the c-verse as well as in the a-/b-verse depending on the contrast in terms of relative prominence on the second drop, namely, unstressed syllables on the one hand,
and secondary-stressed syllables on the other (sections 12.1.4 and 13.1.4). The heavy
variant of typeA3, xPS, with the more prominent second drop, is more likely to have
the initial drop realized in minimal (i.e., monosyllabic) form; and conversely the less
prominent second drop is associated more closely with the polysyllabic first drop.
Given the above demonstrable generalization, then, we may attribute the
expanded first drop characteristic of type A1- in the c-verse compared with that of
type A1 to the trade-off relation in size (or prominence) between the first and the
second drop that is directly verified in partial form in the correlation between the two
drops that are constitutive of types A1 and A3.
Among the wide variety of cadences available, two variants figure most prominently, px (46 examples, 44.23%) and sx (43 examples, 41.35%), as represented in
Table13.30. Focusing on the proportion of the two major variants P and px as we have
been so far, we are struck by the preponderance of the disyllable: out of a total of 49
693
instances, 46 (93.88%) end in px. Needless to say, such an extremely uneven distribution in typeA1- makes a significant difference from the pattern only slightly biased
to the monosyllabic variant that is displayed by its regular counterpart (p < 0.001;
section 13.1.1), and even from the weaker concentration on the disyllabic variant
observed in typeA1 with anacrusis (p=0.002; section13.1.2).
Such a radical increase in the disyllabic variants can be explained in formal terms
by attributing it to the null realization of the second drop in typeA1- in contrast to the
full manifestation of it in typeA1. Specifically, the resolved variants of the cadence, px
and sx, which count as more prominent than their monosyllabic counterparts (P and
S),20 may be regarded as constituting a counterbalance to the lack of prominence on
the preceding drop that remains immaterialized by catalexis; the zero prominence on
the second drop induces compensation in the form of the increased prominence on
the following lift (the cadence). Of particular importance, the compensation for the
unrealized second drop by the following lift that has just been proposed is paralleled
by the inverse proportion in size between the first and the second drop, the generalization that is held responsible for the larger size of the first drop in types A1- and
A3- than in types A1 and A3, respectively. Accordingly, the null second drop requires
its unrealized prominence to be manifested not only on the preceding position, but
also on the following one; the mechanism of compensation works both progressively
and regressively.21
Table13.30.Cadence variants of typeA1Cadence
px
sx
P
Xx
xx
Px
Sx
S
Total
Counts
46
43
3
3
3
2
2
2
44.23
41.35
2.88
2.88
2.88
1.92
1.92
1.92
104
100
20The stronger association of the primary-stressed disyllabic cadence (px) with the alliterative pattern axa than the monosyllabic one (P), as demonstrated in section13.3 below, may be adduced as
specific evidence for this characterization that is plausible enough on phonological grounds.
21The immediately preceding position, that is, the second lift, is incapable of achieving the required task simply because resolution, the only conceivable option, is largely unviable here, given the
rare implementation of the device elsewhere than in the cadence (see section13.3.3 below).
694
The c-verse
13.1.6Type A2a- (/ \ / [])

There are no verses in the corpus that could be scanned as typeA2a-, that is, the configurations PSPP or PSPpx.
13.1.7Type A3- ([/] / [])
We count eight-two examples of type A3-, as exemplified below.22 This verse type
starts with the configuration that would be identified as typeA3- in the a-/b-verse,
and ends in the cadence px or P.
(9)
Hav 34.6 tt hann s firr farinn [x#x#x#P#px]

Skm 7.6 at vi stt sm [x#x#P#P]
As with typeA3, this type is open to the alternative scansion that posits a zero cadence.
Specifically, the variant that ends in px could be scanned as typeC ending in , while
the other one ending in P could be regarded as typeC- ending in . With respect to
the first variant, upon its rescansion as type C, we would arrive at the situation in
which the zero cadence figures conspicuously (70 counts; see section13.1.9 below),
followed by px (48 counts; see section13.1.9 below) and P (25 counts; see section13.1.9
below). Thus, the zero variant would have to be postulated anew in the absence of
independent evidence for it, and identified further as the most privileged cadence.
Such a conceptualization not only seriously compromises the overall pattern whereby
the primary-stressed monosyllable and short disyllable serve pervasively as the dominant variants of the cadence, but also undermines our common understanding that
an invisible variant, a marked one as it is, should be postulated as a marginal complement to whichever form is manifested to secure a fuller generalization that is otherwise being missed. Given the conceptual marginality of the entity in question, then,
one would be hard-pressed to explain in a principled manner the preponderance of
the zero cadence variant in typeC.
Much the same criticism can be raised to the alternative scansion of the configuration xPP as typeC- with the zero cadence. As will be shown in section13.1.10 below,
the otherwise representative variant is the short disyllable px, which is attested eight
times. The alternative scansion at issue, however, would give the zero variant the privilege of occurring most frequently (ten times), again in contradiction to the empirically and theoretically motivated conceptualization of it as an exceptional variant
and at the cost of missing the representative presence of px and P as the cadence in
the c-verse.
695
Having dismissed as most implausible the alternative scansions ending in the

null cadence, we turn to examine the structure of the c-verse in detail. The initial
upbeat ranges between one and six syllables, distributed in the way indicated in
Table13.31. In comparison with the initial position of the corresponding type in the
a-/b-verse, the c-verse is evidently more elongated both in terms of the maximum syllable numbers involved and the proportions of the two largest classes combined the
disyllables and trisyllables to the longer strings (p<0.001). The major index of the
proportion of monosyllables to disyllables, however, proves to be lacking in significance (p=0.258). In any event, we may be justified in generalizing that typeA3- does
not follow types A1 and A3 in having the first drop realized in shorter form in the
c-verse than in the a-/b-verse; on the contrary, typeA3- displays the reverse pattern
of enlarging the position in question in the c-verse as against the a-/b-verse. Further,
types A1- and A3- are grouped together by their common failure to reduce the first
drop in the c-verse, in distinction from types A1 and A3.
Table13.31.Size of the first drop of typeA3Syllables
Counts
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
6
3
30
22
14
9
4
3.66
36.59
26.83
17.07
10.98
4.88
0
33
25
5
0
0
0
52.38
39.68
7.94
0
0
Total
82
100
63
100
The question arising then is: Why is typeA3- not as subject to reduction in the c-verse
as other types (excluding type A1-)? A comparison with the regular type (type A3)
in the a-/b-verse may shed some light on the issue, as it has indeed in the case of
typeA1-. As revealed in section12.1.7 above, typeA3- is significantly shorter in the
initial upbeat than typeA3 in the a-/b-verse, much as is typeA1- in comparison with
typeA1 (section12.1.5). As a consequence, the same reasoning that we explored in
section13.1.5 in regard to typeA1- seems to apply in its entirety: to make reduction
operate on the c-verse variant of typeA3- as otherwise expected would turn out to be
unviable in practice, because doubly reduced realizations in the c-verse would hardly
be kept distinguishable from shortened ones available in the a-/b-verse.
Types A3- and A3 in the c-verse are distinguished in terms of syllable numbers
involved in the initial upbeat. As Table13.32 makes evident, the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables in general, the primary parameter that we have been concerned with, makes a significant difference (p = 0.042): type A3 may accordingly
be characterized as shorter than type A3-. This relation between types A3- and A3
696
The c-verse
is fully matched with that between types A1- and A1 which has been identified in
section13.1.5 above.
And the mechanism responsible for the differentiation at issue is the same: as with the
pair of types A1 and A1-, types A3 and A3- are differentiated by the presence and absence
of the second drop in realization. Given the trade-off in size between the two drops that
we generalized about in section13.1.5 above, it may follow as a matter of principle that, in
the absence of an overt drop in verse-final position, the catalectic type should tend to be
longer in the initial upbeat than the normal one, as is borne out by the facts.
Taken together, then, the relative size of the initial drop of the regular and catalectic types is reversed between the a-/b-verse on the one hand and the c-verse on
the other for independently motivated, distinct reasons (section13.1.5): the catalectic
types are shorter in the first drop in the a-/b-verse because the two drops converge in
terms of size there; by contrast, the catalectic types tend to be longer in the c-verse
because the two positions involved tend to diverge on the same parameter.
Syllables
Counts
A3-
Counts
A3
1
2
3
4
5
6
3
30
22
14
9
4
3.66
36.59
26.83
17.07
10.98
4.88
47
131
138
75
22
7
11.19
31.19
32.86
17.86
5.24
1.67
Total
82
100
420
100
The cadence of typeA3- consists of three variants, the short disyllable (px), the monosyllable (P), and exceptionally the long disyllable (Px). Of the three options, the
short disyllable figures by far the most outstandingly, as shown in Table13.33. Such
a conspicuous degree of concentration on the disyllabic cadence (px) at the cost of
the monosyllabic one (P) is comparable to that in typeA1- (p=0.368; section13.1.5),
although the latter type has access to a much wider range of varieties in the cadence.
And exactly the same mechanism of compensation is at work here to favor the
disyllabic cadence over the monosyllabic one as has been held responsible for the
comparable phenomenon in typeA1- in contrast to typeA1 (section13.1.5). That is,
the second drop is left unrealized by catalexis in typeA3-. The resultant loss in prominence, then, needs to be counterbalanced by reinforcement of prominence in other
positions. The positions that are capable of meeting the requirement are the following
lift (the cadence) as well as the preceding drop (the first drop). Therefore, concomitant with expansion of the first drop, the cadence is subject to resolution with a significantly higher incidence in typeA3- than in typeA3.
697
Table13.33.Cadence variants of typeA3Cadence
Counts
px
P
Px
70
10
2
85.37
12.20
2.44
Total
82
100
13.1.8Type B (/ /)
This type is constituted by a juxtaposition of the configuration / / and the cadence
/, as exemplified in (10). There are fifty-three examples in the corpus.23
(10)
Hav 107.6 alda vs iaar [x#Px#P#px]

Hrbl 25.3 ef ttir vilgi mikils vald [x#x#xx#Px#px#P]
Alv 14.6 kalla lfar rtala [xx#Px#Psx]
As indicated in Table13.34, the first drop of typeB is occupied by smaller numbers

of syllables in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse: particularly, the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables differs significantly between the two groups of verses
(p<0.001). Such a decrease in size is recurrently observed as in types A1 (section13.1.1)
and A3 (section13.1.4), in contrast to the catalectic types, A1- (section13.1.5) and A3(section13.1.7).
Table13.34.Size of the first drop of typeB in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse
Syllables
C-verse
Counts
%
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
A-verse
Counts
%
B-verse
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
6
38
12
1
1
0
1
71.70
22.64
1.89
1.89
0
1.89
117
245
129
38
6
0
21.87
45.79
24.11
7.10
1.12
0
20
30
8
4
1
0
31.75
47.62
12.70
6.35
1.59
0
97
215
121
34
5
0
20.55
45.55
25.64
7.20
1.06
0
Total
53
100
535
100
63
100
472
100
698
The c-verse
Given the complementary manners of increase that affect the first drop in the a-/bverse on the one hand and the second drop in the c-verse on the other, as in types
A1 (section13.1.1) and A3 (section13.1.4), we may be led to predict on the basis of the
comparably smaller size of the first drop that the second drop of typeB is longer in the
c-verse than in the a-/b-verse. As it turns out, the prediction is borne out by the facts,
as illustrated in Table13.35: polysyllables are far more likely to appear in the c-verse,
with a p-value of less than 0.001. It should be pointed out that, unlike types A1 and
A3, the second drop of type B no more stands in the absolute final position in the
a-/b-verse than in the c-verse. Therefore, the realignment to the verse-internal position contingent on the composition of types A1 and A3 in the c-verse does not apply
to type B. Of crucial importance then is a greater distance from the end of a verse
that arises concomitant with incorporation into the c-verse, rather than the change in
location from absolute final to medial.
Table13.35.Size of the second drop of typeB in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse
Syllables
Counts
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
41
10
0
2
77.36
18.87
0
3.77
514
17
3
1
96.07
3.18
0.56
0.19
Total
53
100
535
100
As far as the cadence is concerned, the wide-ranging varieties are available to typeB,
as indicated in Table13.36. Most striking about the distribution of these variants is
by far the largest presence of the primary-stressed and secondary-stressed disyllabic
variants px and sx. The preponderance of these short disyllables seems to be analogous to the pattern found in types A1- (Table13.30, section13.1.5) and A3- (Table13.33,
section13.1.7). The proportion of the disyllabic to the monosyllabic cadence makes
no significant difference among these three verse types: p=0.461 between types B
and A1-; p = 0.769 between types B and A3-; p = 0.109 between types A1- and A3-.
Furthermore, the more or less even distribution of primary-stressed and secondarystressed short disyllables groups types B and A1- in distinction from typeA3-. Comparing the presence of these two disyllables relative to each other, we obtain the following results: p<0.001 between types B and A3- and between types A1- and A3-; p=1
between types B and A1-.
We are thus confronted with the following questions: Why are short disyllables represented with such an overwhelming preference at the cost of monosyllables in types A1-, A3-, and B? Why are the two kinds of short disyllables favored
without appreciable distinction between them commonly in types A1- and B, but not
in typeA3-? What are the formal properties commensurate to the three and the two
699
types, respectively, that can be held responsible for their analogous treatment? And
are there any functional motivations for the privileged use of short disyllables that
override their difference in stress degrees involved (px and sx)?
In the foregoing discussion on types A1- and A3-, we have been resorting to the
trade-off between the second drop and other positions in general, and the operation
of catalexis on the second drop in particular, as a formal factor responsible for the predominance of the disyllabic cadence. Obviously, however, catalexis is out of the question in the present context, as the second drop of typeB, the penultimate position, is
structurally immune to it. Yet, typeB has in common the consecutive occurrence of
lifts (/ /) on the surface that emerge as a consequence of catalexis operating on types
A1- and A3-. Given this structural equivalence in the resultant representations, we
may shift our focus slightly and hold this structural configuration, rather than the
process of compensation in itself for the immaterialized second lift, to be immediately
responsible for the privileged treatment of short disyllables in the cadence.24
Having answered the first question raised above, we move on to address the
second one concerning co-occurrence of primary- and secondary-stressed short
disyllables in the cadence, the property that separates types A1- and B from typeA3-,
which does not allow the secondary-stressed variant sx to serve as the cadence: there
is no example of the configuration xPsx, which could be scanned as nothing but a
light variant of typeA3-.25
We may then pose the following question: What differentiates types A1- and B from
typeA3- despite the common structural property of having a succession of two lifts at
the end? What distinguishes typeA3- from the other two is the absence of the first lift
in its manifest form. The lack of the verse-initial lift means that typeA3- carries lesser
prominence than types A1- and B. More concretely, typeA3- would have at its disposal
only a single primary-stressed lift, unless the cadence, the only other materialized lift,
is also occupied by a primary stress. Since alliteration is virtually restricted to primarystressed syllables, typeA3- with the cadence aligned to a secondary-stressed syllable
would be denied alliteration, in violation of the fundamental principle of alliterative
verse. In this way, typeA3- has no other choice but to have the cadence aligned to a
primary-stressed syllable; the composition of the configuration xPsx as a legitimate
variant of typeA3- is accordingly excluded as a matter of principle.
Having explained the incompatibility of typeA3- with the cadence sx, we need to
return to address the issue of accounting for the consecutive concatenation of two lifts
24As will be shown in regard to typeD- (section13.1.12), however, the original formulation with direct reference to catalexis must be sustained on its own, along with the new generalization proposed
in the text that the concatenation of two lifts at the end of a verse, regardless of its derivational basis,
leads to an overwhelming use of short disyllables as the cadence.
25An apparent alternative scansion as typeC must be flatly rejected: this would necessitate postulation of the zero cadence, a costly construct lacking theoretical and empirical evidence.
700
The c-verse
as a favorable condition for use of the secondary-stressed disyllable sx as well as of

the primary-stressed one px as the cadence, and also simultaneously as one against
occurrence of the monosyllable P. Beginning with the second question, we may attribute the reluctance to use P immediately after another lift to the relative weakening
of prominence that the second of two given consecutive lifts is subject to. This is the
mechanism that is recurrently invoked to account for suspension of resolution, as is
typically the case with the outstanding preference for the configuration xPpx over
xPPx (type C), unless other overriding generalizations hold, such as the optimal
cadence Px in the fornyrislag b-verse or resolution on the preceding lift (xpxPx).
On the one hand, resolution is suspended from the second lift where it is immediately preceded by another and is followed by a drop, as generalized in the form of
the rule for suspension of resolution (section 4.3.8). On the other, in the presence
of short disyllables px and sx, resolution must be implemented where the second of
the two successive lifts stands at the end of a verse; otherwise, the final unstressed
syllable would be left metrically unparsed with no metrical position to be aligned
to, thereby giving rise to an unmetrical string of language material. In either case,
the normal realization of a lift by a stressed long syllable is deterred by virtue of the
syntagmatically motivated weakening of prominence on the second lift. Suspension
of resolution harmonizes the reduced prominence in question with correspondingly
less salient material, the short stressed syllable. By contrast, operation of resolution
reinforces the endangered lift in question by aligning it to more substantial material,
the short disyllable, instead of the monosyllable. The two means of metrical adjustment thus operate on meter-language mapping in different directions: suspension of
resolution alignment of a lift to a short syllable downgrades the prosodic identity of a metrical position to monomoraicity in accordance with the phonetic reality
involved. By contrast, resolution alignment of a lift to a short disyllable retains the
normal metrical identity of a lift bimoraicity by reinforcing its prosodic value. In
the absence of a further metrical position to follow in the present context, suspension
of resolution is unviable; therefore, the verse-final lift, the cadence, is preferably realized by short disyllables through resolution.
Now that the prosodically motivated readjustment of meter-language mapping is
subject to understanding, we are well equipped with a conceptual basis for accounting for the first question raised above, the more or less even occurrences of primaryand secondary-stressed cadences, px and sx. Since the main target of the second solution discussed in the preceding paragraph is to secure a bimoraic structure that is
otherwise endangered, it is not directly concerned with exact degrees of stress attending on material, insofar as some kind of lexical stress is involved. It is worth recalling
that mora count primarily bears on stressed syllables as a determining property of
stressability, and that the distinction between monomoraic and bimoraic accordingly
pertains to lexically stressed material. In this light, primary and secondary stresses
are both determined as eligible for the realignment process being resorted to in the
contexts in question.
701
Table13.36.Cadence variants of typeB

Cadence
Counts
px
sx
Sx
P
Px
PS
xx
20
19
7
4
1
1
1
37.74
35.85
13.21
7.55
1.89
1.89
1.89
Total
53
100
A further distinctive property of the cadence in typeB is the considerable occurrence

of long disyllables, Px, PS, and Sx, which count as too long to be fully aligned to the
lift. While these extra long cadence variants as given in Table13.37 are attested elsewhere, too (compare Heusler 1890: 136139), their distribution seems far from random;
rather, they occur in typeB with a conspicuously high incidence and also two-position verses to a more or less comparable extent as represented in Table13.38. The
strong force of association with typeB becomes even more pronounced when we take
into consideration the low presence of this type relative to types A1 and A3 in particular: we count as few as 53 examples of typeB, whereas there are 253 typeA1 (with and
without anacrusis) and 420 typeA3 verses.
Table13.37.Extra long cadence variants
Cadence
Counts
Px
Sx
PS
Psx
13
13
1
1
46.43
46.43
3.57
3.57
Total
28
100
Table13.38.Occurrences of cadence variants Px, Sx, PS, and Psx according to verse types
Type
B
Two positions
A1A1
A3A1s
A3
Counts
9
5
4
3
2
1
1
%
32.14
17.86
14.29
10.71
7.14
3.57
3.57
702
Type
The c-verse
Counts
C
CE
Total
1
1
1
3.57
3.57
3.57
28
100
The heavy concentration of overlong cadence variants in typeB may readily yield to
a principled account in the explanatory framework adduced above to deal with the
numerous occurrences of the short disyllables px and sx in the same type. By virtue
of the contiguity of two lifts, the second one is susceptible to a reduction of prominence. To redress this potential weakening, the position at issue receives strengthening through realignment to a (short) disyllable px or sx. At times, however, the realignment may go further, probably by a kind of hyperadjustment, to involve a long
disyllable, Px, Sx, or PS, and exceptionally a still longer sequence of syllables, Psx.
Furthermore, the markedly higher presence of overlong variants in typeB than
in typeA1- may be ascribed to the absolute absence versus the latent presence of the
drop between the last two lifts. While the clashing of lifts may be tempered somehow
by the covert intervening position, it would go unchecked in the absence of the intervening element in type B, promote correspondingly more strongly the realignment
process, and thereby go so far as to invoke hyperadjustment at times.
It should be noticed in this connection that the hyperadjustment in question is not
implemented to accommodate any longer syllable sequences in a random way. Rather,
it applies most extensively to the ones with the least excess of prominence, namely,
Px and Sx, in comparison with the targets px and sx, as indicated in Table13.37; by
contrast, the more prominent variants, PS and Psx, are used only minimally. We may
account for such a scalar implementation of hyperadjustment as a consequence of
relative distances to the main target of realignment, px/sx: the closer to and, hence,
the less deviant from, the target, the more frequent the operation.
13.1.9Type C (/ /)
This type falls into three groups depending on stress degrees of the second lift
primary, secondary (falling on the second elements of compound nouns, common and
proper), and weak as exemplified in (11), and distributed as shown in Table13.39.
We find seventy-four examples in the corpus.26
(11)
703
Hav 130.7 oc f fgnu af [x#P#Px#P]

Sd 12.6 r um setr allar saman [x#x#P#Px#px]
Grm 36.9 r bera einheriom l [x#xx#PSx#P]
Vm 1.6 vi ann inn alsvinna iotun [x#x#x#PSx#px]
HHv 25.3 s br olleyio urs [x#x#x#PSx#P]
Vm 20.3 oc , Vafrnir, vitir [x#x#PSx#px]
Hav 67.3 ef yrptac at mlungi mat [x#xx#x#PXx#P]
Vm 39.3 oc seldo at gslingo goom [x#xx#x#PXx#px]
Hav 55.6 ef s er alsnotr, er [x#x#x#PS#x#P]
Hav 154.3 at biarga fari mno floti [x#xx#px#Px#x#px]
Table13.39.Variants of typeC
Configuration
Counts
xPPx/xPpx
xPSx
xPXx
12
54
8
16.22
72.97
10.81
Total
74
100
After considering general characteristics of typeC common to its variants, we will be

examining in depth the distribution of these three variant configurations in relation
to the syllable length of the second lift and in comparison with the divergent treatment in the a-/b-verse of ljahttr and in fornyrislag.
The first drop, ranging between one and six syllables, is distributed as in
Table13.40. Compared with the same verse type occurring in the a-/b-verse, the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables does not differ significantly on statistical
grounds (p=0.222), although the c-verse would appear to be slightly shorter than the
a-/b-verse in impressionistic terms.
Table13.40.Size of the first drop of typeC in the c-verse and the a-/b-verse
Syllables
C-verse
Counts
%
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
A-verse
Counts
%
B-verse
Counts
%
1
2
3
4
5
6
15
30
20
6
2
1
20.27
40.54
27.03
8.11
2.70
1.35
60
193
105
50
4
0
14.56
46.84
25.49
12.14
0.97
0
7
40
14
14
3
0
8.97
51.28
17.95
17.95
3.85
0
53
153
91
36
1
0
15.87
45.81
27.25
10.78
0.30
0
Total
74
100
412
100
78
100
334
100
704
The c-verse
There appears to be a tendency for the size of the first drop to correlate, to a certain
extent, to the variation of the second lift in terms of stress. As suggested in Table13.41,
it looks as if the higher the prominence on the second lift, the shorter the length of
the first drop. On statistical grounds, however, the apparent trade-off between the
two positions turns out to be lacking in significance: even the configurations xPPx
and xPXx, evidently the two polar opposites, are indistinguishable in regard to the
proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables, given p=0.619. On closer inspection,
however, a slightly neater pattern will emerge. The only instance of the monosyllabic first drop that co-occurs with the second lift lacking a lexical stress, namely,
the configuration xPXx, is Skm 19.6 leiastan lifa [SPXx#px], in which the onset
of the stem syllable /l/ alliterates at the expense of the word-initial vowel (See, La
Farge, Picard, Priebe, and Schulz 1997: 100). The verse-initial prefix - un-, however,
is expected to carry stress, and indeed it usually serves as an alliterative element (e.g.,
Hav 103.9 at er snotrs aal). Given the inherent lexical stress, the initial syllable in
question should not be fully identified with unstressed syllables in general in terms
of prominence attached. Following this reasoning, we may be justified in rejecting
identification of this verse with the configuration xPXx, and excluding it accordingly
from a contingency table analysis, or reallocating it under the group of polysyllables,
as seems more plausible. In either case, upon recalculation we will obtain reduced
p-values of 0.263 and 0.242, respectively, for the trading-off relation between the two
metrical positions under consideration.
While still lacking statistical significance, we might nonetheless be tempted to
infer, appealing to the small sample available, that the size of the first drop would
be likely to become larger as the prominence on the second lift decreases. Should
this association be genuine, then we would be led to relate it to the familiar inverse
proportion between the first and the second drop in terms of their relative prominence; more specifically, the diminished size of the first drop is correlated to greater
prominence on the second drop. Considering this, we might speculatively extend the
correlation to the second lift in its coverage: the first drop is subject to reduction as the
second drop or lift receives reinforcement. In view of the situation for the a-/b-verse
as shown immediately below, however, it would seem more reasonable to reject the
apparent trade-off as insignificant.
Table13.41.Size of the first drop and variants of typeC in the c-verse
Syllables
xPPx/xPpx
xPSx
xPXx
Total
3 (25.00%) 3 (25.00%) 4 (33.33%) 1 (8.33%) 1 (8.33%)

0 (0%) 12 (100%)
11 (20.37%) 25 (46.30%) 13 (24.07%) 3 (5.56%) 1 (1.85%) 1 (1.85%) 54 (100%)
1 (12.50%) 2 (25.00%) 3 (37.50%) 2 (25.00%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%) 8 (100%)
In the a-/b-verse, however, a comparable correlation between the first drop and the
second lift is not in effect (Table13.42): what would appear to be the pair of maxi-
705
mally differentiated configurations with the primary-stressed second lift on the one
hand and with the weakly stressed one on the other makes no significant difference
(p=0.263).
Table13.42.Size of the first drop and variants of typeC in the a-/b-verse
Syllables
xPPx/xPpx
xPSx/xPsx
xPXx/xPxx
41 (16.02%)
15 (13.76%)
4 (8.51%)
136 (53.13%)
35 (32.11%)
22 (46.81%)
3
60 (23.44%)
39 (35.78%)
6 (12.77%)
18 (7.03%) 1 (0.39%)
20 (18.35%)
0 (0%)
12 (25.53%) 3 (6.38%)
Total
256 (100%)
109 (100%)
47 (100%)
As illustrated in (11) above and summarized in Table 13.43, the second drop has
access to a wider range of variation for realization in the c-verse than in the a-/bverse, because it is now located verse-internally, rather than in absolute final position, which is limited to a single syllable in general and a word-final one in particular.
Table13.43.Composition of the second drop of typeC
Second drop
Counts
-x#
-x#x#
-x#x#
-Xx#
-xx#
55
1
8
7
2
1
74.32
1.35
10.81
9.46
2.70
1.35
Total
74
100
A further notable feature of typeC in the c-verse in distinction from that in the a-/bverse is the composition of the second lift in terms of syllable length. With a single
exception (Skm 31.8 nn ofanvera [x#P#pxSx]),27 all of the other 73 (98.65%) verses
have the position filled by long syllables in the c-verse, whereas short syllables (248
examples) prevail over long ones (164 examples) with a ratio of 3 to 2 in the a-/b-verse
(Tables 13.44 and 13.45);28 these distribution patterns are indeed statistically significant (p<0.001). Moreover, even in comparison with the a-verse, in which the long
27This verse is aberrant in other respects, too: it is the only instance of typeC in which the second
drop is filled by a medial, rather than word-final, syllable, and the cadence is accordingly occupied by
a secondary-stressed syllable; and, most outstandingly, the cadence is realized by a long disyllable,
Sx.
28In section 13.1.1 above, we treated selectively the two variant configurations with the primarystressed second lift, xPPx and xPpx, as we were then primarily concerned with subtypeA1s, which
has the second lift realized in the corresponding shape.
706
The c-verse
second lift occurs in the majority (59 long vs. 19 short; Table13.44), too, the concentration of long syllables is significantly heavier in the c-verse (p<0.001).
Table13.44.Verse distinction of typeC according to composition of the second lift in ljahttr and
fornyrislag
Configuration
xPpx
xPPx
xPsx
xPSx
xPxx
xPXx
Total
C-verse
Ljahttr
A-verse
B-verse
Fornyrislag
A-verse
B-verse
1 (1.35%)
11 (14.86%)
0 (0%)
54 (72.97%)
0 (0%)
8 (10.81%)
11 (14.10%)
36 (46.15%)
7 (8.97%)
10 (12.82%)
1 (1.28%)
13 (16.67%)
147 (44.01%)
62 (18.56%)
52 (15.57%)
40 (11.98%)
30 (8.98%)
3 (0.90%)
165 (31.25%)
117 (22.16%)
74 (14.02%)
77 (14.58%)
40 (7.58%)
55 (10.42%)
115 (14.13%)
427 (52.46%)
59 (7.25%)
147 (18.06%)
18 (2.21%)
48 (5.90%)
74 (100%)
78 (100%)
334 (100%)
528 (100%)
814 (100%)
While we find in the corpus five examples of the configurations xPxx#P and
x.Pxx#px (Hav 135.7 get vloom vel, Vm 7.6 nema inn snotrari sr, Ls 22.6
and 23.3 inom slvorom sigr, 47.3 hv n lezcau, Loki), they all scan as typeA3, with
the disyllabic second drop, -xx# (section13.1.4). By contrast, there are no examples
of heavier ones of the corresponding composition, namely, xP#px#P, xP#px#px,
xPsx#P, and xPsx#px. This gap becomes all the more striking when we take into
consideration that, of these variants concerned, the forms with the lexically stressed
second lift, xPpx and xPsx, would count as more central to type C, and would
accordingly be expected to occur more frequently than the lightest and the most
peripheral member, xPxx, under the assumption that this configuration should
scan as typeC.
The presence of the most marked xPxx and the complete absence of the more
central xPpx and xPsx as the main part of the c-verse (except for the extremely
aberrant instance, Skm 31.8, noted above), however puzzling at first glance, yields to
a principled account on closer consideration. The lightest constituent, while resisting identification with type C for the mechanism expounded below, is legitimately
scanned as typeA3, which means that it is fully metrical, although the polysyllabic
realization of the second drop a marked mode of linguistic materialization makes
its occurrence far less likely than that of the minimal variant xPx. On the other
hand, neither the configuration xPpx nor xPsx is subject to a proper scansion:
since suspension of resolution is blocked in this context as discussed in section13.1.1
above and further below, these two configurations are disqualified as instances
of type C, much as is their light correspondent xPxx. An alternative scansion as
typeA3, however, is also unviable, as the drop is not as eligible to accommodate lexically stressed syllables, primary-stressed ones in particular, and still less qualified to
attract stressed material of larger size (disyllables). Thus, the alignment of stressed
707
disyllables to the drop is less likely to be implemented than that of unstressed ones;
hence, the attested uneven distribution pattern that favors the lightest configuration
xPxx at the expense of the heavier ones xPpx and xPsx.
The nearly exclusive occurrence of long syllables in the second lift (to be explained
below; Table13.45), in conjunction with the dominance of the long first lift (70 examples; Table13.46) over the resolved one (2 examples), may lead us to suspect that the
c-verse does not conform to the traditional association between the long first lift and
the short second one that is in force in the a-/b-verse of ljahttr (section12.1.9), as
well as in fornyrislag and mlahttr. This prediction is in fact borne out, as illustrated in Table13.46.
We may naturally wonder at this point what would have brought about this disruption of the time-honored convention. Given that it is observed in the a-/b-verse,
it seems far from feasible to assume that the practice would simply have died out in
ljahttr. Rather, we would be inclined to infer that the breakdown would have constituted a well-motivated metrical reorganization that is unique to the c-verse. In this
connection, it is worth recalling that the second drop is expanded in its realization,
amenable as it is to larger materials than the minimal word-final syllable (Table13.43).
The drop thus has access to a greater amount of prominence, in accordance with its
reallocation from absolute final to medial position.
Such a potential increase of prominence made accessible in turn has consequences on the immediately preceding position, the second lift. In opposition to the
now expandable drop, the lift in question becomes subject to a demand for greater
prominence in order to keep an optimal distinction from it; otherwise, it would
find itself less capable of retaining its identity as a strong metrical position under
the shadow of the following drop that now has resources imminently available for
enhancing prominence.
Thus, the necessity of maintaining a metrical distinction from the following drop
would have made it hardly viable to conform to the traditional alignment to a short
stressed syllable in the context at issue, much as in the analogous situations found in
types A1 (Pxpx; section13.1.1) and A3 (xpx; section13.1.4) treated earlier. Accordingly, rather than invoking suspension of resolution, the prototypical realization by a
long counterpart comes to be implemented instead, which amounts to the apparent
disruption of the traditional convention solely in the c-verse.
The proposed explanation, furthermore, provides a credible account of the single
exceptional occurrence of the short second lift in Skm 31.8 nn ofanvera mentioned above. Since the second drop is uniquely realized by a medial unstressed syllable, which is in turn followed by a stressed one, it must be characterized as having
restricted access to linguistic material for realization. Given the limited potential for
realization, then, the preceding lift may be realized safely, without endangering the
inherent distinction, by a correspondingly minimal amount of prominence available,
namely, a short stressed syllable.
708
The c-verse
Table13.45.Verse distinction of typeC according to length of the second lift

Second lift
C-verse
Counts
%
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
A-verse
Counts
%
B-verse
Counts
%
Long
Short
73
1
98.65
1.35
164
248
39.81
60.19
59
19
75.64
24.36
105
229
31.44
68.56
Total
74
100
412
100
78
100
334
100
Table13.46.Correlation between the first and the second lift in typeC in regard to their syllable
length
C-verse
Long Second Short second
Long first
Resolved first
Short first
69 (98.57%)
2 (100%)
2 (100%)
Total
1 (1.43%) 70 (100%)
0 (0%) 2 (100%)
0 (0%) 2 (100%)
Long Second
A-/B-verse
Short second
Total
110 (31.79%) 236 (68.21%) 346 (100%)

49 (80.33%) 12 (19.67%) 61 (100%)
5 (100%)
0 (0%)
5 (100%)
The functional account proposed above for the virtual monopoly of the long second
lift in the c-verse has a corresponding formal dimension to it. Upon relocation of the
final drop to medial position, the immediately preceding lift (the second lift) of typeC
falls out of the scope of the rule for suspension of resolution (section4.3.8), which is
reproduced here for the sake of exposition:
(12)
The short stressed syllable must constitute a lift on its own only when it is
followed by the verse-final strings -x# or -Xx#.
Since the verse-final unstressed syllable of typeC in the c-verse is necessarily followed by further material, notably the cadence, the condition no longer obtains for
suspending resolution and accordingly aligning the preceding lift to a short stressed
syllable. Consequently, short syllables in their entirety are disqualified from serving
as legitimate realizations of the second lift in the new metrical environment unique
to the c-verse; therefore, the three short variants, xPpx, xPsx, and xPxx are
excluded as unmetrical in the c-verse, a new generalization that is unparalleled
elsewhere.
We may elaborate further on the interaction of the two features involved in the
organization of the six variants of type C. Inasmuch as the second lift is virtually
limited to long syllables for realization, regardless of its stress properties, it follows
that length outweighs stress as a primary organizer in the c-verse. By contrast, the
variation of the second lift of typeC in the ljahttr a-/b-verse is governed by different ways of organization, as discussed at length in section12.1.9 above. Simply put,
709
stress makes a three-way grouping in the a-verse, and subsequently syllable length
dichotomizes each pair; thus, the two parameters in conjunction determine a relative
departure from the optimal cadence Px, with the result that the following scale of preference obtains: xPPx > xPpx > xPSx/xPsx > xPXx > xPxx. Similarly, stress
outranks length in the b-verse, and in regard to the subordinate feature of length,
however, short syllables prevail over long ones, in accordance with the short disyllable px serving as the canonical ending. As a consequence, the six configurations are
ranked in the b-verse, as follows: xPpx > xPPx > xPsx/xPSx > xPxx > xPXx.
Furthermore, fornyrislag, too, is regulated on the basis of superiority of stress over
length in either verse (section2.8.2). In the a-verse, the six configurations are broadly
grouped into three sets depending on stress properties, resulting in the following
scale of preference: xPpx > xPPx > xPsx > xPSx > xPXx/xPxx. In the b-verse,
the stress that figures in the minimally distinct form of the opposition between presence and absence of lexical stress works as a primary dividing parameter, with length
playing a supplementary role within the two major divisions. Consequently, the scale
that obtains in the b-verse is as follows: xPPx > xPSx > xPpx > xPsx > xPXx >
xPxx. As should become clear from these comparisons, the ljahttr c-verse proves
to be unique in that length outweighs stress in organizing the variation of the second
lift in scalar terms.
The verse-internal environment to which typeC is now relocated upon composition as a part of the c-verse is radically different from the familiar one in which it
occurs as an autonomous verse elsewhere. As discussed earlier in this section, the
increased prominence of the final drop concomitant with relocation requires the
preceding lift (the second lift) to be realized in correspondingly more prominent
shape. Specifically, suspension of resolution, which lays the foundation for licensing short syllables as realizations of the second lift of typeC in other locations (e.g.,
the a-/b-verse of ljahttr), proves to be hardly compatible with the new context.
Thus divorced from the rule for suspension of resolution, the second lift is no longer
left with the option of being aligned to a short syllable alone: the privileged status
of short syllables as legitimate realizations of the second lift of type C is thereby
utterly subverted. This radical subversion then leads to a reversal of the two features in their relative ranking of organizing power: as short syllables are excluded
as a whole, the parameter of syllable length with a fixed value as long comes to play
a pivotal role.
The foregoing discussion, then, provides an explanatory account of why long syllables as a whole category are privileged as realizations of the second lift of typeC
at the expense of short ones, the restriction that uniquely applies to the c-verse of
ljahttr. This account, however, leaves totally untouched another outstanding
property of the preference scale for the variants of typeC: among the three configurations with the long second lift, the variant xPSx occurs with a conspicuously
higher incidence than the other two, notably the form xPPx. The predominance of
secondary-stressed syllables in the second lift is no less unique to the c-verse than the
710
The c-verse
monopoly of long syllables in it. As mentioned above, in the ljahttr a-/b-verse and
also in fornyrislag primary-stressed syllables serve as prototypical, most frequent
occupants of the second lift of typeC. In more substantive terms, the proportion of
secondary to primary stress in the c-verse differs significantly from those in the a-/bverse with a p-value of less than 0.001. We may naturally wonder: Why does the otherwise marked secondary stress prevail over the otherwise unmarked primary one?
The key to explanation lies once again in the syntagmatic specifics involved in
the composition of typeC, namely, the succession of two lifts. While suspension of
resolution is out of function, a weakening of prominence on the second of two successive lifts is still in effect, because the underlying prosodic motivation for it a stress
clash remains in power. Under this circumstance, the alignment of the second lift
to a primary stressed syllable, otherwise the unmarked mode of alignment, would
amount to loading too much prominence than is due, unless the overriding factor of
resolution on the first lift comes into play, which rarely occurs here (Table13.46). With
suspension of resolution no longer available as a means of readjustment, the only
possible option left would be to utilize the syllables that are most prominent next to
the primary-stressed ones, namely, the secondary-stressed long syllables. To downgrade so far as to unstressed syllables for alignment, however, would be far-fetched
and less appealing: a linguistic realization of a lift by an unstressed syllable is generally the least typical one; and more particularly the configuration xPXx counts as
too peripheral a variant of typeC. In more general terms, this privileged alignment
of the second lift of typeC to the secondary-stressed syllable may be characterized
as one of the recurrent manifestations of prominence reduction that permeates the
c-verse.
Table 13.47 shows the range of variation on the cadence: of the three variants
available, the disyllable px figures most prominently, thereby prevailing over the
monosyllable P. The degree of relative preference for the short disyllabic cadence (px
and sx) over the monosyllabic one (P and S) is comparable to types aA1 (p=1) and
A3 (p=0.302), but not as strong as in types A1- (p<0.001), A3- (p=0.002), and B
(p=0.003). An explanatory account can readily be provided for why typeC is grouped
with types aA1 and A3 in opposition to types A1-, A3-, and B. The presence versus
absence of an overt drop intervening between the second lift and the cadence plays a
crucial role here. In relative, syntagmatic terms, the direct concatenation of the two
strong positions would tend to prevent the second from being fully realized because
of the preceding, more prominent one, without a special reinforcement device, which
comes into operation by normally aligning the second of the two consecutive lifts (i.e.,
the cadence) to the maximally prominent syllable, the short disyllable, but occasionally implementing alignment even to long disyllables, too. In the absence of the two
clashing lifts in the last two positions, however, no such supportive mechanism needs
to be invoked; accordingly, no special opportunity arises for minimizing incidence of
the monosyllabic cadence.
711
Table13.47.Cadence variants of typeC

Cadence
Counts
px
P
Sx
48
25
1
64.86
33.78
1.35
Total
74
100
Finally, nine of the typeC verses can be scanned as typeD with anacrusis: Hav 154.3
at biarga fari mno floti, Vm 10.6 hveim er vi kaldrifiaan kmr, Grm 24.3 sv hygg ec
Bilscrni me bugom, Skm 17.6 r salkynni at si, 18.6 yor salkynni at si, HHv 17.3 ann
vissa ec mtcastan iotun, Fm 6.6 ef barnsco er blaur, 23.6 ic qve ec blauastan
alinn, and 24.4 hverr blauastr er alinn. This alternative scansion, however, does not
seem to be fully credible for the following reason. The initial upbeat, which would
be regarded as anacrusis according to the scansion as type aD, would be distributed
in terms of syllable size, as follows: 2 monosyllables, 2 disyllables, 4 trisyllables, and
1 quadrisyllable. The size of anacrusis in other anacrustic verses (58 type aA1 and 1
subtype aA1s), however, differs significantly from the profile that is evinced by these
nine examples: 37 monosyllables, 14 disyllables, 6 trisyllables, and 2 quadrisyllables.
The two groups are distinguished sharply according to the major index for measuring the size of weak positions, that is, the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables, with a p-value of 0.031. The alleged anacrusis of type aD, therefore, turns out
to be significantly longer than that attached to type A1. By contrast, this oversize
by the standard of anacrusis proves to be in harmony with the first drop of typeC,
which comprises the following syllable concatenations: 13 monosyllables, 28 disyllables, 16 trisyllables, 5 quadrisyllables, 2 pentasyllables, and 1 hexasyllable (compare
Table13.40, which includes the nine verses under consideration). Performing, then,
a Fishers test on the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables in these groups
results in a p-value of 1, a perfect match with each other. We may therefore conclude
that the initial upbeat in the configurations xPPxpx/xPSxpx/xPSxP must
be identified as the first drop of typeC, rather than the verse-initial upbeat of typeD
expanded with anacrusis.
On the other hand, the scansion as typeC can hardly be accepted without reservation. The scansion of these verses as type D with anacrusis would lead to the
occurrence of the anacrustic variant relative to the regular one, 9 as against 17
(section13.1.11). This proportion makes no significant difference from the corresponding distribution of typeA1 with anacrusis to without, 58 as against 195, with a p-value
of 0.226. By contrast, the distribution of 0 with anacrusis and 17 without anacrusis
for typeD that the scansion as typeC would incur is significantly different from the
pattern of typeA1 (p=0.028). Since anacrusis is assumed to occur randomly without
regard to the verse types (section 13.1.2), we would expect anacrusis to apply with
712
The c-verse
indistinguishable probabilities to types A1, D, and E, the three types that begin with
a lift. The resultant disparity between types A1 and D, however, would contradict our
prediction, and accordingly put the underlying scansion as typeC under suspicion.
Thus, the two competing scansions have their own strengths and weaknesses,
which makes it hardly viable to choose one over the other once and for all. Given,
however, that anacrusis counts as an additional element that is extraneous to the
c-verse proper in composition (section13.1.2), we would be led to opt for the identification as typeC, which does not require this extra entity for scansion.
13.1.10Type C- (/ / [])
There are thirteen instances of typeC-, the configuration xPP that scans as typeC- in
the a-/b-verse and is augmented with the cadence /, as exemplified in (13):29
(13)
Hav 54.6 er vel mart vito [x#P#P#px]

Hav 92.3 s er vill flis st f [x#x#x#P#P#P]
Alv 10.6 kalla aur upregin [xx#P#Psx]
Skm 42.6 enn si hlf hntt [x#x#P#PS]
The first drop ranges from one to four syllables, distributed as shown in Table13.48.
While no significant difference is ascertainable in the ratio of monosyllables to polysyllables between the c-verse and the a-/b-verse on statistical grounds (p=0.152), the
overall smaller size of the c-verse can be recognized as a contingent fact at an observational level, as with typeC (section13.1.9).
Table13.48.Size of the first drop of typeC- (c-verse and a-/b-verse) and typeC (c-verse; xPPx)
Syllables
Counts
1
2
3
4
5
Total
Type C-
C-verse
%
Type C
C-verse
A-/B-verse
Counts
Counts
6
4
1
2
0
46.15
30.77
7.69
15.38
0
9
20
11
1
0
21.95
48.78
26.83
2.44
0
2
3
4
1
1
18.18
27.27
36.36
9.09
9.09
13
100
41
100
11
100
29Hav 54.6, 92.3, 139.6, 142.7, Grm 26.6, Skm 42.6, Ls 48.6, 51.6, Alv 10.6, HHv21.6, Fm2.6, 12.3, 14.3.
713
Of further interest, it is by no means true that typeC- is loaded with the longer first
drop than typeC with the primary-stressed second lift (Table13.48), despite the expectation to the contrary that we hold by drawing on types A1- and A3-: with a p-value
of 0.080, the proportion of the monosyllabic to the polysyllabic first drop does not
differ significantly between the two types. Thus, the trade-off in size between the first
and the second drop, the generalization that has been shown to be valid for the other
catalectic types (A1- and A3-), does not hold for this one.
Another feature of typeC- in distinction from typeC deserves notice: all instances
of typeC- have the second lift filled by primary-stressed syllables, whereas secondary-stressed syllables constitute the vast majority in the corresponding position of
typeC (Table13.39). The distribution is of significant difference (p<0.001): 13 primary
stresses versus 0 secondary stresses in typeC-; 12 primary stresses versus 54 secondary ones in typeC. The above three properties of typeC-, all apparently aberrant in
their own ways through comparison with closely related types, will be shown to be
derivable from a common structural cause that is peculiar to typeC-.
Of the thirteen examples of typeC-, four could alternatively be scanned as typeD
with anacrusis and the cadence . At issue are the following four configurations, with
alliteration falling on the first two lifts (aax): xPPpx (Hav 139.6 fell ec aptr aan, Ls
48.6 oc vaca vorr goa, Fm 2.6 geng ec einn saman) and xPPsx (Alv 10.6 kalla aur
upregin). These four verses, then, would allegedly constitute anacrustic counterparts
of the configurations PPpx (e.g., Hav 51.3 frir fimm daga) and PPsx (e.g., Skm 39.3
lundr lognfara). The latter two configurations, attested six times altogether (Hav 43.6,
51.3, Skm 4.3, 39.3, 41.3, Rm 6.3), could be regarded as typeD with the zero cadence, in
conjunction with the configuration (x)PPSx (Hav 49.3, Ls 15.3), which could also be
scanned as typeD (section13.1.11). In addition, Hav 142.7 oc reist hroptr rgna could
be analyzed as typeA2a with anacrusis and the zero cadence, in which the first drop
is realized by an independent lexical word hroptr.
On the other hand, the five instances of type C- as follows, being of the same
composition but with the alternative pattern of alliteration axa, are incompatible with
such a competing scansion as typeD with anacrusis: Hav 54.6 er vel mart vito, Grm
26.6 aan eigo vtn ll vega, Ls 51.6 r kld r koma, Fm 12.3 and 14.3 oc vel mart
vita. Furthermore, the remaining three examples of typeC- end in the monosyllabic
cadence P or S, which also defy identification with typeD, regardless of the alliterative modes actualized, aax or axa: Hav 92.3 s er vill flis st f, Skm 42.6 enn si hlf
hntt, HHv 21.6 oc sveigia inn hala, Hrmgerr.
Thus, we need to postulate typeC- on independent grounds, despite its potentially partial reducibility to types A2a and D by positing a variant with the cadence
for each. These rescansions as types A2a and D with anacrusis, however, are objectionable, given the strong arguments against the zero cadence variant itself that have
been adduced above on empirical and theoretical grounds.
Five different forms are found to be serving as the cadence of typeC-, as indicated
in Table13.49. Of immediate concern is the proportion of the disyllables px/sx to the
714
The c-verse
monosyllable P/S. By virtue of the zero realization of the second drop characteristic of
typeC-, we would predict on the basis of the analogous properties of types A1- and A3that the disyllabic variants should figure outstandingly among the varying cadence
forms. More concretely, we may expect that the distribution pattern of the cadence
variants in typeC- will be similar to those of types A1- and A3-, and conversely different from those of types aA1 and A3. As it turns out, however, the predictions do
not seem to be borne out by the facts. We obtain the following figures concerning the
significance of differences (or lack thereof) between type C- and each of the types
mentioned above: p=0.020 against typeA1-; p=0.366 against typeA3-; p=0.740
against typeA1 with anacrusis; p=0.375 against typeA3. On the whole, typeC- is
indistinguishable from other types, with the exception of typeA1-.30 This is quite puzzling. While the lack of significance itself may be understood as a consequence of the
small sample involved, the only case of a significant difference goes counter to what
is predicted. Despite the null second drop commonly involved, typeC- diverges from
typeA1- through its relatively low incidence of the disyllabic cadence. In any event,
what would appear to be unexpected is the comparatively small number of the disyllabic cadence variants used in typeC-. We may in turn wonder what inhibits use of the
disyllabic cadences for this type.
In this regard, we may recall that the first drop of typeC- cannot be characterized
on statistical grounds as longer than that of the regular one in defiance of the generalization that is otherwise in full force: the suppression of the second drop does not
result in an expansion of the first drop exclusively in typeC-. Taken together, then, the
compensation mechanism otherwise expected to come into function apparently does
not work at all in typeC-: neither the preceding drop (the first drop) nor the following
lift (the cadence) receive reinforcement in prominence.
In the face of the concurrent dysfunction of the generalization on two fronts, we
may suspect that, rather than pure accident, there must be some structural property
(or properties) at work in the background, a factor (or a complex of factors) that works
uniquely in typeC-. At stake seems to be the context peculiar to this type in which
the null second drop is preceded by a succession of two lifts. That is, the second drop
is relocated as a verse-internal position after the two consecutive lifts, the metrical
syntagm that is limited to types C and C- in the c-verse. As discussed in detail in the
last section, upon relocation of the originally verse-final, second drop to verse-internal position, the preceding second lift falls out of the purview of the rule for suspension of resolution. This then inhibits the lift in question from being aligned to a short
syllable in its own right: it must be realized as long in terms of syllable length.
30We should not leave unmentioned, however, the fact that, with all other types, type C-, too, is
differentiated significantly from typeA1 by the preponderance of the disyllabic variant over the monosyllabic one (p=0.014).
715
So far the same structural conditioning applies to typeC- as to typeC. Unique

to the catalectic type, however, is the zero realization of the second drop, which
must then be held primarily responsible for the above array of peculiarities that are
observed exclusively in this type. Inasmuch as the following drop is immaterialized
in type C-, the immediately preceding lift becomes qualified for receiving greater
prominence than where it is followed by the manifest drop, by the following mechanism. As argued in section13.1.9 above, on account of the contiguity of the two lifts,
the second one is optimally aligned to a secondary-stressed syllable, rather than a
primary-stressed one, which will count as a prototypical realization of the lift in other
contexts: the weakening of the second lift eclipsed by the more prominent, preceding
one, is not eligible for the prototypical mode of alignment. The second lift of typeC-,
however, is followed by the drop that is less than minimally manifested, namely, null
in substance. At this point, the mechanism of compensation that has recurrently
been invoked comes into the picture: because of the absolute absence of whatever
prominence would otherwise be charged with the second drop, the resultant extra
low amount must be counterbalanced by a corresponding gain in another position.
The solution that is adopted is to use the immediately preceding lift as a main position for accommodating additional prominence due. Consequently, the second lift
thus chosen comes to be occupied by a primary-stressed (long) syllable, which commands greater prominence than a secondary-stressed one, the normal realization of
the same position in the regular type, typeC. Thus, the syntagmatic specifics unique
to type C- privileges the closest-standing, preceding position, the second lift, as a
target for compensation, and in doing so preempts the other options otherwise open
to implementation.
Moreover, since the first drop serves as a recipient of compensation in contexts
where catalexis is not involved, it may be characterized as more amenable to the
process than the cadence. This bias in directionality of operation may accordingly
prioritize progressive (forward) compensation. And the immediate adjacency of the
preceding lift may maximize its availability at the expense of the first drop standing
at a greater distance from the position involved in loss of prominence. In this way, the
second lift of typeC- when occurring in the c-verse is more likely to be realized by a
primary-stressed syllable than by a secondary-stressed one by compensation for the
loss of prominence contingent on null realization of the second drop; this option of
compensation uniquely accessible to type C- in turn blocks implementation of the
other choices that would normally be available.
The account proposed above entails empirical implications that deserve to be
verified. Of particular interest are the following test implications on the scansion of
the configurations xPSpx/xPSP. As mentioned briefly in section12.1.4 above, these
verses are open to two alternative scansions, typeA3 on the one hand, and typeC- on
the other. If they should be identified as typeC- rather than as typeA3, they would
be likely to occur with a significantly lower incidence than xPPpx/xPPsx; for the
reason adduced above, the second lift of typeC- is more likely to be realized by pri-
716
The c-verse
mary-stressed syllables. On the other hand, if the same verse forms should be attested
in significantly larger numbers than the configurations xPPpx/xPPsx, they would
have to be categorized as typeA3: given that they ought to be characterized as peripheral and hence rare realizations of typeC- if they had to be subsumed under this type,
only the alternative scansion as type A3 would be compatible with relatively large
occurrences.
As it turns out, the configurations xPSpx/xPSP under discussion are attested
twenty-five times in the corpus, certainly almost twice as many as the heavier counterparts, xPPpx/xPPP. In light of this numerical difference, we must subsume the
verses in question under typeA3. The question arising then is: Does the scansion thus
arrived at through a chain of theoretical reasoning have empirical support at all? The
answer is in the affirmative: as pointed out in note13, section12.1.4 above, the configuration xPS occurring in the a-/b-verse displays a verse distinction pattern that is
indistinguishable from that of xPx (p=0.442) and significantly different from that
of xPP (p = 0.045). Thus, there is good reason to claim that the configuration x
PS constitutes a (noncentral) variant of type A3 in the a-/b-verse (subtype A3b; see
section12.2 above), which is realized as xPx more commonly (a total of 127 examples;
see section12.1 4 above). Hence, it may follow that the corresponding configurations
xPSpx and xPSP should be identified as marked variants of typeA3 in the c-verse.
To the extent that the implications have thus been shown to be empirically verified, we are justified in claiming the feasibility of the underlying account provided for
the exclusive occurrence of primary-stressed syllables on the second lift of typeC-,
along with the ancillary explanation for the relatively small size of the first drop and
the comparatively low incidence of the disyllabic cadence in this type.
Table13.49.Cadence variants of typeCCadence
px
S
P
sx
Px
Total
Counts
8
2
1
1
1
61.54
15.38
7.69
7.69
7.69
13
100
13.1.11Type D (/ / )
We count seventeen instances of typeD, which comprises two lifts and two drops in
that order (/ / ) followed by the cadence /. This type may be divided into several
variants depending on whether the second lift bears a primary or a secondary stress,
717
and also on degrees of prominence in the two successive drops relative to each
other.31 In addition, there are nine verses that could be regarded as typeD with anacrusis, the scansion that we rejected in favor of typeC in section13.1.9 above, however.
(14)
Vm 33.6 sexhfaan son [PSxx#P]

Grm 38.3 scioldr, scnanda goi [P#PXx#px]
Ls 17.3 vergiarnasta vera [PSXx#px]
HHv 23.6 scass up undir scipi [P#P#xx#px]
Grm 10.3 salkynni at si [PSx#x#P]
Hav 57.3 funi qveykiz at funa [px#Px#x#px]
Most outstanding about this verse type is the preponderance of the secondarystressed second lift over the primary-stressed one. Specifically, only four out of a total
of seventeen examples of typeD attested in the c-verse Hav 57.3, Grm 38.3, Ls 23.6,
HHv 23.6 have their second lift realized by a primary-stressed syllable. In comparison, the same position is invariably primary-stressed in all of the sixteen typeD verses
occurring in the a-/b-verse. These distributions prove to be of significant difference
(p<0.001): the second lift is thus far more likely to be filled by secondary-stressed
syllables in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse. Since the lift is normally realized by a
primary-stressed syllable, the c-verse must be regarded as deviant in this respect and
thus calls for explanation.
In this connection, it seems to be of vital importance to bring to bear on our
current issue the largely reduced size of the first drop in the c-verse, notably in types
A1 and B: it tends to be realized by shorter linguistic material in the c-verse than in the
a-/b-verse. Of greater relevance, the second lift of typeC is more likely to be filled by
secondary-stressed syllables in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse (section13.1.9). Since
the reduced degree of stress in question is regarded as equivalent to the decreased
prominence, the overwhelming predominance of secondary stress in the c-verse can
be viewed as another manifestation of diminished prominence there in comparison
with the a-/b-verse.
Drawing on the conspicuous presence of the secondary-stressed second lift, more
specifically the configurations PSxxP and PSxxpx (Hav 117.7, 123.6, 153.3, Vm 33.6,
48.6, Grm 9.3, 10.3, 21.6, 43.3, 46.6, Ls 17.3, 21.6, Sd 13.3), one might be tempted to argue
that these verses, and also three of those with the primary-stressed second lift with
the alliterative pattern axa (Hav 57.3, Ls 23.6, HHv 23.6) sixteen altogether should
be identified as typeE with the zero cadence, the kind of rescansion that was explored
in vain for the configurations xPxP/xPxpx (allegedly type B; section 13.1.4),
xPpx (allegedly type C; section 13.1.7), and xPPpx (allegedly type D with ana-
31Hav 57.3, 117.7, 123.6, 153.3, Vm 33.6, 48.6, Grm 9.3, 10.3, 21.6, 38.3, 43.3, 46.6, Ls 17.3, 21.6, 23.6,
HHv23.6, Sd13.3.
718
The c-verse
crusis; section 13.1.10). Against this reanalysis, we can reiterate basically the same
refutation. The rescansion would give rise to a wealth of the variant with the zero
cadence (sixteen counts), which would far exceed the normal realization of type E
with the manifest cadence (two counts; section13.1.14) in a way that squarely contradicts the notion of a zero entity postulated as an exceptionally marked variant.
Moreover, the reanalysis would be confronted with a further difficulty of accounting
for why such a seemingly disparate grouping of types B, C, D, and E should commonly allow for their ample use as full c-verses on their own, where the vast majority
are structured in the composite way of ending in an overt semiautonomous unit, the
cadence.
Table13.50 shows the distribution of the two cadence variants available to typeD
in the c-verse. As usual, the short disyllable figures more prominently, followed by the
monosyllable.
Table13.50.Cadence variants of typeD
Cadence
Counts
px
P
12
5
70.59
29.41
Total
17
100
13.1.12Type D- (/ / [])
This type is a catalectic variant of typeD treated in the preceding section, the configuration in which the cadence (px or P) is preceded by the sequences PPx or PSx including the resolved first lift (px), as exemplified in (15). We count fifty-eight instances all
told.32
(15)
Hav 12.3 l alda sona [P#Px#px]

Skm 6.3mr ta mey [P#Px#P]
Grm 8.6 vpndaua vera [PSx#px]
Sd 8.6 meinblandinn mior [PSx#P]
The ratio of typeD- to typeD does not differ significantly between the c-verse on the
one hand and the a-/b-verse on the other. There are 58 typeD- verses and 17 typeD
verses in the c-verse, while 33 typeD- and 11 typeD verses (without anacrusis) are
719
found in the a-/b-verse. The p-value obtained from this contingency table is 0.825:
type D- is three times as likely to occur as type D without appreciable difference
between the c-verse and the a-/b-verse.
As with typeD, the second lift of typeD- is more likely to be realized by a secondary-stressed syllable in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse. Among a total of 58
type D- verses attested in the c-verse, 35 (60.34%) have the second lift filled by a
primary-stressed syllable. On the other hand, as many as 28 (84.85%) out of a total
of 33 display the same feature in the a-/b-verse (compare Hartman 2011: 251). The
distributions involved are significantly different (p = 0.018). On closer inspection,
the difference will become more pronounced: the verse expression voromc, dvergr,
at vitir, with the primary-stressed second lift, is the only type D- example in the
c-verse in Alv, but is repeated verbatim thirteen times (Alv 9.3, 11.3, 13.3, 15.3, 17.3,
19.3, 21.3, 23.3, 25.3, 27.3, 29.3, 31.3, 33.3). Such a formulaic use may considerably bias
the overall distribution pattern, one would suspect. In this light, we may reasonably
infer that the secondary-stressed second lift would have been far more favored in
the c-verse in terms of metrical organization than is suggested in the corpus as the
performance data.
Depending on the alliterative patterns actualized, typeD- is open to varying alternative scansions by invoking the zero cadence. With the pattern of aax, as in Hav 12.3
given above, this type may be rescanned as typeD; there are seven such examples:
Hav 12.3, 118.3, 138.6, 143.3, Grm 21.3, 49.6, Ls 11.6. On the other hand, where alliteration affects the first and the last strong position (axa), one might propose scansion as
typeE, as with Sd 8.6 illustrated above; the remaining fifty-one verses are subsumed
under this group. By these two alternative scansions, then, type D- will be wholly
reducible to types D and E.
While this reduction in the inventory of verse types available to the c-verse might
count as an advantage, whereby one could constrain the set of legitimate c-verses
more narrowly, this alleged success must be paid for at an unjustifiably high price.
The zero cadence variant that must be invoked in either rescansion would be bound
to occur beyond control so much so that this conceptually exceptional entity would
eventually turn out to be a normal cadence, thereby far exceeding other options
that would otherwise be expected to prevail, notably the short disyllable px and the
long monosyllable P. By far the more outrageous situation would arise in typeE, in
which fifty-one examples would end in as noted above, whereas only two extremely
suspicious verses are augmented with an explicit cadence variant (for details, see
section13.1.14 below).
In addition to the intractable difficulty with the zero variant, the whole set of
legitimate verse types for the c-verse would have to be expanded by including typeE
as a regular member; in the alternative scansion proposed above, typeE, along with
typeD* (section13.1.13), is excluded from the inventory of legitimate verse types in the
c-verse (section13.2). Contrary to the initial claim, then, the reduction of typeD- to
typeE would not lead to a simplified account of the whole inventory of the c-verse.
720
The c-verse
The cadence of typeD- has two variants, the short disyllable and the long monosyllable, of which the disyllable occurs by far more frequently (Table13.51), as with
types A1-, A3-, and B, and in contrast to types A3 and C, in which the two variants
are distributed without an outstanding difference in incidence in the population of
comparable size.
Table13.51.Cadence variants of typeDCadence
Counts
px
P
49
9
84.48
15.52
Total
58
100
So far, the preponderance of the disyllabic cadence has been ascribed to the occurrence of the second lift in the immediately preceding place in terms of surface realization, whether originally so composed in the underlying structure or secondarily
derived by catalexis. While no other metrical position intervenes between the last
two lifts in underlying representation in typeB, the other types, all being catalectic,
have the unrealized drop between the two lifts. Accordingly, we have been assuming
that the resultant juxtaposition at the surface level overrides the arrangement at the
underlying one. The treatment of typeD-, however, requires revision in our account.
In it, the cadence is not immediately preceded by the second lift even at the level of
surface representation: the first drop constantly stands in between.
In this light, the consecutive occurrence of two lifts at the end cannot be regarded
as a necessary condition for increased use of the disyllabic cadence variant. A further
condition must be identified to account for the analogous behavior of typeD-. Actually, however, we already have at our disposal a principled account: at issue is the
presence of the unrealized drop immediately before the cadence, a structural condition that all types except typeB fully satisfy. Accordingly, rather than relegate it to the
background as an epiphenomenon, we must resurrect catalexis as an autonomous
condition for privileging the disyllabic cadence: while not a necessary condition in
itself, catalexis constitutes a sufficient one. Of no less importance, it can also give
rise to another independent factor contingently, namely, the contiguity of two lifts at
the end of a verse. This configuration in turn induces in its own right extensive use
of the disyllabic cadence by serving as a sufficient but not necessary condition for it.
Thus, the conspicuous occurrence of the disyllabic cadence owes to a pair of structural factors that work autonomously on their own but largely overlap in their scope
of operation.
721
13.1.13Type D* (/ / )
Only a single verse could possibly be subsumed under this type, as given below:
(16)
Grm 49.10 Gndlir oc Hrbarr me goom [Px#x#PS#x#px]
Alternatively, this verse can be scanned as a rare example of typeA1, in which the
second drop is aligned to a disyllable beginning with a stressed one, -S#x# (-barr
me). The closest parallel would be Grm 14.3 sessa kostom sal, in which the second
drop is realized by a disyllabic string -x#x# (-tom ). Since the compound noun
involved is a proper name, the stress on the second syllable may be minimally distinct from a long syllable lacking a lexical stress. In the absence of the prototypical
realizations of typeD*, such as PxPSx# or PxPsx#, we may as well scan this verse
as typeA1.
13.1.14Type E (/ \ /)
There are no definite examples of the configurations that instantiate typeE in its prototypical form, namely, PSx#P#px and PSx#P#P, in which the sequence PSx constitutes a common compound noun. What would be regarded as the closest approximations are the following two verses:
(17)
Grm 33.5 Duneyrr oc Durarr [PS#x#pxS]

Grm 34.6 Grbacr oc Grafvllur [PS#x#PSx]
In the absence of prototypical instantiations, however, the first example may be

scanned as subtypeA1s like Hav 69.3 sumr er af sonom sll [P#x#x#px#P], and the
second one, as typeA1- like Vm 42.6 segir i sannasta [px#x#x#PXx]. Containing
a secondary-stressed syllable in the first drop, and ending in the cadence variant Sx
(Grm 34.6 only), both would seem to be highly unusual. The exclusive use of proper
nouns as occupants of the lifts and the proximate appearance of these verses in a
single poem would strengthen our suspicion on the metrical peripherality of these
configurations. It should also be noted that these two unusual verses occur in the
same poem as the dubious example of typeD* (Grm 49.10) treated immediately above
(section13.1.13).
722
The c-verse
13.1.15Two-position verses
A small number of verses should be identified as consisting of a two-position verse
(section 12.1.15) and the cadence. There are twenty-one such cases, as illustrated
below:33
(18)
Hav 51.3 frir fimm daga [P#P#px]

Hav 139.3 nsta ec nir [Px#x#P]
Skm 4.3 mikinn mtrega [px#Psx]
Hrbl 18.8 grund um grfo [P#x#Px]
Ls 15.3 Bragi, beccscrautur [px#PSx]
In the above examples, the concatenations PP, Pxx, pxP, Px, and pxP constitute the
body of two-position verses, and end in the cadence, px, P, sx, Px, and Sx, respectively.
As far as the composition of the main part is concerned, the string Px constitutes
the majority in the c-verse: we count twelve such examples (Hav 63.6, 139.3, 162.8,
162.9, Vm 15.6, 16.3, Grm 27.6, 33.4, 49.7, Hrbl 18.8, Ls 33.3, Sd 19.8). The predominance
of weak syllables in the second position stands in sharp contrast to the a-/b-verse,
in which the heavier sequences, most frequently PP, and following next, PS, prevail
(section12.1.15).
Such a discrepancy in the structure of two-position verses between the c-verse
and the a-/b-verse readily receives a principled explanation. The vast majority of
verses that initiate the c-verse are reduced in some way or other by the standard of
their corresponding verse types occurring in the a-/b-verse: for the most part, the first
drop tends to be filled by a smaller number of syllables in the c-verse, as in types A1
(section13.1.1) and B (section13.1.8), for example; furthermore, the second lift is at
times more likely to be realized by secondary-stressed syllables rather than primary
ones as is normally expected as in types C (section13.1.9) and D (section13.1.11). The
overall reduction in prominence in the c-verse, then, provides an explanatory account
of the ascendancy of the less prominent string Px as the dominant realization in the
c-verse at the expense of the more prominent variants, PP and PS.
Another remarkable feature in the composition of two-position verses in the
c-verse concerns the markedly larger size of the second position: as observed above,
it is often occupied by monosyllabic words, rather than word-final syllables, or even
by polysyllables that stretch over word boundaries, as with Hav 162.8 nt, ef nemr
and Ls 33.3 hs ea hvrs. This longer sequencing of the second position might appear
contradictory to its overall diminished size that is otherwise expected.
33Hav 43.6, 49.3, 51.3, 63.6, 139.3, 162.8, 162.9, Vm 15.6, 16.3, Grm 3.3, 27.6, 33.4, 49.7, Skm 4.3, 39.3,
41.3, Hrbl 18.8, Ls 5.3, 33.3, Sd19.8, Rm6.3.
723
On closer consideration, however, the alleged inconsistency becomes more apparent than real. First, while monosyllabically filled, the position at issue is realized prevailingly by a lexical stress in the a-/b-verse, rather than a single unstressed syllable.
A clustering of unstressed syllables, while certainly more prominent than a single
comparable one occurring on its own, does not match a lexically stressed syllable in
prominence: a string of unstressed syllables still instantiates a normal drop, whereas
a single lexical stress may give rise to a heavy drop, as is demonstrated in the opposition between types A1 and A2a. Second, the sequencing of unstressed syllables in the
weak position that immediately precedes the cadence is an independently motivated
phenomenon that derives from a fundamental principle of verse composition in Old
Germanic meter in general, thereby overriding the local tendency of the initial part of
the c-verse to be reduced in prominence: since the position at issue is located in absolute final position in the a-/b-verse, it is strictly restricted to monosyllables in realization. By contrast, the corresponding position is relocated to a verse-internal place, as
it is now followed by another verse constituent, the cadence. Upon augmentation by
the cadence, then, the position in question becomes eligible for polysyllabic occupation, as are all other verse-initial and internal drops.
Since the vast majority of the two-position verses twenty out of the twenty-one
instances contain only two primary-stressed syllables, they would readily be reanalyzed as four-position verses that normally occur in the a-/b-verse, as represented
below:
(19)
Type A1: Hav 63.6, Grm 49.7, Hrbl 18.8

SubtypeA1s (Pxpx): Vm 15.6, 16.3, Grm 27.6, 33.4
SubtypeA2as (PSpx): Grm 3.3,
Type A1-: Hav 139.3, 162.8, 162.9, Ls 33.3, Sd 19.8
Type D: Hav 43.6, 49.3, 51.3, Skm 4.3, 39.3, 41.3, Ls 15.3, Rm 6.3
The alternative scansion, however, is fraught with serious difficulties. First, inasmuch
as an overwhelming majority of c-verses are composed through an integration of the
two separate constituents the main part and the cadence to identify two-position
verses as normal four-position ones would result in positing the zero cadence at the
end, the extremely problematic notion that has been criticized over and over again in
the discussion so far.
Second, the identification as regular four-position verses would give rise to a
recalcitrant question: Why are the alleged four-position verses, which are largely
shorter and less prominent than the normal complex c-verses, allowed to occur at all,
if only occasionally? What is the formal basis for using such relatively inconspicuous,
short verses in the c-verse, where normally longer lines are expected to occur than in
the a- or b-verse?
These two challenging questions receive principled explanation in the proposed
framework of scansion. First, the characterization as two-position verses conforms
724
The c-verse
fully to the overall bipartite organization of the c-verse whereby verses occurring
independently in the a-/b-verse are followed by the cadence. Actually, two-position
verses, while very marginal, do occur as marked verse types in the a-/b-verse under
strict control, as demonstrated in section 12.1.15 above. And in quite analogous
fashion, two-position c-verses are integrated into the system as peripheral members.
No extra stipulation is thus needed for deriving these marked verses; and an explanatory account is thus successfully provided.
Furthermore, we can reject the rescansion under criticism on more substantive
and specific grounds. At issue are the seven verses that are rescanned as typeA1 (3
examples) or subtype A1s (4 examples), as listed in (19) above. The resulting large
presence of subtypeA1s as against typeA1 would be quite striking. As far as other
explicitly bipartite c-verses are concerned, we count only 5 instances of subtypeA1s
(with or without anacrusis; Hav 69.3, Grm 7.3, 33.5, Ls 65.6, HHv 19.6; section13.1.1) as
against a total of 253 typeA1 verses with or without anacrusis. The two distributions
are significantly different (p<0.001).
Any proponent for rescanning two-position verses as four-position ones would
have to explain why the obviously less prominent variant, subtype A1s, is used as
an autonomous verse in the c-verse with greater preference to the regular variant,
typeA1. On the other hand, the conspicuously larger profile in the c-verse of the configuration Pxpx than the otherwise more common PxPx follows as a matter of
course from the status of the short disyllable as the optimal cadence in the c-verse: in
our framework of scansion, the disyllabic string at issue is identified as nothing but
the cadence, as opposed to the concatenation of the last two positions of subtypeA1s.
The two-position verses are augmented with the following range of cadence variants, as shown in Table13.52. As usual, the short disyllables, px and sx occur most
frequently. Yet, the presence of long disyllables, Px and Sx, is striking, accounting
for a quarter of the total (5 out of 21). This situation seems to be somewhat comparable to that in typeB, in which we find 9 long disyllables in a total of 53 examples
(Table13.36, section13.1.8). In fact, the distribution patterns involved do not differ
significantly (p=0.522).
The clustering of these two verse types as the privileged sites for overlong cadence
variants would lead us to suspect that similar favorable conditions for using them are
commonly at work. In section 13.1.8 above, we identified the contiguity of two lifts
at the end of type B verses as responsible for inducing greater prominence than is
properly due on the cadence as a result of hyperadjustment: the prominence being
overshadowed by the immediately preceding lift requires reinforcement, which may
at times be implemented too far.
The same condition, however, does not apply to two-position verses, in which the
cadence is directly preceded by two empty metrical positions that are constitutive of
the main part of the c-verse: as demonstrated in section12.1.15 above, two-position
verses leave the last two positions unrealized on the surface. Given this analysis, none
of the two-position c-verses satisfies the condition of immediate adjacency of the
725
second lift and the cadence lift, in sharp contrast to typeB, which meets it categorically. We must accordingly seek another motivation for the favored use of overlong
cadence variants in two-position verses.
At stake are the last two empty positions of the main part. The lack of material
support for these latent positions means that the actualized verse is loaded with correspondingly diminished prominence, as only two of the four underlying positions
are audible. It may presumably be this radically reduced prominence that would have
induced, as a kind of excessive compensation, the maximally prominent variants to
occur in the cadence.
In this connection, it will be interesting to draw attention to an analogous phenomenon of favoring short disyllables as the cadence, and to call to mind that the preponderance of the short disyllabic cadence is induced by a clustering of two similar,
but independent factors, catalexis and the succession of two lifts at the end of a verse.
Since our present issue concerns the use of long, rather than short, disyllables in the
cadence, it will hardly be surprising that a comparable mechanism is in force here as
well. This parallelism gives added plausibility to identifying the zero realization of
two drops, double catalexis so to speak, as one of the two conditions for the hyperadjustment in question.
Table13.52.Cadence variants of two-position verses
Cadence
px
P
Px
sx
Sx
Total
Counts
8
5
3
3
2
38.10
23.81
14.29
14.29
9.52
21
100
13.2The system of verse types and their realizations

The following verse types constitute the main part of the c-verse through expansion
with the cadence /:
(20)
The inventory of verse types that constitute the main part of the c-verse:
A1 (including subtypeA1s); A2; A3; A1-; A3-; B; C; C-; D; D-; two-position
verses
It is far from true that these types are used without discrimination in preference. On
the contrary, they are distinguished sharply in their likelihood of occurrence. To begin
726
The c-verse
with, let us consider the level of verse classes, disregarding their inner distinctions
bearing on regular and catalectic variants, and null realization of the first lift with a
view to obtaining a macroscopic picture, as represented in Table13.53.
Table13.53.Occurrences of verse classes in the c-verse, the a-/b-verse, and the a-verse
Class
A
B
C
D
D*
E
2 positions
Total
C-verse
Counts
A-verse
Counts
A-/B-verse
Counts
%
875
53
87
75
0
0
21
78.76
4.77
7.83
6.75
0
0
1.89
753
63
105
38
59
31
21
70.37
5.89
9.81
3.55
5.51
2.90
1.96
858
535
453
49
159
62
21
40.15
25.04
21.20
2.29
7.44
2.90
0.98
1111
100
1070
100
2137
100
As it turns out, the distribution pattern evinced by the c-verse is closely paralleled in
terms of ranking and proportion by that in the a-verse, rather than that in the a-verse
and the b-verse combined. In both groups to the exclusion of the last one, class A
ranks first by wide margins, accounting for more than 70% of all occurrences. Next
comes class C, which is far behind class A in relative presence, amounting to less than
10% of the total. While class B constitutes the second largest class in the a-/b-verse
by accounting for a quarter, it falls down to around a 5% ratio in both the c-verse
and the a-verse. Also notable are the two-position verses, which occur exclusively
in the c-verse and the a-verse, with similar proportions in each; on the other hand,
it is totally absent in the b-verse. Given these parallelisms in distribution, we might
be prompted to generalize that the c-verse accommodates verse classes with preference patterns analogous to the a-verse: the verse types are used in the c-verse with
comparable preference and frequency as in the a-verse. Since both the c-verse and the
a-verse initiate lines, whereas the b-verse terminates them, it may follow as a matter
of course that the c-verse is composed in analogous fashion to the a-verse by virtue of
their common structural role as line initiators.
Despite the overall isomorphism brought to light above, however, the generalization provided in the last paragraph leaves unexplained certain outstanding divergences between the two groups.34 Primarily at issue are classes D* and E, which are
34Pointing out several differences between the c-verse and the a-verse that she recognizes in her limited corpus, Hartman (2011: 250252) raises objection to the identification of the c-verse as a concatenation of a normal verse and the cadence. Some of her observations, however, are inaccurate: for
example, the most common verse type in the a-verse is typeA1, rather than typeA1- (typeF in her
terms, following Sieverss), despite her categorical statement (Hartman 2011: 252). Moreover, typeA1-
727
completely absent in the c-verse, but better represented in the a-verse. The difference
can be tellingly shown by reference to two-position verses, which are attested with
more or less similar profiles in both groups: while the two classes in question each
outnumber this class of extra short verses in the a-verse, they fall far behind these
excessively short verses in the c-verse.
In view of the absence of classes D* and E in the c-verse, which would thus resist
wholesale reduction to the distribution pattern in the a-verse, we should account for these
two classes on their own structural terms with strict reference to the c-verse and concomitantly without recourse whatsoever to the a-verse. More specifically, while the vast majority of the verse types that occur in the a-/b-verse counts as eligible for serving as the main
body of the c-verse and is used in accordance with their likelihood of occurrence in the
a-verse, types D* and E are rejected as unacceptable constituents of the c-verse.
In order to disqualify typeD*, we may stipulate that the main constituent of the
c-verse consists of four positions: typeD* is the only type that comprises more than
four positions. It should be recalled that anacrusis, an extra position occurring at the
beginning of a verse, does not strictly belong to the main part of the c-verse: rather,
as argued in section13.1.2 above, it is added to the c-verse as a whole. Given this characterization, anacrusis remains immaterial, as far as we are concerned with the composition of the main constituent of the c-verse. It will also be worth pointing out that
the apparently shorter verses the catalectic and the double catalectic have four
positions at the underlying level, and accordingly they are no less qualified than the
regular verse types.
On the other hand, the virtual absence of typeE, unlike that of typeD*, will not
follow from the constraint against more than four metrical positions per verse. It
might rather be derived from the interaction of two independent factors: first, its marginality in the a-/b-verse, and second, its irreducibility to a less prominent variant, as
it has no access to a weaker configuration than the prototypical one PSxP. Elaborating on the first point, typeE constitutes the smallest class of four-position verses in
the a-/b-verse, next to the class of two-position verses, as illustrated in Table13.53
above. Since it is compatible with the requirement of four positions per verse, typeE
occurs in the c-verse far more frequently than she says it does (Hartman 2011: 252). Even where Hartmans observations on the difference are valid (as noted in the text in appropriate places), they are all
subject to principled explanation, along with many other distinctions that escape her notice, as will be
shown in the following discussion: on the whole, the notable differences in realization and frequency
between the a-verse and the c-verse are motivated by the divergent metrical environments involved.
Thus, the lack of exact parallelism between the two verse groups cannot disprove the adequacy of the
analysis being proposed here, even if it may call into question other versions of analysis, such as Sie
vers (1885) and Russom (2009). Furthermore, given that Hartman (2011: 257) is hardly capable of offering a convincing explanation for the ubiquitous presence of the cadence / in the c-verse, her alternative
account of the c-verse as a lengthened normal verse (hypermetric verse in her terms, i.e., longer than
the standard fornyrislag verse; Hartman 2011: 252258) remains inconclusive and unconvincing.
728
The c-verse
should not be disqualified as categorically as typeD*. Other things being equal, then,
this distinction would be confirmed by the significant difference in occurrence with
which the two types are attested in the c-verse: typeE would accordingly occur more
frequently than typeD*. The prediction, however, is not borne out by the facts.
At this juncture, the second point raised above comes into the picture, which
works as a further hindrance against using typeE as a main part of the c-verse. As
remarked from time to time in the foregoing examination of individual configurations,
and discussed more fully below, the verse types tend to be realized in the c-verse in
reduced form in comparison with their realizations in the a-/b-verse. In contrast to
other types, typeE is exclusively immune to such analogous reduction on its inherent grounds: the kind of prominence-based variation that obtains in other types in
the a-/b-verse is immaterial to typeE, because it is almost constantly realized by the
configuration PSxP which is incapable of weakening (section 12.1.14). To align the
first drop \ to an unstressed syllable, for example, would be out of the question, as
the configurations PXxP and PxxP are ruled out as unmetrical realizations of typeE
(section12.1.14); nor is the second drop reducible in prominence, simply because it
is already minimal in its prototypical form. Thus being further irreducible on its own
structural grounds, typeE does not meet the general pattern of composing the c-verse
by means of downgrading prominence on verse types available in the a-/b-verse.
Seen from a wider perspective, however, the last point assumes added importance: it no longer needs to be viewed as a local condition strictly limited to typeE;
rather, we may meaningfully relate it to the treatment of the heavy drop in general.
What is at issue is typeA2, with two variants, types A2a and A2b. These are the only
configurations, alongside type E, that contain a heavy drop. Of particular interest,
these types, too, seem to be underrepresented in the c-verse, particularly typeA2b, as
shown in Table13.54, which gives the class-internal distribution of class A (excluding
catalectic types) in accordance with its division into types A1, A2a, A2b, and A3. This
observation proves to be valid on statistical grounds: the proportions of types A2a
and A2b (the increased types) combined to typeA1 (the basic type) significantly differ
between the two groups of verses (p<0.001).
Table13.54.Occurrences of class A in the c-verse and the a-verse according to verse types
Type
Counts
C-verse
Counts
A-verse
A1
A1s
A2a
A2b
A3
254
5
8
1
420
36.92
0.73
1.16
0.15
61.05
338
49
20
23
142
59.09
8.57
3.50
4.02
24.83
Total
688
100
572
100
729
Taking now into consideration the very low profile of types A2 and E, as well as that of
typeD*, we may be led to restate the generalization on composition of the c-verse as
follows: the verse types that are more prominent than the canonical structure of two
lifts and two (normal) drops tend to be avoided as a main constituent of the c-verse.
Specifically, types A2 and E are avoided on account of the heavy drop involved,
whereas typeD* is dismissed by virtue of its five-position structure.
Of further importance is the larger number of type A2a verses than type A2b,
despite the contrary pattern that obtains in the a-verse (Table13.54). The distributions
are of significant difference (p=0.028). The demonstrable avoidance of typeA2b in
the c-verse, however, cannot be attributed to the resulting succession of three prominent syllables toward the end of a verse, primary-stressed + secondary-stressed + primary-stressed. The same sequence obtains in the typeA3 variant (subtypeA3b) with
the second drop realized by a secondary-stressed syllable: xPSpx/xPSP. This configuration, however, is attested 25 times as against 392 examples with the second drop
filled by unstressed syllables, xPxpx/xPxP (Table13.27, section13.1.4). By contrast, in regard to the pair of types A1 and A2b that is minimally opposed exactly like
the pair of the two variants of typeA3 just mentioned, we find only a single instance of
typeA2b, whereas we count 254 occurrences of typeA1. The difference in distribution
pattern is of statistical significance (p<0.001). Thus, one might be led to conclude
that the sequence of three lexically stressed syllables toward the end of a verse does
not constitute a sufficient condition for minimizing occurrence of typeA2b.
As it is, however, there are conspicuous differences between type A2b and the
variant of typeA3 (subtypeA3b) xPSpx. First, in contrast to typeA2b, the typeA3
variant leaves the first lift unrealized, which reduces the overall prominence on the
verse. Second, the secondary-stressed syllable standing between the two primary
stresses does not occupy a heavy drop, but a normal one: in terms of paradigmatic
organization, typeA3 is not involved in the binary opposition between normal and
heavy drops that distinguishes typeA2b from typeA1. Failing to evince any systematic metrical distinction from each other, the configurations xPx and xPS reduce
to the same verse type, typeA3, with the stress difference concomitantly relegated to
no more than the status of a variation internal to a single category. Brought together,
then, the configuration xPSpx/xPSP is formally distinct from type A2b; thus, it
does not strictly share the same metrical structure with type A2b, contrary to the
characterization that is misconceived in terms of language material stress in the
preceding paragraph. In short, the heavy variant of typeA3 by no means exceeds the
standard level of prominence prescribed above; therefore, it is more likely to occur
than typeA2b, which violates the requirement of maximal prominence on the verse.
Thus, we have found ourselves driven back to the starting point: What differentiates
the less preferred typeA2b from the more favored typeA2a? Obviously, we must restate
the sequencing in terms of metrical positions, rather than linguistic properties of stress.
Why does the concatenation of lift + heavy drop + lift reduce metrical acceptability at
the end of a verse (typeA2b) to a greater extent than elsewhere (typeA2a)? At issue may
730
The c-verse
probably be the differing perceptibility of the heavy drop relative to its opposite, the
normal drop, in the two locations, that is, toward the verse-initial (the second position)
on the one hand and the verse-final (the penultimate position) on the other. As is generalized in the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions (section1.2), given two like positions in a verse, the one that is closer to the beginning of a verse is the more prominent,
and conversely the farther it stands from the beginning, the less prominent. Since the
normal drop has access to a far wider range of syllable numbers toward the beginning
of a verse, it can be realized in a considerably prominent shape. By contrast, the one
occurring in the penultimate position, which constitutes the rightmost place in which
the normal drop is qualified to occupy in the c-verse, is manifested minimally, usually
by monosyllables particularly by word-finals often by zero material (as in catalectic
verses), and only occasionally by polysyllables. Relative to such variable amounts of
prominence to be contrasted with, lexically stressed syllables in general and secondarystressed ones in particular, will have differing degrees of perceptibility as occupants of
a heavy drop. Specifically, they are recognized as such with greater ease where they are
opposed to the minimal realization of a normal drop than where they have to be differentiated from more salient counterparts. From this perspective, the verse form / / \ /
counts as more obtrusive than / \ / / to the norm of two lifts and two drops per verse:
by virtue of the larger deviation involved, then, it ought to be less likely to occur.
The excessive prominence going beyond the threshold of two lifts and two normal
drops is more detrimental to the main part of the c-verse than what would appear to
be too small an amount of prominence on the surface, as in two-position verses. While
two-position verses are by far the least common type in the a-/b-verse, they occur more
frequently in the c-verse than the overprominent types in question. By no means deviating from the prominence standard, two-position verses are fully qualified as a main
part of the c-verse; their relatively infrequent occurrence is simply derived from their
correspondingly low presence in the a-verse. There should thus be nothing inherently
offensive about the use of two-position verses as a constituent of the c-verse.
A further difference in the ranking of verse types between the c-verse and the
a-verse concerns the varying extent to which class A, the largest class in either group,
is represented in each. With a p-value of less than 0.001, the class figures by far more
outstandingly in the c-verse. In this light, and given that class A as a whole characteristically begins with a lift, we may be justified in generalizing that the main constituent of the c-verse is associated more closely with the initial lift than is the a-verse. In
this way, the c-verse is distinguished from the a-verse by the higher regularity with
which to place a lift at the beginning; it has thus reinforced the line-initiating feature
of the a-verse (section12.2).
The c-verses markedly stronger preference for the verse-initial lift as presented
above is corroborated on independent empirical grounds. At stake is the ascendancy
of class D in the c-verse: it ranks third there, falling slightly behind class C, whereas
it is located far below class C the second largest class all the same in the a-verse.
What interests us most is thus the leveling in the c-verse of the two classes that are
731
diversified in incidence in the a-verse. The increased preference for class D in the
c-verse can accordingly be substantiated in statistical terms by comparing it with the
incidence of class C in both groups (Table13.53). With a p-value of less than 0.001,
class D is represented with a significantly higher profile in the c-verse than in the
a-verse. Since class D shares with class A the distinctive feature of beginning with
a lift, we may provide a principled explanation of the privileged use that this class
enjoys in the c-verse as opposed to the a-verse.
The relative rarity of two-position verses in the c-verse and its comparable presence
in the a-verse we saw above draws further attention to the extent of correspondence
between the c-verse and the a-verse. Our particular concern at this point is the opposition between regular and catalectic types, as represented in Table13.55. As it turns
out, the regular types are preferred to the catalectic ones in three out of the four pairs:
types A1, A3, and C are privileged over types A1-, A3-, and C-, respectively. The remaining pair of types D and D- thus seems to be at variance with the general preference for
the regular types. The proportions of typeD to typeD- in the c-verse on the one hand
and in the a-verse on the other do not differ significantly (p = 0.469). In view of the
predominance of typeD- over typeD in the a-verse, however, this apparent reversal in
favor of the catalectic variant ceases to be as aberrant as it seemed at first glance. And
as we showed in section12.1.11 above, there are good reasons for favoring typeD- at the
expense of typeD in the ljahttr a-verse in contrast to the other pairs of regular and
catalectic types: by virtue of the larger difference in prominence between the two drops
at the end of a verse, the sequence () that is constitutive of typeD- counts as closer
to the optimal cadence Px (/ ) than the concatenation in typeD. We may therefore arrive at the generalization that whatever preference pattern obtains in the a-verse
carries over to the c-verse in regard to the relation between regular and catalectic types.
Table13.55.Occurrences of regular and catalectic verse types in the c-verse and the a-verse
Type
Counts
C-verse
Counts
A-verse
A1
A1Total
254
105
359
70.75
29.25
100
338
110
448
75.45
24.55
100
A3
A3Total
420
82
502
83.67
16.33
100
142
61
203
69.95
30.05
100
C
CTotal
74
13
87
85.06
14.94
100
78
27
105
74.29
25.71
100
D
DTotal
17
58
75
22.67
77.33
100
6
31
37
16.22
83.78
100
732
The c-verse
Returning to Table13.54, we are struck by the reversal in the ranking of the top two
verse types, types A1 and A3, in the c-verse and the a-verse: specifically, typeA3 prevails over typeA1 in the c-verse (as observed by Hartman [2011: 251] from a different
perspective); conversely, it is typeA1 that figures as the most privileged type in the
a-verse. Subject to reversal is not only the relative ranking, but, more importantly,
the proportion in occurrence relative to each other: in the c-verse typeA3 accounts
for more than 60% of the total of types A1 and A3 combined; on the other hand, it
amounts to well below one-third in the a-verse. This diametrically reversed preference
relation between types A1 and A3, however, yields to a principled account by reference to the general pattern of prominence reduction in the c-verse, the overarching
organization of the c-verse that we saw in operation pervasively in the composition of
individual verse types and their realizations throughout the foregoing examination.
That typeA3 constitutes a reduced variant of typeA1 would require no detailed
justification, given the derivational relation between the two elucidated in section12.2
above. Since typeA3 emerges as a result of leaving the first lift unrealized by alignment to null linguistic material, it may no doubt be characterized as reduced against
typeA1, which has its first lift fully manifested. Inasmuch as typeA3 is thus identified
as a reduction of typeA1, it may follow as a matter of course that it is favored more in
the c-verse: it is correspondingly more likely to occur there than in the a-verse relative to typeA1. This is precisely the converse of the marked decrease of typeA2, the
heavy variant of typeA1, in the c-verse: because of the heavy drop involved, it contradicts the normative level of prominence, and therefore falls largely into disuse, as
discussed above.
Throughout the wide variety of verse types and their realizations, we have witnessed how c-verses are consistently distinguished from their a-/b-verse counterparts
by their markedly reduced prominence. It will be appropriate at this point to provide
a comprehensive account of this organizing principle permeating the composition of
the c-verse in general. After having isolated individual workings of this principle in
specific contexts in the preceding sections, we are now ready to explore how these
manifold effects are orchestrated by a single underlying principle. To this end, we
will be considering the issue of prominence reduction primarily from the perspective
of the most abstract level of the paradigmatic organization of verse, the one of verse
classes.
In the first place, we must keep in mind that the principle of prominence reduction works in combination with that of two lifts and two normal drops per verse. The
latter principle may in turn be regarded as a specification of the grand principle of
four metrical positions two lifts and two drops per verse that organizes Old Germanic versification in general: in the specified version, the drops are restricted to
normal ones; in other words, the four positions available in the original principle are
maximally polarized so much so that only the strongest and the weakest positions are
allowed to occur in the c-verse according to the revised prescription that specifically
controls composition of the main part of the c-verse. Thus, this more rigorous princi-
733
ple makes a selection from the inventory of verse classes and types permitted in the
ljahttr a-/b-verse by setting the maximal value of prominence in the c-verse at the
amount corresponding to the sum of two lifts and two normal drops.
Against the background of the maximal limit of prominence prescribed for the
c-verse, the mechanism of prominence reduction works pervasively as a further principle that controls specific composition. This principle, however, is tendential and
stochastic in nature, rather than categorical and normative: it tends to favor less
prominent configurations and realizations over maximally prominent ones that are
available; and accordingly the c-verse tends to make more use of less prominent
verses than does the a-/b-verse.
With respect to class A, after virtual exclusion of types A2a and A2b due to the
excessive prominence stemming from the heavy drop involved, we are left with types
A1 and A3. Between these two types, the less prominent typeA3 is preferred as an
unmarked entity over the more prominent type A1, because the first lift does not
materialize in the former type. The less valued typeA1, the marked type, is in turn
subject to a further weighing in terms of prominence: the realization variants with
relatively small amounts of prominence tend to be chosen over their perceptual opposites. Given that the first drop is open to the widest range of variation in prominence
because of its potential alignment to the diversity of syllables in regard to their quantity and quality, it serves as the focal parameter for selection. By virtue of minimal
prominence, then, monosyllables are vastly favored over polysyllables, and wordfinals over word-initials; as a consequence, these relatively inconspicuous verses
appear with a significantly higher incidence in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse. On
the other hand, typeA3 succumbs to reduction in another position, the second drop:
the configuration xPx occurs at the cost of the heavy one xPS more frequently in
the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse.
The overall reduction in prominence, however, fails to affect the catalectic variants of types A1 and A3, namely, types A1- and A3-. These two types are by no means
privileged over the regular ones. On the one hand, typeA1- occurs in the c-verse and
the a-/b-verse without appreciable distinction in preference (section13.1.5): the presence of typeA1- remains hardly changed in the two verse groups (p=0.149); and on
the other, relative to typeA3, typeA3- occurs in the c-verse with a significantly lower
rather than higher incidence (p<0.001; section13.1.7).
We are thus confronted with the divergence with which prominence reduction is
implemented in class A in general. At one extreme, a reduced variant (typeA3) constitutes the majority against a full one (typeA1) in the c-verse. At the other end, reduction appears to be immaterial (typeA1-) or even less favored (typeA3-). In between,
the less prominent realizations prevail over the more prominent ones (variants of
typeA1). More specifically, we may wonder why typeA3 is chosen as the most favorable verse type in the c-verse, and conversely why type A3- is rather avoided there,
where both can be regarded as reductions of typeA1 in their different ways, that is,
through zero realizations of the metrical positions at one or both edges of a verse.
734
The c-verse
At this point, it may be worth referring to the inherent prominence on the one
hand, and the syntagmatic-based gradation on the other, of metrical positions. More
specifically, the lift counts as more prominent than the drop; and among like positions, the closer to the beginning of a verse they are located, the more prominent they
figure. Taking these scalar distinctions into consideration, we may be justified in generalizing that the more prominent a position is, the more likely it is affected by reduction in the c-verse. Given this generalization, the first lift, the position of maximal
prominence, is prioritized among other options as a target of reduction; accordingly,
typeA3 with the same position left vacant is selected as the optimal configuration in
the c-verse. By contrast, the verse-final, second drop, is the least accessible to reduction and exploitation as a means of marking the formal identity of the c-verse. Accordingly, involving the least prominent position as it does, catalexis is most unlikely to
serve as a means for prominence reduction in the c-verse. Between the two extremes,
the first drop is seized upon as a useful resource for distinguishing the c-verse from
the a-/b-verse, and correspondingly its minimal realizations are privileged next to
the first lift unrealized. Finally, as seems to be least contestable, the selection of the
maximally prominent position the first lift as the main target of reduction would
make perfect sense in functional terms: it would optimize the effects of reduction by
maximizing their perceptual difference.
As regards class B, the range of choice is much more limited, as it comprises only
a single verse type. Without access to a variation over a multiplicity of verse types,
then, the first drop provides the sole basis for determining prominence ranking for
type B (Table 13.56): with the least amount of prominence most favored, monosyllables prevail over polysyllables, and correspondingly, the monosyllabic first drop is
more likely to occur in the c-verse than in the a-verse (p<0.001).
Table13.56.Size of the first drop of typeB in the c-verse and the a-verse
Syllables
Counts
C-verse
Counts
A-verse
1
2
3
4
5
6
38
12
1
1
0
1
71.70
22.64
1.89
1.89
0
1.89
20
30
8
4
1
0
31.75
47.62
12.70
6.35
1.59
0
Total
53
100
63
100
Apparently still less articulated than class B seems to be class C. In fact, it by no means
appears to be affected by reduction in the c-verse. On the one hand, the ratio of typeC
to typeC- remains unchanged between the c-verse and the a-verse, as observed above
(p=0.076). This is in fact in accordance with the generalization presented above on
735
the isomorphism between the two verse groups in regard to the relative presence of
regular and catalectic types. On the other hand, and more seriously, even the size of
the first drop of typeC, the position otherwise most amenable to reduction, fails to
display significant association with the distinction between the c-verse and the a-/bverse: the distribution of monosyllables and polysyllables in the first drop does not
differ significantly with a p-value of 0.222, as pointed out in section13.1.9 above.
As we have seen above, however, the distribution of verse classes in the c-verse is
correlated more closely to the pattern found in the a-verse than that in the a-/b-verse
combined. In view of this finding, we should reexamine the data by comparing the
c-verse with the a-verse, as illustrated in Table13.57. As it turns out, the c-verse might
be characterized as less prominent than the a-verse, since the proportion of the monosyllabic to the polysyllabic first drop appears to be slightly (if not definitely) larger
in the c-verse, with a p-value of 0.065. Thus, class C seems to be weakly involved in
prominence reduction in the place that is inherently most susceptible to the process,
in conformity to the generalization presented earlier in regard to class A.
Table13.57.Size of the first drop of typeC in the c-verse and the a-verse
Syllables
Counts
C-verse
Counts
A-verse
1
2
3
4
5
6
15
30
20
6
2
1
20.27
40.54
27.03
8.11
2.70
1.35
7
40
14
14
3
0
8.97
51.28
17.95
17.95
3.85
0
Total
74
100
78
100
We are then faced with the following question: Why is the first drop treated differently between types B and C with respect to prominence reduction? Why is it reduced
in typeC far less extensively than in typeB? The answer may be found in the varying
presence of the monosyllabic first drop in the two types in the a-verse, as a comparison of Table13.57 with Table13.56 reveals. In the a-verse, as well as in the c-verse, the
two types are sharply distinguished in regard to the proportion of monosyllables to
polysyllables in the first drop: typeB is far more likely to have its first drop realized
by monosyllables than typeC (p=0.001 for the a-verse and p<0.001 for the c-verse).
(Incidentally, the smaller size of the first drop of typeB than of typeC in the ljahttr
a-verse is the opposite of the relation in fornyrislag, observed in section9.1.5 above.)
In this light, we might be induced to conclude that, for whatever reason, type B is
intrinsically more congruent with the monosyllabic first drop in the a-verse. It is
typeBs stronger propensity to minimal prominence in the first drop that may be held
responsible for its larger involvement in the prominence reduction at this position.
736
The c-verse
In contrast to the relative insensitivity of the first drop to the shortening, the
most spectacular effect of prominence reduction on typeC is brought about by the
privileged alignment of the second lift to a secondary-stressed syllable. The inherently weaker susceptibility of this position to reduction in comparison with the first
drop in general is counteracted by the necessity specific to this type of alleviating
the clashing lifts, which excludes the use of the primary-stressed syllable otherwise
expected.
Finally, as regards class D, both variants of this class, types D and D-, succumb
to reduction in prominence. Specifically, the second lift has a significantly stronger
propensity to be realized by a secondary-stressed syllable in the c-verse than in the
a-verse, where a primary-stressed one serves as a prototypical realization of the position in question (sections 13.1.11 and 13.1.12).
Having examined the manifold effects of the principle of prominence reduction,
we are faced with the vital question of why it should work as a governing principle
for the c-verse as it actually does. Does the principle stand as an irreducible stipulation on its own? Or, alternatively, is it derivable from some other, more fundamental
principle? The complex composition of the c-verse itself may throw some light on this
issue.
Both constituents the main part and the cadence of the c-verse may be viewed
as constructed through condensation from the two autonomous verses the a-verse
and the b-verse that are positioned in analogous locations within the line. On the
one hand, the main part of the c-verse derives from the a-verse through its compression to the radically curtailed form. On the other, the cadence is extracted from the
b-verse by removing its remainder completely. In this light, the principle of prominence reduction in the main part of the c-verse should be accorded a derivative, rather
than a primitive, status in the metrical organization of the c-verse. It is a consequence
of the complex composition of the c-verse whereby the otherwise autonomous two
constituents are both compressed and integrated into the distinct verse/line.
While the principle of prominence reduction controls composition of the c-verse
in general through exerting diverse effects on its particular realizations as we have
seen above, a few minor generalizations are concomitantly in force, and may at times
apparently interfere with the overarching principle in specific local contexts. A first
such generalization is the trade-off between the first and the second drop in terms of
their relative prominence, as referred to in sections 13.1.5, 13.1.7, and 13.1.8 above: an
increase in the second drop correlates to a decrease in the first drop.
Since the second drop is limited to monosyllables in other Old Germanic meters
including the ljahttr a-/b-verse as well as fornyrislag and mlahttr, the correlation in question must have been an innovation that was unique to the ljahttr
c-verse: in the systematic absence of variation of the second drop in terms of syllable
numbers, there would have been no parameter available to it that should be capable
of covarying with the size of the first drop. We may naturally wonder where such a
correlation comes from.
737
The source for innovation may be sought in the intrinsic mechanism of metrical
organization in ljahttr itself, the integration of otherwise autonomous verses and
the dependent cadence. More specifically, we may invoke an interaction of, on the
one hand, the principle of prominence reduction that generally applies to the main
part of the c-verse, and, on the other, the placement of the cadence thereafter, which
results in a repositioning of the preceding verses away from the end of the line.
On one side, the first drop is more likely to be realized in weaker form by prominence reduction: its size becomes smaller in the c-verse than in the a-/b-verse. On
the other, the second drop becomes potentially longer as a consequence of its reallocation from verse-final to medial position upon attachment of the cadence. The two
variations are far from standing in a direct causal relation with each other; rather
they should be viewed as independent consequences of the complex composition
of the c-verse. The co-occurrence of the two phenomena, however, would have been
reconfigured as an associated pair through reanalysis by poets: the decreased first
drop becomes significantly associated with the increased second drop. In other
words, a correlation would have been constituted between the two parameters by
abductive reasoning, whereby the first and the second drop were assumed to stand
in inverse proportion. Subsequent to such a reanalysis, the correlation is generalized
in the opposite direction by deductive reasoning, so that an increase in the first drop
is determined as contingent on a decrease in the second one and vice versa. Consequently, the maximally reduced second drop in catalectic verse types comes to entail
larger numbers of syllables in the first drop, notably in typeA3-. Thus, the apparent
increase in the size of the first drop in typeA3- should not be regarded as a violation of
the principle of prominence reduction per se; on the contrary, it is a deductive consequence of the local generalization that is predicated in part on the principle at issue.
A second local consideration that can compete with the overarching generalization of prominence reduction has to do with realization of the second lift: it may not be
filled by a short syllable alone through suspension of resolution (sections 13.1.1, 13.1.4,
and 13.1.9). This restriction, too, derives from the complex structure of the c-verse, the
extension of verses occurring in the a-/b-verse, with the cadence. More specifically,
as a consequence of the relocation of the second lift farther away from the end of a
verse and conversely closer to the beginning of a verse, this metrical position becomes
potentially more prominent on syntagmatic grounds. Especially now that the immediately following drop has access to greater prominence since it is expandable in its
alignment to language material, the second lift needs reinforcement in prominence
to maintain its distinct status as a strong position. In this new metrical environment,
then, short stressed syllables become disqualified for occupying the second lift on
their own due to their too weak prominence for the purpose of differentiation from
the following drop. In this way, the alignment of the second lift to a short syllable,
which serves as an acceptable option in the a-/b-verse, is excluded as unviable on
independent grounds. Instead, it comes to be realigned to long syllables for realization, a phenomenon apparently in contradiction to prominence reduction.
738
The c-verse
Finally, Table13.58 gives an overview of the ranked occurrences of verse types in

the c-verse. For a comprehensive catalogue of each verse type, see appendix 1.
Table13.58.Occurrences of verse types in the c-verse
Type
A3
A1
A1A3C
DB
2 positions
D
CA2a
A1s
A2b
Total
Counts
420
254
105
82
74
58
53
21
17
13
8
5
1
37.80
22.86
9.45
7.38
6.66
5.22
4.77
1.89
1.53
1.17
0.72
0.45
0.09
1111
100
There has been a long history of dispute over the number of constituent lifts of the
c-verse. Sievers (1893), Gering (1902), and others argued for three, whereas Heusler
(1890: 122135; 1956: 233244) claimed there were two. In view of this long-standing
controversy, it will be of interest to comment on this issue by relating our major
findings on the structure of the c-verse to this scholarly tradition. According to our
account, the duplex composition of the c-verse comprising the main part and the
cadence, as detailed above, is based on fusion of the a-verse and the b-verse, whereby
the a-verse serves as the initial part through compression in realization and the
b-verse constitutes the cadence through extraction of the verse-ending lift. As a consequence, the c-verse as a whole contains three lifts. Therefore, our foregoing investigations provide a vigorous argument on formal-structural grounds for the postulation
of three lifts in the c-verse, whatever else may give added plausibility to this thesis.35
35There are several arguments for positing three lifts in the c-verse. Most convincingly, triple alliteration was adduced as evidence for the existence of three lifts in the c-verse, because alliteration
occurs exclusively on lifts (Sievers 1893: 82; Hollander 1931: 484485). This argument was reinforced
by Hollander (1931: 485488), who showed that triple alliteration must have been intentional rather
than accidental by bringing to light many verses with triple alliteration in which synonyms that were
readily available could alternatively have led to the normal pattern of double alliteration. Moreover,
Hollander (1931: 475484) invoked Sjross (1924: 491) generalization that, where a long line and a full
line are firmly bound together, the second line (= full line) must begin with a lift, whether alliterative
or not. Given this generalization, Hollander argued, we must postulate a lift in verse-initial position,
Anacrusis, alliteration, resolution, and the cadence
739
Furthermore, while Sievers (1893: 83) and Hollander (1931: 491) concede that there is
a group of verses with two lifts, our claim is formulated in stronger terms: all c-verses
comprise three lifts because of their defining form.
Sticking with the two-lift thesis, Heusler (1890: 148) was deeply impressed by the
range of variation over the first measure of the c-verse, the variability that is unparalleled in the corresponding locations in the ljahttr a-/b-verse as well as in fornyris
lag. Concentrating on the second measure constituted by the short disyllable px (the
cadence variant px in our framework), Heusler (1890: 148151) pointed out the conspicuous scope of variation the preceding first measure is involved in: a single long
syllable (P) preceded by anacrusis (a.S.s. in his notation); a long disyllable (Px) with
anacrusis (a.K.s.); a long disyllable both stressed (PS or its variants like PSx, pxS,
PxS, Psx, pxsx) with or without anacrusis (a.V.s. or V.s.). As long as one is committed
with Heusler to the two-lift thesis for the c-verse as well as for the a-/b-verse, however,
one would be incapable of offering a principled account of the structural divergence
between the two groups in regard to the composition of the first measure, and particularly its outstandingly larger size in the c-verse. Once freed from this dogma, and
subscribed to the duplex composition of the c-verse as proposed above, the formal
divergence in question will cease to be a puzzle: to restate in terms of measure-based
conceptualization, the first measure of the c-verse is significantly longer than that of
the a-/b-verse simply because, often in conjunction with anacrusis, it is equivalent
to a verse in its extension in the c-verse, whereas in the a-/b-verse it corresponds to
a part of a verse that is headed by the first lift and exclusive of the second one. Thus,
the question that Heusler once wondered about proves to be nothing but a pseudo
problem without empirical consequence.
13.3Anacrusis, alliteration, resolution, and the cadence

13.3.1Anacrusis
Table 13.59 shows the overall distribution of verses with and without anacrusis in
the three distinct verses constitutive of ljahttr, with exclusive reference to the
verse types that are eligible for expansion with anacrusis, namely, the regular (noncatalectic) types belonging to classes A, D, D*, and E, excluding typeA3. As should
be clear, occurrences of anacrusis differ significantly between any pair of the three
verses: p<0.001 between the a-verse and the b-verse, and between the b-verse and
even when it is nonalliterative, which amounts to constituting a third lift in the c-verse. Further arguments include sentence prosody based on syntactic constituent structure (Sievers 1893: 82; Hollander
1931: 491493) and parallel verses with minimal differences in alliterative patterns (Hollander 1931:
489491). Hartman (2011: 244248) offers insightful remarks on Hollanders argument.
740
The c-verse
the c-verse; p=0.001 between the a-verse and the c-verse. Anacrusis is most likely
to occur in the b-verse, and least likely in the a-verse, with the c-verse standing in
between and equally distinguished from both extremes. Accordingly, the three verses
are ranked in order of decreasing likelihood of anacrusis, as follows: the b-verse >
the c-verse > the a-verse. Thus differentiated, none of the three is grouped with any
other by a common pattern of incidence. The closest association of anacrusis with the
b-verse derives from its exclusive property of displaying a marked preference for the
verse-initial drop (section12.2). By contrast, the other two are characterized by the
contrary preference for the verse-initial lift.
Table13.59.Occurrences of anacrusis in the c-verse, the a-verse, and the b-verse
Anacrusis
C-verse
Counts
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
Without
With
226
59
79.30
20.70
464
63
88.05
11.95
134
79
62.91
37.09
Total
285
100
527
100
213
100
As for size of anacrusis (Table13.60), the three verses are scarcely distinguishable,
as the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables does not differ significantly:
p=0.464 between the c-verse and the a-verse; p=0.084 between the c-verse and the
b-verse; p=0.402 between the a-verse and the b-verse. Viewed in this light, Heuslers
(1956: 240) observation that the c-verse is longer than the b-verse in regard to anacrusis proves to be incorrect. Rather, if any distinction is to be made, it is the b-verse
that must be characterized as longer. As with the incidence of anacrusis, the c-verse
seems to be more similar to the a-verse than to the b-verse in terms of the size of
anacrusis. Notice, however, that according to Heuslers conceptualization anacrusis
includes the first drop of types B and C. Given this difference, we must not hasten
to reject Heuslers generalization without taking into account these extra materials that he subsumes under anacrusis. As it turns out, however, Heuslers claim is
not borne out by the facts even with the expanded notion of anacrusis: as detailed
in sections 13.1.8 (Table13.34) and 13.1.9 (Table13.40) above, the c-verse cannot be
regarded as significantly longer than the b-verse with respect to the size of the first
drop.
741
Table13.60.Size of anacrusis in the c-verse, the a-verse, and the b-verse

Syllables
C-verse
Counts
A-verse
Counts
B-verse
Counts
1
2
3
4
5
37
14
6
2
0
62.71
23.73
10.17
3.39
0.00
35
19
6
4
0
54.69
29.69
9.38
6.25
0.00
37
25
10
4
3
46.84
31.65
12.66
5.06
3.80
Total
59
100
64
100
79
100
13.3.2Alliteration
The c-verse has at its disposal four different patterns of alliteration, which are distributed as shown in Table13.61. Given that typeA3 occurs most commonly in the c-verse
(Table13.58, section13.2), the pattern (x)aa ([x] = unrealized lift) materializes with the
highest incidence, as it is a privileged property of this type along with its catalectic
variant, typeA3-. The remaining two modes of double alliteration do not differ significantly in their likelihood of occurrence. Triple alliteration is quite infrequent.36 In
fact, it is as rare as double alliteration in the b-verse: there are 38 (3.56%) instances of
double alliteration as against 1029 of single alliteration in the b-verse (section12.3).
Thus, the occurrence of triple alliteration in the c-verse is indistinguishable from that
of double alliteration in the b-verse with a p-value of 0.396.
Table13.61.Alliterative pattern of the c-verse
Alliteration
Counts
aaa
aax
axa
(x)aa
32
271
306
502
2.88
24.39
27.54
45.18
Total
1111
100
36Hav 36.3, 37.3, 43.6, 46.6, 69.3, 132.7, 158.6, 160.3, Vm 31.3, 31.6, 41.6, 43.7, Grm 24.6, Skm 26.3, 35.10,
Hrbl 47.6, Ls 12.3, 18.6, 25.6, 42.3, 48.3, Alv 18.6, 34.6, HHv28.6, Rm4.6, 9.6, 10.6, Fm30.6, Sd2.3, 14.3,
25.9, 37.6.
742
The c-verse
Disregarding the pattern (x)aa that is fixed with types A3 and A3-, we may explore
how the remaining three patterns are related to other verse types. Since notable variations in alliterative pattern within a single verse type were treated in section 13.1
above, we may as well be concerned here with whether verse types differ from
each other in their preference for alliterative mode. As before, we refer exclusively
to those verses in which the three manifest lifts are all filled by primary-stressed
syllables.
Since triple alliteration is obviously marked as opposed to double alliteration, we
may measure the proportion of triple to double alliteration for determining relative
preference for this marked mode of alliteration. After excluding triple alliteration, we
then examine how the verse types differ in their selection of particular double patterns by comparing the occurrence of the two modes, aax and axa, relative to each
other.
As shown in Table13.62, typeD- can be characterized as less susceptible to triple
alliteration on a limited scale: it is less likely to manifest triple alliteration than typeB
(p=0.026). Otherwise, no single verse type is distinguished from others by a significantly stronger or weaker association with triple alliteration. Apart from the extremely
small range of variation, this marked mode of alliteration is accordingly as likely to
occur in any given type as in any other. Given the small sample size and the limited
range of differentiation, we should leave the matter as it stands without exploring
explanation.
Greater degrees of distinction, however, are observed as regards the selection of
the two modes of double alliteration. With outstanding occurrences of the pattern
axa, typeD- is distinguished from typeA1 (p<0.001), typeA1- (p<0.001), typeA2
(p<0.001), and typeB (p=0.039), which cannot be determined as favorable to one
mode over the other in statistical terms.37 This close association with the pattern
axa characteristic of typeD- can safely be inferred for types C (p=1), C- (p=0.668),
and D (p=1); moreover, two of these three types (i.e., types C and C-) differ significantly from at least one of those belonging to the opposite group (i.e., types A1, A1-,
A2, and B).
With the grouping of these four types (types C, C-, D, and D-) thus established,
we may want to explore the structural basis of this categorization by asking why they
prefer the pattern axa in contrast to the remaining types that lack this privilege. Exclusively common to these four types is the succession of two lifts in the main part of a
verse (disregarding the cadence). As noted from time to time throughout the previous sections, the second of the two consecutive lifts suffers reduction in prominence
37Type D-s conspicuous preference for the mode axa is fully compatible with its avoidance of triple
alliteration: the triple pattern aaa and the double one aax, which are both avoided by typeD-, commonly involve alliteration on the second lift. In this light, typeD- may be characterized as at variance
with the alliterating second lift.
743
because of the overshadowing effect of the preceding, more prominent position. Since
alliteration marks a peak of prominence, the second lift in this context is found to be
less than fully qualified for realizing alliteration by virtue of its weakened prominence
on syntagmatic grounds. Consequently, it tends to be avoided as the second locus of
alliteration, which instead carries over to the cadence, resulting in the pattern axa.
Since the remaining verse types do not have their second lift immediately preceded
by the first one, they are not implicated in the marked preference for the pattern axa.
Table13.62.Alliterative pattern of the c-verse according to verse types (excluding types A3 and A3with the fixed pattern xaa)
Type
2 positions
A1
A1A2
B
C
CD
D-
aaa
1 (33.33%)
20 (8.73%)
2 (4.08%)
1 (11.11%)
4 (16.00%)
2 (18.18%)
0 (0.00%)
0 (0.00%)
0 (0.00%)
aax
2 (66.67%)
108 (47.16%)
30 (61.22%)
7 (77.78%)
10 (40.00%)
2 (18.18%)
3 (30.00%)
1 (25.00%)
7 (20.00%)
axa
0 (0%)
101 (44.10%)
17 (34.69%)
1 (11.11%)
11 (44.00%)
7 (63.64%)
7 (70.00%)
3 (75.00%)
28 (80.00%)
Total
3 (100%)
229 (100%)
49 (100%)
9 (100%)
25 (100%)
11 (100%)
10 (100%)
4 (100%)
35 (100%)
A further potential parameter for alliterative pattern is the shape of the cadence, especially the opposition between the two dominant variants px and P. We may accordingly explore how the two cadence variants bear on the choice of alliterative pattern.
Table13.63 provides relevant data for our discussion. While triple alliteration remains
undifferentiated as to its association with the two variants (p = 0.251), the double
alliteration patterns display significantly different associations with them at a confidence level of 90%: the pattern axa seems to be associated with the short disyllable
px more closely than with the monosyllable P, with a p-value of 0.062. The short disyllabic cadence px is thus more likely to carry alliteration than the monosyllabic one P.
It may hence follow that the string px has a higher probability of manifesting greater
prominence than P. This correlation, rather than the other way around, is scarcely
surprising, given that the disyllable is inherently more pronounced than the monosyllable owing to the larger number of syllables involved.
Table13.63.Alliterative pattern of the c-verse and the two major cadence variants
Cadence
P
px
aaa
9 (6.08%)
22 (9.91%)
aax
77 (52.03%)
90 (40.54%)
axa
62 (41.89%)
110 (49.55%)
Total
148 (100%)
222 (100%)
744
The c-verse
In section12.3 above, we examined how the word classes in general, and the opposition between class 1 and the other two in particular, correlate to the alliterative
patterns in the a-/b-verse. Drawing on the findings obtained there, we may conduct
similar analyses for the c-verse. The sample size and lack of bias to particular word
classes limits our examination here as before to types A1, A1-, and B. Beginning with
typeA1 (Table13.64), triple alliteration is associated with the high incidence of class
1 words in the third lift (p=0.034), and also possibly with the low presence of the
same class in the first lift (p=0.056). The latter correlation, should it be significant at
all, would be analogous to what obtains in the a-/b-verse of ljahttr (section12.3)
and also in mlahttr (section8.5): as far as typeA1 is concerned, double alliteration
in the a-verse (aa) is less likely to host class 1 words in the first lift than single alliteration (ax). As for double alliteration, the pattern aax displays a significantly close
association with the preponderance of class 1 words in the second lift (p=0.012). This
correlation has an analogue in the a-/b-verse, too (section12.3): double alliteration is
more likely to have the second lift filled by class 1 words than single alliteration. Thus,
the arrangement of alliterative pattern for typeA1 is controlled basically by the same
mechanism of lexical distinction as in the a-/b-verse. The other two types, however,
are involved in none of these nor other correlations: the lexical distinction bears no
demonstrable relation with alliterative pattern (Tables 13.65 and 13.66).
First lift
Lift
Word class
1
2
3
Third lift
Second lift
Total
1
2
3
Total
1
2
3
Total
aaa
aax
axa
11 (55.00%)
9 (45.00%)
0 (0%)
82 (75.93%)
18 (16.67%)
8 (7.41%)
78 (77.23%)
17 (16.83%)
6 (5.94%)
20 (100%)
108 (100%)
101 (100%)
15 (75.00%)
3 (15.00%)
2 (10.00%)
88 (81.48%)
0 (0%)
20 (18.52%)
66 (65.35%)
25 (24.75%)
10 (9.90%)
20 (100%)
108 (100%)
101 (100%)
16 (80.00%)
2 (10.00%)
2 (10.00%)
61 (56.48%)
42 (38.89%)
5 (4.63%)
55 (54.46%)
45 (44.55%)
1 (0.99%)
20 (100%)
108 (100%)
101 (100%)
745
Table13.65.Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeA1-
Third lift
Second lift
First lift
Lift
Word class
aaa
aax
axa
1 (50.00%)
0 (0%)
1 (50.00%)
22 (73.33%)
5 (16.67%)
3 (10.00%)
14 (82.35%)
1 (5.88%)
2 (11.76%)
Total
2 (100%)
30 (100%)
17 (100%)
1
2
3
2 (100%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
24 (80.00%)
3 (10.00%)
3 (10.00%)
15 (88.24%)
1 (5.88%)
1 (5.88%)
Total
2 (100%)
30 (100%)
17 (100%)
1
2
2 (100%)
0 (0%)
21 (70.00%)
9 (30.00%)
9 (52.94%)
8 (47.06%)
Total
2 (100%)
30 (100%)
17 (100%)
1
2
3
Third lift
Second lift
First lift
Lift
Word class
1
2
aaa
aax
axa
1 (25.00%)
3 (75.00%)
4 (40.00%)
6 (60.00%)
4 (36.36%)
7 (63.64%)
4 (100%)
10 (100%)
11 (100%)
1 (25.00%)
3 (75.00%)
0 (0%)
8 (80.00%)
2 (20.00%)
0 (0%)
5 (45.45%)
3 (27.27%)
3 (27.27%)
4 (100%)
10 (100%)
11 (100%)
3 (75.00%)
1 (25.00%)
9 (90.00%)
1 (10.00%)
9 (81.82%)
2 (18.18%)
4 (100%)
10 (100%)
11 (100%)
Total
1
2
3
Total
1
2
Total
13.3.3Resolution
Resolution, or the metrical equation of the long monosyllable P and the short
disyllable px, is practiced with varying incidence in the three constituent verses of
ljahttr. Of no lesser significance for the varying operation of resolution is the distinction between the first and the second lift. As shown in Table13.67, the two kinds
of lifts differ in their probabilities of undergoing resolution in all of the three verses,
with a p-value of less than 0.001. Which of the two constituent lifts is resolved more
746
The c-verse
frequently, however, differs from verse to verse: while the first lift is more likely to be
resolved in the a-verse and the c-verse, the b-verse displays the contrary pattern of the
second lift being associated more closely with resolution. One might wonder at this
point why the a-verse and the c-verse should be treated the same way in distinction
from the b-verse, rather than by any of the other logically possible combinations. Is
the selection of the actual grouping a pure coincidence?
Table13.67.Distribution of long monosyllables (P) and resolved short syllables (px) according to
verse and lift distinctions
Verse
A
B
C
First lift
px
Total
977
89
1066
(91.65%) (8.35%) (100%)
998
69
1067
(93.53%) (6.47%) (100%)
1066
43
1109
(96.12%) (3.88%) (100%)
Second lift
px
Total
959
23
982
(97.66%) (2.34%) (100%)
577
244
821
(70.28%) (29.72%) (100%)
1091
6
1097
(99.45%) (0.55%) (100%)
Third lift (cadence /)

px
Total
366
(36.86%)
627
(63.14%)
993
(100%)
Far from being contingent, the pattern would have been a consequence of well-motivated metrical organization. As demonstrated in section13.2 above, the a-verse and
the c-verse are highly analogous in terms of the relative proportion of verse classes
that they accommodate (Table13.53). Given this isomorphism in verse-class organization, one may be led to hold the varying occurrences of the verse classes to be responsible for the diametrically opposed patterns of preference for resolution that differentiate between the pair of the a-/c-verses on the one hand and the b-verse on the other.
In order to explore this line of explanation, we need to make a closer examination
by looking into how each verse class individually articulates with the incidence of
resolution. Our assumption is of course that resolution is implemented differentially
depending on the verse classes. Tables 13.68 through 13.70 illustrate how the proportion of long monosyllables (P) and resolved short disyllables (px) may differ according to the verse classes, in conjunction with the two parameters that have already
been taken into consideration.38
As it turns out, one of the two predominant patterns is that the first lift is more likely
to be resolved than the second, as attested in the following eight contexts: 2-position
verses in the a-verse (p=0.003) and in the c-verse (p=0.003); class A in the a-verse
(p<0.001) and in the c-verse (p=0.021); class C in the a-verse (p=0.004) and in the
b-verse (p<0.001); class D in the a-verse (p<0.001) and in the c-verse (p<0.001). No
38It should be noted that the three tables refer to the instances of the respective lifts that are realized by primary-stressed long monosyllables (P) or short disyllables (px).
747
less common is the lack of significant difference between the two lifts, as observed in
the following six situations: class A in the b-verse (p = 0.728); class B in the c-verse
(p=0.437); class C in the c-verse (p=0.059); class D in the b-verse (p=0.214); class D*
in the a-verse (p=1) and in the b-verse (p=0.246). The remaining four cases are the
polar opposite of the first situation, whereby the second lift is more likely to be resolved
than the first, as is witnessed in the following: class B in the a-verse (p=0.002) and in
the b-verse (p<0.001); class E in the a-verse (p=0.022) and in the b-verse (p<0.001).
Since resolution is a metrical device for replacing the unmarked monosyllable
with the marked disyllable and thus bringing about an increase in syllable quantity, it
is expected that the process should favor the more prominent lift over the less prominent one (section 4.2.6). According to the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions
(section1.2), the first lift counts as more prominent than the second by virtue of its
greater proximity to the beginning of a verse. Seen from this perspective, the higher
likelihood of resolution on the first lift is most in keeping with the syntagmatic-based
generalization on relative prominence. The lack of significance between the two lifts
in their probabilities of resolution, however, does not contradict the generalization
totally, either: the scale in question does not necessarily require that the inherent difference in prominence be respected by every conceivable means that has bearing on
increase in prominence.
The higher incidence of resolution on the second lift in the last four situations,
however, must be regarded as anomalous, as it utterly conflicts with the prominence
profile that would otherwise be expected to obtain. In fact, neither in fornyrislag nor
in mlahttr is the second lift favored at the cost of the first as a target of resolution. Of
paramount interest, these exceptional cases are limited to two classes B and E and
two verses the a- and b-verses to the exclusion of the c-verse. As may be recalled,
class B in the c-verse does not display a significant difference between the two lifts;
on the other hand, class E is excluded from the c-verse, as discussed in section13.2
above. In other words, the c-verse never favors the second lift at the expense of the
first as a recipient of resolution. What then induces exclusively classes B and E in the
a-verse and the b-verse to privilege the second lift for undergoing resolution?
A moments reflection on the metrical structure will show that the favored second
lift is located in verse-final position only in these two classes. On this basis, then, we
may generalize in descriptive terms that the verse-final, second lift is most privileged
to be involved in resolution. This proposed generalization has interesting implications for the c-verse. In it, the second lift of class B does not constitute the verse-final
one; rather, it is relocated to a verse-internal position by virtue of the attachment of
the cadence /, which in turn serves as the verse-final lift. Accordingly, the second lift
of class B in the c-verse is found to be unqualified for the privileged implementation
of resolution, as is actually borne out by the facts that we have seen above.
Now that the verse-final lift in general, rather than the second lift of particular
verse classes, is identified as the privileged recipient of resolution, we are capable
of explaining in a principled way why the cadence of the c-verse is most likely to be
748
The c-verse
resolved there, regardless of the verse classes that occupy the preceding main body
of the c-verse (Table13.70). It should be noted that our generalization refers directly
to the verse-final lift and that it is accordingly no longer contextualized in terms of
verse classes it belongs to. Since the cadence / is attached to any verse configuration without restriction on its verse-class identity, resolution freely operates on the
cadence of the c-verse.
While the verse-final lift is thus singled out as most amenable to resolution, still its
probability of resolution differs from verse to verse. In regard to the distinction between
the a-verse and the b-verse, the verse-final lift is more likely to be resolved in the b-verse
than in the a-verse: p<0.001 for class B, p=0.073 for class E, and p<0.001 for the two
classes combined. The b-verse, however, is in turn outranked by the c-verse in the likelihood of the verse-final lift being resolved, with a p-value of less than 0.001 for the whole
set. Thus, we may be justified in postulating the following scale for resolution on the
verse-final lift in order of decreasing probability: c-verse > b-verse > a-verse.
We may next be interested in exploring the basis for this scalar distinction for
resolvability of the verse-final lift. What is primarily at stake here is the varying
presence of the cadence / in the three verses (section13.3.4). It is the sole legitimate
cadence in the c-verse (Table13.71). While being the most dominant, the cadence / is
rivaled by the alternative / in the b-verse (Table13.74). Finally, overwhelmed by the
form / , it is left far behind in the minority in the a-verse (Table13.72). Thus, the probability of the pxs occurrence is correlated to the extent to which the cadence / has its
presence established: the firmer its status, the higher the occurrence of px. To put it
the other way around, the increasing operation of resolution on the verse-final lift
stands in inverse proportion to the secured presence of the optimal cadence / . Thus
characterized, what would appear to be the productive implementation and hence
the resurgence of resolution in ljahttr proves in the final analysis to be identified
as a cadence-based local organization as it is predicated on the accessibility to the
cadence / that is being shaped as the diametrical alternative to the inherited canonical counterpart / .
Table13.68.Distribution of long monosyllables (P) and resolved short disyllables (px) according to
verse class and lift distinctions in the a-verse
Class
2
A
B
C
D
D*
E
P
13 (61.90%)
454 (90.62%)
62 (98.41%)
91 (91.00%)
25 (65.79%)
57 (96.61%)
29 (93.55%)
First lift
px
Total
8 (38.10%) 21 (100%)
47 (9.38%) 501 (100%)
1 (1.59%) 63 (100%)
9 (9.00%) 100 (100%)
13 (34.21%) 38 (100%)
2 (3.39%) 59 (100%)
2 (6.45%) 31 (100%)
P
8 (100%)
681 (100%)
51 (80.95%)
63 (100%)
33 (100%)
55 (98.21%)
21 (67.74%)
Second lift
px
Total
0 (0%) 8 (100%)
0 (0%) 681 (100%)
12 (19.05%) 63 (100%)
0 (0%) 63 (100%)
0 (0%) 33 (100%)
1 (1.79%) 56 (100%)
10 (32.26%) 31 (100%)
749
verse class and lift distinctions in the b-verse
Class
A
B
C
D
D*
E
First lift
px
P
76 (96.20%)
471 (99.79%)
291 (83.62%)
8 (72.73%)
97 (97.00%)
31 (100%)
3 (3.80%)
1 (0.21%)
57 (16.38%)
3 (27.27%)
3 (3.00%)
0 (0%)
Total
79 (100%)
472 (100%)
348 (100%)
11 (100%)
100 (100%)
31 (100%)
Second lift
px
87 (96.67%)
3 (3.33%)
245 (52.58%) 221 (47.42%)
76 (100%)
0 (0%)
9 (100%)
0 (0%)
98 (100%)
0 (0%)
13 (41.94%) 18 (58.06%)
Total
90 (100%)
466 (100%)
76 (100%)
9 (100%)
98 (100%)
31 (100%)
verse class and lift distinctions in the c-verse
Class
First lift
px
Total
13
8
21
(61.90%) (38.10%) (100%)
364
(97.59%)
P
8
(100%)
Second lift
px
0
(0%)
Total
Third lift
px
Total
8
5
(100%) (38.46%)
8
13
(61.54%) (100%)
9
(2.41%)
373
842
1
843
317
(100%) (99.88%) (0.12%) (100%) (39.67%)
482
799
(60.33%) (100%)
51
(96.23%)
2
(3.77%)
53
47
5
52
4
(100%) (90.38%) (9.62%) (100%) (16.67%)
20
24
(83.33%) (100%)
81
(95.29%)
4
(4.71%)
85
(100%)
24
(100%)
0
(0%)
24
26
(100%) (31.71%)
56
82
(68.29%) (100%)
55
20
75
(73.33%) (26.67%) (100%)
39
(100%)
0
(0%)
39
14
(100%) (18.67%)
61
75
(81.33%) (100%)
The alternation between P and px that occurs in gradient terms in the a-, b-, and
c-verses is thus organized on the varying extent to which the cadence / is represented
in the three verses concerned. There is still a further dimension on the equivalence of
P and px to be taken into account. Where the cadence / is relatively well represented,
that is, in the b-verse and the c-verse, the short disyllable is favored over the monosyllable insofar as a distinction can be ascertained. More specifically, while the two
alternants occur without significant difference in the b-verse (p = 0.471 for class B
and p = 0.611 for class E), the disyllabic form outnumbers the monosyllabic one in
the c-verse in general, and the distribution patterns involved are significantly different between the b-verse and the c-verse (p<0.001), in which the cadence / is firmly
in place regardless of the preceding verse classes occurring in the main body of the
c-verse.
750
The c-verse
Such a numerical asymmetry between the two variants in the c-verse, however,
contradicts the pattern that obtains in resolution (compare Sievers 1893: 84): the
monosyllable is the norm, against which the disyllable constitutes a marked option.
Moreover, even with respect to the b-verse, where px and P are distributed evenly, the
proportion of the disyllable to the monosyllable is significantly higher in ljahttr
than in fornyrislag, in which resolution is categorically inapplicable to the versefinal lift (section4.3.8). Thus, what would appear to be resolution in ljahttr is in
fact distinguished from its comparable phenomenon in fornyrislag by the following two unique features (Sievers 1893: 84): first, the preponderance of the disyllable
over the monosyllable, that is, the reversal of the derivational relation that obtains for
resolution in general; second, the virtual limitation to the verse-final lift, again the
polar opposite of the pattern that is found in fornyrislag and elsewhere. Considering the presumable direction of derivation, we might be tempted to call this uniquely
reversed phenomenon contraction, whereby the seemingly basic short disyllable is
substituted by the long monosyllable, rather than vice versa. In any event, given the
maximal discrepancies involved, it would hardly be appropriate to refer to the alternation of px and P in ljahttr as resolution.
Of far greater importance than the issue of naming, however, is the origin of this
metrical equivalence that would at first glance be regarded as resolution. Given that
resolution is drastically declined in occurrence in fornyrislag in favor of suspension
of resolution, and that this metrical change is linguistically motivated (section4.3.9),
it would seem to be most unlikely that the waning resolution suddenly resurges and
comes to be regulated by a wholesale reversal of the traditional organization.
Rather, the key to a proper understanding of the issue is provided by the strict
localization of the alternation between px and P to the verse-final lift, the cadence.
In fornyrislag, the short disyllable and the long monosyllable are integrated with
the long disyllable as the three variants of the cadence / , whereby px and P count
as marked as against Px (section 5.4.3). In mlahttr, however, this triple set of the
cadence is disintegrated by the increasing standardization of the cadence under its
prototypical variant Px. Moreover, with the virtual monopoly of the canonical cadence
/ , the verse-final lift is ousted from the system of verse classes. As a consequence,
this leads to a dissociation from the cadence / of the equivalent pair of the short
disyllable and the long monosyllable: the two strings are decreasingly aligned to the
sequence of lift + drop at the end of a verse. Confronted with this pair now deprived
of its original structural value which is determined by the triple set of cadence variants, the poets reanalyze it primarily as the alternative realization of the emergent
novel cadence in ljahttr, namely, /. Of further interest, the disyllable px counts as
unmarked as opposed to the monosyllable P in fornyrislag (section5.4.3). By building on this equivalence relation inherited from traditional metrical practice, the same
markedness relation carries over to a reevaluated pair: px retains the traditional value
of being unmarked as against P in the new metrical organization that is taking shape
as ljahttr. Thus, the metrical equivalence of px and P as the alternative realizations
751
of the verse-final lift / arises as a reconstitution and reconfiguration of their inherited

equation as the variants of the cadence / in fornyrislag through the mediation of
their disintegration in mlahttr. The two unique features of the so-called resolution in ljahttr, then, are explained as natural consequences of this analogical
reevaluation.
13.3.4The cadence
In order to obtain a proper understanding of the cadence, we must distinguish two
levels of representation, the underlying one of metrical positions, and the surface
one of syllable concatenations (linguistic realizations). At the level of metrical positions, the cadence remains unchanged in its metrical identity regardless of its variation in realization. At the surface level, on the other hand, the verse-final unit must
be treated distinctly depending on its syllable identities, monosyllabic or disyllabic,
long or short, primary-stressed, secondary-stressed, or unstressed. The lack of oneto-one correspondence between the two levels of representation leads to a complex
organization of multiple correspondences that needs to be unraveled with care. Not
equipped with this dual conceptualization, earlier scholars (e.g., Bugge 1879; Sievers
1879: 353372; Heusler 1890: 135141, 156, 159; Sievers 1893: 84) failed to squarely
address the issues relating to the cadence, as will become clear in our criticisms in
the following section.
The cadence of the c-verse is invariably a single lift (/), which is realized by
a limited range of variants, as listed in Table 13.71 in order of decreasing occurrence. The primary-stressed short disyllable px accounts for more than half of all
occurrences, followed by the primary-stressed long monosyllable (P); these two
variants brought together amount to nearly 90% of the total cadence realizations.
Coming next by a wide margin is the secondary-stressed disyllable (sx), and then
the secondary-stressed monosyllable (S). As expected, the relative ranking of these
secondary-stressed variants replicates the ordering established by their stronger
variants. The unstressed disyllable (xx) is characterized as a minimal variant of
the prototypical px; because of the maximal distance in terms of prominence from
the prototype, it is used with a corresponding minimum incidence among the three
short disyllables.
The remaining long disyllables, Px, Sx, Xx, PS, and Psx would count as too long
and prominent to be accommodated as a lift. As argued in section13.1.8 above, the
otherwise illegitimate alignment of the lift to this extra prominent material is implemented exceptionally as an excessive but controlled reaction to the clashing of lifts
taking place at the end of a verse. Due to the greatest prominence involved, the
strings PS and Psx that are extended by a secondary-stressed, rather than unstressed,
syllable rank lowest as most peripheral, and their occurrence is accordingly minimized. Among the thirteen examples of the cadence variant Px and in the presence
752
The c-verse
of three manifest lifts available, only three carry alliteration (Hav 142.7 oc reist hroptr
rgna, 164.8 heilir, eirs hlddo, Hrbl 22.3 um sic er hverr slco).39 Such an underrepresentation of alliterative Px in the cadence of the c-verse compared with that on
the short disyllable px, however, yields to an explanatory account. Upon implementation of alliteration, the string concerned would concomitantly be provided with
increased prominence, and correspondingly mismatched with the normally expected
short disyllable to a larger extent than the same string Px lacking alliteration. With
the extremely limited range of deviation and, further, the strict control imposed on
the strings longer than short disyllables, the cadence of the c-verse may therefore be
identified as of a unique metrical value, namely, a single lift.
Table13.71.Cadence variants in the c-verse
Cadence
px
P
sx
S
Px
Sx
xx
Xx
PS
Psx
Total
Metrical value
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
Counts
Ranking
627
366
69
14
13
13
4
3
1
1
56.44
32.94
6.21
1.26
1.17
1.17
0.36
0.27
0.09
0.09
1
2
3
4
5
5
7
8
9
9
1111
100
The invariable value of the cadence in terms of metrical position, namely, a lift, constitutes a unique feature of the c-verse. By contrast, in addition to the variation of
syllable concatenations as in the c-verse, the cadence is also of divergent metrical
value in the a-verse and the b-verse. As far as the a-verse is concerned, the string of
lift + drop accounts for almost 80% of all examples (Table13.72). The remaining 20%
are represented by three diversified values of metrical positions, , /, and / \. In
regard to language material used, the long disyllable (Px) figures most prominently by
amounting to almost two-thirds of the total (Table13.73). Such a high incidence of the
long disyllable is a matter of course, given that the prevailing sequence of lift + drop
corresponds to this prosodic unit in prototypical alignment.
39In another six instances, the cadence Px realizes alliteration by default in the absence of another
potential carrier: Hav 63.6 i veit, ef rro, Grm 49.7 Viurr at vgom, Skm 31.4 itt ge grpi, 31.5 ic
morn morni, Hrbl 18.7 oc r dali dipom, 18.8 grund um grfo.
753
Meanwhile, the traditional triple set of the cadence / inherited from fornyris
lag is preserved and even reinforced in the ljahttr a-verse. Replacing the earlier
central variant PSpx, the configuration Pxpx is reconstituted as the core representation of subtypeA1s, and is used with a correspondingly heightened incidence compared with fornyrislag (sections 12.1.1 and 12.2). By the same token, the short variant
of typeA3 (subtypeA3s), xpx, gains in currency and becomes more likely to occur in
the a-verse of ljahttr than in fornyrislag (sections 12.1.4 and 12.2). This reorganization and reevaluation constitutes a fuller integration of the cadence variant px into
the triple structure of the cadence / (section12.2). Thus, as far as the composition
of the a-verse is concerned, ljahttr subverts the increasing unification of the same
cadence that is vigorously pursued in mlahttr, and succeeds in reinstating and reinforcing the earlier organization.
Table13.72.The cadence in the a-verse in terms of metrical positions

Metrical value
/
/
/\
Total
Counts
Cadence
836
118
94
23
78.06
11.02
8.78
2.15
1071
100
Px; px; Sx; sx; Xx; xx; P; S; PS

Px; px; xP; Sx; sx; Xx; xx; x;
P; px
PS; PP
Table13.73.The cadence in the a-verse in terms of syllables

Cadence
Metrical value
Counts
Px
Subtotal
/
700
695
5
65.36
px
Subtotal
/
/
98
75
22
1
9.15
Subtotal
/
/
80
3
72
5
7.47
Sx
Subtotal
/
52
16
36
4.86
754
The c-verse
Cadence
Metrical value
PS
Subtotal
/
/\
x
Xx
sx
()
Subtotal
/
()
Subtotal
/
Counts
38
24
14
3.55
29
2.71
22
13
9
2.05
21
1.96
12
7
5
1.12
PP
/\
0.84
xx
Subtotal
/
0.65
7
1
6
Subtotal
/
()
3
2
1
0.28
1071
100
Total
Still more diverse in metrical value is the cadence of the b-verse, which is organized as
a bipolar system in which two distinct metrical values are in competition (Table13.74):
a lift on the one hand and a sequence of lift + drop on the other are evenly divided;
and combined together, they account for nearly 90% of the total. The co-occurrence
of competing values in the b-verse is diametrically opposed to the predominance of a
sole value in the other two verses; in both, the prototypical cadence is identified with
a single overwhelming metrical value, a sequence of lift + drop in the a-verse and a lift
standing alone in the c-verse. In contrast to the monopolar organization of the a-verse
and the c-verse, the b-verse may thus be characterized as two-pronged in the cadence.
Of further interest, this split organization unique to the b-verse makes it commensurate to both the a-verse and the c-verse by a partaking of their respective identities. Standing in this way between the two extremes, the b-verse intersects with the
two adjacent verses, not only in syntagmatic terms the b-verse is prototypically
preceded by the a-verse and followed by the c-verse (see discussion on the stanza
in chapter14) but also and more importantly on the formal-structural basis the
cadence of the b-verse is common to that of the other two verses through a concurrence of the latters mutually exclusive features.
With respect to the range of prosodic entities loaded with these split metrical
values, the primary-stressed short disyllable ranks first in occurrence, followed by the
primary-stressed monosyllable; brought together, these two top-ranking units account
755
for more than two-thirds of all b-verses (Table13.75). It deserves repeated emphasis,
however, that the most common entity, px, is aligned to three different metrical values,
among which a lift on the one hand, and a sequence of a lift and a drop on the other,
feature centrally. This constitutes a marked contrast with the other two verses: in the
a-verse, the predominant prosodic unit, the long disyllable, almost constantly stands
for a string of lift + drop; and in the c-verse, by far the two most common prosodic
units, px and P, are aligned to a lift without exception. Moreover, this most frequent
entity (px) falls far short of half of the total in the b-verse, whereas the corresponding representative unit in the a-verse (Px) almost reaches two-thirds (Table13.73), and
the c-verse counterpart (px) goes far beyond half (Table13.71). Such a relatively lower
status of the representative realization (px) in the b-verse is of statistical significance,
with p-values of less than 0.001 in both cases. Furthermore, the long disyllable Px the
canonical cadence in the a-verse occurs in the b-verse in significantly larger numbers
than in the c-verse (p < 0.001). In this respect, the b-verse partakes in no small measure
of the a-verse in the organization of the cadence in terms of prosodic material. In short,
the cadence of the b-verse is materialized more diffusely than that of the a-verse and
the c-verse in terms of prosodic units used as its linguistic sources.
The b-verses commonality with the a-verse in the organization of the cadence, as
we have recognized above, has not been appreciated by earlier metrists as fully as its
similarity to the c-verse, however. By focusing on prosodic realizations on the surface,
they would have been diverted from paying due attention to whatever similarities the
b-verse shares with the a-verse: the notions of stumpf (P or px), klingend (Px), and voll
(PSx, Psx) which have dominated the traditional thinking testify to the exclusively
material- (or surface-) based conceptualization. As remarked above, the short disyllable and the long monosyllable prevail over the long disyllable in the b-verse, to be
sure. This observation may then mislead one to conclude that the b-verse is similar
to the c-verse in the organization of the cadence (compare Heusler 1890: 151, 159162;
1956: 239240; Alexander 1929: 1213; rnason 1991: 55; 2006: 164).
Such a misguided grouping would in turn have been conducive to overemphasizing the difference between the two constituents of the long line on grounds of the
apparent trading-off distribution of Px on the one hand and P/px on the other in the
a-verse and the b-verse. The important insight that remains hidden from and has
been sacrificed by this perspective is that the short disyllabic cadence in the b-verse
embodies a metrical value of lift + drop as often as does its most transparent manifestation, the long disyllable (Table 13.75). Opaque as it is, this frequent alignment
of the short disyllable to the string of lift + drop, along with the comparably numerous occurrences of the long disyllable, brings the b-verse close to the a-verse in the
cadence structure.
To further rectify the misconceived grouping of the b-verse with the c-verse, we
have yet to mention that the two verses significantly differ from each other in regard
to the extent to which the dominant prosodic units px and P are concentrated in the
cadence: with a p-value of less than 0.001, they are less likely to occur in the b-verse
756
The c-verse
than in the c-verse. In conclusion, in terms of the organization of the cadence, the
b-verse is integrated in the weakest degree among the three verses of ljahttr: it
can end in a wider range of cadence variants than the other two verses with respect to
both the underlying metrical values and prosodic realizations on the surface.
Table13.74.The cadence in the b-verse in terms of metrical positions

Metrical value
Counts
/\
503
448
111
5
47.14
41.99
10.40
0.47
Total
1067
100
/
/
Cadence
P; px; S; sx
Px; px; Sx; sx; Xx; xx; PS; pxS; P
px; xP; xpx; Sx; sx; xS; Xx; xx; x
PS; pxS
Table13.75.The cadence in the b-verse in terms of syllables

Cadence
px
Metrical value
Counts
Subtotal
/
/
437
238
161
38
40.96
Subtotal
/
/
310
257
34
19
29.05
124
11.62
Subtotal
/
/
71
53
2
16
6.65
Subtotal
/
49
40
9
4.59
Subtotal
/
47
31
16
4.40
Subtotal
/
14
6
8
1.31
Px
sx
Sx
xx
A critique of Sieverss (1893) and Gerings (1902) analysis
Cadence
Metrical value
Counts
PS
Subtotal
/
/\
5
2
3
0.47
Xx
Subtotal
/
0.47
5
2
3
Subtotal
/
/\
3
1
2
0.28
pxS
x
Total
757
2
1067
100
13.4A critique of Sieverss (1893) and Gerings (1902) analysis

Firmly convinced of the structural parallelism between the c-verse and the hypermetric verse in West Germanic meters, notably the presence of three rather than two
lifts per verse, Sievers (1893: 8589), and in his wake Gering (1902: 454490) more
thoroughly, applied Luicks (1888) model of West Germanic hypermetric verse to the
analysis of the c-verse in ljahttr. According to Sieverss and Gerings account, the
c-verse constitutes an amalgamation of two verse types in such a way that the second
lift of the first constituent verse serves also as the first lift of the second constituent
verse, as illustrated in (21):40
(21)
A=
B=
//
///
AB =
///
40Hildebrand (1874: 92) may be regarded as one of the precursors of the idea that the c-verse is a
compression of the long line or a fusion of the a-verse and the b-verse. Consider his remarks as follows: je die zweite langzeile ist verkrzt, hat ihre csur verloren und bildet mit der ersten ein ganzes,
die halbstrophe. Dass die dritte zeile [= the c-verse] wirklich als verkrzung und zusammenziehung
einer langzeile anzusehen ist, See also Heusler (1890: 123124). The subsequent scholarship saw
various ramifications of this insight including rnason (2006: 162165) most recently, among which
Sieverss and Gerings thesis seems to be most substantive and hence deserves particular criticism.
For a further criticism of Sieverss account, see Hartman (2011: 241243).
758
The c-verse
B=
C=
//
///
BC =
///
Leaving open the issue of the alleged isomorphism between the c-verse and the West
Germanic hypermetric verse,41 we may concentrate on evaluating Sieverss and Gerings formal account of the c-verse in its own right. Of primary importance, their
account obviously fails to match ours in terms of overall explanatory power. Sievers
(1893: 85) and Gering (1902: 454) need an independent stipulation that the c-verse
ends largely in the cadence px or P, in order to exclude logically possible combinations that terminate in other ways. By contrast, in our framework, the cadence /,
ranging for the most part between px and P in realization, is incorporated directly
into the composition model whereby the a-verse and the cadence variant distinctively
characteristic of the b-verse as opposed to the a-verse namely, / are conflated into
the c-verse and each candidate constituent is evaluated in gradient terms.
The above point is substantiated most revealingly in regard to the pair of configurations PxPPx (e.g., Hav 31.3 gestr at gest hinn) and PxPpx (e.g., Hav 47.6
mar er mannz gaman). While the first configuration PxPPx cannot be readily
derived, but must rather be characterized as an aberrant realization of typeA1- due
to the exceptional cadence variant Px in our framework (section13.1.5), it counts as
fully legitimate on Sieverss (1893: 86) and Gerings (1902: 475) scansion, because it
is identified as typeAC. By contrast, the latter configuration PxPpx is as perfectly
acceptable in our analysis (typeA1- with the cadence px) as in Sieverss and Gerings
(typeAC). These formally similar two configurations, however, differ outstandingly
in their occurrence: the verse form PxPPx is rare in the extreme we find only two
examples (Hav 31.3 and 164.8; compare Sievers 1893: 86; Gering 1902: 475) whereas
the form PxPpx is abundantly attested (see section13.1.5 above).
Much the same applies to the pair of configurations xPxPPx (e.g., Alv 16.3
kalla dvergar Dvalins leica) and xPxPpx (e.g., Hav 91.3 brigr er karla hugr konom),
both being variants of typeB in our analysis (section13.1.8), and those of typeBC in
Sieverss (1893: 87) and Gerings (1902: 479481), with a comparably marked difference in their incidence. Also similar argument can be extended to the two verse forms
xPPPx (e.g., Hav 142.7 oc reist hroptr rgna) and xPPpx (e.g., Fm 12.3 oc vel mart
vita), which are both scanned as type C- in our framework (section 13.1.10) and as
typeCC in Sieverss (1893: 87) and Gerings (1902: 481482). Obviously, Sievers and
Gering would hardly be able to make the needed distinction between these paired
configurations without resorting to the independent stipulation that the c-verse optimally ends in px or P, and rarely in others like Px.
41Heusler (1956: 233n1) flatly denied parallelism between the two.
A critique of Sieverss (1893) and Gerings (1902) analysis
759
Such a too strong generative power inherent in Sieverss and Gerings model
brings about further serious consequences, namely, a structural indeterminacy
whereby a large number of verses are open to two competing scansions with indistinguishable plausibility. At issue is the verse-initial drop located in the following two
groups of configurations, where the initial upbeat can be identified either as anacrusis to typeA, or the first drop of typeB: (i) xPxPxP (e.g., Hav 154.6 oc svfic allan
s) and xPxPxpx (e.g., Grm 15.6 oc svfir allar sakir); (ii) xPxPpx (e.g., Hav
151.3 rtom rs viar). More specifically, as Sievers (1893: 88n3) himself noted, the
former group may be scanned as typeAB with anacrusis or typeBB, whereas the latter
may be characterized as type AC with anacrusis or type BC. A principled selection
of the two competing scansions, however, seems to be unavailable in terms that are
internal to the model itself. By contrast, our model provides an unambiguous scansion, typeA1 with anacrusis and the cadence P/px on the one hand, and typeB with
the cadence px on the other. Since the cadence is constituted solely by a single lift,
we have no mechanism at our disposal for unifying the verse-final segments P and px
with any preceding one; therefore, the main part must be identified as nothing but
typeA1 with anacrusis (more precisely, anacrusis is attached to the c-verse as a whole,
rather than to the main constituent that is scanned as typeA1; see section13.1.2 above)
and type B, respectively. Our theory, then, can be claimed to be constrained more
rigorously than Sieverss and Gerings in keeping with empirical facts. In addition
to the excessive power of generation, Sieverss and Gerings model also suffers from
its inability to derive a set of attested verses: Sievers and Gering would be forced to
leave the variety of verses unaccounted for that apparently have only two lifts on the
surface: at stake are many of the two-position verses such as Hav 162.8 nt, ef nemr
and Vm 16.3 grund oc me goom (compare Sievers 1893: 89; Gering 1902: 485488).42
These would have to be regarded as two-lift verses irreducible to the amalgamationbased composition. By contrast, the verses under consideration pose no problem to
our framework of derivation: they are readily explained as a conflation of two-position verses, which are used no less metrically as full-fledged a-verses on their own,
augmented with the optimal cadence variants P and px (section13.1.15).
Sieverss and Gerings failure to treat these two-lift verses in the same way as
the remaining vast majority means that their amalgamation model cannot afford to
provide a unitary account of the c-verse in its entirety. This must be regarded as a
serious defect of the model in the presence of the alternative framework proposed
here that integrates fully in a principled way these apparently too short verses with
the remainder.
42It should be noted that Sievers interpreted types A3 and A3- as containing three lifts, the first of
which is occupied simply by a nonalliterative, weakly stressed syllable. Accordingly, our typeA3 is
scanned by Sievers (1893: 86) as typeAB, precisely as is our typeA1.
760
The c-verse
We have yet to mention a point of fundamental importance in regard to the integrity of ljahttr. On Sieverss and Gerings view, the a-/b-verse and the c-verse are
subsumed under two separate verse categories, normal and hypermetric, although
there are alleged to be a sizable number of comparable hypermetric verses in the
a-/b-verse, too the scansion that was rejected as unacceptable in section12.4 above.
These two kinds of verse are thus distinct entities which are opposed in structural
terms. According to our account, however, the c-verse is a composite of the a-verse
and the b-verse: it is reducible to the same constituent verses, the a-verse and the
b-verse. What makes the c-verse apparently of a distinct kind from the two basic units
is that it simultaneously constitutes a line. And the organization of the c-verse as
an autonomous line is fully derived from the regular line formation through a coupling of the a-verse and the b-verse: the a-verse and the b-verse are united in the line,
the maximal metrical unit that serves as a self-contained alliterative entity. What is
unique to the c-verse is the condensation of the two constituents into a complex verse
that materializes concomitant with the line formation.
All in all, then, by acknowledging formally the pairing of the a-verse and the
b-verse in whatever abbreviated form as a basis of composition for the c-verse, we
are capable of explaining why it is fully qualified as a line on its own. On the other
hand, Sievers and Gering would be hard-pressed to provide a credible account of why
the c-verse, a hypermetric verse as it allegedly is, does not require another verse to
form a line, precisely as it does in West Germanic meter, and as the other two verses
do in ljahttr. The notion of line formation is thus integral to our analysis of the
c-verse, while it remains extraneous to Sieverss and Gerings.
14The stanza
Like fornyrislag and mlahttr, ljahttr has at its disposal two units higher than
the line in the metrical hierarchy: the half-stanza and the stanza. The half-stanza is
composed by coupling a long line which in turn comprises an a-verse and a b-verse
and a full line (a c-verse). The still higher metrical unit, in fact the highest one in all
of the three eddic meters, is constructed on the basis of a pairing of half-stanzas. In
this chapter, we will be concerned with how these higher metrical units control the
organization of verse classes, types, and realization variants.1
14.1Preliminaries
The varying numbers of verses that are constitutive of a total of 518 stanzas composed in ljahttr are distributed as shown in Table14.1. As should be clear, the
six-verse stanza accounts for nearly 80% (410 counts). The occurrence of this representative stanza size in ljahttr is significantly larger than that of the corresponding one (the eight-verse stanza) in fornyrislag, with a p-value of less than 0.001
(section7.1). Furthermore, with the exception of Hav 80 and Sd 14, the remaining
408 six-verse stanzas are homogeneous in their internal structure: they are divided
into two half-stanzas, which comprise three distinct verses each, the a-verse, the
b-verse, and the c-verse occurring in this order. The two exceptional stanzas share
the first half-stanza, but the second one is composed of three c-verses, rather than
the normal combination of the three different verses. In the presence of the overwhelming heterogeneity of internal and external organization, we may be justified
in conceptualizing the stanza as a prototype-based metrical unit and concluding
that the prototype of the stanza in ljahttr consists of two half-stanzas, each in
turn comprising three verses, the a-verse, the b-verse, and the c-verse. In the following examination, then, we will concentrate on this prototypical stanza and leave the
remainder unaddressed.
The extent to which the prototypical stanza is represented varies widely among
the individual poems (compare Tables 14.2 through 14.12). Rm (Table14.10) is maximally consistent, allowing only for this standard form. At the other extreme is Hrbl
(Table14.6), in which the prototype occurs only once along with four other forms and
the most frequent stanza consists of three verses, which is otherwise uncommon. In
the remaining nine poems, the prototype predominates to be sure, but it alternates
with others of varying sizes. Even in this middle group some poems differ significantly
from the others in statistical terms, as do Ls (Table 14.7), Alv (Table 14.8), and Fm
1Compare Heusler (1890: 162170; 1956: 232233, 248249) and Sievers (1893: 8081, 235239). For
a syntax-based organization of the stanza, see Alexander (1929).
762
The stanza
(Table14.11) all approximating Rm in preponderance of the prototypical stanza on

the one hand, and Hav (Table14.2), Grm (Table14.4), and Skm (Table14.5) farthest
removed from Rm on the same parameter on the other.
Table14.1.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers (in decreasing order of
counts)
Verse number
Counts
6
7
9
3
10
8
5
11
12
4
13
15
410
42
22
14
11
9
3
2
2
1
1
1
79.15
8.11
4.25
2.70
2.12
1.74
0.58
0.39
0.39
0.19
0.19
0.19
Total
518
100
Table14.2.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in Hav

Verse number
Counts
6
7
9
10
3
8
5
11
13
15
108
21
9
6
3
3
1
1
1
1
70.13
13.64
5.84
3.90
1.95
1.95
0.65
0.65
0.65
0.65
Total
154
100
Preliminaries
Table14.3.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in Vm

Verse number
Counts
6
3
7
8
9
49
2
2
1
1
89.09
3.64
3.64
1.82
1.82
Total
55
100
Table14.4.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in Grm

Verse number
Counts
6
9
7
5
10
11
12
39
6
4
1
1
1
1
73.59
11.32
7.55
1.89
1.89
1.89
1.89
Total
53
100
Table14.5.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in Skm

Verse number
Counts
6
7
10
8
3
4
30
6
2
2
1
1
71.43
14.29
4.76
4.76
2.38
2.38
Total
42
100
763
764
The stanza
Table14.6.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in Hrbl

Verse number
3
7
5
6
8
9
12
Total
Counts
5
2
1
1
1
1
1
41.67
16.67
8.33
8.33
8.33
8.33
8.33
12
100
Table14.7.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in Ls

Verse number
Counts
6
7
8
60
4
1
92.31
6.15
1.54
Total
65
100
Table14.8.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in Alv

Verse number
Counts
6
7
34
1
97.14
2.86
Total
35
100
Table14.9.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in HHv

Verse number
Counts
6
3
9
10
16
1
1
1
84.21
5.26
5.26
5.26
Total
19
100
Preliminaries
765
Table14.10.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in Rm

Verse number
Counts
16
100
Total
16
100
Table14.11.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in Fm

Verse number
Counts
6
3
7
32
2
1
91.43
5.71
2.86
Total
35
100
Table14.12.Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in Sd

Verse number
Counts
6
9
7
8
10
25
4
1
1
1
78.13
12.50
3.13
3.13
3.13
Total
32
100
Since the half-stanza consists of three distinct verses, variation of verse structure does
not arise at this level of metrical organization, much as within the line the two constituent verses are largely incommensurate and hence at odds with the notion of variation
of the same entity. Only with reference to the highest unit, the stanza, does it begin to
make sense to explore variation in verse composition in terms superordinate to itself.
Specifically, we may examine whether and how verses of the same category, the a-verse
(section 14.2), the b-verse (section 14.3), and the c-verse (section 14.4), respectively,
vary between the first and the second half-stanza in terms of verse types, realizations
of metrical positions, and alliterative patterns. Before moving on, however, we must
remove from consideration the defective verses that are listed at the outset of Part III;2
2The defective verses that occur in the standard stanzas are as follows: 5 a-verses (Hav 22.1, 70.1,
Vm 5.4, Skm 1.1, Ls 39.4); 9 b-verses (Hav 22.2, 36.2, 37.2, 39.5, 70.2, Vm 5.5, Skm 1.2, Ls 39.5, Alv 11.5); 1
c-verse (Skm 12.3).
766
The stanza
accordingly, our corpus contains 811 a-verses (verse 1: 405; verse 4: 406), 807 b-verses
(verse 2: 403; verse 5: 404), and 815 c-verses (verse 3: 407; verse 6: 408).
14.2The a-verse
At issue in this section are the initial verses of the first and the second half-stanza,
that is, verse 1 and verse 4 of the six-verse stanzas with the standard arrangement of
constituent verses abcabc (a = a-verse; b = b-verse; c = c-verse). Our major question is:
Do the two kinds of a-verses differ in any significant ways in regard to the verse types,
realization variants, and alliterative patterns that they favor?
Table14.13 indicates the distribution of verse classes in the two kinds of a-verses in
question. With reference to class A, by far the largest one in the a-verse (section13.2),
it is more likely to occur in verse 1 than in verse 4, with a p-value of less than 0.001.
By contrast, classes B and C, the two major classes represented most strongly in the
b-verse, are more likely to occur in verse 4, again with a similar p-value (p<0.001;
compare Heusler 1890: 155156; Sievers 1893: 239). Given these opposite correlations
to the preference patterns distinctively characteristic of the a- and b-verses, respectively, we may be justified in charactering verse 1, rather than verse 4, as the prototype
of the a-verse.
Table14.13.Occurrences of verse classes in verses 1 and 4
Class
D*
Verse
1
11
(2.72%)
325
11
(80.25%) (2.72%)
Verse
4
7
(1.72%)
264
38
61
19
6
11
(65.02%) (9.36%) (15.02%) (4.68%) (1.48%) (2.71%)
AA
Total
20
11
18
8
1
405
(4.94%) (2.72%) (4.44%) (1.98%) (0.25%) (100%)
0
406
(0%) (100%)
Internal to class A, typeA1 makes no significant difference (p=0.154) in incidence

between the two kinds of a-verses (Table14.14). When we add subtypeA1s as seems
to be appropriate (after all, subtypeA1s is a variant of typeA1), however, we obtain
a p-value of 0.020, which shows that verse 1 is more likely to accommodate typeA1
including subtypeA1s. In similar fashion, typeA3 evinces a closer association with
verse 1 (p=0.005) than with verse 4. Brought together, then, corresponding to the level
of class A as a whole, its two major representatives display a preference for verse1.
767
The a-verse
Table14.14.Occurrences of verse types in verses 1 and 4

Type
2 positions
A1
A1-
A1s
A2a
A2a-
A2b
A3
A3-
AA
Verse 1
11
2.72%
140
34.57%
51
12.59%
25
6.17%
3
0.74%
6
1.48%
11
2.72%
73
18.02%
16
3.95%
1
0.25%
Verse 4
7
1.72%
121
29.80%
33
8.13%
12
2.96%
14
3.45%
4
0.99%
6
1.48%
45
11.08%
29
7.14%
0
0%
Type
C-
D-
D*
Total
Verse 1
11
2.72%
16
3.95%
4
0.99%
1
0.25%
10
2.47%
18
4.44%
8
1.98%
405
100%
Verse 4
38
9.36%
42
10.34%
19
4.68%
2
0.49%
17
4.19%
6
1.48%
11
2.71%
406
100%
In regard to the size of the first drop (Table14.15), verse 1 tends to be longer than verse
4, as monosyllables are more likely to fill this position in verse 4 (p=0.001). Within
the monosyllabic first drop, the proportion of word-finals to word-initials does not
differ significantly between verses 1 and 4 (p=0.865; Table14.16).
Table14.15.Size of the first drop of typeA1 in verses 1 and 4
Syllables
Total
Verse 1
65 (46.43%)
36 (25.71%)
25 (17.86%)
11 (7.86%)
3 (2.14%)
140 (100%)
Verse 4
81 (66.94%)
31 (25.62%)
7 (5.79%)
2 (1.65%)
0 (0%)
121 (100%)
Table14.16.The monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 in verses 1 and 4

First drop
-x-
-x#
#x#
Total
Verse 1
2 (3.08%)
36 (55.38%)
27 (41.54%)
65 (100%)
Verse 4
3 (3.70%)
43 (53.09%)
35 (43.21%)
81 (100%)
As indicated in Table14.17, the first drop of typeA3 is longer in verse 1 than in verse 4
by one syllable: the proportion of monosyllables and disyllables combined to longer
strings differ significantly between the two verses (p < 0.001). Corresponding to
typeA1, the first drop of typeA3 thus tends to be longer in verse 1.
768
The stanza

Syllables
Total
Verse 1
0 (0%)
10 (13.70%)
30 (41.10%)
26 (35.62%)
7 (9.59%) 73 (100%)
Verse 4
1 (2.22%)
18 (40.00%)
18 (40.00%)
6 (13.33%)
2 (4.44%) 45 (100%)
Anacrusis operates differently between the two kinds of a-verses: it is more likely to
occur in verse 4 than in verse 1 (p=0.024; Table14.18). This stronger association of
anacrusis with verse 4 is in harmony with the greater likelihood of types B and C
the verse types beginning with a drop occurring in verse 4, as pointed out above.
Concerning the varying size of anacrusis on the one hand and the first drop of types
B and C on the other, however, no correlation is in evidence, as is indicated by a lack
of significant difference in the proportion of monosyllables to polysyllables (p=1 for
anacrusis; p=0.780 for types B and C; Table14.19). As far as the verse-initial position
in general is concerned, it holds true, therefore, as Heusler (1890: 155156; 1956: 240)
generalized on the basis of his smaller dataset, that verse 1 is more likely to begin with
a lift (p<0.001). It should be recalled, however, that typeA3, with its characteristic
zero realization of the first lift, is included in the group of verses beginning with a lift.
The critical notion of the verse-initial lift at issue here refers to the underlying representation of metrical positions, rather than to their surface manifestations. Finally,
verses 1 and 4 do not differ in their choice of alliterative mode (Table14.20): any of the
three available patterns is as likely to occur in one as in the other.
Table14.18.Occurrences of anacrusis and its varying size in verses 1 and 4
Syllables
Verse 1
Verse 4
392 (96.79%)
378 (93.10%)
6 (1.48%)
14 (3.45%)
2 (0.49%)
12 (2.96%)
3
1 (0.25%)
2 (0.49%)
4
4 (0.99%)
0 (0%)
Total
405 (100%)
406 (100%)
Table14.19.Size of the first drop of types B and C in verses 1 and 4

Syllables
Verse 1
Verse 4
6 (22.22%)
15 (18.75%)
6 (22.22%)
53 (66.25%)
6 (22.22%)
10 (12.50%)
6 (22.22%)
2 (2.50%)
3 (11.11%)
0 (0%)
xa
Total
Table14.20.Alliterative pattern in verses 1 and 4

Alliteration
Verse 1
Verse 4
aa
76 (18.77%)
89 (21.92%)
ax
240 (59.26%)
243 (59.85%)
89 (21.98%)
74 (18.23%)
405 (100%)
406 (100%)
Total
27 (100%)
80 (100%)
The b-verse
769
14.3The b-verse
At the level of verse class (Table14.21), while the presence of class A makes no significant difference between verses 2 and 5 (p=0.461), the occurrence of classes B and C
combined is more closely associated with verse 5 (p=0.045). Given that these classes
are more likely to occur in verse 4 than verse 1, as observed in section14.2 above, it
may follow that the major classes beginning with a drop display a preference for the
second half-stanza.
As regards the finer details of the composition of these two dominant classes
in the b-verse, however, no significant difference is evidence. First, the size of the
first drop is found to be insensitive to the distinction between verses 2 and 5 with
p-values of 0.448 for typeB (Table14.22) and of 0.114 for typeC (Table14.23). Second,
neither type is distinguished between the two verses in regard to preference for the
two representative cadence variants, px and P for typeB (p=0.758; 91 px and 105 P
in verse 2, and 88 px and 95 P in verse 5), and px and Px for typeC (p=0.577: 47 px
and 15 Px in verse 2, and 62 px and 26 Px in verse 5). Another potential parameter for
variation over typeC, the opposition of syllable length in the second lift, fails to be
patterned in association with the stanza-internal location of the b-verse (p=0.888;
Table14.24). From these negative results, we may reasonably generalize that verses
2 and 5 do not differ significantly in their metrical organization, with the exception
of the higher probability of classes B and C occurring in verse 5. The lack of differentiation is strikingly analogous to the situation in fornyrislag, in which b-verses, in
contrast to a-verses, are not distinguished in terms of their stanza-internal location
(chapter7).
Class
Verse 2
Verse 5
D*
Total
29 (7.20%) 198 (49.13%) 110 (27.30%) 1 (0.25%) 52 (12.90%) 13 (3.23%) 403 (100%)
33 (8.17%) 187 (46.29%) 144 (35.64%) 6 (1.49%) 22 (5.45%) 12 (2.97%) 404 (100%)
Table14.22.Size of the first drop of typeB in verses 2 and 5

Syllables
Verse 2
Verse 5
1
37 (18.59%)
41 (21.93%)
2
92 (46.23%)
86 (45.99%)
3
51 (25.63%)
51 (27.27%)
4
18 (9.05%)
9 (4.81%)
Total
1 (0.50%) 199 (100%)

0 (0%) 187 (100%)
770
The stanza
Table14.23.Size of the first drop of typeC in verses 2 and 5

Syllables
Verse 2
Verse 5
12 (11.32%)
26 (18.84%)
51 (48.11%)
52 (37.68%)
34 (32.08%)
41 (29.71%)
Total
9 (8.49%)
19 (13.77%)
106 (100%)
138 (100%)
Table14.24.Length of the second lift of typeC in verses 2 and 5

Second lift
Verse 2
Verse 5
Long
Short
33 (31.13%) 73 (68.87%)
41 (29.71%) 97 (70.29%)
Total
106 (100%)
138 (100%)
14.4The c-verse
In terms of verse class representation, verses 3 and 6 do not differ significantly; more
specifically, the predominant one, class A, occurs in both without appreciable distinction in probability (p=0.110; Table14.25). Within class A, the two representative
types, A1 and A3, are no different in their likelihood of appearing in the two groups of
c-verses (p=0.069 for typeA1 and p=0.773 for typeA3; Table14.26). Preference for
the two major cadence variants, px and P, makes no significant difference in regard to
these two predominant verse types for typeA1 (p=0.527: 37 px and 34 P in verse 3, and
42 px and 49 P in verse 6) and for typeA3 (p=0.405: 103 px and 50 P in verse 3, and
97 px and 59 P in verse 6). Furthermore, the overall alliterative pattern is insensitive to
the distinction between verses 3 and 6 (Table14.28).
Class
Verse 3
Verse 6
11 (2.70%)
3 (0.74%)
307 (75.43%)
327 (80.15%)
17 (4.18%)
17 (4.17%)
33 (8.11%)
38 (9.31%)
Total
39 (9.58%) 407 (100%)

23 (5.64%) 408 (100%)
Despite the lack of distinction in numerous potential parameters, there are at least
two that deserve particular notice: the varying size of types A1 and A3. As shown in
Tables 14.28 and 14.29, the monosyllabic first drop of typeA1 is more likely to occur
in verse 3 at a significance level of 0.10 (p=0.057); and analogously and more conspicuously, monosyllables are more likely to occur in the initial upbeat of typeA3 in
verse 3 (p=0.024). Taking into account the far more outstanding distinction between
verses 1 and 4 predicated on the same parameters (section14.2), we may summarize
The c-verse
771
Table14.26.Occurrences of verse types in verses 3 and 6

Type
A1
A1s
A1-
A2a
A2b
Verse 3
11
73
2
43
4
(2.70%) (17.94%) (0.49%) (10.57%) (0.98%)
Verse 6
3
95
1
(0.74%) (23.28%) (0.25%)
Type
Verse 3
Verse 6
A3
A3-
0
153
32
17
30
(0%) (37.59%) (7.86%) (4.18%) (7.37%)
33
1
1
158
38
17
29
(8.09%) (0.25%) (0.25%) (38.73%) (9.31%) (4.17%) (7.11%)
C-
3 (0.74%)
9 (2.21%)
7 (1.72%)
7 (1.72%)
D32 (7.86%)
16 (3.92%)
Total
407 (100%)
408 (100%)
Table14.27.Alliterative pattern in verses 3 and 6

Alliteration
Verse 3
Verse 6
aaa
10 (2.46%)
16 (3.92%)
aax
100 (24.57%)
91 (22.30%)
axa
112 (27.52%)
105 (25.74%)
xaa
185 (45.45%)
196 (48.04%)
Total
407 (100%)
408 (100%)
the correlations as follows: the longer first drop of types A1 and A3 is favored in verse
1 (a-verse), and, to a weaker extent, in verse 6 (c-verse); conversely, the shorter one is
preferred in verse 4 (a-verse), and, to a moderate degree, in verse 3 (c-verse). As it turns
out, a trade-off is involved here: the longer verse 1 is grouped with the shorter verse
3; and the shorter verse 4, with the longer verse 6. Thus, the longer a-verse (verse 1)
is matched with the shorter c-verse (verse 3); and the shorter a-verse (verse 4) is combined with the longer c-verse (verse 6). By arranging the inversely composed verses
at the beginning and at the end of a half-stanza, a kind of balance in terms of prominence seems to be maintained between the first and the second stanza. Moreover,
from the perspective of the stanza, we may plausibly generalize that the longer first
drop of the two predominant verse types serves a function of framing the highest metrical unit, the stanza, which is most likely to be initiated by a lift, manifest or latent
(section14.2). Accordingly, the concatenation of the verse-initial lift and a relatively
long stretch of unstressed syllables that follows it prototypically introduce a stanza.
Overall, the demarcating function of the verses that are located at the edge of
higher units the stanza and the half-stanza might appear to be quite limited in
ljahttr, in comparison with fornyrislag (section 7.6), if not as poorly resourced
as in mlahttr (section8.6). This should hardly be surprising, however, insofar as
the half-stanza is concerned, in light of its heterogeneous composition: this unit is
demarcated prototypically by the initial lift of the a-verse at the beginning and the
fixed cadence / of the c-verse at the end. Since each of the three constituent verses
is unique in itself, there would be no need, from a purely functional perspective, to
772
The stanza
devise finer distinctions within the initial and final verses. As for the stanza, too,
ljahttr can scarcely be regarded as far more loosely organized in distinguishability
than in fornyrislag. On the contrary, it invokes essentially the same parameters for
the demarcation of the stanza-initiality, namely, the preponderance of class A, and
the larger size of the first drop of types A1 and A3. On the whole, then, the stanza
and the half-stanza in ljahttr are demarcated by their constituent verses almost as
effectively as in fornyrislag, and the means for differentiation are analogous to some
extent.
Syllables
Verse 3
Verse 6
Total
66 (90.41%)
75 (78.95%)
6 (8.22%)
13 (13.68%)
1 (1.37%)
6 (6.32%)
0 (0%)
1 (1.05%)
73 (100%)
95 (100%)

Syllables
Verse 3
Verse 6
Total
22 (14.38%) 61 (39.87%) 35 (22.88%) 27 (17.65%) 6 (3.92%) 2 (1.31%) 153 (100%)

10 (6.33%) 51 (32.28%) 52 (32.91%) 33 (20.89%) 9 (5.70%) 3 (1.90%) 158 (100%)
15ConclusionConclusion
In this final chapter, we will recast the major claims and findings of the foregoing
investigation primarily from a dynamic perspective of practicing poets who would
have evaluated competing scansions and explored alternative metrical organizations,
in the face of the ongoing linguistic change and the resultant metrical variation and
fluctuation. In so doing, we will be presenting an evolutionary trajectory of the three
eddic meters as they divergently developed from their Common Germanic and North
Germanic ancestors, and were shaped ultimately as independent meters on Scandinavian soil.
In North Germanic, unstressed syllables are reduced on a larger scale than in
West Germanic. As a consequence, many prefixes, suffixes, and endings of ProtoGermanic origin become reduced and eventually lost, and word forms are correspondingly shortened to a large extent. This drastic weakening and loss of unstressed
syllables has significant consequences on the meter. In brief, verses become considerably shorter on the surface (Sievers 1893: 220). This overall quantitative reduction of
verse, however, cannot be derived simply and fully from the overarching phonological change of weakening and reduction: not all metrical changes in fornyrislag are
reductive in nature; some are even resistant to reduction. Far from being pervasively
implemented throughout the system, they are highly localized in metrical context.
And they are for the most part variational and stochastic in operation. Rather, the
meter of Common Germanic inheritance is reorganized and reconfigured by and large
as selective and well-motivated adaptations to the changed linguistic circumstance:
the Common Germanic metrical tradition is reshaped and reinvigorated by innovation to suit the novel linguistic milieu in Scandinavia. In the process of such adaptive
and manipulative reorganizations, new metrical devices are introduced, some inherited ones radically or moderately remade, and some others retained almost intact.
We must therefore fully acknowledge the relative autonomy of the metrical system to
get a proper understanding of inherited and innovative properties of the Norse meter.
Through the radical loss of unstressed syllables, the stressed counterparts that
remain unaffected are largely deprived of their structural opposites which were once
extensively in existence. This may accordingly give rise to a relative weakening of
prominence on stressed syllables in general, which in turn leads to a considerable
leveling of stressed and still extant unstressed syllables: in the absence of explicit
opposition, the contrastive feature involved may be relegated to the background and
become less perceptible to the mind.
To be regarded as the most immediate effect of prominence reduction on the
meter may be the decreased distinguishability of the two opposite metrical positions,
the lift and the drop. The lesser demarcation between these units has far-reaching
consequences on alignment between metrical positions and language material. Lexically stressed syllables, even those of class 1 words, are increasingly aligned to a drop,
as in the first drop of types A1, A3, B, and C. In this connection, it is interesting to
774
Conclusion
note that the occurrence of class 1 words in the verse-initial drop is largely limited to
man/mon man in Beowulf and the Heliand (Suzuki 2004: 278286). Of further vital
consequence, the first drop of types A1 and A1- is occupied by relatively heavy finite
verbs (class 2 words) with a conspicuous incidence in fornyrislag. Conversely, syllables without lexical stress may be allowed to serve as a lift, even where they are not
supplied with demonstrable discourse-based emphasis. In this way, the weakened
contrast between lift and drop that was occasioned by reduction in prominence in
general subverts the lexical basis of metrical alignment, which becomes decreasingly
rigid.
The reduced range of distinguishability between lift and drop has another striking impact on metrical organization in the Norse meter: the inherited scalar distinction in size of the drop, most notably that of typeA1, is simplified to such an extent
that solely the difference between monosyllables and polysyllables is retained intact,
whereas further differentiation among polysyllables no longer obtains (section2.2.1).
Thus, the earlier rich distinctions succumb to considerable impoverishment in the
Norse meter.
In addition to the most visible effects as we have seen above, the reduced prominence on syllables in general and the consequentially changed prosodic structure,
notably a radically diminished presence of stressed short syllables (Lehmann 1956:
8083), has more profound and pervasive consequences on the inner organization
of the meter. A reduced distance between lift and drop due to their partial leveling
to each other undermines the status and role of the heavy drop that stands as an
intermediary between the two extremes. The variety of class D is thus minimized
(section 2.10.1): with removal of the heavy drop and its subsequent assimilation to
the normal one, typeD (/ / ) is left as the only significant verse type of this class.
Similarly, but less dramatically, types A2a and A2b lose much of their original distinguishability upon weakening of the heavy drop as an autonomous metrical position
(sections 2.2.1 and 2.2.2): having become less distinct from typeA1, they are no longer
loaded with a preponderant occurrence in the a-verse and a maximal manifestation
of double alliteration; and they cease to be used as vigorously as in earlier meter.
The vastly diminished presence of typeE may also be attributed in part to the weakened identity of the heavy drop, relative in particular to the normal drop. With the
expanded range of the normal drop, only lexically stressed syllables are now qualified for occupying the second position of this type (/ \ /; section2.13.3).
Resolution, one of the major devices for increasing prominence on strong positions that was extensively practiced in earlier versification, becomes closest to being
moribund (section4.2). Not only is it curtailed in incidence of operation in general
(with a single exception in a highly localized context; see toward the end of this paragraph), but it is also severely marginalized in its scope: now restricted to the first
lift, it is virtually inapplicable to the second one, to say nothing of the heavy drop.
The only context in which resolution is still implemented with vigor is the first lift
of type C that is followed by the long second lift, the paradigm case of resolution
Conclusion
775
which is motivated on syntagmatic grounds of clashing lifts (section4.2.3). In fact,

resolution operates more vigorously in this context in fornyrislag than in Beowulf
(section5.2.2); resolution in fornyrislag is therefore characterized as a strictly contextualized metrical device. It is all the more remarkable, however, that fornyrislag
can afford to make more intensive use of resolution in this severely limited context
despite the reduced resources for implementing resolution, namely, stressed short
disyllables. Quite understandably, however, the privileged operation of resolution in
the first lift of typeC has strong structural support, namely, the requirement to realize
the optimal cadence / (= Px) with the highest incidence (see below). This requirement in turn necessitates resolving the first lift for the syntagmatic reason of clashing
lifts involved.
As an alternative to the once extensive implementation of resolution, suspension of resolution comes to play a pivotal role in fornyrislag (section4.3). Since this
negative mode of resolution undoing of resolution as it were aligns a lift to a short
syllable instead of a long one as is practiced normally, it instantiates a decrease of
prominence, a metrical convention that turns out to be more congruent with the
reduced prominence in linguistic structure at large. While suspension of resolution
was subject to a syntagmatic-based strict constraint in earlier meter, namely, the presence of a stressed syllable in the immediately preceding position, this restriction was
completely abolished in fornyrislag by analogical extension (section4.3.9). As a consequence, the configuration Pxpx is established as a novel variant of subtypeA1s.
Accordingly, in conjunction with a concomitant removal of resolution as a major metrical process, the lift must be realized by a short syllable alone in much wider contexts
in the Norse meter. Thus, the implementation and suspension of resolution have been
reversed in their relative importance for metrical organization: suspension features
centrally as a default mode at the expense of operation.
While the legitimation of the novel configuration Pxpx with the short second
lift as a variant of subtypeA1s is a consequence of the inner development that takes
place on grounds intrinsic to the Norse meter by abolishing through generalization
the traditional constraint on suspension of resolution, the expansion of suspension
of resolution also owes to contact with another metrical tradition, the Continental
branch of Old Germanic meter. The collection of the configurations with a short lift,
namely, xpx (typeA3), xpXx (typeC), PpXx (typeD), and PxpXx (typeD*), come
into being in fornyrislag through an influx of poetic materials of South German
content (section4.3.9; compare Kuhn [1939] 1969). Specifically, the contact with these
foreign sources has introduced verses composed in the unprecedented configuration
PsXx (typeD) into the Scandinavian world. The Norse poets, however, not only adopt
this novel form in their meter, but also go so far as to construct new configurations
by analogical generalization, adding the four verse forms mentioned above which
are unknown to the source metrical tradition to the inventory of realization variants
of verse types as native expressions. Inspired by external sources through contact,
however, the use of these configurations have not yet spread to the group of eddic
776
Conclusion
poems of native content and provenance. Thus, the extent to which these novel configurations with a short lift are used varies in two opposed ways: the form Pxpx,
the product of a native metrical development, receives ubiquitous acceptance in the
entire corpus as do the inherited configurations such as PSpx and xPpx; by contrast, the configurations xpx, xpXx, PpXx, and PxpXx, which come into being
through a contact-based change, are concentrated in the genre that is directly affected
by the influx of the foreign material.
The other means of enhancing prominence double alliteration in the a-verse
is compromised to a comparable extent (section6.2). In contrast to the West Germanic
cognate meters, double alliteration is marginalized, and inversely single alliteration
figures predominantly in fornyrislag. The earlier closest association of double alliteration with increased verse types such as types A2a and A2b is relaxed considerably;
the relatively heavy variants like the configuration PxPx are less likely to manifest
double alliteration in fornyrislag than in its West Germanic cognates. Anacrusis (see
below) can no longer serve as a privileged accompaniment of double alliteration.
The meter of Beowulf, the extant most archaic exemplar of Old Germanic versification, is strictly regulated by the principle of four metrical positions two lifts and
two drops per verse.1 The two groups of verses that apparently contain more than
four positions are for the most part reducible to canonical four-position verses. At
issue are anacrusis on the one hand, and class D* on the other. What appear to be
the extra drops involved, either at the beginning of a verse (anacrusis) or immediately after the first lift (the additional drop of class D*), do not count as an autonomous position; they constitute an integral part of the following or preceding lift
that is realized in its maximally extended form. In these contexts, the first lift is
aligned to the head of a prosodic phrase that consists not only of a primary-stressed
syllable (P or px, the head of a prosodic word) but also unstressed material that is
subordinated to it through cliticization procliticization (anacrusis) or encliticization (class D*).
With the loss of prefixes in North Germanic, the prototypical exponent of anacrusis ceased to be available in the meter (sections 3.1 and 3.3): therefore, procliticization can no longer be invoked as a living prosodic mechanism to derive a maximally
extended variant of the lift that is aligned to a sequence of unstressed material and a
primary-stressed syllable. While prefixes in large measure disappear from the lexicon
in North Germanic, other unstressed material is occasionally left standing before the
1In this respect, we disagree with Sievers (1893: 221225), who assumed the concurrence of fourposition and five-position verses (without being reducible to a single common principle of versification) in the original meter from which fornyrislag, on the one hand, and mlahttr, on the other,
diverged through virtually exclusive use of one form at the expense of the other. In our view, however,
the principle of five positions constituted a later innovation that gave rise to a new meter, mlahttr,
as will be shown in due course.
Conclusion
777
first lift in the Norse meter, as is also evidenced in Beowulf. Now dissociated from procliticization, these pretonic unstressed syllables must be recognized as a position on
its own; they must be assigned an autonomous position to be incorporated as legitimate metrical expressions in the system. To reject as unmetrical these weak elements
occurring before the first lift would be a possible alternative, of course. Given the currency however limited of such verses in the traditional verse stock, however, the
latter solution would have to be dismissed as unviable and impractical.
Assigning a separate position to the anacrustic elements, however, would violate
the principle of four metrical positions per verse, as it would inevitably result in
admitting a fifth position. The four-position principle was strictly obeyed in the Norse
meter. This faithful observation on Scandinavian soil should not be surprising, considering that the principle constitutes the foundational rule of versification in Old
Germanic meter, and hence the core of the identity of the alliterative tradition. Norse
poets are then confronted with the issue of how to harmonize the legitimization of
anacrusis as the fifth position with the fundamental principle of versification. The
solution arrived at is to minimize the breaching of the principle, rather than removing possible breaches, which would be equal to a total banning of anacrusis. The
minimum violation is achieved not only by a limited occurrence of anacrusis in terms
of frequency, but also by devising a structural constraint on its use so that resultant
anacrustic verses contravene the principle to a minimal degree. Specifically, a restriction is constructed by innovation and analogy, whereby anacrusis is allowed to occur
only on the shortest and least prominent variants of typeA1 and subtypeA1s among
the rich variants of typeA1, namely, the configurations with the monosyllabic first
drop. In earlier meter, anacrusis is preferably attached to the relatively prominent
variants of typeA1 with the polysyllabic first drop. By completely reversing the correlation between anacrusis and the size of the first drop, the Norse poets successfully
block the resulting anacrustic verses from attaining more than a minimum increase
of prominence in a correspondingly greater contradiction to the principle. Thus, anacrusis in fornyrislag undergoes reorganization so that this inherited metrical device
may incur the least amount of violation against the four-position principle in the new
linguistic environment.
The inaccessibility to cliticization as a linguistic basis of versification has no less
serious repercussions on the composition of type D*. The reduced prosodic hierarchy and hence the lack of sufficient power to attract adjacent unstressed elements
deprives the meter of the earlier mechanism of aligning a lift to such extended language material (section2.12.1). As a consequence, the unstressed syllables immediately following the first lift cannot be incorporated as integral part of the verse-initial
lift; rather, they must be counted as a separate position, a fifth one to the detriment
of the four-position principle. As with anacrusis, the inherited stock of verse expressions of class D* cannot be discarded simply as unmetrical, which would mean an
undesirable disruption of the poetic tradition. Thus, class D* must be maintained as
an authentic verse class along with the others.
778
Conclusion
Again, in the interest of conforming with maximal fidelity to the fundamental

principle at issue, the resultant breaches must be kept to a minimum. In earlier meter,
class D, which provides the basis of deriving class D*, comprised three verse types,
types D1 (/ / ), D2a (/ / \), and D2b (/ / \). It was the latter two types that served
as the typical bases of the expanded class, namely, D*2a (/ / \) and D*2b (/ / \),
by virtue of the increased prominence on the verse in general and the first lift in particular. In other words, the minimally prominent typeD1 was least likely to give rise
to the expanded variant, typeD*1 (/ / ). As shown above, class D in fornyrislag
is unified as a single type, corresponding to the earlier typeD1 in terms of metrical
representation. This means that in terms of metrical organization the Norse meter is
denied the typical basis for deriving expanded variants. Therefore, the Norse poets
cannot afford to compose class D* verses as freely as their Old Germanic colleagues.
Yet they cannot do without these expressions completely, as remarked above. As a
compromise, the Norse poets continue to use class D* with a minimal incidence that
is comparable to typeD*1 in earlier practice. It should be noted that the reduced frequency of use applies to the entire class of D*, including the relatively heavy configurations that were traditionally optimal for expansion.
In this way, the use of typeD* is put under strict control in fornyrislag, although
it is no longer fully incorporated into the four-position principle as in Beowulf; while
it must be scanned as comprising five positions in defiance of the principle, its occurrence is kept to a minimum, at a level comparable to that of the least prominent
variant, typeD*1, in Beowulf, so that the composition of class D* may not result in
too many and outrageous violations of the four-position principle. Thus, while not
leading to a conspicuous departure from the earlier practice as in the profound reorganization of anacrusis with resulting novel verses, class D* does yield to reconfiguration in subtler detail in terms of frequency, relative to class D as well as to the variable
realizations of the drops within class D*.
The resilience of the four-position principle should also be held primarily
responsible for constructing and organizing one of the central innovative features
of fornyrislag, namely, catalexis (sections 3.2 and 3.3). The extensive reduction of
unstressed syllables gives rise to a massive emergence of verses PxP, xP, and x
PP, which apparently end in lifted words, class 1 words for the most part. Obviously,
from a diachronic perspective, they are derivable from the regular configurations
PxPx, xPx, and xPPx, and can accordingly be related to types A1, A3, and C. In
purely synchronic terms, however, they can be scanned otherwise by exclusive reference to the concatenations of syllables as they are manifested on the surface. From
this point of view, the etymologically motivated derivational relation to types A1, A3,
and C would no longer be in sight at least as a primary characteristic of these new
configurations.
Of paramount importance, the Norse poets arrive at the genealogically motivated
scansion: the three configurations are identified as catalectic variants of types A1,
A3, and C, respectively, that is, types A1-, A3-, and C-, whereby the missing verse-final
Conclusion
779
drops are no less definitively in existence in metrical representation than their corresponding manifest ones are in the regular configurations. In other words, the catalectic verses are conceptualized as identical to their normal counterparts by virtue
of the four metrical positions that they comprise in underlying metrical terms. The
identification with the four-position regular verses of the short verses that apparently
consist of three positions would not be viable without the strict conformity to the fourposition principle. Only with this structural principle as a basis of generalization can
one have access to the conceptualization that a verse-final drop is actually there in
underlying representation and that it is simply realized as zero on the surface through
alignment to null linguistic material.
The tenacity of the four-position principle is demonstrable on independent
grounds, as shown above. The reorganization of anacrusis whereby it becomes
limited to the minimal size of the first drop of typeA1 and subtypeA1s is a prime piece
of evidence. The decreased incidence of class D* can be adduced as further support.
Moreover, the absence of anacrusis in class D* may constitute auxiliary circumstantial evidence.
While the ubiquitous four-position principle provides the fundamental conceptual framework for identifying short verses as catalectic and integrating them fully
with the extant verse structure, some other analytical devices are needed for the set of
generalizations that is eventually established in fornyrislag and thus harmonizes the
use of catalexis with the traditional meter. Crucially involved are several conventions
that are inherited from the Old Germanic metrical tradition: (i) the linearity-based
scale of metrical positions; (ii) the markedness relation between the a-verse and the
b-verse; (iii) the correlation between prominence and alliterative pattern.
According to the scale of prominence in a verse, as far as two like positions are
compared with each other, the one that is closest to the beginning of a verse counts
as the most prominent (section1.2). This amounts to the stipulation that the versefinal drop is the weakest in prominence. The degree of prominence on the drop is
measured by its size in terms of syllable numbers it is aligned to. In earlier meter,
exclusively the verse-final drop is restricted to a minimal number of syllables for
alignment, a monosyllable in this case. By contrast, the other drops are freely filled
by polysyllables, with the proper range of variation depending on their location in
a verse. Given the large-scale reduction of unstressed syllables in North Germanic,
this restriction is relaxed so that the verse-final drop may be realized at most by a
single syllable. In other words, the minimality of the syllable is reduced from one to
zero: it may be left unrealized through alignment to null language material. This is the
formal basis for composing catalectic verses. It is interesting to note that the relaxation in question is implemented in accordance with the inherited scale of prominence
against the background of reduction in prosodic structure. It constitutes a reinterpretation of the scale according to the changed linguistic environment, and this makes
possible the full integration of catalexis with the inherited metrical system: catalectic
verses are integrated as reduced variants of some of the existing four-position verses.
780
Conclusion
Without this formal underpinning, catalexis would constitute a formal complication

that is arbitrarily added to the traditional meter, resulting in a contingent proliferation of the inventory of mutually independent verse types. Catalexis such as is conceptualized in this random way would be unlikely to find a firm place in the metrical
system.
The second convention characterizes the b-verse as unmarked in opposition to
the a-verse: the b-verse is more likely to accommodate prototypical variants of verse
types, whereby degrees of prototypicality are largely identified with those of optimality in the alignment of language material to the underlying metrical representation of
a given verse type. Put another way, the less deviant in realization from the metrical
representation, the more prototypical, and hence more likely to occur in the b-verse.
Since catalectic verses leave the verse-final drop unrealized, they must count as less
typical and more peripheral variants of their associated verse types. Accordingly, the
catalectic verses are not favored in the b-verse, which, as the unmarked member of
the paired verses, is significantly biased toward the prototypical realizations of verse
types. Thus, the novel configurations apparently ending in lifted words are not only
accepted as legitimate variants of the relevant verse types such as types A1 and C, but
are also subject to the overarching generalization on verse distribution. This competent control of catalectic verses in terms of their verse distribution owes crucially
to the careful observation of the traditional generalization that is predicated on the
markedness relation of the paired verses.
The third convention regulates alliterative pattern in relation to prominence. Specifically, an increase in prominence of a verse promotes use of double alliteration
in the a-verse. Accordingly, the larger size of the first drop of type A1 is conducive
to an enhanced incidence of double alliteration, as are types A2a and A2b supplied
with the heavy first drop. Fully conforming to this traditional regulation and making
innovative use of it, the Norse poets arrive at a broader generalization by analogical
extension: the novel catalectic verses are determined as more likely to manifest single
alliteration than their regular counterparts (section 6.2.1.8). The reasoning behind
this new convention is clear: since catalectic verses fail to realize the verse-final drop
on the surface, they are equipped with a lower prominence to the extent that one
of the four positions is immaterial. The reduction in prominence, then, is made to
favor single alliteration by interpreting the inherited scale inversely in the negative
direction: much as increased prominence promotes double alliteration, so decreased
prominence should induce single alliteration.
In summary, by drawing heavily on the four-position principle, the Norse poets
have incorporated into the inherited meter emergent short verses as catalectic variants of the regular four-position ones, and integrated them firmly into the system
through a well-coordinated articulation with other related regulations. The innovation of composing by means of catalexis is thus made possible by the poets masterful
command of the traditional versecraft and their imaginatively flexible use in the face
of the new linguistic milieu.
Conclusion
781
The principle of four positions per verse not only controls the number of metrical positions that a verse must be equipped with, but also determines the minimum
limit of prominence. Since the four positions required by the principle are all realized
linguistically by default, null realization of the final drop by catalexis necessitates a
missing syllable to be manifested elsewhere the first drop by compensation. By the
same token, typeA3, which leaves the initial lift immaterialized, requires the missing
amount of prominence to be actualized elsewhere (the first drop). Analogously, with
the second drop assigned an extra mora for the compensation of the short second lift,
the lighter configurations Pxpx and xpx are more likely to end in a long syllable
(i.e., containing more than two moras) than their heavier counterparts PxPx and x
Px. While much elaborated in the Norse meter, the mechanism of compensation is far
from unique to fornyrislag. Rather, it functioned in traditional versecraft as well: the
first drop of typeA3, which derives from the initial lift of typeA1 by demotion, usually
requires more than one syllable to be assigned to it. The decrease in prominence that
is occasioned by demotion of the lift to the drop thus requires a larger number of syllables than is minimally necessary (Suzuki 1996: 5459). Again, the Norse poets creatively build on the metrical tradition that they inherited for more articulated organizations in accordance with their native linguistic circumstances.
As shown above, the innovative mechanism of deriving catalectic verses from
regular ones is the alignment of the verse-final drop to null linguistic material. This
novel device is also instrumental in reanalyzing typeA3, which is accomplished in
confrontation with the stress reduction and the resultant partial leveling of lift and
drop (section2.3.1). In earlier meter, typeA3 is derived by suppressing the initial lift
that is constitutive of typeA1, and substituting it with a drop; typeA3 is thus composed of two drops followed by a lift and a drop ( /). In the Norse meter, however,
class 1 words are no longer as strictly blocked from occupying a drop as in traditional
versecraft, as remarked above. Therefore, a class 1 word, which would normally constitute the first lift of typeA1, can now be aligned to the first drop if only on an occasional basis. Yet the principle of four metrical positions per verse rules out the resultant configuration / . In this context, the zero alignment provides a formal bridge
between the invisibility of the first lift on the surface and the four-position principle.
The first lift of typeA1 is left immaterialized by alignment to a null element: schematically represented, (/) / . Since the underlying representation contains the first lift,
which happens to be simply immaterialized, the four-position principle remains unbreached. The reanalysis of typeA3 that draws on alignment to zero leaves the initial
lift intact in metrical terms.
This reconfiguration of the first lift in turn has consequences on the use of this
verse type, which differs markedly from its correspondent in earlier meter and its successors in West Germanic. The existence of two lifts in the underlying representation of typeA3 in fornyrislag no longer excludes its occurrence in the b-verse categorically. In earlier practice, typeA3 is incompatible with the b-verse on account of
the single lift available. As observed above, the b-verse, unmarked as it is, requires
782
Conclusion
two lifts and two drops (preferably normal drops) to appear. Type A3 as composed
in traditional meter, however, has only one lift at its disposal; accordingly, it is disallowed from the b-verse on categorical grounds. In fornyrislag, however, typeA3 is
restructured as comprising two lifts and two drops. Thus, it now becomes qualified
for occurrence in the b-verse. Because of the enormously expanded first drop by compensation, however, it is far less likely to appear in the b-verse than even the maximal
variant of typeA1 with the polysyllabic first drop.
Catalexis creates the surface ambiguity at the end of a verse between P (/) and
P (/): the long primary-stressed monosyllable P may count as a string of lift + drop
or as a lift pure and simple. Accordingly, where the final drop is left unrealized, P is
structurally equivalent to Px, as both are aligned to a sequence of lift + drop, while
in the absence of such an underlying drop, P is opposed to Px in metrical value. Seen
from the other way around, then, Px may count as equal to or distinct from P: P = Px;
P Px. The metrical ambivalence at the end of a verse, therefore, involves P and Px
in terms of prosodic entities, and / and / in terms of metrical values. This ambiguity
may possibly threaten the integrity of the four-position principle, because of the variability in metrical positions involved that is not organized transparently. By contrast,
the short disyllable px counts invariably as lift + drop by virtue of the rule for suspension of resolution (section4.3.8). The metrical duality measured as / through resolution on the one hand, and as / through suspension of resolution on the other does
not obtain for this short string at the end of a verse, where it always counts as / : it is
thus metrically determined on syntagmatic grounds without ambiguity.
In this way, the double ambiguity of P versus Px and / versus / needs to be controlled in some way or other for a better organization of the meter. The verse structure
predicated on the constant number of metrical positions the four-position principle would otherwise possibly have to be seriously compromised. This challenge is
met by regulating the dual values by means of syntagmatic-based generalizations,
a solution that is comparable to the other potential ambivalence involving the short
disyllable mentioned above.
In order to minimize the structural ambiguities in alignment between Px and P
on the one hand, and / and / on the other, the two sets of entities Px and P, and
/ and / are polarized in syntagmatic terms by assigning them to sharply differentiated locations. Because the catalectic P (/ []) the cause of the ambiguity at
issue is limited to the end of a verse by nature of catalexis, the two distinct sites
for hosting the structural opposites are provided by the endings of the a-verse and
the b-verse. A specific solution to be implemented, however, must be framed by the
overarching preference for the cadence / at the expense of / (section5.1), irrespective of verse distinction. Furthermore, given the duality of P = / or / at stake, since
/ = Px is a default, prototypical alignment, it comes to be associated maximally
with the unmarked context, namely, the b-verse (based on the inherited asymmetry
between the a-verse and the b-verse predicated on markedness). By polarization,
then, its extreme opposite, / = P, is transferred to the remaining context available,
Conclusion
783
namely, the end of the a-verse. As a consequence, the verse-final lift is favored at
the end of the a-verse, and conversely tends to be avoided at the end of the b-verse.
On the other hand, the b-verse is organized as optimally ending in lift + drop and
realized as Px. Against the background of the general preference for the cadence /
, however, the verse-final lift falls short of asserting itself as a predominant ending
even at the end of the a-verse. All that the redistribution accomplishes is to remove
only partially the ambiguity at issue by largely limiting P = / to the end of the a-verse
and conversely excluding it from the end of the b-verse. Accordingly, the alignment
P= / is not directly implicated in the redistribution of the polar opposites: as an
intermediary member of the whole set, it intersects with the two extremes. As a result,
it is not encoded by this innovation of redistribution itself with a particular preference
in terms of verse distinction.
Incidentally, the redistribution that is introduced to improve on the threatening
structural ambiguity is somewhat similar to the strategy of substituting the word order
SVO for dysfunctioning case markers for expressing major grammatical relations, that
is, subject and object in relation to predicate. Thus, we may broadly characterize the
control over the competing cadences as an adaptive reorganization whereby loss or
reduction of distinction on the paradigmatic dimension is compensated for by an
alternative encoding of the corresponding information on the syntagmatic axis.
As the string / (= Px) is thus being established as the optimal cadence of the
b-verse and hence the line, an array of reorganizations is being carried out in the metrical system in accordance with this emergent canon. First, the prototypical variant of
typeA1 Px#Px occurs in the b-verse with such prominent favor as is unparalleled
in West Germanic meters including Beowulf (section5.2.3). Since typeA1 constitutes
by far the most common verse type in Old Germanic verse in general and thus the
most representative of verses ending in / , and the b-verse as the unmarked verse is
traditionally associated maximally with the prototype of typeA1, this intimate link is
further strengthened by the now privileged status of the cadence / in fornyrislag.
Second, the typeA1 that is expanded with anacrusis is dissociated from the a-verse in
defiance of the inherited linkage, and is allowed to appear both in the a-verse and the
b-verse without distinction. Since typeA1 with anacrusis no less ends in the canonical cadence than its correspondent without, it can now be used in the b-verse as freely
as in the a-verse (section5.2.4).
Third, because typeB ends in the cadence that is diametrically opposed to the
optimal cadence of the b-verse, it is largely removed from it, and comes to be used
predominantly in the a-verse. This constitutes a radical redistribution of this verse
type, which is traditionally closely associated with the b-verse (section5.2.1). Fourth,
a no less drastic reorganization occurs in typeC, whereby its three major variants,
xpxPx, xPPx, and xPpx, which were traditionally used without appreciable difference in verse distribution, are now subject to redistribution on the basis of graded
approximations to the optimal cadence / (= Px; section5.2.2). As a consequence,
ranked as xpxPx > xPPx > xPpx in order of decreasingly favorable assessment for
784
Conclusion
realizing the optimal cadence, the three variants are differentiated in their likelihood
of occurring in the b-verse, whereas they were all used with an indiscriminate preference pattern in earlier meter.
The increasing standardization of the cadence / contributes to a heightened
awareness of the line as a higher unit over the verse, which constitutes the basic unit
of versification: in traditional meter, only in relation to alliteration does the overarching unit of the line come to the cognitive foreground. The ascendancy of the cadence as
a significant metrical unit in fornyrislag, therefore, gives the line a more pronounced
profile. This would have served as a catalyst for giving rise to still higher levels of metrical organization, the half-stanza and the stanza. Just as the cadence / optimally
terminates the line as well as the b-verse, a further potential for higher-order organization may suggest itself as artistically appealing and plausible: the cadence may also
serve as a marker of a larger metrical domain. Conversely, the a-verse may be seen not
only as a verse- and line-initiator, but also as the beginning of a larger unit of which
lines are immediate constituents.
Furthermore, as we have seen above, the reduced prosodic structure leads to an
impoverishment of metrical manipulability at the existing levels of verse and line.
On the one hand, the lesser distinguishability between lift and drop can disintegrate
the basis of metrical organization at the verse level. On the other hand, through a
predominant occurrence of single alliteration in the a-verse, and the introduction
of typeA3 in the b-verse, the rich variability of alliterative patterns is diminished at
the line level. The limited accessibility to metrical resources in the inherited meter
may accordingly have encouraged the poets to experiment with novel structures for
further articulation.
While we would not claim in the least that the above conjectures account wholly
for the emergence of the stanza in fornyrislag, there would presumably have been
some driving forces immanent in the system that induced the Norse poets to explore
higher-order metrical organizations as a counterbalance to the lost or threatened
articulations in the extant two-layered hierarchy, whatever external factors may also
have been instrumental for this innovation.
Once the poets become interested in extending the inherited metrical hierarchy
for further articulation, the particular organization that they eventually arrive at
seems to be natural and straightforward in light of the structural relations they are
familiar with. In other words, the resultant organization of the stanza on the basis of
a coupling of half-stanzas, and that of the half-stanza through a pairing of lines, may
be accounted for as a consequence of analogical extension of the inherited pattern. In
brief, the construction of the stanza and the half-stanza constitutes a multiplication
of the binary grouping that serves as a basis for composition of the line that is organized by a pairing of verses, the a-verse and the b-verse. By multiplying the binary
grouping, two lines form a half-stanza, which in turn constitutes a stanza through
a coupling with another half-stanza. Thus, the stanza formation is a three-layered
embedding whereby a subordinate unit in the metrical hierarchy is paired to form an
Conclusion
785
immediately higher one, and this operation is repeated successively from the lowest
unit (verse) to the second highest (half-stanza).
Of greater interest than such a multiple replication of the operation that is inherent in the inherited system are the various ways in which the stanza or the half-stanza
is demarcated at the boundaries (sections 7.27.5). Such boundary markings are
inscribed in the lowest metrical unit, the verse. This is only natural, given that the
composition of verses is put under strict control through a network of organizations,
which may provide useful resources to be exploited fruitfully for the new purpose.
Specifically, a cluster of verse types and realization variants is most likely to occur
in the stanza-initial verse (verse 1) or the half-stanza-initial verse (verses 1 and 5),
such as the relatively heavy variants of type A1 (PxPx in contrast to the minimal
variant Px#Px), type A1-, type A2b, type A3, and type A3-. Conversely, there is the
polar opposite group of verses that tend to avoid these initial locations, such as the
minimal and prototypical variant of typeA1 (Px#Px), subtypeA1s, typeA2a, typeB,
typeD, and typeE. The verse types and their variants are in this way largely dichotomized in regard to preference for and avoidance from verses 1 and 5 (section7.6). The
stanza- and half-stanza-initiality is thus clearly marked by marshaling almost the
entirety of verses to this cause. As should be clear, the stanza and the half-stanza are
not merely a random collection of verses and lines; on the contrary, their constituent
verses are largely differentiated according to location in these respective higher metrical domains.
Deserving further attention is the structural basis of the dichotomy of verses in
regard to preference patterns for the stanza- and the half-stanza initiality. It is far from
true that an arbitrary selection had been made for such a binary grouping; rather,
there is a formal motivation underlying this dichotomization. Primarily at stake is the
verse-initial concatenation of metrical positions / , which favors a positive association with verses 1 and 5; by contrast, the absence of this string at the beginning of
metrical representation correlates to the negative presence in verses 1 and 5, that is,
the avoidance from the initial location.
Furthermore, the selection of the metrical string / at the beginning of a verse
as an instigator of occurrence in verses 1 and 5 is by no means a contingency; on the
contrary, it is motivated independently on structural grounds. This unit disfavors the
otherwise resulting predominance of single alliteration in the a-verse (section6.2.2):
the verse classes beginning with this constituent, class A in particular, fail to display
a marked preference for single alliteration which is characteristic of the other classes,
notably classes B and C.
The double functions of the verse opening / in favoring double alliteration
and promoting occurrence in the (half-)stanza-initial verse are conceptually closely
related. Verses 1 and 5 are a-verses. Double alliteration and the role of an initiator be
it of a line or a higher unit are the exclusive privileges of the a-verse. Among the multitude of a-verses, verses 1 and 5 occupy a special status: they are exclusively qualified for initiating a metrical unit higher than the line, a half-stanza (verses 1 and5)
786
Conclusion
or a stanza (verse 1). This common conceptual basis, then, may naturally motivate
a selection of the same structural entity for serving the two independent purposes:
the means for enhancing double alliteration, which is integral to the identities of the
a-verse, is applied by analogical generalization to serve as a structural feature that is
inseparably associated with the privileged members of the a-verse, namely, verses 1
and 5. It should be noted that the correlation of the verse-initial string / to double
alliteration is part of the traditional versecraft, as testified in Beowulf (section6.2.2).
In this light, the analogical extension of this unit for organizing the stanza-based
distribution in fornyrislag constitutes an innovation that the Norse poets achieve
by redeploying the traditional metrical organization in a new, conceptually related
domain.
The metrical identity of mlahttr as an autonomous meter rests on two foundational forces of organization, the principle of five metrical positions per verse on
the one hand, and the extending control of the cadence / and the standardization
of its realization form as the string Px on the other (sections 8.2 and 8.3). The second
property is obviously a further development of the inherited feature that plays an
increasingly important role in fornyrislag. In this sense, we may say that mlahttr
forms an unbroken continuity with the Norse metrical tradition that is embodied in
fornyrislag. The five-position principle, however, radically breaks with the tradition
at first glance: it constitutes a displacement of the earlier four-position counterpart.
The replacement by the five-position principle, however, does not mean a complete
disruption of the metrical tradition. On the contrary, concrete enforcements of this
new principle in versification largely follow many of the traditional conventions with
meticulous care, as will be seen below.
By the new principle of metrical organization, the traditional set of verse classes
and types based on the four-position canon yields to a massive restructuring, whereby
an additional drop, a fifth-position, is supplied either before the first lift or after the
initial position. Accordingly, all of the four-position verse classes acquire an additional drop and are restructured as follows: class A / / and / / ; class B /
/; class C / / ; class D / / and / / ; class E / \ / (the other configuration / \ / is unattested, whether by accident or by design). The formal mechanism of providing this extra drop to compose five-position verses in accordance with
the new canon, however, is integral to the inherited meter, namely, anacrusis and
composition of class D*. These two means of expansion serve as sources for remaking
verse structure out of the traditional resources in conformity with the new principle
of organization: on the one hand, the addition of a drop before the first lift originates
from anacrusis; and on the other, the insertion of a drop after the first position to
redouble the first drop is built on the derivation of class D* from class D, whereby
a drop is placed after the verse-initial lift. Furthermore, in addition to providing the
indispensable models for the reconfiguration of the inherited verse classes, anacrusis
and class D* in themselves become invigorated for versification, and figure conspicuously in the new meter, rather than being kept marginalized as in fornyrislag.
Conclusion
787
Of further interest, the formation of anacrustic verses is carefully controlled

through a refinement of the traditional generalizations on anacrusis. At issue is the
composition of typeA1 with anacrusis. Building on the close association that inheres
in fornyrislag between anacrusis and the minimal number of the first drop a Norse
innovation in itself as noted above Norse poets elaborate on this correlation by
forging a further articulation between word-initial and word-final syllables, and
give the latter the privilege of the closest link with anacrusis. The minimally prominent variant of typeA1, Px#Px, is thus singled out as most amenable to and virtually dependent on anacrusis. This special treatment is, needless to say, far from an
arbitrary designing. This variant constitutes the unmarked realization of typeA1 in
fornyrislag and is accordingly used the most frequently of all verse types and realization variants. In the new metrical environment, however, this verse form counts as
the largest deviation from the five-position principle: it is maximally removed from
the canon due to the lowest prominence attending on it. To be reconciled with the
new principle, then, the prototype of typeA1 requires extensive remaking in composition, which is admirably accomplished by attaching anacrusis to it with the highest
incidence and almost without exception. The resulting configuration xPx#Px fully
satisfies the five-position requirement. The maximal likelihood of using anacrusis
in the minimal form of typeA1 is thus an innovation that is brought into being in
mlahttr on the basis of earlier practice.
There is another dimension of this novel configuration. Since the prototypical
variant of typeA1 is favored in the b-verse in fornyrislag, its reconfiguration, typeA1
with anacrusis, continues to occur in the b-verse as extensively in mlahttr as the
original type A1 without anacrusis in the earlier meter. Thus, the implementation
of this innovation owes much to the inherited practice. The overwhelming occurrence of the prototypical verse form with anacrusis, the configuration x#Px#Px, in
turn motivates the association of anacrusis with the b-verse, and thus shapes its new
structural identity: while it is neutral to verse distinction in fornyrislag, anacrusis is
now reconfigured as a privilege of the b-verse.
The five-position-based reorganization at the underlying level not only correlates
most transparently to an enlargement of verses in terms of the size of the first drop,
but also brings about a cluster of subtler changes. The doubling of drops in the first
weak position of typeA1 subverts the status of a word-final monosyllable being an
optimal and unmarked realization of a drop; rather, because of the relatively higher
prominence and the corresponding proximity to the redoubled drop in terms of prominence, the word-initial monosyllable is now favored at the expense of the word-final
one, with the result that the word-initial (P#x#Px) prevails as the representative monosyllabic form. The first drop, particularly of types A1* and C* the two major types
in mlahttr (see below) accommodate class 1 words more often than was hitherto
possible. This is a consequence of the redoubling of this position, which gains correspondingly in prominence and becomes less resistant to alignment with the most
prominent lexical class.
788
Conclusion
The role of the cadence / in the regularization of the verse and the line is strengthened in mlahttr, thereby bringing about a number of reorganizations and redistributions in the system (section8.3). First, classes B and E are persistently avoided, so
much so that only one instance each types B* and aE, respectively is attested in
the corpus. Because of their verse-final lift, they count as diametrically opposed to
the optimal cadence, and therefore they fall out of use almost completely. Second,
class D undergoes redistribution in mlahttr, whereby it comes to be favored in the
a-verse, whereas it occurs more frequently in the b-verse in fornyrislag. Because
of the mismatch with the optimal cadence, this class tends not to be favored in the
b-verse in the new meter. Third, the variants of classes D and D*, in which the final
drop is perceived as more prominent than the penultimate one, are radically reduced
in incidence because of their perceptual approximation to the negative target / that
is constitutive of classes B and E. Fourth, while the configuration PxPSx is used
most commonly in the a-verse as a variant of class D*, the heavier variant PxPPx
constitutes the most privileged configuration in the b-verse. This distribution pattern
is unknown to fornyrislag, in which these two variants are not distinguished in terms
of verse distribution. The new pattern is thus introduced to mlahttr in accordance
with the growing control of the cadence / in metrical organization: the verse-final
string Px of class D* is obviously favored over the less prominent one Sx by the canonical cadence in the b-verse.
The optimal cadence / not only exercises a greater standardizing power over
verse composition and distribution, but it is also subject to a standardization in itself.
The three variants of the cadence / that are available to fornyrislag are largely
unified under the unmarked realization variant Px. In other words, the other two
marked forms px and P are removed from the inventory of the canonical cadence.
This process of unification, however, may also be explained as another consequence
of the increased role of the cadence as a metrical organizer. The two major sources for
the short disyllable px, subtypeA1s Pxpx and a variant of class C xPpx, are found
to be less than in full harmony with the increasingly powerful cadence / , because of
the deviation from the optimal realization Px. Much the same can be said of the other
variant, P(x), resulting from null realization of the verse-final drop. As the canonical cadence is subject to a unification that advances concomitantly with its growing
control in metrical organization in general, the marked variants lose their structural
underpinnings. In this way, the deviations that are accepted as metrical, in light of the
still relatively loose canonicity of the cadence in fornyrislag, are no longer perceived
as acceptable by the increasingly strict norm in mlahttr.
The disapproval that the monosyllabic cadence variant P(x) encounters in
mlahttr in turn has far-reaching repercussions on metrical organization. The catalectic string P(x) is now identified as no different from the strictly verse-final P that
is constitutive of classes B and E: both entities are rejected at the end of a verse as
violations of the optimal cadence. This radical change in evaluation subverts the
structural basis of catalexis itself: since catalectic realizations, the outputs, are now
Conclusion
789
determined as antithetical to the ubiquitous cadence / (= Px), the underlying mechanism of catalexis itself cannot be retained as a significant metrical generalization.
Thus, the virtual omnipotence that the cadence / assumes in the unique form of Px
in mlahttr incurs a dysfunctioning of catalexis and leads ultimately to its removal
from the system.
As noted above, while the growing significance of the cadence / is characterized
as a strengthening of the corresponding feature inherent in fornyrislag, the principle
of five positions per verse as a displacement of the inherited four-position counterpart
must be viewed as a drastic innovation. We encounter then the fundamental question
of its origin and development as an alternative metrical generalization: Why and how
did the five-position principle come into being?
Obviously, it could hardly have been derived from Common Germanic meter,
which would have been governed solely by the four-position principle, as can be
inferred from the organization of the extant archaic meter of Beowulf, in which a body
of apparently longer verses are reducible to the canonical four-position scheme. On
the other hand, the exceptional occurrences of verses that must be characterized as
consisting of five positions namely, anacrusis and type D* in the Norse meter
seem to be unlikely to have provided a foundational innovative model for a wholesale
restructuring; they constitute simply an exceptional minority, whose profile in the
system seems to be too peripheral to afford to initiate a restructuring of the metrical
organization in its foundations.
Rather, the expansion of normal, four-position verses, particularly that of the first
drop, would have played a central role in an emergence of a new principle. What,
then, brought about the expanded first drop? Is it an internal development of the
Norse meter? Or did the motivation come from abroad, more specifically the Continent
as is the case with some metrical features such as the verse form PsXx (section4.3.9)?
Both views, on the internal and the external origins, have something to recommend them. Internal to the native meter, the alignment of drops, particularly the first
one (by the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions), to polysyllables, would have
served as an empirical basis for reconstituting the inherited four-position principle as
a five-position one. The alignment of the first drop to polysyllables is quite common,
motivated as it is on inner structural grounds. Despite this structural flexibility in
alignment, however, neither fornyrislag nor its West Germanic cognates had the
inherited four-position principle replaced by the five-position one as an alternative
overarching generalization in metrical organization. The inherent expandability and
the actualized expansion of the drop, accordingly, cannot constitute a sufficient condition for the radical reorganization that brought mlahttr into being. No less seriously, the notion of expansion seems to be at odds with the radical reduction that
affected North Germanic in general, as witnessed eloquently by the cluster of resultant
reorganizations that shaped the metrical identities of fornyrislag, as shown above.
Here come in the outer sources for the reorganization, namely, the group of eddic
poems of foreign content. Of particular importance, the extant major poem composed
790
Conclusion
in mlahttr, namely, Atlaml in grnlenzco, is subsumed under this group (Kuhn

[1939] 1969). Thus, exposed to, and inspired by, the influx of South German sources
not only in terms of content but also in metrical practice, Norse poets would have
explored a new mode of verse composition that would differ from their inherited one,
fornyrislag. In the process of constructing a new meter, the native one would have
served as a negative model to be distanced and differentiated from, as well as sources
for alternative organizations. Through this formal opposition in the foundations to the
native versification, a new meter, which is to be established eventually as mlahttr,
is equipped with an alternative principle of verse structure that displaces that of the
inherited meter. Thus, this underlying opposition between native and foreign that
would have motivated the creation of mlahttr may explain why the inherited principle is not simply supplemented, but displaced by a new one.
Next to be addressed is the way in which the five-position principle would have
been constituted by innovation as a new generalization. Confronted with the collection of relatively elongated verses that have their drops enormously expanded by the
native standard, how did the poets arrive at the new versification principle? The mode
of reasoning to devise a metrical generalization may be regarded as equivalent to that
underlying linguistic change through abduction, whereby speakers are required to
arrive at a set of rules or constraints to account for novel linguistic output by drawing
on their prior linguistic knowledge and analytical devices they are familiar with.
Thus, the poets are faced with the following challenge: How can they make a
coherent account of the body of originally foreign metrical output that differs markedly from the native one? More concretely, how do the poets come to postulate the fiveposition principle by abduction to account for the new metrical data? Of paramount
significance at this point seems to be a reinterpretation of a metrical position, a weak
one or a drop in particular. As fornyrislag itself testifies, a metrical position increasingly approximates a single syllable in its extension largely due to the radical reduction in the phonology. The diminished operation, and consequentially increasing
suspension, of resolution gives rise to an almost one-to-one correspondence between
the two units. Building on this correspondence and extending it further to the drop,
the polysyllabic first drop is reanalyzed as being aligned to a sequence of two weak
positions. While the strict one-to-one correspondence falls short of being established
for the drop, an analysis modeled after the notion is carried through. Accordingly, by
reinterpreting a metrical position as a close approximation to a single syllable, the
first drop that is most amenable to the alignment to polysyllables comes to be reanalyzed as comprising two positions. In this light, the emergence of the five-position
principle can be explained as a development that is initiated by metrical contact but
accomplished by recourse to native resources.
On closer consideration, however, there is a more profound motivation behind
this metrical reorganization. The approximation to the one-to-one correspondence
between positions and syllables leaves far from fully addressed the question of why
the polysyllabic drop fails to be assigned more than two positions. At this point, we
Conclusion
791
may bring the syntagmatic scale of metrical positions (section1.2) to bear on the issue.
Simply put, according to the scale, the first drop is characterized as more prominent
than the second one. Since a verse contains precisely two drops in accordance with
the principle of four metrical positions, the drops are implicated in binary opposition
to each other. The doubling of the first drop referred to in the preceding paragraph
is predicated on this inherited binary opposition: the relatively salient drop (the first
drop) is distinguished from the less salient one (the second drop) in quantitative
terms. To express the inherent binary distinction most efficiently requires no more
than a single additional position for representation. In other words, the distinction
between the two drops that is encoded in the linearity-based scale is transposed to
the metrical representation and inscribed in it explicitly in a maximally transparent
manner.
Thus, the constitution of the five-position principle would have been induced
by the extensive occurrence of the polysyllabic first drop in the incoming poems
of foreign provenance, facilitated for reanalysis by the one-to-one correspondence
between metrical positions and syllables that gains increasing currency in the Norse
metrical tradition (compare Sievers 1893: 220), and framed by the binary distinction
of the two drops that are constitutive of a regular verse.
The establishment of the new principle as outlined above was not an instantaneous event. On the contrary, it would have taken a series of trial and error for practicing
poets to finally arrive at the solution. This period of trial and error can be glimpsed
through an examination of a few poems that are composed in varyingly mixed forms
of fornyrislag/mlahttr. At issue are Atlaqvia in grnlenzca (chapter9), Hamisml
(chapter10), and Hrbarzli (chapter11). In overall metrical terms, these poems can
be located at some points along the scale whose two ends are occupied by fornyrislag
and mlahttr, respectively. This suggests that they are in transition from fornyris
lag to mlahttr in an evolutionary trajectory that culminates in the establishment of
the latter as an autonomous meter in categorical distinction from the former. These
transient meters are characterized as falling short in differing ways of successfully
acquiring the two identifying properties of mlahttr.
As detailed above, the constitution of mlahttr is accomplished by carefully
working out rich potentials imminent in fornyrislag in the face of novel metrical
output. In brief, then, mlahttr closely follows fornyrislag in metrical organization: mlahttrs identities are founded deeply on the metrical tradition embodied by
fornyrislag. By contrast, ljahttr seems to constitute a radical departure from the
tradition: its identities derive largely from establishing blunt oppositions to the inherited metrical organization. In other words, the construction of ljahttr is pursued
vigorously by maximizing the contrast with the complex of fornyrislag and mlahttr
in exploring new metrical organizations.
First, the principle of a fixed number of metrical positions per verse, four for
fornyrislag and five for mlahttr, is challenged, finally to be displaced by a variable one, which allows for a range of differing numbers of positions in a verse. While
792
Conclusion
basically conforming to the prevalence of four positions, the new principle no longer
rigorously minimizes the composition of verses that are deviant from this standard.
Consequently, the whole collection of verses that are longer or shorter than the fourposition canon, including two-position verses, anacrusis, catalexis, and type D*,
figures more prominently in ljahttr than in fornyrislag and mlahttr. Because of
the inherent flexibility of the principle, the expanded variants of types A1, B, andC,
the three major verse types, do not receive reorganization as five-position verses in
contrast to mlahttr, in which the principle of fixed positions does not allow the traditional metrical representation comprising four positions to be sustained in the face
of immensely expanded realizations. In this respect, ljahttr resembles the Heliand
meter.
In ljahttr the verse classes and types are divided into two groups, which are
specialized in regard to a domain of use, the a-verse on the one hand, and the b-verse
on the other (section12.2). In the other two meters, however, no such compartmentalization of the entire system of verse classes is in effect: every verse class and type
is qualified for occurrence in either verse. Whatever particular preferences the a-verse
or the b-verse displays relate to the surface level of realization variants, rather than to
the underlying verse categorizations.
In devising such a dichotomization of the verse classes, ljahttr resorts to two
binary structural parameters, the verse opening (lift vs. drop) and the verse ending
(the cadence; lift vs. drop). Although the reference to the cadence for organization
may appear to be a confirmation of the increasingly important verse-ending unit in the
Norse tradition, the actual treatment that it receives cannot be viewed as an unbroken
traditional practice. Rather, a drastic reorganization is accomplished here. In addition to the cadence, the verse opening is brought into effect. Most significantly, given
these two parameters, that of the opening is treated as outranking that of the ending.
The whole set of verse classes is first divided into two groups, based on whether they
begin with a lift or a drop: the former group is associated with the a-verse, whereas
the latter is assigned to the b-verse. Only subsequently does the cadence play a supplementary role in further organization and single out particular classes as maximally privileged to occur in the a-verse and the b-verse, respectively. By contrast,
in fornyrislag and mlahttr, it is the cadence that determines the organization of
verses: the cadence / serves as an optimal verse ending and impedes on a gradient
basis the use of verses that deviate from it in various ways. Thus, ljahttr subverts
the traditional organization by reversing the relative importance of the opening and
the ending prioritizing the former at the expense of the latter.
On closer inspection, however, the radical subversion in ljahttr of the original
generalization seems to have a model in the tradition itself. At stake is the generalization on alliterative pattern in the a-verse in fornyrislag, whereby exactly the combination of the verse-opening lift and the verse-ending drop on the one hand, and the
alternative pairing of the verse-opening drop and the verse-ending lift on the other,
determine the differing probabilities of single alliteration (section 6.2.2): while the
Conclusion
793
latter combination promotes single alliteration, the former does not. Furthermore,
the relative force of these two strings at the edges of a verse in fornyrislag proves to
be paralleled in the grouping of verse classes in ljahttr: the verse opening is of
primary significance.
Of still greater interest is the association that is established in fornyrislag
between (half-)stanza initiality and verse classes. The presence of the verse-initial /
and the verse-final / favors occurrence in stanza-initial or half-stanza-initial position. Moreover, as in the case of selecting alliterative pattern, the verse-initial string
takes precedence over the verse-final one in determining degrees of association with
stanza-/half-stanzainitiality.
In this light, while ljahttr displaces the earlier convention with a new one
by opposition to tradition, the alternative that it introduces is transplanted from
fornyrislag, rather than being invented from scratch. This transfer of the generalization from the domain of alliteration and that of stanza-initiality to that of verse class
organization has functional motivation. Embodying a falling contour of accentuation
and thus approximating the prosodic profile of the most prominent lexical class (class
1, nominals), the conjunction of the initial / and the final / is loaded with greater
prominence than the alternative combination. Since double alliteration counts as
more prominent than single alliteration by virtue of an extra alliterative element, and
this mode of alliteration is a privilege of the a-verse, it is naturally the cluster of the
verse-initial / and the verse-final / that is chosen as a correlate of the a-verse.
In fornyrislag the transference from alliteration to verse class distribution is locally
restricted in the domains of the stanza and the half-stanza. In ljahttr, however, a
more dramatic reorganization is achieved: fornyrislags stanza-based local condition
is eliminated, and the generalization is rendered stronger and more compelling. As a
consequence, the verse classes that satisfy this structural condition are determined as
most likely to occur in the a-verse, irrespective of their location in the stanza. In this
way, the ljahttr poets dichotomize the verse classes according to the a-verse/bverse distinction by transferring to a conceptually related wider area the traditional
double functions of the verse opening / in favoring double alliteration and promoting occurrence in the (half-)stanza-initial verse.
The resurgence of resolution may be characterized as another consequence of
constituting a new meter through opposition to the traditional one (section13.3.3).
In fornyrislag, resolution is categorically ruled out at the end of a verse. In the
remaining contexts, too, resolution is on the verge of extinction as a productive metrical device. By contrast, the short disyllable is used quite extensively as one of the
two major variants of the cadence / that is constitutive of classes B and E, and of
the c-verse. What, then, brings about this drastic resurgence of resolution, a metrical
equivalence which is widely practiced in the West Germanic traditions but not in the
Norse counterpart? Given that the suppression of resolution in fornyrislag is motivated on linguistic grounds, and that ljahttr is built on the same linguistic basis as
are fornyrislag and mlahttr, we cannot hope to pursue a linguistically motivated
794
Conclusion
explanation here. Again, the poets creative manipulation of the available metrical
resources comes into focus: at issue is an analogical generalization, which is made by
reasoning that would have unfolded as follows. In fornyrislag, the optimal cadence
/ has three realization variants, Px, px, and P, with the long disyllable privileged
as an unmarked representative. Fornyrislag thus has a formal equivalence between
these three segments as varying realizations of the same underlying positions /
(i.e., Px = px = P). In mlahttr, however, the two marked variants are decreasingly
used, as the canonical cadence assumes overriding importance in metrical organization and is itself subject to a concomitant standardization. As a consequence, the
monosyllable P and the short disyllable px, which count as metrically equivalent, are
largely suppressed in occurrence. Acutely seizing upon this resource, which is left
unexploited and is hence in the process of removal from the meter, the poets transpose this equivalence to the verse-final lift that they conceptualize as the antithesis of
the cadence / , and reorganize the two segments as the representative variants of the
alternative verse ending /. By transferring the equivalence from the inherited cadence
/ to its structural opposite /, which is being shaped as a competing cadence in the
new meter, the poets construct a maximal contrast to the traditional organization of
the cadence. This would have been the origin of the metrical equivalence of px and
P that obtains exclusively at the end of a verse in ljahttr: it is a transplantation of
the old rule to another domain for an alternative and more articulate organization.
The a-verse and the b-verse are involved in gradient distinctions in fornyrislag
and mlahttr. As mentioned above, their distinctions largely concern fine details
that attend on varying realizations of underlying invariant verse forms, which are
commonly used in both kinds of verse. In ljahttr, however, the difference between
the a-verse and the b-verse is transformed into a categorical one. Consequently,
the two component verses are maximally differentiated; their subtle asymmetry in
earlier meter is maximized as part of the structural foundations of the system. This
reorganization may thus also be characterized as an innovation that is brought into
being through a postulation of a maximal contrast to the tradition, while the means to
achieve the contrast is appropriated out of the inherited resources.
By the same token, the relatively homogeneous profile of half-stanzas and stanzas
that are built on a concatenation of lines one after another in traditional meter is
transfigured into a maximally modulated shape, whereby radically different lines
the long line and the full line alternate to constitute prototypical forms of the higher
metrical units in question (chapter 14). Needless to say, fornyrislag and mlahttr
do not have exactly the same metrical structure replicated line after line. Whatever
differences are ascertainable between successive lines, however, fail to receive formal
recognition in the traditional system. By contrast, ljahttr differentiates adjacent
lines categorically: prototypically, lines of the same kind do not succeed one after
another.
The new line, the so-called full line, is apparently constituted by a single, independent verse, referred to as the c-verse (section 13.2). This unit, the full line/the
Conclusion
795
c-verse, may obviously be regarded as the most conspicuous feature that is unique to
ljahttr. Equipped with three lifts, it is longer and heavier than the a-verse and the
b-verse when viewed as a verse (= the c-verse). On the other hand, realizing alliteration autonomously without a linkage with another verse, the c-verse is coterminous
with the line (= the full line). Yet having only three lifts, it is shorter and lighter than
the (long) line consisting of the a-verse and the b-verse. We may naturally wonder
how this two-faced unit or, to rephrase metaphorically, an entity like a hermaphrodite, comes into being in ljahttr.
Partly on contact with West Germanic hypermetric verses, the Norse poets would
have been inspired to design a new verse/line. The composition of this unique verse/
line is itself based on the maximization of asymmetry, both internally and externally.
On the inner dimension, the full line/c-verse may be characterized as a condensed
line, whereby the normal two constituent verses, the a-verse and the b-verse, are
fused into a line, rather than connected discretely by juxtaposition. In other words,
while the long line is a discrete entity composed of two autonomous verses that are
separated from each other by a demonstrable verse break (the caesura), the full line
constitutes a continuous unit without such an internal boundary. The two constituent verses that are merged into the full line are independently available: they are the
a-verse on the one hand, and the b-verse on the other. Moreover, the linear order of
their concatenation is the same as for the composition of the long line: the a-verse
is followed by the b-verse. Notice in this regard that the two verses are structurally
distinct entities in ljahttr, rather than primarily the labels referring to the two locations in the line as in the other two meters: the full line thus draws on the two subsystems of verse composition, the a-verse and the b-verse.
The precise manner of constructing a higher unit, the full line, is radically different from the tradition, however. While the a-verse keeps its original identity largely
intact in overall appearance, the b-verse is subject to such a drastic abbreviation that
it is left as no more than a single lift, which is determined as the invariant cadence of
the full line. Put another way, the cadence / is all that is left as a trace of the original
b-verse through full-line formation. In contrast to the petrified b-verse, then, the main
body of the c-verse remains highly analogous to the a-verse not only in its outer form,
but also, more significantly, in its inner characteristics, that is, in the patterns of probabilities and preferences with which various verse classes and types occur.
Along with the maximal abbreviation of the b-verse, the remaining part of the line,
the a-verse, also yields to extensive reduction (section12.2). Because of this reduction,
the configurations that constitute the body of the c-verse differ in fine details from
their corresponding forms which occur in the a-verse. First, the reduction is implemented by imposing a restriction on the maximum prominence level of the verse. Far
from being designed from scratch, this new restriction only strengthens the principle
of four metrical positions per verse which is deep-rooted in tradition: the a-verse that
serves as the initial part of the c-verse must have two lifts and two normal drops; any
configuration that exceeds the sum prominence of this canonical structure must be
796
Conclusion
rejected (with a few exceptions). Accordingly, types A2a and A2b, and classes D* and
E are avoided as constituents of the c-verse on account of their excessive prominence:
class D* comprises five positions, and types A2a, A2b, and class E contain a heavy
drop, which counts as more prominent than a normal one.
Second, the reduction affects realizations of particular metrical positions. Because
of the widest range of variability and hence the highest potential for prominence, the
first lift and the first drop fall under the most efficient control. Both positions tend
to be realized in significantly reduced form in the c-verse than in the a-verse. The
most conspicuous effect on the first lift can be seen in the privileged use of typeA3
in the main part of the c-verse. It occurs with by far the highest incidence of all types,
even more frequently than typeA1, which ranks first in occurrence in the a-verse. This
reversal in ranking in incidence is a consequence of requiring prominence reduction
in the c-verse. As demonstrated earlier, typeA3 is derived through null realization of
the first lift which is constitutive of typeA1. By virtue of the resultant absence of the
first lift in manifest form and of the decreased prominence thereby effected, typeA3
counts as the optimal realization variant for the c-verse.
As for control over the first drop, the shorter and less prominent realizations are
favored. Accordingly, monosyllables are preferred to polysyllables, and word-finals
are favored at the cost of word-initials, to such an extent that the less prominent variants are represented more strongly in the c-verse than in the a-verse. Furthermore,
the second lift is also subject to reduction, although on a smaller scale as is expected
from its inherently small potential for prominence. The second lift of types C, D, and
D- displays a stronger tendency to be realized by a secondary-stressed syllable in the
c-verse than in the a-verse.
Thus subject to reduction in both constituent verses and hence having at its
disposal only three lifts, the full line may be characterized as a reduced variant of
the long line. In this sense, the name short line that Heusler (1890: 122) used, as
opposed to the then current long line, would be more appropriate than the term
full line, which finds widespread currency in the literature. The attendant reduction,
then, deprives the two constituents of their original identities as the independently
occurring a-verse and b-verse, and fully integrates them into a unified whole as a line
without an internal break; the originally independent verse opposites are thus fused
into an inseparable entity.
The specific way of composing the full line as outlined above is characterized as
a maximization of contrast. On the internal dimension, the a-verse and the b-verse,
whose extension is comparable despite their structural distinctions, are so enormously differentiated in the process of the full line construction that their resultant
forms as integral to the full line are far from remotely analogous: the main body of the
c-verse, the original a-verse, largely conforms to the principle of four positions per
verse, whereas the reflex of the b-verse is simply the cadence, embodied by a syllable
or two. On the external dimension, since the two constituents are now inseparably
fused into one entity, the full line is radically contrasted to the long line principally
Conclusion
797
by virtue of the smaller number of lifts involved and the absence of the caesura. Thus,
ljahttr acquires a unique privilege in line organization by innovation: it has access
to two variants of the line, the long or normal one on the one hand, and the short
or full one on the other. To achieve a maximization of contrast, ljahttr arranges
these two opposites alternately to form a half-stanza, and then a stanza, on a pairwise basis. While the constituents of these higher metrical units are thus divergent,
the basis for composing the higher structures remains identical: a pairing of lines
produces a half-stanza, which in turn gives rise to a stanza through a coupling with
another half-stanza. Despite the apparent six-verse composition (abcabc; a, b, and c
refer to the a-, b-, and c-verses, respectively), the prototypical ljahttr stanza proves
to be isomorphic to the canonical eight-verse stanza of fornyrislag and mlahttr
(abababab): the concatenation abcabc is nothing but a transfiguration of the underlying abababab, whereby the second and fourth instantiations of ab are compressed
into c (Kristjnsson 2007: 36).
Finally, by way of summary, we may provide an evolutionary trajectory of the
three eddic meters, which may be represented simplistically in a single-track development: fornyrislag > mlahttr > ljahttr. This is only intended to show the relative chronology of the emergence of the three meters: A > B simply represents that A
emerged earlier than B in temporal terms, rather than that A changed into B or that
A was replaced by B. Rather, the three meters would have been used concurrently.
The strict regulation of the principle of four metrical positions per verse places
fornyrislag closest to Beowulf, as is most eloquently testified by the strictly controlled minimality of anacrusis and class D*. On the other hand, both mlahttr and
ljahttr are characterized as innovations that, inspired by exposure to the stock
of West Germanic heavy normal verses and hypermetric ones brought from the Continent, are carried out by drawing heavily on the native metrical tradition that is
embodied by fornyrislag. In this light, these two meters would have emerged later
than fornyrislag through innovative reorganizations of this archaic meter. More specifically, since mlahttr presupposes the canonical status of the four-position principle, and the fixity of a given number of constituent positions, in its reorganization
into the five-position alternative, it must have emerged later than fornyrislag. The
impoverishment of the inventory of verse classes down to just three also witnesses a
later development of mlahttr relative to fornyrislag. In addition, the greater standardizing power of the cadence / for the organization of mlahttr, concomitant with
the unification under the unmarked variant Px, seems to be well in keeping with this
chronology.
As for the relative chronology of mlahttr and ljahttr, while their ordering is
not determinable as demonstrably as their respective positioning relative to fornyris
lag, there is reason to infer that mlahttr predates ljahttr. First, the establishment of the verse opening as a major force of metrical organization and the resultant polarization of verse classes according to the two verse domains, the a-verse and
the b-verse two major innovations of ljahttr would partially have received an
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Conclusion
impetus from one of the distinctive features of mlahttr, namely, the reconstitution
of anacrusis as a privilege of the b-verse (section8.1.2).
Yet more interesting are two other distinctive properties of ljahttr, which
suggest that this meter builds rather heavily on mlahttr for metrical reorganization. At stake is the polarization of the contrast between the optimal cadence /
and the least optimal one / to the point where the first almost ousts the second in
mlahttr. The condensation of the b-verse to the cadence / as the second constituent
of the c-verse in ljahttr depends on the accessibility to this unit as the antithesis
of the optimal / . Inseparably connected with the extractability of the cadence / is
the apparent resurgence of resolution that is limited to the verse-final lift. As argued
above, this is a deductive consequence of the analogical reanalysis whereby the
original equivalence between the long monosyllable and the short disyllable as the
marked variants of the cadence / is reevaluated as the alternative realizations of
the other cadence /. The dissociation of P and px from the original tripartite set of Px/
px/P as the variants of / that is worked out for the reorganization in ljahttr in the
b-verse depends on the dysfunction of this traditional triple association. Mlahttr
subverts this relation by maximally privileging Px at the expense of the other two in
its stricter enforcement of the canonical cadence / : the two marked variants P and
px are falling out of use. This advancing standardization of the cadence in mlahttr
in turn sets free the equivalence of px and P from the traditional alignment to the
metrical value of lift + drop. It is this dissociated pair that ljahttr seizes upon and
reinterprets as variant realizations of /, which, being antithetical to the cadence /
of the a-verse, is established as the invariant ending of the c-verse hence the ending
of the stanza and the half-stanza and also as one of the favored cadence variants of
the b-verse.
Finally, the short variant of typeA3, xpx (sections 12.1.4 and 12.1.9), becomes
available in ljahttr in larger numbers than even in the foreign group of fornyris
lag. Given that there is compelling reason for assuming that this configuration developed as a consequence of metrical contact with Continental sources, its enhanced
currency in ljahttr as a whole must be interpreted as an indication that the designing of this meter presupposes the relatively late emergence of the new verse form at
issue in fornyrislag. Furthermore, since mlahttr would concurrently have come
into being as a novel meter out of this metrical interaction with the Continent (see
above), it may reasonably be inferred that the establishment of ljahttr would be
most likely to have postdated the creation of mlahttr.
All things considered, then, we must reject the view often voiced in the literature that ljahttr is an archaic meter (e.g., Heusler 1890: 148; Kristjnsson 2007:
36). Insofar as its distinctively designed system of metrical organization is concerned,
ljahttr must be characterized as more innovative than fornyrislag and mlahttr,
and the evolutionary trajectory, fornyrislag > mlahttr > ljahttr, would accordingly seem to be most plausible.
Appendix 1:Catalogue of verse types

1Fornyrislag
Type A1 (2092examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (413examples): Vsp(45examples) 1.1, 2.5, 5.5, 5.7, 5.9, 6.7, 7.5, 7.7, 10.3,
10.7, 11.3, 13.1, 13.3, 14.3, 15.5, 17.5, 19.1, 20.11, 21.7, 22.5, 24.1, 30.3, 30.9, 30.11, 31.3, 35.1, 37.3, 38.1, 42.1,
42.3, 42.5, 43.1, 44.3, 46.7, 47.5, 48.1, 48.5, 49.3, 50.1, 51.1, 55.7, 58.3, 61.3, 64.1, 64.3; Hym(9examples)
1.5, 8.1, 13.7, 19.7, 20.7, 22.5, 23.5, 25.5, 31.5; rk(16examples) 1.5, 6.1, 6.3, 7.1, 8.3, 12.5, 15.5, 19.1, 22.3, 22.7,
23.5, 23.7, 24.7, 26.5, 29.9, 31.5; Vkv (22examples) 1.1, 2.1, 3.7, 5.5, 5.9, 6.5, 6.7, 7.7, 10.3, 12.3, 14.1, 16.3, 17.7,
22.5, 22.7, 26.3, 26.5, 31.5, 34.1, 36.7, 37.7, 41.1; HH(21examples) 4.7, 6.5, 7.7, 11.3, 12.5, 15.7, 18.3, 28.1, 28.3,
33.3, 34.1, 40.7, 43.7, 44.3, 45.3, 49.3, 49.5, 53.3, 56.3, 56.7, 56.9; HHv (19examples) 1.3, 1.7, 4.1, 5.3, 5.9,
7.1, 8.1, 8.5, 12.3, 31.3, 32.5, 33.7, 35.1, 36.1, 39.1, 39.5, 40.1, 41.1, 43.1; HHII (19examples) 2.1, 2.5, 3.5, 4.11,
12.3, 13.1, 18.7, 20.3, 23.3, 26.5, 26.7, 28.3, 30.1, 30.5, 34.1, 37.3, 37.7, 39.5, 46.11; Grp (31examples) 1.5, 2.5,
3.5, 6.1, 9.7, 11.7, 13.5, 15.7, 22.1, 24.3, 27.1, 27.5, 33.7, 35.5, 36.1, 36.7, 37.3, 39.1, 39.3, 39.7, 40.5, 40.7, 43.3, 44.7,
45.1, 45.7, 47.7, 50.3, 50.7, 53.1, 53.7; Rm (5examples) 13.1, 15.7, 16.3, 18.3, 26.7; Fm (3examples) 32.3, 40.5,
43.5; Br (16examples) 2.3, 5.3, 7.1, 8.3, 9.3, 9.7, 10.3, 10.5, 12.1, 12.5, 12.7, 13.1, 14.5, 15.1, 16.11, 18.7; Gr I
(13examples) 3.3, 4.7, 4.9, 6.7, 7.1, 8.1, 12.5, 13.1, 14.5, 16.7, 17.5, 17.7, 22.7; Sg (39examples) 1.3, 2.1, 2.3, 3.5,
5.7, 7.5, 8.9, 10.5, 14.1, 15.5, 17.1, 17.5, 17.7, 18.11, 20.3, 20.7, 29.1, 30.3, 32.7, 33.1, 34.1, 35.5, 36.5, 38.5, 44.3,
44.5, 45.1, 45.3, 47.3, 48.1, 50.5, 52.3, 53.1, 54.5, 60.1, 60.9,67.3, 67.5, 70.3; Hlr (11examples) 1.3, 2.7, 4.3, 5.7,
6.3, 7.1, 9.3, 10.3, 12.1, 12.5, 12.7; Gr II (27examples) 1.7, 3.5, 4.1, 5.3, 5.7, 7.1, 8.5, 8.7, 9.3, 10.1, 12.5, 14.1,
18.3, 18.7, 18.9, 18.11, 19.9, 19.11, 20.3, 20.7, 25.5, 26.1, 26.5, 37.1, 41.3, 41.5, 42.5; Gr III (6examples) 4.5,
5.7, 7.1, 8.1, 8.5, 10.1; Od (16examples) 1.5, 7.1, 7.7, 10.5, 12.1, 12.5, 12.7, 16.7, 20.3, 21.1, 23.7, 24.3, 26.1, 32.3,
33.7, 34.1; Ghv (12examples) 1.7, 2.9, 4.7, 7.5, 10.1, 13.1, 13.5, 14.3, 16.9, 17.3, 17.7, 21.3; Bdr (10examples) 3.5,
6.1, 7.3, 7.7, 8.1, 9.7, 10.1, 11.9, 12.1, 14.1; R (43examples) 2.5, 4.7, 7.3, 11.1, 11.3, 12.11, 13.3, 13.7, 13.9, 14.5,
15.5, 16.5, 16.7, 19.3, 22.3, 22.5, 22.7, 23.3, 27.5, 28.3, 28.7, 32.3, 32.7, 34.1, 34.3, 35.3, 35.5, 35.9, 35.11, 36.5,
36.9, 37.5, 37.11, 38.3, 40.3, 41.1, 42.3, 43.3, 43.7, 44.1, 45.7, 46.3, 48.7; Hdl (21examples) 1.3, 4.1, 7.1, 7.7, 8.5,
9.5, 10.1, 11.1, 13.1, 14.3, 18.1, 21.5, 25.5, 25.7, 27.1, 28.3, 33.3, 35.7, 41.1, 45.5, 49.1; Grt (9examples) 5.1, 5.5,
16.3, 18.5, 18.7, 19.1, 20.3, 21.7, 24.3.
A-verse with double alliteration (354examples): Vsp(50examples) 1.3, 2.1, 3.1, 3.5, 4.5, 5.1, 5.3, 6.5,
6.9, 8.1, 11.5, 11.7, 16.1, 16.3, 17.3, 17.7, 18.1, 18.3, 18.5, 18.7, 20.5, 20.7, 22.1, 22.7, 26.5, 27.5, 28.1, 28.3, 28.7,
30.5, 36.1, 36.3, 40.1, 41.1, 44.5, 45.1, 45.5, 49.1, 49.5, 50.5, 52.1, 54.7, 56.11, 57.1, 57.3, 58.1, 58.5, 59.3, 59.5,
62.3; Hym(27examples) 3.1, 3.3, 7.5, 7.7, 8.3, 9.7, 12.1, 12.5, 14.3, 14.5, 15.7, 17.1, 17.5, 18.3, 21.3, 21.7, 22.1,
24.3, 24.5, 27.5, 27.7, 29.3, 32.1, 33.3, 34.5, 36.1, 39.7; rk(7examples) 7.5, 15.3, 21.3, 23.1, 24.5, 27.1, 29.1; Vkv
(15examples) 3.1, 9.3, 10.5, 14.5, 15.1, 17.1, 17.5, 21.1, 23.3, 23.5, 24.7, 28.1, 28.3, 28.7, 35.3; HH(19examples) 1.1, 5.1, 5.5, 12.7, 21.7, 22.5, 34.7, 36.1, 36.11, 39.3, 40.3, 42.7, 47.3, 49.1, 51.5, 52.3, 53.7, 53.9, 55.7; HHv
(6examples) 6.5, 8.3, 9.1, 9.3, 12.1, 38.1; HHII (13examples) 6.5, 7.1, 7.7, 14.3, 14.5, 17.3, 22.5, 28.5, 34.5,
44.5, 47.1, 48.3, 48.7; Grp (21examples) 7.5, 9.1, 12.1, 12.3, 14.5, 15.3, 16.1, 17.3, 17.7, 30.5, 31.1, 37.1, 38.3,
38.7, 40.3, 41.3, 41.7, 42.3, 44.3, 46.7, 51.7; Rm (3examples) 13.5, 15.1, 18.7; Fm (2examples) 40.7, 42.3; Br
(7examples) 2.7, 3.3, 5.5, 11.5, 14.7, 16.7, 19.5; Gr I (10examples) 4.3, 7.5, 9.5, 12.3, 13.5, 19.3, 19.7, 20.1,
26.3, 27.5; Sg (30examples) 1.5, 2.5, 5.5, 6.1, 8.1, 8.3, 9.1, 12.5, 12.7, 23.3, 25.1, 26.1, 29.3, 31.5, 31.9, 37.5, 37.9,
40.1, 40.5, 43.1, 43.3, 45.11, 49.7, 51.3, 56.3, 57.1, 57.5, 60.5, 62.5, 71.7; Hlr (3examples) 3.5, 7.3, 14.3; Gr II
(22examples) 1.1, 1.3, 9.1, 13.1, 15.5, 16.3, 16.5, 17.3, 18.1, 21.3, 22.3, 25.7, 26.7, 27.7, 28.1, 30.3, 33.5, 39.7, 40.5,
40.7, 41.1, 42.1; Gr III (5examples) 6.1, 6.3, 8.3, 9.5, 11.3; Od (7examples) 3.7, 8.3, 9.3, 14.5, 17.1, 23.1, 28.1;
Ghv (8examples) 2.7, 5.3, 6.3, 11.1, 12.1, 16.1, 19.7, 21.1; Bdr (3examples) 2.1, 3.7, 9.1; R (36examples) 1.3,
1.5, 2.9, 4.3, 7.1, 9.3, 10.3, 11.5, 12.3, 12.5, 12.13, 16.9, 21.1, 21.5, 23.9, 24.7, 29.3, 31.3, 31.7, 32.5, 32.9, 34.7, 35.7,
37.7, 37.9, 38.5, 38.7, 39.1, 39.7, 40.7, 41.5, 42.5, 44.3, 44.5, 45.3, 48.3; Hdl (39examples) 3.3, 3.5, 6.1, 6.7, 8.1,
9.3, 10.7, 12.5, 13.3, 13.7, 15.7, 16.9, 17.5, 17.7, 18.3, 18.9, 20.1, 20.9, 21.7, 23.3, 23.5, 23.7, 24.1, 24.9, 26.7, 27.9,
800
28.11, 29.9, 30.5, 30.7, 31.3, 32.1, 33.7, 34.3, 36.3, 37.7, 39.3, 42.1, 48.1; Grt (21examples) 1.7, 3.3, 4.1, 5.7, 9.1,
9.3, 9.5, 11.3, 12.7, 13.5, 13.7, 14.1, 15.7, 16.5, 17.1, 18.1, 21.5, 22.7, 23.1, 23.3, 23.7.
B-verse (1325examples): Vsp(100examples) 1.2, 1.6, 2.2, 2.4, 4.2, 4.4, 4.8, 5.2, 6.6, 6.10, 8.2, 8.4, 8.6,
9.6, 10.2, 10.6, 11.2, 11.6, 12.6, 12.8, 13.2, 13.6, 13.8, 16.2, 16.4, 17.4, 17.8, 18.2, 18.6, 19.4, 19.8, 20.8, 21.2,
21.4, 21.6, 21.8, 22.4, 22.8, 23.8, 24.4, 24.6, 24.8, 25.6, 26.2, 26.6, 27.2, 27.4, 27.6, 28.10, 28.12, 30.2, 30.10,
31.2, 31.6, 32.4, 34.4, 35.4, 37.4, 38.2, 38.6, 38.8, 39.2, 39.6, 40.4, 40.6, 41.2, 41.4, 43.2, 44.6, 45.4, 45.8,
45.12, 46.4, 46.6, 47.8, 48.2, 48.4, 49.6, 51.2, 53.6, 53.8, 54.6, 55.2, 55.4, 55.6, 55.8, 57.4, 58.6, 59.2, 59.4,
59.8, 60.4, 60.8, 61.6, 62.2, 63.4, 64.2, 64.6, 64.8, 66.8; Hym(47examples) 1.2, 2.4, 3.8, 4.2, 4.8, 5.2, 5.8,
9.6, 10.4, 10.6, 13.4, 14.6, 14.8, 15.2, 15.4, 16.2, 16.6, 17.4, 17.8, 18.6, 19.4, 19.6, 20.2, 20.4, 20.6, 21.6, 22.4,
22.8, 23.4, 25.4, 26.4, 26.6, 27.2, 27.10, 29.6, 30.2, 30.4, 30.8, 31.2, 32.6, 33.6, 34.8, 35.4, 37.6, 37.8, 38.4, 39.6;
rk(65examples) 1.6, 1.8, 2.6, 2.8, 3.2, 3.8, 5.4, 5.6, 6.2, 7.2, 7.6, 7.8, 8.2, 8.6, 9.4, 9.6, 9.8, 10.6, 10.8, 11.4,
11.6, 12.2, 12.6, 13.4, 14.2, 14.4, 14.6, 14.8, 15.2, 15.6, 16.2, 16.6, 17.4, 17.6, 18.4, 18.8, 19.2, 19.6, 19.10, 21.2,
21.4, 22.2, 23.4, 23.6, 24.6, 25.2, 25.8, 26.6, 27.2, 27.6, 27.8, 29.2, 29.4, 29.6, 29.8, 29.10, 30.2, 30.4, 30.8, 31.2,
31.4, 31.6, 31.8, 32.2, 32.10; Vkv (64examples) 1.2, 1.6, 2.2, 2.4, 2.8, 3.4, 3.6, 4.4, 5.8, 6.2, 6.6, 7.6, 10.2, 11.6,
11.8, 13.2, 13.4, 14.4, 14.6, 14.8, 16.4, 17.4, 17.6, 18.2, 19.2, 19.4, 21.2, 23.2, 23.6, 24.2, 24.4, 25.2, 25.6, 27.2,
27.4, 27.6, 28.6, 28.8, 29.2, 29.4, 29.6, 29.8, 30.6, 30.8, 31.6, 32.2, 32.4, 33.2, 33.14, 34.4, 34.6, 34.8, 35.6,
36.2, 36.6, 36.8, 37.4, 38.2, 39.2, 40.4, 41.4, 41.6, 41.8, 41.10; HH(81examples) 2.2, 2.4, 2.6, 2.8, 3.2, 3.6,
3.8, 4.2, 4.4, 4.8, 5.8, 6.8, 9.4, 10.2, 10.8, 11.6, 12.2, 12.6, 13.6, 15.4, 15.8, 15.10, 16.8, 17.2, 17.4, 17.6, 17.8, 18.2,
19.2, 21.4, 21.6, 22.4, 24.2, 24.8, 25.2, 25.4, 25.6, 26.4, 27.8, 28.6, 29.6, 29.8, 30.6, 31.4, 32.6, 33.4, 33.8, 34.4,
34.6, 35.2, 35.6, 35.8, 36.2, 36.6, 37.6, 38.6, 40.2, 41.6, 42.4, 43.6, 44.6, 45.2, 45.6, 45.8, 46.4, 46.8, 47.2,
47.6, 48.4, 48.6, 48.8, 49.2, 49.6, 50.10, 51.8, 51.10, 52.4, 52.6, 55.2, 55.8, 56.6; HHv (51examples) 1.2, 2.4,
2.6, 3.4, 4.2, 4.6, 4.8, 5.8, 6.2, 6.8, 7.2, 8.6, 9.2, 10.6, 10.8, 11.2, 11.4, 11.6, 11.8, 31.2, 31.6, 31.8, 32.2, 33.2,
33.4, 33.6, 34.6, 34.8, 35.4, 36.2, 36.4, 36.6, 36.8, 37.2, 37.4, 37.6, 37.8, 38.4, 38.8, 39.4, 39.6, 39.8, 40.2, 40.6,
40.8, 41.4, 41.6, 41.8, 42.4, 42.8, 43.8; HHII (98examples) 1.4, 1.6, 3.6, 4.4, 4.6, 4.10, 4.12, 5.2, 5.4, 5.8,
6.2, 6.8, 7.2, 7.4, 7.6, 8.8, 10.2, 10.4, 11.8, 13.4, 13.6, 13.10, 14.4, 14.6, 14.8, 16.4, 16.6, 17.4, 18.2, 18.4, 19.4,
20.2, 20.6, 20.8, 21.6, 21.8, 22.2, 22.4, 22.6, 23.2, 23.6, 23.8, 24.4, 24.8, 24.10, 25.4, 25.6, 26.4, 28.2, 30.2,
30.4, 30.8, 31.2, 31.4, 31.6, 31.8, 32.4, 32.8, 33.4, 33.6, 34.6, 35.2, 35.6, 36.6, 37.2, 37.6, 37.8, 38.4, 38.6, 38.8,
39.2, 39.6, 40.6, 41.6, 42.4, 42.8, 42.10, 43.2, 43.4, 43.6, 44.4, 44.6, 44.10, 44.12, 45.6, 45.12, 46.2, 46.4,
46.8, 46.10, 47.2, 47.6, 47.8, 48.8, 49.2, 50.6, 50.8, 51.6; Grp (101examples) 1.2, 1.4, 1.6, 1.8, 2.2, 2.4, 2.8,
3.2, 3.8, 4.2, 5.2, 5.4, 6.4, 6.6, 6.8, 7.2, 7.4, 8.2, 8.8, 9.2, 11.2, 11.8, 12.8, 13.2, 13.4, 14.4, 14.8, 15.2, 15.6, 16.4,
16.8, 17.2, 17.4, 17.6, 18.2, 18.4, 18.8, 19.2, 19.8, 20.2, 20.4, 20.8, 21.2, 21.4, 21.8, 22.4, 24.2, 24.8, 25.2, 25.8,
26.4, 26.8, 27.4, 27.8, 28.4, 28.6, 29.2, 29.4, 30.6, 30.8, 31.2, 31.4, 31.8, 32.6, 32.8, 33.4, 34.2, 34.4, 34.6, 35.2,
35.4, 35.6, 35.8, 36.6, 37.2, 37.8, 38.2, 38.6, 38.8, 40.2, 40.6, 42.2, 42.4, 42.8, 43.2, 43.8, 44.2, 44.4, 45.4,
45.8, 46.4, 46.6, 47.2, 47.4, 49.8, 50.4, 50.8, 51.2, 51.6, 53.4, 53.6; Rm (13examples) 5.6, 5.8, 14.6, 14.8, 15.6,
16.2, 16.6, 16.8, 17.6, 18.6, 18.8, 23.4, 26.2; Fm (21examples) 32.2, 32.6, 32.8, 33.8, 35.4, 36.4, 36.8, 40.2,
40.4, 40.6, 41.2, 41.6, 41.8, 42.2, 42.4, 42.6, 42.8, 43.4, 43.6, 44.2, 44.6; Br (43examples) 1.4, 2.2, 2.4, 3.2,
3.4, 3.6, 3.8, 4.6, 4.8, 5.2, 5.6, 6.2, 6.6, 6.8, 7.4, 8.2, 8.4, 8.6, 8.8, 9.8, 10.6, 10.8, 11.2, 11.4, 11.8, 12.2, 13.2,
13.4, 13.6, 14.2, 14.6, 15.4, 15.6, 15.8, 16.2, 17.4, 17.6, 17.8, 18.4, 18.6, 19.2, 19.6, 19.8; Gr I (54examples) 1.2,
2.4, 2.6, 2.8, 3.2, 4.2, 4.8, 5.2, 6.2, 6.4, 8.2, 9.4, 9.8, 10.4, 10.6, 10.8, 11.2, 12.2, 13.8, 14.2, 14.4, 14.6, 14.8,
15.2, 16.2, 16.4, 16.6, 17.2, 17.4, 17.8, 19.2, 19.4, 20.6, 20.8, 21.2, 21.4, 21.6, 21.10, 22.2, 22.6, 22.8, 23.2, 23.4,
23.6, 24.2, 24.4, 24.8, 25.2, 25.4, 26.2, 26.6, 27.2, 27.4, 27.6; Sg (116examples) 1.2, 1.6, 1.8, 2.4, 3.2, 4.6, 4.8,
5.2, 5.8, 6.8, 8.8, 9.2, 10.2, 10.4, 11.4, 11.8, 11.10, 12.2, 12.4, 13.6, 13.12, 14.6, 14.8, 15.2, 15.6, 15.8, 16.4, 16.6,
16.8, 17.4, 17.6, 17.8, 18.2, 18.4, 18.8, 18.10, 18.12, 20.2, 20.6, 20.8, 24.8, 26.2, 27.4, 27.8, 28.6, 29.4, 29.8,
30.2, 30.6, 30.8, 32.2, 32.4, 33.4, 33.8, 34.2, 35.8, 36.2, 36.4, 36.10, 36.12, 38.4, 38.8, 40.6, 41.4, 41.6, 42.4,
42.8, 43.4, 44.2, 44.12, 45.4, 45.6, 46.4, 47.2, 47.8, 48.4, 49.8, 50.8, 51.8, 52.2, 52.6, 53.4, 53.6, 53.8, 54.2,
55.2, 55.6, 56.4, 56.8, 57.4, 57.6, 58.2, 58.4, 58.10, 59.2, 60.2, 60.4, 61.2, 61.4, 61.8, 62.4, 62.6, 62.8, 63.4,
64.8, 65.2, 65.6, 66.2, 67.4, 68.8, 69.4, 70.4, 70.8, 71.2, 71.6, 71.8; Hlr (29examples) 1.2, 1.4, 1.6, 2.4, 3.2,
3.6, 3.8, 4.2, 4.8, 5.2, 5.6, 6.8, 7.4, 8.4, 8.6, 9.4, 9.6, 9.8, 10.2, 10.6, 11.4, 11.6, 12.6, 12.8, 13.2, 13.4, 14.2, 14.4,
14.6; Gr II (80examples) 1.2, 1.6, 3.4, 3.8, 4.2, 4.6, 5.4, 5.8, 7.4, 8.4, 8.6, 9.2, 9.4, 9.6, 10.2, 10.6, 10.8, 11.4,
801
12.6, 12.8, 13.4, 15.4, 15.6, 15.8, 16.2, 16.4, 16.8, 17.8, 17.10, 17.12, 18.2, 18.8, 18.10, 19.6, 19.10, 20.2, 20.6,
21.2, 21.6, 22.4, 23.6, 24.8, 25.2, 26.6, 27.4, 28.2, 28.4, 29.2, 29.4, 29.6, 31.2, 31.6, 31.8, 31.12, 32.2, 32.4, 32.6,
33.2, 34.6, 35.8, 36.2, 38.2, 38.4, 38.6, 38.8, 39.4, 39.6, 40.2, 40.4, 40.6, 40.8, 41.2, 41.8, 42.2, 42.4, 42.8,
43.4, 43.6, 43.8, 44.4; Gr III (22examples) 1.6, 2.2, 2.4, 2.8, 3.2, 3.4, 3.6, 3.8, 4.2, 4.4, 4.6, 4.8, 5.4, 5.8, 8.2,
8.8, 9.2, 9.4, 9.6, 10.2, 10.8, 11.8; Od (58examples) 1.8, 2.2, 2.4, 2.8, 4.8, 5.2, 5.4, 6.4, 7.2, 7.4, 8.8, 9.2, 9.6,
10.8, 10.10, 12.2, 12.4, 12.6, 15.2, 15.6, 16.4, 16.6, 17.2, 17.8, 18.2, 18.8, 19.2, 19.4, 20.2, 21.2, 22.2, 23.2, 23.4,
23.6, 24.2, 25.2, 25.4, 25.8, 26.2, 26.4, 26.6, 27.2, 27.4, 28.4, 28.6, 28.8, 29.2, 29.4, 29.6, 30.4, 30.6, 30.8, 31.4,
32.6, 32.8, 33.4, 33.6, 34.4; Ghv (36examples) 1.6, 2.4, 2.6, 2.8, 2.12, 3.6, 3.8, 5.6, 5.8, 7.2, 8.4, 9.2, 9.6, 10.2,
10.4, 10.6, 11.2, 11.4, 11.6, 12.2, 12.4, 13.2, 13.6, 14.6, 15.2, 15.8, 16.6, 17.12, 18.8, 18.10, 19.4, 19.6, 20.2, 20.4,
21.2, 21.4; Bdr (22examples) 1.2, 1.4, 1.6, 1.8, 2.4, 3.4, 3.8, 5.4, 5.8, 6.6, 7.8, 8.2, 8.8, 9.6, 9.8, 10.2, 10.6,
11.10, 12.2, 12.8, 13.8, 14.6; R (113examples) 1.2, 2.2, 2.4, 2.6, 2.8, 2.10, 3.2, 3.4, 4.4, 4.6, 4.12, 5.2, 5.4, 6.4,
7.2, 8.10, 9.2, 9.4, 10.2, 11.6, 12.2, 12.4, 12.6, 12.8, 12.10, 12.12, 13.2, 13.6, 13.10, 14.2, 14.4, 14.6, 14.8, 15.2,
15.4, 15.6, 16.4, 16.6, 16.8, 17.2, 19.4, 19.6, 20.4, 21.2, 21.4, 21.6, 22.4, 23.2, 23.4, 23.6, 23.8, 24.2, 24.6, 25.2,
25.4, 25.6, 25.8, 26.2, 26.6, 27.4, 27.6, 28.4, 28.6, 28.8, 29.2, 29.8, 30.2, 30.4, 31.6, 32.8, 32.10, 33.2, 33.4,
33.8, 34.2, 34.4, 34.6, 35.2, 35.4, 35.6, 35.8, 35.10, 35.12, 36.4, 36.6, 36.8, 36.10, 37.10, 37.12, 38.4, 39.2, 39.8,
40.4, 41.6, 41.10, 42.2, 42.4, 42.6, 43.2, 43.6, 43.8, 44.2, 44.4, 44.6, 45.2, 45.8, 46.2, 46.4, 47.4, 47.6, 48.2,
48.6, 48.8; Hdl (80examples) 2.6, 2.8, 3.8, 4.2, 4.4, 5.2, 5.8, 7.6, 7.10, 8.4, 10.6, 11.2, 11.4, 12.4, 12.8, 13.2,
14.2, 15.2, 15.6, 16.10, 17.2, 17.6, 17.8, 18.2, 18.4, 18.8, 18.10, 19.4, 19.6, 20.2, 20.6, 20.8, 20.10, 21.4, 21.6,
21.8, 23.4, 23.8, 24.2, 24.10, 25.2, 25.4, 26.8, 27.2, 27.4, 27.6, 27.8, 27.10, 28.4, 28.6, 28.12, 29.2, 29.6, 29.10,
30.8, 31.4, 32.6, 34.4, 35.4, 36.4, 38.2, 39.4, 40.6, 41.2, 43.2, 43.4, 44.4, 44.6, 44.8, 45.2, 45.4, 45.8, 46.4,
46.6, 47.6, 49.6, 49.8, 50.2, 50.4, 50.6; Grt (31examples) 1.4, 2.2, 2.4, 2.6, 3.4, 4.2, 5.6, 6.2, 6.6, 6.8, 7.2, 8.8,
9.6, 10.4, 10.8, 11.2, 12.6, 14.2, 15.4, 15.6, 16.8, 17.4, 17.8, 18.2, 18.4, 19.6, 20.2, 21.6, 22.4, 22.6, 24.6.
Type aA1 (26examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (4 examples): Vkv (1 example) 33.9; Gr I (1 example) 3.5; Gr III
(1example) 5.3; Hdl (1example) 44.3.
A-verse with double alliteration (8 examples): rk (1 example) 13.7; Vkv (2 examples) 17.9, 32.3;
HH(2examples) 1.5, 53.11; HHII (1example) 37.1; Gr II (1example) 3.1; R (1example) 47.1.
B-verse (14examples): rk(1example) 4.2; Vkv (1example) 6.8; Grp (1example) 3.4; Sg (1example)
3.8; Gr II (1example) 2.6; Gr III (2examples) 1.4, 11.6; Od (2examples) 11.8, 25.6; Ghv (1example) 8.8;
R (1example) 32.6; Hdl (3examples) 9.6, 42.8, 45.6.
Subtype A1s (284examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (60examples): Vsp(3examples) 37.7, 42.7, 43.7; Hym(5examples)
4.7, 19.3, 22.7, 30.3, 30.7; rk(4examples) 5.1, 9.1, 30.3, 30.7; Vkv (5examples) 4.3, 29.5, 38.1, 40.3, 41.3;
HH(8examples) 6.3, 11.7, 16.7, 25.5, 27.7, 30.7, 37.3, 38.7; HHv (1example) 33.3; HHII (3examples) 10.3,
25.3, 39.3; Grp (7examples) 12.5, 14.3, 18.1, 18.5, 19.5, 21.3, 23.7; Rm (1example) 16.5; Fm (2examples)
35.3, 40.1; Br (2examples) 8.5, 19.3; Gr I (1example) 14.7; Sg (1example) 55.5; Hlr (1example) 11.7; Gr
II (5examples) 7.7, 9.7, 19.1, 19.3, 31.11; Od (2examples) 21.7, 34.5; Ghv (4examples) 8.5, 10.5, 18.3, 19.1;
R (1example) 16.1; Hdl (3examples) 9.7, 24.3, 30.9; Grt (1example) 21.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (47examples): Vsp(9examples) 1.7, 11.1, 12.3, 13.7, 52.5, 54.3, 65.3,
66.3, 66.7; Hym (8 examples) 2.3, 5.3, 8.7, 10.3, 20.3, 23.7, 25.1, 35.7; Vkv (3 examples) 2.3, 4.7, 29.1;
HH(2examples) 1.7, 8.7; HHII (1example) 21.3; Grp (1example) 42.7; Rm (2examples) 17.7, 23.7; Fm
(1example) 43.7; Br (3examples) 5.1, 7.3, 11.7; Gr I (1example) 18.1; Sg (1example) 3.3; Hlr (1example)
2.3; Gr II (8examples) 2.1, 19.7, 23.5, 23.7, 29.7, 30.7, 41.7, 42.7; Od (1example) 29.9; Ghv (2examples) 1.3,
10.3; R (2examples) 8.5, 41.3; Grt (1example) 19.3.
B-verse (177 examples): Vsp (10 examples) 11.4, 12.2, 13.4, 15.4, 15.6, 32.8, 34.2, 45.6, 56.6, 62.4;
Hym(21examples) 1.8, 2.2, 5.6, 8.4, 8.8, 10.8, 15.8, 16.8, 18.4, 18.8, 21.2, 23.6, 24.4, 27.8, 29.4, 31.6, 33.4,
33.8, 34.2, 37.4, 38.8; rk(7examples) 6.4, 18.6, 20.4, 24.4, 24.10, 26.2, 28.2; Vkv (2examples) 4.2, 8.6;
802
HH(21examples) 7.2, 7.4, 7.8, 10.6, 11.4, 14.6, 18.4, 18.6, 20.2, 21.2, 29.2, 30.2, 36.12, 42.6, 43.2, 46.2, 50.12,
53.6, 53.10, 54.2, 54.6; HHv (6 examples) 1.6, 5.6, 10.2, 38.2, 40.4, 43.6; HH II (25 examples) 1.8, 3.2,
3.4, 7.8, 9.4, 11.6, 12.8, 14.2, 16.8, 24.2, 25.8, 26.2, 27.2, 27.4, 28.6, 36.8, 40.8, 41.8, 44.8, 45.4, 46.6, 48.2,
49.4, 49.6, 49.8; Grp (13examples) 4.4, 4.8, 9.4, 9.6, 10.6, 21.6, 23.4, 23.8, 28.8, 41.8, 46.2, 48.6, 49.4; Rm
(2examples) 11.8, 15.2; Fm (2examples) 33.6, 43.2; Br (1example) 12.4; Gr I (4examples) 4.6, 12.6, 22.4,
26.4; Sg (15examples) 2.6, 13.14, 18.6, 31.4, 37.8, 41.2, 44.8, 51.2, 56.6, 59.4, 63.2, 64.4, 65.4, 68.6, 69.6; Hlr
(2examples) 2.8, 6.2; Gr II (11examples) 12.2, 13.2, 17.2, 22.2, 23.2, 25.6, 29.8, 34.4, 35.2, 35.6, 35.10; Gr
III (1example) 8.6; Od (2examples) 13.2, 19.6; Ghv (1example) 1.8; Bdr (4examples) 4.6, 9.2, 11.4, 14.8;
R (7examples) 6.2, 6.6, 20.2, 20.6, 33.6, 33.10, 38.2; Hdl (17examples) 1.6, 5.6, 8.2, 15.8, 19.8, 20.4, 21.2,
28.8, 32.4, 40.8, 41.4, 41.8, 46.8, 47.8, 48.4, 49.4, 50.8; Grt (3examples) 1.6, 7.6, 17.6.
Type A1- (268examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (126 examples): Hym (6 examples) 10.5, 13.5, 15.1, 18.1, 19.5, 31.1;
rk(1example) 9.7; Vkv (4examples) 5.7, 14.3, 31.3, 31.7; HH(8examples) 2.1, 7.1, 16.3, 27.5, 39.1, 43.1,
44.1, 53.1; HHv (5 examples) 33.1, 33.9, 35.3, 39.3, 42.1; HH II (8 examples) 10.1, 18.1, 30.7, 32.5, 33.1,
33.11, 36.3, 50.1; Grp (8 examples) 21.5, 24.1, 24.5, 25.7, 37.7, 38.1, 40.1, 53.5; Rm (1 example) 5.3; Fm
(5examples) 32.5, 35.1, 35.5, 41.3, 44.7; Br (3examples) 13.7, 15.3, 18.3; Gr I (3examples) 9.7, 17.9, 18.7;
Sg (12examples) 7.1, 17.3, 23.1, 24.3, 31.3, 41.3, 62.1, 63.5, 65.1, 66.1, 71.1, 71.5; Hlr (3examples) 1.5, 3.1,
11.5; Gr II (7examples) 12.1, 19.5, 20.1, 27.1, 27.5, 33.1, 34.5; Od (2examples) 10.1, 21.5; Ghv (4examples)
3.5, 4.3, 9.7, 18.7; Bdr (1example) 11.5; R (31examples) 2.7, 3.1, 3.3, 5.1, 5.3, 12.1, 13.1, 14.7, 15.1, 16.3, 17.1,
19.5, 23.1, 23.7, 24.1, 25.1, 27.1, 27.3, 29.1, 30.1, 30.3, 31.5, 32.1, 33.1, 34.5, 37.3, 39.5, 40.5, 41.9, 43.5, 47.5;
Hdl (13examples) 7.9, 17.3, 20.5, 22.1, 25.9, 29.3, 31.1, 34.1, 35.5, 36.1, 39.1, 40.5, 44.5; Grt (1example) 7.3.
A-verse with double alliteration (34examples): Hym(1example) 12.3; rk(5examples) 17.1, 18.3,
22.1, 25.1, 30.1; Vkv (4examples) 19.3, 31.1, 33.1, 37.1; HHv (1example) 7.7; HHII (2examples) 32.1, 36.1;
Grp (1example) 29.5; Gr I (3examples) 17.3, 23.3, 27.1; Sg (6examples) 27.3, 28.1, 30.7, 37.7, 39.1, 44.11;
Gr III (1example) 9.1; Ghv (1example) 14.5; R (7examples) 6.1, 11.7, 20.1, 21.3, 23.5, 33.5, 41.7; Hdl
(1example) 14.1; Grt (1example) 17.3.
B-verse (108examples): Vsp(13examples) 27.8, 28.14, 29.2, 31.8, 33.8, 35.8, 36.4, 38.4, 39.10, 41.8,
48.8, 62.8, 63.6; Hym(9examples) 3.4, 6.4, 7.2, 9.2, 11.10, 14.2, 21.8, 34.4, 38.2; rk(4examples) 8.8,
11.8, 17.2, 22.6; Vkv (2examples) 11.4, 31.2; HH(4examples) 5.2, 26.8, 33.2, 50.2; HHv (1example) 43.2;
HHII (3examples) 4.14, 13.8, 47.4; Grp (3examples) 10.2, 32.2, 48.2; Rm (1example) 17.8; Fm (2examples) 33.2, 36.2; Br (1example) 12.8; Gr I (6examples) 6.6, 7.2, 7.4, 15.6, 24.12, 25.6; Sg (26examples)
5.4, 6.2, 7.2, 8.2, 8.4, 8.6, 13.8, 13.10, 14.4, 23.6, 24.6, 25.2, 25.4, 26.6, 28.4, 29.6, 32.6, 36.8, 37.2, 39.6, 43.2,
51.4, 56.10, 60.8, 61.6, 64.2; Gr II (2examples) 3.2, 4.4; Gr III (1example) 8.4; Od (1example) 4.4; Ghv
(2examples) 4.6, 20.6; Bdr (3examples) 2.2, 13.4, 14.4; R (21examples) 4.2, 4.8, 4.10, 7.4, 8.4, 10.6, 11.2,
11.8, 12.14, 16.2, 16.10, 26.4, 27.2, 31.2, 31.4, 32.4, 37.2, 37.6, 38.8, 41.4, 41.8; Hdl (2examples) 7.2, 46.2; Grt
(1example) 23.8.
Subtype aA1s (8examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (2examples): Fm (1example) 41.7; Hdl (1example) 19.3.
A-verse with double alliteration (1example): Vkv (1example) 37.3.
B-verse (5examples): Vkv (3examples) 18.8, 18.10, 37.6; Hdl (2examples) 3.4, 25.6.
Type aA1- (1example):
A-verse with single alliteration (1example): HHv (1example) 2.7.
Type A2a (59examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (7examples): Vsp(1example) 19.3; Sg (1example) 61.3; Od (4examples) 1.7, 6.1, 6.5, 14.7; Hdl (1example) 22.3.
803
63.5; Hym(2examples) 9.1, 24.1; Vkv (3examples) 1.3, 3.9, 10.7; HH(3examples) 5.7, 49.7, 55.3; HHII
(3examples) 25.7, 42.7, 45.7; Sg (1example) 69.3; R (1example) 25.3; Grt (1example) 8.3.
B-verse (30examples): Vsp(7examples) 20.12, 23.6, 25.8, 31.4, 50.8, 56.8, 63.2; rk(3examples) 5.2,
9.2, 23.8; Vkv (5examples) 1.4, 1.8, 3.10, 9.2, 10.6; HH(1example) 10.4; Br (2examples) 7.2, 10.2; Gr I
(1example) 8.4; Sg (6examples) 17.2, 38.2, 40.8, 45.2, 50.4, 71.4; Gr II (1example) 22.8; Od (2examples) 3.2, 8.2; Bdr (1example) 3.6; Hdl (1example) 13.4.
Type A2a- (16examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (2examples): Sg (2examples) 22.7, 70.5.
A-verse with double alliteration (4examples): Sg (2examples) 34.7, 68.3; Gr II (2examples) 22.5, 25.3.
B-verse (10examples): Hym(2examples) 21.4, 23.2; rk(1example) 3.6; HH(3examples) 12.4, 26.6,
52.8; HHII (1example) 43.8; Sg (2examples) 26.8, 65.8; Hdl (1example) 6.8.
Type aA2a (4examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (2examples): Vkv (1example) 38.3; Grp (1example) 45.5.
B-verse (2examples): Od (2examples) 18.4, 20.4.
Type A2b (65examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (16 examples): Vsp (1 example) 12.1; Vkv (2 examples) 15.3, 29.7;
HH(1example) 41.1; Gr I (1example) 14.1; Sg (5examples) 15.1, 24.1, 27.7, 54.1, 61.1; Gr II (1example)
21.1; Gr III (1example) 11.7; Od (2examples) 4.7, 7.5; Ghv (1example) 7.1; Bdr (1example) 13.1.
41.5, 41.7, 45.7, 45.9, 46.5; Vkv (3 examples) 21.3, 23.7, 41.5; HH (5 examples) 8.3, 8.5, 14.3, 14.5, 50.7;
HHv (1 example) 1.1; HH II (3 examples) 14.1, 20.1, 45.11; Br (1 example) 7.5; Gr I (1 example) 24.3;
Sg (3examples) 4.3, 25.5, 66.3; Gr II (6examples) 15.7, 16.7, 25.1, 28.7, 32.1, 33.3; Od (1example) 11.1;
Ghv (1 example) 15.5; R (1 example) 13.5; Hdl (7 examples) 14.5, 14.7, 15.1, 15.5, 18.7, 21.1, 32.5; Grt
(1example) 23.5.
B-verse (3examples): Grp (1example) 51.8; Od (1example) 7.6; R (1example) 8.8.
A-verse with single alliteration (662examples): Vsp(39examples) 4.3, 7.1, 9.5, 14.1, 14.5, 15.1, 16.5, 19.5,
20.1, 21.1, 23.5, 24.3, 28.9, 29.1, 31.1, 31.5, 32.1, 34.1, 37.1, 39.7, 40.5, 43.3, 46.3, 51.7, 52.3, 53.1, 53.7, 54.1, 56.1,
56.5, 57.5, 59.7, 60.1, 61.1, 63.1, 64.5, 65.1, 66.1, 66.5; Hym(29examples) 1.7, 2.5, 2.7, 4.1, 4.5, 5.1, 6.1, 7.1,
11.5, 11.7, 13.1, 14.1, 15.3, 16.1, 16.5, 19.1, 26.1, 27.3, 28.5, 29.7, 30.1, 31.3, 33.1, 33.7, 34.7, 35.1, 35.5, 36.3, 37.1;
rk(40examples) 1.1, 2.1, 3.1, 3.3, 3.5, 4.3, 9.9, 10.3, 11.7, 12.1, 12.3, 13.1, 13.5, 14.1, 14.5, 15.1, 15.7, 16.1, 16.5,
17.3, 18.1, 18.5, 19.3, 19.5, 19.9, 20.1, 21.1, 24.1, 24.3, 25.3, 25.5, 26.7,27.5, 27.7, 28.7, 29.3, 29.5, 30.5, 32.1, 32.3; Vkv
(34examples) 2.5, 2.7, 2.9, 3.3, 4.1, 6.1, 7.1, 8.5, 9.1, 11.5, 11.7, 12.1, 13.3, 13.5, 18.3, 18.5, 21.5, 24.1, 24.5, 25.1,
25.5, 30.1, 30.5, 30.7, 32.1, 33.7, 34.3, 34.5, 35.1, 35.5, 36.1, 36.5, 37.9, 39.1; HH(63examples) 2.5, 3.1, 3.5, 4.3,
5.3, 6.1, 7.3, 7.5, 9.1, 9.7, 10.1, 11.1, 11.5, 12.1, 13.3, 14.1, 14.7, 15.1, 15.3, 15.5, 15.9, 17.1, 17.5, 19.1, 19.3, 21.1, 23.1,
23.5, 24.3, 26.1, 29.1, 29.3, 30.1, 31.1, 31.5, 33.5, 35.1, 35.7, 36.5, 37.1, 38.1, 40.5, 41.5, 41.9, 42.5, 43.3, 46.1, 46.5,
47.1, 48.1, 48.5, 48.7, 50.1, 50.5, 50.11, 52.1, 52.5, 53.5, 54.1, 54.5, 55.1, 56.1, 56.5; HHv (29examples) 2.1, 2.5,
3.1, 3.3, 3.5, 4.5, 5.5, 5.7, 6.1, 7.5, 9.5, 10.1, 11.3, 11.5, 31.5, 32.3, 33.5, 33.11, 34.1, 34.5, 36.7, 37.3, 37.5, 38.7, 40.3,
41.3, 41.5, 42.3, 42.5; HHII (48examples) 1.3, 4.9, 5.1, 6.1, 6.3, 11.5, 12.1, 12.5, 13.3, 13.7, 14.7, 15.1, 16.5, 19.1,
20.5, 21.5, 22.1, 24.1, 25.1, 25.5, 26.1, 26.3, 27.5, 28.1, 28.7, 30.3, 31.1, 31.3, 31.5, 36.7, 37.5, 38.1, 38.5, 39.1, 42.1,
43.1, 44.1, 44.7, 45.1, 45.9, 46.1, 46.7, 46.9, 47.5, 48.1, 48.5, 49.1, 49.5; Grp (37examples) 4.3, 4.7, 5.1, 5.5, 9.5,
11.5, 13.1, 13.7, 14.1, 15.1, 15.5, 19.1, 20.1, 21.1, 21.7, 22.5, 23.1, 26.1, 28.5, 29.7, 30.1, 30.7, 31.5, 31.7, 32.1, 33.1, 34.1,
35.1, 36.5, 41.1, 41.5, 43.1, 44.1, 46.1, 48.1, 49.1, 49.5; Rm (7examples) 11.1, 14.1, 14.5, 17.1, 18.5, 23.1, 26.5; Fm
(5examples) 33.1, 33.5, 41.1, 43.1, 44.3; Br (15examples) 1.1, 2.1, 3.1, 4.5, 5.7, 6.1, 6.3, 6.5, 8.1, 10.1, 11.1, 13.5,
804
14.1, 16.1, 17.1; Gr I (33examples) 1.1, 1.5, 2.1, 2.5, 2.7, 3.1, 4.1, 5.1, 5.3, 6.1, 7.3, 8.3, 9.1, 11.1, 11.3, 12.1, 12.7, 17.1,
18.3, 19.5, 21.1, 21.3, 21.5, 21.7, 22.1, 22.3, 23.1, 23.5, 23.7, 24.1, 24.11, 25.1, 26.7; Sg (83examples) 1.1, 1.7, 3.7, 4.5,
5.1, 6.5, 7.3, 8.5, 8.7, 9.3, 10.1, 10.3, 11.5, 11.7, 12.1, 13.7, 13.9, 13.11, 13.13, 14.3, 14.5, 14.7, 15.7, 16.1, 16.3, 18.1, 18.5,
18.7, 20.1, 20.5, 21.1, 21.3, 22.1, 22.5, 26.3, 27.1, 27.5, 28.3, 28.5, 28.7, 30.1, 30.5, 31.1, 33.3, 33.5, 34.3, 37.1, 37.3,
38.1, 39.5, 40.3, 41.5, 42.1, 42.5, 44.1, 44.7, 44.9, 47.1, 49.1, 49.5, 51.5, 52.1, 56.5, 56.7, 57.3, 58.5, 58.7, 59.1, 59.3,
60.7, 61.5, 62.7, 64.1, 65.3, 65.5, 65.7, 65.9, 66.5, 67.1, 68.1, 68.5, 69.5, 70.1; Hlr (15examples) 1.1, 1.7, 2.1, 3.3, 3.7,
4.1, 4.5, 8.1, 8.7, 9.1, 9.5, 12.3, 13.1, 14.1, 14.5; Gr II (35examples) 1.5, 3.7, 4.3, 4.5, 6.3, 7.5, 8.1, 9.5, 10.5, 11.5,
14.5, 15.1, 17.1, 21.5, 22.1, 23.1, 24.1, 28.5, 29.1, 30.1, 30.5, 31.1, 31.5, 31.7, 31.9, 34.1, 34.3, 35.1, 38.5, 39.1, 39.5,
40.1, 43.1, 43.5, 44.1; Gr III (9examples) 1.1, 1.5, 2.1, 2.3, 2.5, 3.3, 5.1, 5.5, 10.5; Od (30examples) 1.1, 2.1, 2.5,
2.7, 3.9, 4.5, 5.1, 8.5, 11.3, 13.1, 15.1, 15.5, 16.3, 16.5, 17.3, 18.7, 19.1, 19.5, 19.7, 22.5, 25.1, 25.5, 28.5, 28.7, 30.1, 30.3,
30.7, 31.1, 32.1, 34.7; Ghv (21examples) 1.1, 2.1, 3.1, 4.1, 5.5, 7.7, 8.1, 8.7, 9.5, 12.3, 15.3, 15.7, 16.3, 16.5, 16.7, 17.1,
17.5, 17.9, 20.1, 20.3, 21.5; Bdr (20examples) 1.1, 1.5, 1.7, 2.3, 2.7, 3.1, 4.1, 4.3, 5.3, 6.3, 6.5, 7.1, 8.5, 9.3, 11.1, 12.5,
13.3, 13.5, 13.7, 14.3; R (14examples) 1.1, 2.3, 4.1, 8.1, 8.3, 10.1, 14.3, 22.1, 25.7, 31.1, 36.1, 36.7, 39.3, 40.1; Hdl
(33examples) 4.5, 5.3, 6.3, 8.3, 9.1, 10.5, 12.1, 19.5, 20.7, 25.1, 26.1, 26.3, 27.5, 27.7, 28.9, 29.5, 30.3, 37.3, 37.5,
38.1, 41.5, 41.7, 42.5, 42.7, 43.3, 43.5, 44.1, 46.7, 47.1, 47.3, 47.7, 49.3, 50.5; Grt (23examples) 1.1, 1.5, 2.1, 2.7, 3.5,
4.5, 6.1, 8.1, 8.5, 10.1, 10.3, 11.5, 11.7, 12.1, 13.1, 14.3, 15.3, 16.1, 17.5, 20.1, 20.5, 20.7, 22.5.
B-verse (43 examples): Vsp (6 examples) 6.4, 9.4, 23.4, 25.4, 35.6, 64.4; Hym (1 example) 20.8;
rk(1example) 4.4; Vkv (5examples) 12.4, 15.2, 33.12, 34.2, 38.4; HHII (5examples) 32.2, 32.6, 33.2,
42.6, 46.12; Rm (1example) 17.2; Sg (6examples) 3.4, 6.6, 7.4, 35.4, 42.6, 69.8; Gr II (4examples) 1.4, 7.2,
16.6, 35.4; Gr III (1example) 11.2; Od (3examples) 4.2, 15.4, 32.4; Ghv (5examples) 3.4, 14.2, 17.10, 19.2,
19.8; Bdr (3examples) 6.2, 6.4, 14.2; R (1example) 32.2; Grt (1example) 9.8.
A-verse with single alliteration (28examples): Vsp(1example) 33.1; Vkv (5examples) 7.5, 16.5, 20.3,
22.3, 37.5; HH(1example) 16.5; HHII (4examples) 11.1, 19.5, 33.5, 48.9; Rm (2examples) 5.1, 11.3; Fm
(2examples) 36.1, 42.1; Br (2examples) 9.1, 17.5; Gr I (2examples) 26.1, 26.5; Sg (1example) 34.5; Gr II
(1example) 17.9; Gr III (1example) 11.5; Od (1example) 4.1; Ghv (2examples) 14.1, 19.3; R (1example)
26.3; Hdl (1example) 25.3; Grt (1example) 15.1.
Type B (451examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (270examples): Vsp(19examples) 2.3, 19.7, 28.5, 32.7, 33.5, 37.5, 38.7,
39.5, 40.3, 43.5, 45.11, 47.7, 50.3, 53.3, 55.5, 56.3, 60.5, 60.7, 62.5; Hym(10examples) 3.5, 8.5, 12.7, 15.5, 16.7,
18.7, 21.5, 32.3, 34.3, 38.7; rk(20examples) 1.7, 2.5, 5.3, 5.5, 8.5, 8.7, 9.3, 9.5, 11.5, 13.9, 17.5, 20.3, 22.5, 24.9,
26.3, 27.3, 28.3, 29.7, 32.5, 32.9; Vkv (6examples) 1.5, 16.1, 22.1, 27.1, 27.7, 30.3; HH(16examples) 3.7, 4.1,
8.1, 10.3, 10.5, 10.7, 12.3, 13.7, 24.7, 29.5, 32.5, 37.5, 43.5, 48.9, 51.7, 54.7; HHv (6examples) 10.7, 11.1, 35.5,
38.5, 39.7, 43.7; HHII (20examples) 3.3, 4.1, 5.5, 5.7, 6.7, 7.5, 8.5, 13.9, 17.1, 18.3, 21.7, 32.3, 33.3, 35.3, 38.7,
41.3, 44.11, 45.3, 46.5, 49.3; Grp (31examples) 1.1, 1.7, 2.3, 3.7, 4.5, 5.3, 5.7, 6.5, 8.7, 11.3, 16.5, 17.1, 19.7, 20.3,
20.7, 22.3, 23.3, 23.5, 25.3, 28.1, 28.7, 29.1, 33.5, 39.5, 42.1, 46.5, 47.3, 48.5, 51.5, 52.1, 53.3; Rm (3examples)
14.3, 16.1, 26.1; Fm (4examples) 33.3, 33.7, 36.5, 36.7; Br (7examples) 1.3, 2.5, 3.7, 10.7, 17.3, 17.7, 18.1; Gr
I (9examples) 1.7, 8.5, 10.1, 10.3, 14.3, 16.5, 19.1, 24.7, 27.7; Sg (34examples) 13.5, 14.9, 18.3, 22.3, 23.5,
29.5, 29.7, 32.1, 32.3, 35.1, 35.7, 36.1, 36.3, 36.7, 38.7, 39.3, 39.7, 39.9, 40.7, 41.1, 49.3, 50.3, 51.7, 52.5, 53.5,
58.3, 58.9, 60.3, 61.7, 62.3, 64.3, 67.7, 68.7, 70.7; Hlr (8examples) 5.1, 5.5, 6.7, 8.5, 9.7, 10.7,11.3, 13.7; Gr II
(11examples) 3.3, 8.3, 10.7, 11.7, 12.7, 12.9, 18.5, 24.7, 35.7, 35.9, 39.3; Gr III (5examples) 3.5, 4.7, 8.7, 9.3,
10.3; Od (19examples) 1.3, 3.3, 3.5, 6.3, 7.3, 8.7, 9.1, 9.5, 10.3, 11.5, 11.7, 13.3, 22.1, 23.5, 25.3, 25.7, 26.3, 29.7,
31.3; Ghv (4examples) 2.3, 2.5, 6.1, 13.7; Bdr (5examples) 4.7, 5.1, 8.7, 9.5, 11.3; R (14examples) 2.1, 4.5,
6.3, 6.5, 9.1, 9.5, 14.1, 20.3, 20.5, 24.3, 33.7, 33.9, 38.1, 48.5; Hdl (14examples) 2.1, 4.3, 12.3, 17.1, 19.7, 28.7,
32.3, 37.1, 40.3, 40.7, 44.7, 45.1, 45.7, 48.3; Grt (5examples) 4.3, 7.1, 7.5, 10.5,15.5.
58.7; Hym(3examples) 3.7, 10.7, 39.3; rk(1example) 25.7; Vkv (2examples) 4.5, 28.5; HH(14examples)
805
3.3, 6.7, 9.5, 13.5, 17.3, 20.3, 21.3, 27.1, 27.3, 28.5, 31.7, 47.7, 50.9, 54.3; HHv (1example) 6.7; HHII (8examples) 8.3, 10.7, 27.7, 33.7, 35.5, 39.7, 40.3, 51.1; Grp (5examples) 35.7, 46.3, 48.7, 52.5, 52.7; Br (1example)
4.7; Sg (3examples) 38.3, 42.7, 45.7; Hlr (1example) 13.5; Gr II (2examples) 12.3, 20.5; Gr III (2examples) 1.3, 3.7; Od (2examples) 4.3, 8.1; Ghv (3examples) 3.9, 19.5, 20.5; Bdr (2examples) 11.7, 14.7; R
(1example) 48.1; Hdl (3examples) 2.3, 15.3, 24.7; Grt (2examples) 10.7, 19.7.
B-verse (117examples): Vsp(12examples) 1.8, 6.8, 20.4, 22.2, 24.2, 26.4, 28.2, 28.4, 28.6, 28.8, 43.4,
65.4; Hym(6examples) 13.2, 22.2, 29.2, 32.8, 35.2, 37.2; rk(2examples) 30.6, 32.8; Vkv (10examples)
3.8, 8.8, 16.6, 17.10, 20.8, 22.2, 33.4, 33.6, 40.2, 41.2; HH(6examples) 18.8, 27.2, 34.2, 44.8, 56.2, 56.4;
HHv (5examples) 3.6, 7.4, 9.4, 35.2, 38.6; HHII (5examples) 1.2, 2.4, 3.8, 15.2, 30.10; Grp (16examples)
5.6, 7.8, 12.2, 12.6, 18.6, 22.8, 25.6, 26.6, 36.8, 39.2, 40.8, 41.4, 44.8, 47.6, 50.6, 53.8; Fm (1example) 35.8;
Br (4examples) 10.4, 16.8, 17.2, 18.8; Gr I (1example) 1.6; Sg (14examples) 2.2, 7.6, 9.4, 11.2, 27.6, 30.4,
31.8, 37.6, 47.6, 53.2, 54.6, 55.4, 60.10, 62.2; Hlr (1example) 10.8; Gr II (3examples) 7.6, 11.6, 12.10; Od
(10examples) 1.4, 3.8, 9.4, 10.2, 14.2, 17.4, 29.8, 33.2, 33.8, 34.2; Ghv (2examples) 9.8, 18.4; Bdr (3examples) 2.8, 4.2, 7.2; R (7examples) 22.8, 31.8, 37.4, 37.8, 39.4, 45.6, 47.2; Hdl (6examples) 1.4, 6.2, 9.4,
25.10, 35.8, 37.2; Grt (3examples) 19.2, 22.2, 22.8.
Type C (1343examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (397examples): Vsp(24examples) 4.1, 8.5, 10.1, 10.5, 17.1, 21.3, 27.1,
27.3, 30.1, 38.5, 39.1, 45.3, 46.1, 47.1, 54.5, 55.1, 55.3, 56.7, 56.9, 59.1, 60.3, 61.5, 62.1, 64.7; Hym(17examples) 1.1, 4.3, 5.5, 10.1, 11.3, 14.7, 17.3, 20.1, 20.5, 21.1, 25.3, 26.5, 27.9, 29.1, 31.7, 37.7, 39.5; rk(19examples)
1.3, 2.3, 2.7, 3.7, 6.5, 7.3, 10.1, 10.5, 10.7, 11.1, 14.3, 14.7, 16.3, 16.7, 18.7, 19.7, 19.11, 26.1, 28.1; Vkv (24examples) 3.5, 5.1, 6.3, 7.3, 8.1, 8.7, 10.1, 11.3, 17.3, 18.7, 25.3, 25.7, 27.3, 27.5, 29.3, 33.3, 33.5, 33.11, 35.7, 36.3, 39.5,
40.1, 41.7, 41.9; HH(36examples) 2.3, 2.7, 13.1, 16.1, 18.1, 19.5, 22.1, 22.3, 23.7, 24.1, 25.3, 26.3, 26.5, 26.7,
30.5, 32.1, 32.3, 33.7, 34.3, 34.5, 35.5, 36.3, 36.7, 38.5, 41.7, 42.1, 44.5, 45.1, 45.5, 45.7, 46.3, 48.3, 51.3, 51.9,
52.7, 55.5; HHv (13examples) 1.5, 3.7, 4.7, 5.1, 9.7, 11.7, 31.7, 34.7, 36.3, 37.7, 38.3, 40.5, 40.7; HHII (43examples) 1.1, 4.3, 4.5, 4.7, 7.3, 11.7, 12.7, 13.5, 16.1, 16.7, 19.3, 21.1, 22.3, 22.7, 23.1, 23.5, 23.7, 24.3, 24.5, 24.9, 27.1,
27.3, 30.9, 31.7, 32.7, 34.3, 34.7, 38.3, 38.9, 40.7, 41.7, 42.3, 42.5, 42.9, 43.3, 43.7, 44.3, 46.3, 47.7, 49.7, 50.5,
50.7, 51.5; Grp (48examples) 1.3, 2.1, 2.7, 3.1, 6.3, 6.7, 7.1, 7.3, 8.1, 8.5, 9.3, 10.1, 10.7, 11.1, 12.7, 13.3, 14.7, 16.3,
16.7, 17.5, 18.3, 18.7, 19.3, 20.5, 22.7, 25.1, 27.3, 32.3, 32.7, 33.3, 34.3, 34.7, 35.3, 37.5, 38.5, 43.5, 44.5, 45.3, 47.1,
47.5, 48.3, 49.3, 49.7, 50.1, 50.5, 51.1, 51.3, 52.3; Rm (6examples) 5.5, 15.3, 15.5, 16.7, 17.3, 23.5; Fm (7examples) 32.7, 36.3, 40.3, 41.5, 42.7, 43.3, 44.5; Br (10examples) 3.5, 4.1, 4.3, 6.7, 9.5, 12.3, 15.5, 15.7, 16.5, 19.7;
Gr I (11examples) 3.7, 4.5, 10.5, 10.7, 13.7, 15.1, 15.5, 16.3, 20.5, 21.9, 22.5; Sg (33examples) 3.1, 4.7, 5.3,
11.1, 11.3, 16.5, 16.7, 18.9, 19.1, 19.3, 24.5, 24.7, 25.3, 26.5, 32.5, 33.7, 35.3, 42.3, 45.5, 45.9, 46.1, 47.7, 48.3, 50.7,
51.1, 53.7, 55.1, 55.3, 58.1, 63.1, 63.3, 64.5, 64.7; Hlr (3examples) 4.7, 6.1, 13.3; Gr II (16examples) 6.1, 7.3,
11.1, 11.3, 15.3, 27.3, 28.3, 29.3, 32.3, 32.5, 35.5, 36.1, 38.1, 40.3, 43.3, 43.7; Gr III (2examples) 4.1, 10.7; Od
(25examples) 2.3, 3.1, 5.3, 10.7, 10.9, 12.3, 15.7, 16.1, 17.7, 19.3, 20.1, 21.3, 23.3, 24.1, 26.5, 26.7, 27.1, 27.3, 28.3,
29.1, 29.3, 29.5, 32.5, 32.7, 33.5; Ghv (9examples) 3.7, 4.5, 4.9, 8.9, 9.3, 10.7, 11.5, 15.1, 18.9; Bdr (9examples) 1.3, 2.5, 3.3, 4.5, 7.5, 8.3, 10.3, 12.3, 12.7; R (5examples) 4.9, 26.1, 28.5, 37.1, 45.5; Hdl (28examples)
1.7, 2.5, 2.7, 3.7, 11.3, 11.5, 11.7, 11.9, 12.7, 16.1, 16.3, 16.5, 20.3, 21.3, 26.5, 27.3, 29.1, 30.1, 33.1, 33.5, 35.1, 41.3,
43.1, 45.3, 46.5, 47.5, 50.3, 50.7; Grt (9examples) 6.5, 8.7, 14.5, 17.7, 19.5, 22.1, 22.3, 24.1, 24.5.
28.13, 29.3, 35.5, 39.9, 48.3, 50.7, 51.3, 52.7, 53.5, 57.7, 63.3; Hym(10examples) 1.3, 2.1, 6.3, 11.1, 26.3, 28.1,
30.5, 36.5, 37.5, 38.1; rk(3examples) 31.3, 31.7, 32.7; Vkv (8examples) 4.9, 8.3, 13.1, 19.1, 24.3, 29.9, 33.13,
34.7; HH(6examples) 4.5, 17.7, 18.5, 36.9, 44.7, 46.7; HHv (5examples) 10.5, 31.1, 37.1, 41.7, 43.5; HHII
(12examples) 1.7, 4.13, 8.7, 10.5, 16.3, 24.7, 35.1, 36.5, 40.5, 41.5, 43.5, 50.9; Grp (4examples) 4.1, 25.5,
26.5, 26.7; Rm (1example) 17.5; Fm (2examples) 32.1, 42.5; Br (2examples) 8.7, 16.9; Gr I (10examples)
1.3, 2.3, 5.5, 6.5, 11.5, 13.3, 16.1, 20.7, 25.3, 25.5; Sg (11examples) 10.7, 11.9, 12.3, 15.3, 26.7, 36.9, 36.11, 46.3,
54.3, 56.9, 71.3; Hlr (1example) 11.1; Gr II (9examples) 2.5, 2.7, 4.7, 11.9, 17.5, 17.11, 26.3, 34.7, 35.3; Gr
III (3examples) 1.7, 2.7, 7.3; Od (4examples) 14.1, 18.1, 18.3, 22.7; Ghv (3examples) 1.5, 3.3, 12.5; Bdr
806
(5examples) 5.5, 5.7, 10.5, 10.7, 14.5; R (6examples) 3.5, 5.5, 15.3, 19.7, 26.5, 30.5; Hdl (4examples) 1.1,
1.5, 3.1, 7.5; Grt (5examples) 3.1, 6.3, 6.7, 12.3, 21.3.
B-verse (814examples): Vsp(88examples) 2.8, 3.2, 3.4, 3.6, 3.8, 4.6, 5.4, 5.6, 5.8, 5.10, 6.2, 7.2, 7.8, 8.8, 9.2,
9.8, 10.4, 10.8, 14.2, 14.4, 14.6, 14.8, 15.2, 16.6, 17.2, 18.4, 18.8, 19.2, 19.6, 20.10, 21.10, 23.2, 25.2, 26.8, 29.4, 29.6,
30.4, 30.6, 30.8, 32.2, 32.6, 33.2, 33.6, 35.2, 36.2, 37.2, 37.6, 37.8, 39.4, 40.2, 40.8, 41.6, 42.2, 42.6, 42.8, 43.6,
43.8, 44.2, 44.4, 45.2, 45.10, 46.2, 46.8, 47.4, 47.6, 48.6, 49.2, 49.4, 50.4, 50.6, 51.4, 51.6, 52.2, 52.6, 52.8, 53.4,
54.4, 54.8, 56.4, 57.6, 57.8, 58.2, 58.4, 60.2, 60.6, 61.4, 65.2, 66.4; Hym(34examples) 1.4, 4.4, 5.4, 7.4, 7.8, 9.4,
11.2, 11.4, 11.6, 12.2, 12.4, 12.6, 13.6, 14.4, 15.6, 17.2, 17.6, 18.2, 19.8, 24.2, 25.2, 27.6, 28.2, 28.4, 28.6, 28.8, 29.8,
30.6, 31.4, 32.4, 33.2, 35.6, 39.2, 39.4; rk(27examples) 1.2, 1.4, 2.4, 7.4, 8.4, 10.2, 11.2, 12.8, 13.2, 13.10, 15.4,
16.4, 16.8, 19.8, 19.12, 20.6, 21.8, 22.4, 22.8, 24.2, 24.8, 26.4, 26.8, 28.4, 28.8, 32.4, 32.6; Vkv (42examples)
4.8, 4.10, 5.2, 5.4, 6.4, 7.2, 7.8, 8.2, 8.4, 9.6, 10.8, 11.2, 12.2, 13.6, 14.2, 18.4, 18.6, 20.2, 21.6, 21.8, 22.4, 22.6,
22.8, 23.8, 24.6, 25.8, 26.4, 26.6, 27.8, 28.2, 28.4, 29.10, 31.4, 31.8, 33.10, 35.2, 36.4, 37.2, 37.8, 37.10, 39.4, 39.6;
HH(84examples) 1.2, 1.4, 1.6, 1.8, 3.4, 4.6, 5.4, 5.6, 6.4, 6.6, 7.6, 8.2, 8.4, 8.6, 9.2, 11.8, 12.8, 13.4, 14.2, 14.4,
15.2, 15.6, 16.2, 16.6, 19.6, 21.8, 22.2, 22.6, 22.8, 23.2, 23.4, 24.4, 24.6, 26.10, 27.6, 28.2, 28.4, 30.4, 30.8, 31.2,
31.6, 32.4, 33.6, 34.8, 35.4, 36.8, 36.10, 37.2, 37.4, 37.8, 38.4, 38.8, 39.2, 40.4, 40.6, 40.8, 41.2, 41.4, 41.10, 42.2,
43.8, 44.2, 44.4, 45.4, 46.6, 47.8, 48.2, 48.10, 49.4, 50.6, 50.8, 51.2, 51.4, 51.6, 52.2, 53.2, 53.4, 53.8, 54.4, 54.8,
55.4, 55.6, 56.8, 56.10; HHv (30examples) 1.4, 1.8, 2.8, 3.2, 3.8, 4.4, 5.2, 5.4, 5.10, 6.4, 6.6, 7.8, 8.2, 8.4, 8.8,
12.2, 12.4, 31.4, 32.4, 32.6, 33.8, 33.10, 34.2, 34.4, 35.6, 35.8, 39.2, 42.2, 42.6, 43.4; HHII (59examples) 2.2, 4.2,
4.8, 5.6, 6.4, 6.6, 8.4, 8.6, 9.2, 10.6, 10.8, 11.4, 13.2, 15.4, 16.2, 17.2, 18.6, 19.2, 19.6, 19.8, 20.4, 21.2, 21.4, 22.8,
23.4, 24.6, 25.2, 26.6, 26.8, 27.8, 28.4, 30.6, 33.8, 33.10, 33.12, 34.2, 35.4, 35.8, 36.2, 36.4, 36.10, 37.4, 38.2, 38.10,
39.4, 39.8, 40.2, 41.2, 41.4, 42.2, 45.2, 45.8, 45.10, 48.4, 48.10, 50.2, 50.4, 51.2, 51.8; Grp (47examples) 3.6, 4.6,
5.8, 6.2, 7.6, 8.4, 8.6, 9.8, 10.4, 10.8, 11.4, 11.6, 12.4, 13.6, 14.2, 14.6, 15.4, 15.8, 16.6, 19.6, 22.2, 23.6, 24.4, 25.4,
27.6, 29.6, 30.4, 32.4, 33.2, 37.4, 37.6, 38.4, 39.4, 40.4, 41.6, 43.4, 43.6, 44.6, 46.8, 47.8, 48.4, 50.2, 51.4, 52.4, 52.6,
52.8, 53.2; Rm (18examples) 5.2, 5.4, 11.4, 11.6, 13.4, 13.6, 13.8, 14.4, 15.8, 17.4, 18.2, 18.4, 23.2, 23.6, 23.8, 26.4,
26.6, 26.8; Fm (8examples) 32.4, 33.4, 35.2, 35.6, 36.6, 40.8, 43.8, 44.8; Br (18examples) 1.2, 2.6, 4.2, 4.4, 5.8,
7.6, 9.2, 9.4, 9.6, 12.6, 13.8, 14.4, 14.8, 15.2, 16.4, 16.12, 18.2, 19.4; Gr I (29examples) 1.4, 1.8, 3.4, 3.8, 4.10, 5.4,
5.6, 6.8, 7.6, 9.2, 9.6, 10.2, 11.4, 11.6, 12.8, 13.2, 16.8, 17.6, 17.10, 18.2, 18.4, 18.6, 18.8, 19.8, 20.2, 20.4, 21.8, 24.6,
27.8; Sg (63examples) 1.4, 2.8, 3.6, 4.2, 4.4, 4.10, 5.6, 10.6, 10.8, 11.6, 12.8, 15.4, 16.2, 19.2, 22.8, 23.2, 24.2, 24.4,
25.6, 25.8, 26.4, 27.2, 29.2, 31.6, 32.8, 33.2, 34.4, 34.6, 34.8, 35.2, 36.6, 37.4, 37.10, 39.4, 39.8, 40.2, 44.4, 44.6,
44.10, 45.8, 45.12, 47.4, 49.2, 49.4, 49.6, 50.6, 51.6, 52.4, 54.4, 57.2, 58.6, 58.8, 60.6, 63.6, 65.10, 66.4, 66.6, 67.2,
67.6, 67.8, 68.4, 69.2, 70.6; Hlr (17examples) 2.2, 2.6, 3.4, 4.4, 4.6, 5.4, 5.8, 6.4, 6.6, 7.2, 8.2, 9.2, 11.8, 12.2, 12.4,
13.6, 13.8; Gr II (61examples) 2.2, 2.4, 2.8, 3.6, 4.8, 5.2, 5.6, 6.2, 7.8, 8.2, 8.8, 9.8, 10.4, 11.8, 11.10, 12.4, 14.4,
14.8, 15.2, 17.6, 18.4, 18.6, 18.12, 19.2, 19.4, 19.8, 19.12, 20.4, 20.8, 21.4, 21.8, 23.4, 23.8, 24.2, 24.6, 25.4, 25.8,
26.2, 26.4, 26.8, 27.2, 27.6, 27.8, 28.6, 28.8, 30.4, 30.6, 30.8, 31.10, 33.4, 33.6, 34.2, 34.8, 36.4, 37.2, 37.4, 39.2,
41.6, 42.6, 43.2, 44.2; Gr III (8examples) 1.8, 2.6, 5.2, 5.6, 7.2, 7.4, 9.8, 10.6; Od (27examples) 1.2, 1.6, 4.6, 6.6,
7.8, 8.4, 10.6, 11.2, 11.6, 12.8, 13.4, 14.4, 14.6, 14.8, 16.8, 17.6, 18.6, 19.8, 21.8, 22.4, 22.6, 22.8, 23.8, 24.4, 29.10,
30.2, 34.6; Ghv (27examples) 1.4, 2.2, 2.10, 3.2, 4.2, 4.8, 4.10, 5.4, 6.4, 7.4, 7.6, 7.8, 8.2, 8.6, 8.10, 9.4, 10.8, 12.6,
13.8, 15.6, 16.2, 16.10, 17.4, 17.6, 17.8, 18.6, 21.6; Bdr (15examples) 3.2, 5.6, 7.4, 7.6, 8.4, 8.6, 9.4, 10.4, 10.8, 11.2,
11.6, 12.4, 12.6, 13.2, 13.6; R (14examples) 8.2, 13.4, 13.8, 22.2, 22.6, 23.10, 34.8, 40.2, 40.6, 40.8, 41.2, 43.4,
45.4, 48.4; Hdl (64examples) 1.2, 1.8, 2.2, 3.2, 3.6, 4.6, 5.4, 6.4, 6.6, 7.4, 7.8, 8.6, 9.8, 10.4, 10.8, 11.6, 11.8, 11.10,
11.12, 12.2, 13.6, 13.8, 14.6, 14.8, 15.4, 16.2, 16.4, 16.6, 16.8, 17.4, 18.6, 24.4, 24.8, 25.8, 26.2, 26.4, 26.6, 28.2, 29.4,
30.4, 30.6, 30.10, 31.2, 33.2, 33.4, 33.6, 33.8, 34.2, 35.2, 36.2, 37.4, 37.6, 37.8, 38.4, 39.2, 40.2, 40.4, 41.6, 42.2,
42.4, 42.6, 47.4, 48.2, 49.2; Grt (34examples) 1.2, 1.8, 3.6, 4.6, 5.2, 5.4, 5.8, 6.4, 7.4, 8.4, 8.6, 9.2, 10.2, 11.4, 11.6,
12.2, 12.8, 13.2, 13.4, 13.6, 14.6, 15.8, 16.2, 16.4, 16.6, 18.6, 18.8, 19.4, 19.8, 20.4, 20.8, 21.8, 23.4, 24.4.
Type C- (77examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (47 examples): Vsp (6 examples) 6.1, 9.1, 23.1, 23.7, 25.1, 25.5;
Hym(1example) 9.5; rk(3examples) 4.1, 12.7, 20.5; Vkv (3examples) 5.3, 14.7, 21.7; HH(1example)
50.3; HHII (7examples) 1.5, 2.3, 9.1, 9.3, 18.5, 40.1, 41.1; Grp (3examples) 3.3, 32.5, 42.5; Rm (3examples)
807
5.7, 13.7, 14.7; Fm (2examples) 35.7, 44.1; Gr I (1example) 18.5; Sg (1example) 69.7; Hlr (3examples) 2.5,
10.1, 10.5; Gr II (2examples) 2.3, 5.5; Gr III (1example) 3.1; Ghv (1example) 8.3; R (4examples) 43.1,
45.1, 46.1, 47.3; Hdl (5examples) 5.1, 5.5, 6.5, 7.3, 10.3.
A-verse with double alliteration (7 examples): Vsp (1 example) 21.5; HH II (1 example) 8.1; Rm
(1example) 11.5; Gr II (1example) 13.3; Hdl (1example) 5.7; Grt (2examples) 2.3, 5.3.
B-verse (23 examples): Hym (2 examples) 1.6, 22.6; Vkv (5 examples) 4.6, 17.2, 20.6, 21.4, 23.4;
HH(1example) 20.4; HHv (1example) 10.4; HHII (2examples) 11.2, 18.8; Grp (4examples) 22.6, 28.2,
29.8, 39.8; Gr I (3examples) 12.4, 13.4, 19.6; Sg (2examples) 28.2, 31.10; Gr II (1example) 39.8; Ghv
(1example) 17.2; R (1example) 28.2.
Type D (323examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (45 examples): Vsp (1 example) 13.5; Hym (5 examples) 16.3, 27.1,
28.7, 33.5, 38.3; Vkv (2examples) 18.1, 20.7; HH(4examples) 18.7, 26.9, 37.7, 40.1; HHv (1example) 10.3;
HHII (3examples) 20.7, 44.9, 51.3; Grp (3examples) 28.3, 29.3, 36.3; Rm (2examples) 23.3, 26.3; Br
(1example) 14.3; Gr I (2examples) 9.3, 15.3; Sg (4examples) 4.9, 6.7, 25.7, 53.3; Gr II (8examples)
10.3, 14.3, 16.1, 17.7, 31.3, 36.3, 37.3, 42.3; Gr III (2examples) 9.7, 11.1; Od (3examples) 15.3, 17.5, 22.3; Ghv
(1example) 17.11; R (2examples) 28.1, 36.3; Hdl (1example) 28.5.
41.3, 51.5, 62.7; Hym(9examples) 11.9, 13.3, 17.7, 18.5, 22.3, 23.1, 32.7, 35.3, 37.3; rk(5examples) 13.3,
21.5, 21.7, 23.3, 31.1; HH(7examples) 1.3, 9.3, 22.7, 29.7, 31.3, 38.3, 47.5; HHv (5examples) 2.3, 6.3, 7.3,
36.5, 42.7; HHII (6examples) 5.3, 11.3, 15.3, 19.7, 33.9, 35.7; Grp (6examples) 7.7, 8.3, 10.3, 24.7, 31.3, 43.7;
Rm (1example) 18.1; Br (3examples) 11.3, 13.3, 18.5; Gr I (3examples) 20.3, 24.5, 27.3; Sg (2examples)
13.3, 31.7; Gr II (4examples) 14.7, 22.7, 23.3, 29.5; Gr III (1example) 4.3; Od (2examples) 14.3, 33.1; Ghv
(2examples) 2.11, 7.3; Bdr (1example) 6.7; R (5examples) 12.7, 29.5, 29.7, 33.3, 42.1; Hdl (7examples)
11.11, 16.7, 24.5, 28.1, 40.1, 42.3, 43.7; Grt (5examples) 9.7, 11.1, 12.5, 16.7, 18.3.
B-verse (194examples): Vsp(24examples) 1.4, 2.6, 7.4, 7.6, 11.8, 17.6, 20.2, 30.12, 33.4, 39.8, 44.8, 47.2,
49.8, 50.2, 52.4, 54.2, 56.2, 56.12, 58.8, 59.6, 61.2, 62.6, 66.2, 66.6; Hym(17examples) 2.8, 4.6, 6.2, 7.6,
9.8, 10.2, 11.8, 12.8, 13.8, 16.4, 19.2, 23.8, 27.4, 31.8, 35.8, 36.2, 39.8; rk(7examples) 6.6, 10.4, 13.6, 13.8,
15.8, 19.4, 21.6; Vkv (7examples) 2.10, 10.4, 20.4, 25.4, 30.2, 33.8, 35.8; HH(16examples) 6.2, 8.8, 9.6,
9.8, 14.8, 23.8, 27.4, 29.4, 31.8, 38.2, 41.8, 42.8, 43.4, 49.8, 50.4, 53.12; HHv (2examples) 9.8, 41.2; HHII
(7examples) 2.6, 8.2, 12.2, 12.4, 27.6, 34.4, 44.2; Grp (14examples) 2.6, 13.8, 19.4, 20.6, 26.2, 27.2, 30.2,
34.8, 36.4, 39.6, 41.2, 45.6, 49.6, 52.2; Rm (4 examples) 11.2, 13.2, 15.4, 16.4; Fm (1 example) 41.4; Br
(4examples) 2.8, 5.4, 16.6, 16.10; Gr I (6examples) 3.6, 4.4, 8.6, 8.8, 15.4, 24.10; Sg (19examples) 8.10,
12.6, 14.10, 19.4, 20.4, 21.2, 21.4, 22.4, 22.6, 31.2, 33.6, 35.6, 38.6, 39.10, 40.4, 42.2, 64.6, 68.2, 70.2; Hlr
(3examples) 1.8, 10.4, 11.2; Gr II (5examples) 1.8, 14.2, 14.6, 22.6, 30.2; Gr III (3examples) 6.4, 10.4,
11.4; Od (12examples) 2.6, 3.4, 6.2, 8.6, 10.4, 15.8, 16.2, 26.8, 28.2, 31.2, 32.2, 34.8; Ghv (6examples) 1.2,
3.10, 6.2, 14.4, 15.4, 16.8; Bdr (2examples) 5.2, 11.8; R (11examples) 1.4, 1.6, 3.6, 5.6, 10.4, 19.8, 29.6,
30.6, 36.2, 38.6, 39.6; Hdl (13examples) 2.4, 12.6, 14.4, 19.2, 22.2, 22.4, 24.6, 28.10, 30.2, 43.6, 43.8, 44.2,
47.2; Grt (11examples) 2.8, 3.2, 4.4, 9.4, 10.6, 12.4, 15.2, 20.6, 21.2, 23.2, 23.6.
Type D- (30examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (9examples): Hym(1example) 34.1; HH(2examples) 21.5, 25.1; HHII
(1example) 3.7; Sg (1example) 2.7; Ghv (2examples) 5.7, 11.3; R (1example) 8.7; Hdl (1example) 29.7.
A-verse with double alliteration (8examples): Vsp(2examples) 22.3, 44.1; Hym(1example) 23.3; Gr
I (1example) 24.9; Hlr (1example) 14.7; Gr II (1example) 24.3; R (2examples) 24.5, 35.1.
B-verse (13examples): Vsp(2examples) 16.8, 42.4; Vkv (3examples) 5.10, 15.4, 17.8; HHv (1example)
9.6; Od (2examples) 21.4, 21.6; Bdr (2examples) 4.4, 6.8; R (1example) 29.4; Hdl (2examples) 9.2, 10.2.
808
Type aD (5examples):
A-verse with double alliteration (3 examples): rk (1 example) 8.1; HH II (1 example) 3.1; Gr I
(1example) 8.7.
B-verse (2examples): HH(1example) 39.4; Hdl (1example) 23.6.
Type E (103examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (36examples): Vsp(4examples) 8.7, 14.7, 16.7, 38.3; Hym(5examples) 5.7, 7.3, 9.3, 28.3, 39.1; HH(5examples) 24.5, 30.3, 33.1, 35.3, 42.3; HHv (3examples) 4.3, 8.7, 43.3;
HHII (3examples) 36.9, 47.3, 50.3; Grp (3examples) 26.3, 27.7, 34.5; Br (1example) 19.1; Sg (1example)
47.5; Hlr (2examples) 5.3, 8.3; Gr II (3examples) 38.3, 38.7, 44.3; Od (1example) 33.3; Hdl (3examples)
18.5, 35.3, 50.1; Grt (2examples) 1.3, 13.3.
A-verse with double alliteration (11examples): Vsp(4examples) 6.3, 9.3, 23.3, 25.3; Hym(1example)
32.5; HH (1 example) 41.3; HHv (1 example) 35.7; Br (1 example) 16.3; Gr II (1 example) 21.7; R
(1example) 10.5; Hdl (1example) 38.3.
B-verse (56examples): Vsp(2examples) 51.8, 56.10; Hym(3examples) 3.2, 8.6, 36.4; rk(4examples) 18.2, 20.2, 23.2, 27.4; Vkv (5examples) 2.6, 5.6, 7.4, 16.2, 30.4; HH(9examples) 11.2, 13.2, 13.8, 19.4,
23.6, 26.2, 32.2, 36.4, 47.4; HHv (2examples) 2.2, 7.6; HHII (6examples) 12.6, 28.8, 34.8, 48.6, 50.10,
51.4; Grp (1example) 33.6; Rm (1example) 14.2; Fm (1example) 44.4; Gr I (2examples) 2.2, 23.8; Sg
(4examples) 14.2, 22.2, 45.10, 46.2; Hlr (1example) 8.8; Gr II (4examples) 6.4, 11.2, 24.4, 41.4; Gr III
(1example) 6.2; Od (1example) 3.6; Ghv (1example) 16.4; Bdr (1example) 2.6; R (1example) 24.8; Hdl
(1example) 35.6; Grt (5examples) 8.2, 11.8, 13.8, 14.4, 21.4.
Type D/E (40examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (5 examples): Vkv (1 example) 20.5; HHv (1 example) 34.3; Od
(2examples) 18.5, 34.3; R (1example) 25.5.
B-verse (35examples): Vsp(3examples) 12.4, 53.2, 57.2; Hym(10examples) 2.6, 3.6, 8.2, 24.6, 25.6,
26.2, 32.2, 34.6, 36.6, 38.6; rk(4examples) 2.2, 3.4, 9.10, 12.4; Vkv (1example) 3.2; HHv (1example)
33.12; Grp (5 examples) 16.2, 23.2, 31.6, 42.6, 49.2; Br (1 example) 6.4; Sg (1 example) 28.8; Gr II
(1example) 31.4; Gr III (1example) 1.2; Od (2examples) 3.10, 11.4; Bdr (1example) 4.8; R (2examples) 9.6, 24.4; Grt (2examples) 17.2, 24.2.
Type D* (67examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (11examples): Vkv (3examples) 1.7, 18.9, 23.1; HH(1example) 23.3;
Grp (1example) 30.3; Od (1example) 30.5; R (1example) 4.11; Hdl (4examples) 19.1, 46.1, 49.5, 49.7.
A-verse with double alliteration (32 examples): Vsp (3 examples) 3.7, 8.3, 47.3; Hym (2 examples)
29.5, 38.5; rk(2examples) 7.7, 11.3; Vkv (4examples) 9.5, 11.1, 20.1, 39.3; HH(2examples) 20.1, 51.1;
HHv (1example) 32.1; HHII (2examples) 45.5, 51.7; Grp (1example) 10.5; Rm (2examples) 11.7, 13.3; Gr
I (1example) 6.3; Sg (3examples) 4.1, 56.1, 69.1; Hlr (1example) 6.5; Gr II (2examples) 5.1, 24.5; Ghv
(2examples) 9.1, 18.5; R (1example) 12.9; Hdl (2examples) 13.5, 46.3; Grt (1example) 2.5.
B-verse (24examples): Vsp(2examples) 20.6, 22.6; rk(2examples) 25.4, 25.6; Vkv (2examples) 24.8,
35.4; HH(1example) 16.4; HHII (1example) 40.4; Grp (6examples) 17.8, 24.6, 33.8, 36.2, 45.2, 48.8; Br
(1example) 11.6; Gr I (1example) 13.6; Sg (4examples) 13.4, 23.4, 48.2, 56.2; Hlr (1example) 14.8; Ghv
(1example) 4.4; Hdl (2examples) 29.8, 32.2.
Two-position verses (3examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (1example): R (1example) 8.9.
B-verse (2examples): Gr I (1example) 26.8; R (1example) 11.4.
809
2Mlahttr
A-verse with single alliteration (7examples): Am 7.5, 33.1, 35.1, 48.3, 59.3, 78.1, 89.7.
A-verse with double alliteration (11examples): Am 20.7, 26.3, 30.1, 36.1, 45.3, 53.3, 60.5, 65.5, 67.1,
76.1, 87.5.
B-verse (6examples): Am 17.2, 20.2, 20.8, 59.4, 76.2, 94.4.
A-verse with single alliteration (1example): Am 79.5.
A-verse with double alliteration (1example): Am 96.3.
B-verse (77examples): Am 1.2, 3.8, 4.8, 5.2, 5.4, 6.6, 7.6, 7.8, 9.6, 9.8, 9.10, 10.6, 11.6, 12.6, 12.8, 12.10,
13.4, 14.2, 14.8, 17.6, 20.4, 24.8, 25.4, 28.6, 32.2, 32.6, 38.4, 38.6, 39.10, 40.4, 44.6, 45.2, 46.2, 48.6, 49.4,
52.6, 53.10, 55.2, 58.8, 59.6, 60.6, 61.4, 64.4, 66.4, 68.4, 69.8, 71.8, 72.2, 72.4, 73.4, 74.2, 75.4, 77.4, 78.8,
79.6, 79.8, 80.6, 83.2, 85.2, 86.2, 86.6, 86.8, 86.10, 92.2, 93.4, 93.8, 96.2, 96.4, 97.8, 99.6, 99.8, 101.4, 101.6,
102.6, 103.2, 105.2, 105.6.
Type aA1s (1example):
Type A1* (278examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (80examples): Am 3.3, 5.1, 5.7, 7.7, 9.7, 11.7, 14.1, 14.5, 15.1, 19.1, 24.1,
24.5, 28.1, 30.11, 32.1, 34.1, 38.3, 39.1, 39.7, 41.1, 41.3, 42.1, 43.5, 47.1, 48.7, 49.5, 50.1, 50.3, 51.1, 52.1, 54.3,
55.1, 56.5, 57.1, 57.7, 57.9, 58.7, 60.1, 61.1, 63.5, 63.9, 64.1, 64.5, 66.1, 68.1, 69.1, 70.5, 73.5, 74.7, 75.3, 79.7, 80.1,
80.3, 80.5, 82.1, 82.3, 83.1, 84.1, 84.3, 85.7, 86.5, 87.7, 89.5, 91.1, 91.3, 92.5, 93.1, 94.1, 94.3, 96.5, 96.7, 97.1,
98.1, 98.3, 98.5, 99.1, 99.5, 100.1, 104.1, 105.5.
A-verse with double alliteration (84examples): Am 2.3, 4.1, 9.1, 9.9, 10.1, 11.1, 11.5, 12.1, 12.7, 12.9, 17.3,
17.7, 18.1, 18.3, 19.5, 20.3, 22.1, 22.3, 24.7, 25.1, 29.1, 29.3, 30.9, 31.3, 33.3, 34.3, 35.3, 35.5, 37.1, 38.1, 39.5, 40.5,
42.3, 42.5, 43.1, 44.1, 44.3, 46.5, 48.1, 49.7, 50.5, 52.9, 54.1, 56.1, 56.7, 57.3, 58.1, 58.5, 59.7, 60.3, 61.7, 65.7,
66.5, 67.3, 69.3, 69.7, 71.1, 71.3, 72.7, 73.1, 77.1, 77.3, 78.3, 78.5, 81.1, 81.3, 82.5, 83.3, 83.5, 85.3, 86.1, 87.1,
90.1, 92.1, 95.1, 95.5, 97.7, 98.7, 99.7, 100.5, 101.5, 103.1, 103.5, 105.1.
15.4, 17.8, 20.6, 22.2, 22.4, 22.6, 25.2, 26.4, 26.6, 26.8, 28.4, 28.8, 29.2, 30.2, 30.4, 30.6, 30.8, 30.10, 30.14,
31.4, 33.2, 34.6, 35.4, 35.6, 37.4, 38.2, 39.4, 39.6, 39.8, 40.2, 40.6, 40.8, 42.6, 43.6, 47.2, 47.8, 48.8, 50.4,
52.2, 52.8, 53.8, 54.4, 54.8, 56.2, 56.4, 56.10, 57.2, 57.6, 58.4, 59.8, 60.2, 61.2, 61.8, 62.2, 63.6, 64.2, 64.8,
65.4, 65.8, 66.8, 67.2, 68.2, 68.6, 69.6, 70.4, 71.2, 71.6, 73.8, 77.6, 78.2, 78.6, 80.2, 81.2, 81.4, 81.6, 81.8, 82.2,
82.6, 83.6, 83.8, 84.4, 86.12, 87.6, 88.4, 89.6, 90.2, 94.6, 95.6, 96.8, 96.10, 97.4, 98.6, 99.4, 100.2, 100.8,
102.2, 104.4, 104.6.
Type aA1* (23examples):
B-verse (21examples): Am 6.4, 19.2, 24.6, 26.2, 42.2, 42.8, 44.4, 46.6, 47.4, 48.2, 48.4, 57.4, 59.2, 62.8,
63.2, 66.6, 77.2, 78.4, 85.4, 91.4, 103.4.
Type aA2 (1example):
B-verse (1example): Am 58.6.
810

A-verse with single alliteration (5examples): Am 46.1, 68.5, 74.5, 102.1, 104.5.
A-verse with double alliteration (5examples): Am 6.5, 21.3, 72.5, 85.1, 102.5.
Type aA2* (1example):
A-verse with single alliteration (8examples): Am 4.5, 5.5, 13.3, 32.3, 35.7, 59.1, 61.3, 87.3.
Type B* (1example):
Type C (6examples):
B-verse (5examples): Am 34.4, 39.2, 63.4, 89.8, 105.4.
Type C- (1example):
Type C* (120examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (5examples): Am 12.5, 25.3, 39.9, 54.5, 96.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (43examples): Am 1.1, 2.5, 3.5, 3.7, 5.3, 6.7, 7.1, 8.1, 10.5, 12.3, 13.5, 16.3,
19.3, 22.5, 24.3, 26.7, 36.3, 37.7, 40.1, 40.7, 47.7, 52.7, 55.3, 60.7, 62.7, 63.1, 69.5, 70.1, 73.7, 78.7, 81.7, 86.9, 89.1,
89.3, 90.3, 90.7, 92.3, 93.5, 96.9, 100.3, 101.1, 101.3, 104.7.
19.6, 21.4, 29.4, 30.12, 31.2, 32.4, 32.8, 33.4, 33.6, 35.8, 36.2, 37.8, 41.2, 41.4, 42.4, 43.2, 43.4, 44.2, 47.6, 49.2,
49.8, 51.2, 51.4, 52.4, 52.10, 54.2, 56.6, 57.8, 57.10, 60.8, 62.6, 62.10, 63.8, 63.10, 68.8, 69.4, 70.8, 71.4, 72.10,
73.6, 74.4, 85.6, 87.4, 88.8, 89.4, 90.6, 91.6, 92.4, 93.6, 97.2, 97.10, 98.8, 101.2, 102.8, 103.6, 105.8.
A-verse with single alliteration (3examples): Am 26.5, 53.9, 56.3.
A-verse with double alliteration (8examples): Am 6.3, 15.3, 38.5, 39.3, 44.5, 46.3, 86.11, 102.3.
B-verse (6examples): Am 37.2, 37.6, 56.8, 67.4, 99.2, 102.4.
A-verse with double alliteration (3examples): Am 1.7, 14.7, 91.5.
B-verse (3examples): Am 29.6, 80.8, 87.2.
A-verse with single alliteration (4examples): Am 17.1, 37.5, 47.5, 52.5.
A-verse with double alliteration (103examples): Am 1.3, 1.5, 2.1, 3.1, 4.3, 6.1, 7.3, 8.3, 9.3, 9.5, 10.3, 11.3,
13.1, 13.7, 14.3, 16.1, 17.5, 20.1, 20.5, 21.1, 26.1, 28.3, 28.5, 28.7, 29.5, 30.3, 30.5, 30.7, 30.13, 31.1, 32.5, 32.7,
33.5, 34.5, 37.3, 40.3, 42.7, 43.3, 45.1, 47.3, 48.5, 49.1, 49.3, 53.1, 53.5, 53.7, 54.7, 56.9, 57.5, 58.3, 59.5, 61.5,
62.1, 62.3, 62.5, 62.9, 63.3, 63.7, 64.7, 65.1, 65.3, 66.3, 66.7, 68.3, 68.7, 70.3, 70.7, 71.5, 71.7, 72.1, 72.3, 74.1,
74.3, 75.1, 76.3, 76.5, 76.7, 77.5, 79.1, 79.3, 80.7, 81.5, 83.7, 85.5, 86.3, 88.1, 88.3, 88.5, 88.7, 90.5, 93.3, 93.7,
95.3, 97.3, 97.5, 97.9, 99.3, 100.7, 102.7, 103.3, 104.3, 105.3, 105.7.
B-verse (65examples): Am 1.4, 3.2, 6.8, 9.4, 11.4, 11.8, 14.4, 18.2, 19.4, 21.2, 24.2, 28.2, 34.2, 35.2, 36.4,
45.4, 46.4, 50.2, 50.6, 53.6, 54.6, 55.4, 58.2, 60.4, 61.6, 62.4, 65.2, 65.6, 66.2, 69.2, 70.2, 70.6, 72.6, 72.8,
811
73.2, 74.6, 74.8, 76.6, 76.8, 79.2, 79.4, 80.4, 82.4, 83.4, 84.2, 85.8, 86.4, 87.8, 88.2, 88.6, 89.2, 90.4, 90.8,
91.2, 93.2, 94.2, 95.2, 95.4, 96.6, 97.6, 98.2, 98.4, 100.4, 104.2, 104.8.
Type aD* (11examples):
A-verse with double alliteration (3examples): Am 2.7, 64.3, 86.7.
B-verse (7examples): Am 24.4, 49.6, 53.2, 64.6, 75.2, 76.4, 100.6.
Type aE (1example):
3Ljahttr
3.1The a-verse and the b-verse
A-verse with single alliteration (205examples): Hav (55examples) 1.1, 3.4, 4.4, 7.4, 10.4, 13.1, 28.1,
28.4, 29.1, 31.4, 32.1, 33.1, 37.4, 38.1, 44.4, 45.4, 47.1, 47.4, 48.1, 49.1, 49.4, 53.1, 58.1, 59.1, 60.1, 63.1, 65.4,
66.1, 66.4, 72.1, 74.5, 84.1, 88.4, 91.1, 92.1, 93.1, 94.1, 101.1, 104.4, 109.3, 111.4, 112.5, 114.4, 118.1, 121.8,
122.5, 124.1, 125.5, 130.8, 138.4, 142.1, 148.4, 154.4, 162.4, 163.4; Vm (17examples) 1.4, 2.1, 8.1, 12.1, 18.4,
19.4, 23.1, 24.1, 25.1, 29.1, 35.1, 41.4, 43.5, 45.4, 47.1, 49.4, 55.4; Grm (25examples) 3.1, 4.1, 5.1, 6.4, 7.1, 8.1,
11.1, 12.1, 13.1, 16.4, 24.1, 24.4, 31.4, 33.1, 34.1, 34.7, 36.4, 48.5, 49.1, 52.1, 52.4, 53.4, 54.1, 54.4, 54.7; Skm
(15examples) 6.4, 10.1, 13.1, 13.4, 15.1, 16.1, 19.4, 22.1, 29.1, 33.1, 34.1, 35.7, 39.1, 40.1, 41.1; Hrbl (2examples) 26.6, 47.4; Ls (23examples) 3.1, 4.4, 5.4, 6.4, 9.4, 11.1, 18.1, 18.4, 20.4, 24.4, 27.4, 31.1, 37.4, 40.4, 41.1,
42.1, 43.4, 45.1, 46.1, 52.1, 56.4, 60.1, 62.4; Alv (21examples) 1.4, 2.4, 3.1, 6.1, 7.1, 7.4, 8.1, 10.1, 12.1, 14.4,
16.1, 18.1, 20.1, 22.1, 24.1, 26.1, 28.1, 30.1, 32.1, 34.1, 34.4; HHv (9examples) 12.5, 15.1, 19.1, 20.1, 20.4, 21.1,
21.4, 25.1, 28.1; Rm (8examples) 2.1, 7.4, 9.1, 10.4, 12.1, 20.4, 22.4, 24.4; Fm (15examples) 2.1, 2.4, 4.4, 15.1,
18.1, 19.4, 22.4, 23.4, 28.4, 30.1, 31.1, 31.4, 34.1, 34.4, 38.1; Sd (15examples) 4.1, 6.1, 7.1, 8.1, 9.1, 11.1, 12.1,
13.1, 22.4, 23.4, 26.4, 27.1, 32.4, 34.4, 36.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (89 examples): Hav (30 examples) 10.1, 11.1, 33.4, 36.1, 37.1, 41.1,
42.4, 44.1, 57.1, 57.4, 71.1, 71.4, 92.4, 94.4, 96.4, 98.1, 99.4, 102.7, 103.4, 103.7, 106.4, 129.7, 135.5, 141.4,
141.6, 143.1, 148.1, 159.4, 160.4, 161.4; Vm (8examples) 14.1, 21.4, 32.1, 33.4, 38.6, 51.1, 51.4, 53.4; Grm
(7examples) 30.1, 40.4, 44.4, 45.4, 47.6, 49.8, 50.1; Skm (7examples) 2.1, 7.4, 8.1, 18.1, 28.5, 30.8, 36.3;
Hrbl (3examples) 19.3, 24.3, 24.5; Ls (10examples) 2.4, 3.4, 12.1, 13.4, 15.1, 25.1, 30.4, 38.4, 61.4, 65.1; Alv
(6examples) 1.1, 5.4, 14.1, 20.4, 28.4, 32.4; HHv (6examples) 13.1, 14.1, 16.1, 17.1, 18.4, 22.4; Rm (2examples) 4.4, 22.1; Fm (5examples) 5.1, 6.1, 21.1, 26.4, 29.1; Sd (5examples) 3.4, 24.1, 29.4, 31.4, 36.4.
B-verse (15 examples): Hav (3 examples) 53.2, 111.5, 137.12; Grm (3 examples) 2.7, 27.2, 40.5; Skm
(2examples) 4.2, 42.5; Hrbl (3examples) 18.6, 18.10, 19.7; Ls (2examples) 12.5, 46.5; Alv (2examples)
8.2, 8.5.
A-verse with single alliteration (32examples): Hav (9examples) 6.1, 30.1, 72.4, 100.4, 109.5, 111.7,
117.8, 123.1, 139.1; Vm (4examples) 31.1, 33.1, 42.4, 43.1; Grm (2examples) 7.4, 42.4; Skm (1example) 28.1;
Ls (5examples) 2.1, 14.1, 17.4, 24.1, 36.4; Alv (2examples) 13.4, 35.1; HHv (1example) 29.4; Fm (4examples) 3.1, 7.1, 10.4, 11.4; Sd (4examples) 7.4, 9.4, 10.4, 11.4.
A-verse with double alliteration (12examples): Hav (6examples) 84.4, 116.5, 131.9, 132.5, 137.7, 146.6;
Vm (1example) 31.4; Skm (2examples) 30.4, 31.6; Ls (3examples) 26.4, 27.1, 43.1.
812
B-verse (40examples): Hav (14examples) 14.5, 29.5, 31.5, 60.2, 95.5, 99.2, 102.2, 103.8, 111.8, 131.10,
133.5, 137.8, 137.14, 163.2; Grm (2examples) 2.5, 13.5; Hrbl (6examples) 18.4, 24.2, 24.4, 26.2, 26.7, 52.2; Ls
(6examples) 2.2, 9.5, 17.2, 23.2, 28.2, 28.5; Alv (4examples) 1.5, 17.5, 26.5, 29.5; HHv (3examples) 20.2,
22.2, 23.2; Rm (1example) 22.2; Fm (2examples) 1.5, 26.2; Sd (2examples) 2.5, 28.5.
Type A1s (61examples, including 5 examples of PS#px as indicated by *; see also under type A2as
below):
A-verse with single alliteration (40examples): Hav (11examples) 15.1, 19.1, 21.1, 34.1*, 62.1, 74.1, 79.4,
107.1, 115.5, 128.5, 140.1; Vm (3examples) 4.1, 4.4, 7.4; Grm (7examples) 6.1, 19.1, 20.1, 20.4, 23.1, 34.4,
35.4; Skm (2examples) 10.5, 24.1*; Hrbl (3examples) 18.1, 18.3, 20.4; Ls (8examples) 7.4, 8.1, 21.1, 29.1,
47.1, 48.4, 53.1, 63.4; HHv (2examples) 14.4, 25.4*; Rm (1example) 25.1; Fm (2examples) 20.1, 25.1; Sd
(1example) 34.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (9examples): Hav (2examples) 110.4, 131.5; Grm (4examples) 1.1,
44.6*, 46.4, 47.1; Ls (2examples) 16.1, 49.1; Fm (1example) 27.1.
B-verse (12examples): Hav (3examples) 2.2, 48.2, 54.5; Vm (1example) 50.5; Grm (1example) 48.2*;
Skm (2examples) 10.2, 31.2; Ls (1example) 18.2; HHv (1example) 17.2; Rm (3examples) 2.2, 3.5, 4.2.
A-verse with single alliteration (84examples): Hav (28examples) 3.1, 4.1, 5.1, 14.1, 15.4, 20.1, 27.4, 27.7,
32.4, 35.1, 46.4, 59.4, 61.1, 64.1, 68.1, 68.4, 75.1, 78.1, 95.1, 97.1, 99.1, 101.4, 117.5, 120.5, 136.1, 136.4, 138.1,
164.5; Vm (3examples) 12.4, 19.1, 55.1; Grm (14examples) 2.1, 14.4, 17.1, 18.4, 22.4, 27.1, 27.9, 28.1, 28.6,
28.10, 29.1, 36.1, 39.1, 45.1; Skm (5examples) 9.1, 21.1, 29.4, 38.1, 42.1; Hrbl (1example) 52.1; Ls (15examples) 6.1, 15.4, 19.4, 23.4, 34.1, 36.1, 38.1, 39.1, 40.1, 50.4, 52.4, 57.4, 58.1, 59.4, 62.1; HHv (4examples)
15.4, 22.1, 24.4, 30.4; Rm (3examples) 2.4, 6.1, 21.4; Fm (6examples) 4.1, 11.1, 16.1, 17.1, 25.4, 28.1; Sd
(5examples) 2.1, 2.4, 20.4, 25.7, 30.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (26 examples): Hav (5 examples) 9.1, 35.4, 67.1, 108.1, 152.4; Vm
(9examples) 3.1, 16.1, 25.4, 44.1, 46.1, 48.1, 50.1, 52.1, 54.1; Grm (4examples) 28.4, 28.8, 32.4, 38.4; Skm
(1example) 36.1; Ls (1example) 65.4; Alv (1example) 3.4; HHv (1example) 19.4; Rm (1example) 7.1; Fm
(2examples) 1.1, 22.1; Sd (1example) 28.4.
B-verse (18examples): Hav (7examples) 58.5, 76.2, 77.2, 138.2, 139.5, 154.5, 164.6; Grm (6examples)
27.10, 28.5, 28.7, 28.9, 43.5, 46.5; Skm (1example) 42.2; Ls (2examples) 7.2, 62.2; HHv (1example) 12.6;
Rm (1example) 9.5.
A-verse with single alliteration (7examples): Hav (2examples) 29.4, 118.4; Vm (1example) 27.1; Grm
(2examples) 22.1, 25.4; Hrbl (1example) 25.1; Ls (1example) 55.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (11 examples): Hav (1 example) 11.4; Vm (1 example) 37.1; Grm
(1example) 44.8; Alv (7examples) 10.4, 12.4, 16.4, 18.4, 22.4, 24.4, 30.4; Fm (1example) 15.4.
B-verse (1example): Grm (1example) 47.5.
Type aA2a (2examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (2examples): Hav (1example) 55.4; Alv (1example) 6.4.
Type A2as (5 examples; see also under type A1s above):
A-verse with single alliteration (3examples): Hav 34.1, Skm 24.1, HHv 25.4.
A-verse with double alliteration (1example): Grm 44.6.
B-verse (1example): Grm 48.2.
813
Type A2a- (10examples):

A-verse with single alliteration (10examples): Hav (7examples) 16.1, 23.1, 24.1, 25.1, 26.1, 56.4, 79.1;
Grm (1example) 5.4; Ls (1example) 29.4; Sd (1example) 21.4.
Type A2b (25examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (8examples): Grm (2examples) 9.4, 48.3; Ls (5examples) 48.1, 57.1,
59.1, 61.1, 63.1; HHv (1example) 30.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (12 examples): Hav (2 examples) 98.4, 119.5; Grm (4 examples)
36.7, 37.1, 47.4, 48.1; Skm (2examples) 27.5, 37.1; HHv (2examples) 23.4, 27.1; Rm (1example) 10.1; Sd
(1example) 4.4.
B-verse (5examples): Grm (1example) 47.7; Skm (2examples) 23.2, 25.2; Alv (2examples) 24.5, 32.5.
Type aA2b (3examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (1example): HHv (1example) 29.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (2examples): Alv (2examples) 21.4, 33.4.
75.4, 76.4, 93.4, 96.1, 102.4, 110.1, 111.1, 114.1, 124.4, 138.7, 141.1, 145.4, 147.1, 149.1, 150.1, 151.1, 152.2, 153.1, 157.1,
158.4, 163.7; Vm (23examples) 5.1, 7.1, 9.1, 9.4, 11.1, 13.1, 15.1, 17.1, 20.1, 22.1, 26.1, 28.1, 30.1, 34.1, 37.4, 42.1,
44.4, 47.4, 48.4, 50.4, 52.4, 54.4, 55.7; Grm (9examples) 9.1, 10.1, 12.4, 26.4, 29.7, 37.4, 39.4, 41.4, 49.4; Skm
(11examples) 1.4, 2.4, 11.1, 16.4, 17.1, 25.4, 26.4, 30.1, 37.4, 38.4, 42.4; Hrbl (4examples) 4.1, 18.5, 19.1, 26.8;
Ls (22examples) 1.1, 1.4, 5.1, 9.1, 10.1, 10.4, 12.4, 16.4, 17.1, 20.1, 22.1, 30.1, 31.4, 32.1, 44.1, 51.4, 53.4, 54.1, 56.1,
58.4, 64.1, 64.4; Alv (18examples) 2.1, 4.1, 4.4, 5.1, 9.1, 11.1, 13.1, 15.1, 17.1, 19.1, 21.1, 23.1, 25.1, 27.1, 29.1, 31.1,
33.1, 35.4; HHv (4examples) 17.4, 18.1, 23.1, 24.1; Rm (4examples) 1.1, 8.1, 19.1, 21.1; Fm (6examples) 8.1,
12.1, 12.4, 14.1, 23.1, 37.1; Sd (13examples) 12.7, 13.7, 18.5, 20.1, 21.1, 22.1, 23.1, 26.1, 28.1, 29.1, 30.4, 31.1, 32.1.
B-verse (12examples): Hav (1example) 41.5; Grm (3examples) 13.2, 28.2, 36.8; Skm (4examples) 6.2,
31.7, 34.6, 38.5; Ls (2examples) 20.2, 54.2; Fm (1example) 31.2; Sd (1example) 18.6.
24.4, 26.4, 50.1, 50.4, 62.4, 64.4, 77.4, 78.4, 80.1, 100.1, 133.4, 134.7, 146.1, 149.4, 150.4, 151.4, 155.4, 157.4;
Vm (2examples) 1.1, 46.4; Grm (4examples) 8.4, 29.4, 41.1, 46.1; Skm (7examples) 3.1, 8.4, 9.4, 12.1,
20.4, 24.4, 34.5; Hrbl (1example) 22.1; Ls (9examples) 22.4, 23.1, 26.1, 28.1, 28.4, 35.1, 37.1, 41.4, 54.4;
Rm (2examples) 12.4, 20.1; Fm (7examples) 6.4, 7.4, 8.4, 17.4, 24.5, 26.1, 38.4; Sd (4examples) 8.4, 12.4,
13.4, 25.1.
B-verse (2examples): Sd (2examples) 12.5, 13.5.
53.4, 58.4, 109.1, 119.8, 130.5, 134.5, 134.9, 140.4, 145.6, 145.8, 156.4; Vm (7examples) 20.4, 22.4, 24.4,
26.4, 35.4, 36.4, 39.4; Grm (1example) 17.4; Skm (5examples) 4.1, 5.4, 17.4, 18.4, 32.1; Ls (9examples) 7.1,
8.4, 19.1, 25.4, 42.4, 44.4, 49.4, 50.1, 51.1; Alv (1example) 8.4; HHv (1example) 26.8; Fm (4examples) 1.4,
19.1, 21.4, 29.4; Sd (2examples) 14.1, 24.4.
A-verse with double alliteration (15 examples): Hav (3 examples) 38.4, 39.1, 52.4; Vm (3 examples) 2.4, 3.4, 28.4; Grm (1example) 26.1; Skm (3examples) 23.1, 25.1, 28.3; Hrbl (1example) 19.6; Rm
(1example) 25.4; Fm (3examples) 9.4, 20.4, 39.4.
B-verse (472examples): Hav (168examples) 1.2, 2.5, 3.2, 3.5, 4.2, 5.2, 5.5, 6.2, 6.5, 7.2, 7.5, 8.2, 8.5, 9.2,
10.2, 11.2, 11.5, 12.5, 13.2, 13.5, 15.2, 15.5, 16.5, 17.2, 17.5, 18.2, 18.5, 19.2, 19.5, 20.5, 23.2, 23.5, 24.2, 25.2,
814
25.5, 27.2, 27.5, 27.8, 28.2, 28.5, 29.2, 30.2, 31.2, 33.5, 35.5, 37.5, 38.2, 40.2, 40.5, 42.5, 43.5, 45.2, 46.2, 47.5,
49.2, 50.2, 50.5, 51.2, 51.5, 52.2, 52.5, 54.2, 55.2, 55.5, 56.2, 56.5, 57.5, 58.2, 59.2, 59.5, 60.5, 61.2, 62.2, 62.5,
63.2, 63.5, 64.5, 65.5, 66.2, 67.2, 67.5, 68.2, 69.2, 72.2, 72.5, 74.2, 75.2, 77.5, 78.2, 78.5, 79.2, 80.2, 84.2, 84.5,
88.2, 91.2, 92.5, 93.2, 93.5, 94.2, 94.5, 95.2, 96.2, 96.5, 97.2, 97.5, 98.2, 98.5, 100.2, 100.5, 101.2, 101.5,
102.8, 103.2, 103.5, 104.2, 105.5, 106.2, 106.5, 108.5, 109.6, 110.2, 110.5, 113.6, 114.5, 118.2, 119.9, 121.9,
123.5, 124.2, 124.5, 124.7, 126.6, 126.9, 127.6, 129.8, 131.8, 133.2, 134.8, 136.2, 136.5, 137.6, 138.8, 140.2,
140.5, 142.2, 143.2, 145.7, 145.9, 146.5, 147.2, 149.2, 149.5, 150.2, 151.2, 151.5, 153.2, 153.5, 154.2, 155.5,
156.5, 157.5, 159.2, 159.5, 160.5, 161.2, 163.5, 163.8; Vm (59examples) 1.5, 2.2, 4.5, 7.2, 8.2, 8.5, 9.2, 9.5,
10.2, 10.5, 11.2, 11.5, 12.2, 13.2, 13.5, 14.2, 14.5, 15.2, 15.5, 16.2, 17.2, 17.5, 18.2, 18.5, 19.5, 20.2, 21.2, 22.2,
23.2, 23.5, 24.2, 26.2, 27.2, 28.2, 30.2, 30.5, 31.5, 32.2, 32.5, 33.5, 34.5, 35.2, 35.5, 36.2, 38.2, 38.5, 41.5,
42.2, 42.5, 43.2, 43.6, 44.5, 45.2, 46.5, 49.5, 51.5, 53.2, 53.5, 55.5; Grm (40examples) 1.2, 2.2, 3.2, 4.2, 6.5,
7.5, 8.5, 9.2, 10.2, 10.5, 11.2, 12.5, 14.2, 14.5, 15.2, 15.5, 20.2, 20.5, 22.2, 23.2, 23.5, 24.2, 25.5, 28.11, 29.5,
30.8, 32.2, 33.2, 38.2, 38.5, 40.2, 42.2, 42.5, 44.9, 47.2, 49.5, 50.5, 52.2, 53.5, 54.8; Skm (38examples) 1.5,
2.2, 2.5, 4.5, 5.2, 7.2, 7.5, 8.2, 9.2, 9.5, 10.6, 11.2, 11.5, 13.2, 13.5, 14.2, 14.5, 16.2, 16.5, 17.2, 18.2, 22.5, 23.5,
25.5, 26.2, 26.5, 27.4, 27.6, 28.6, 29.5, 30.2, 30.5, 33.5, 39.2, 39.5, 40.2, 41.2, 41.5; Hrbl (7examples) 20.5,
22.2, 25.2, 26.4, 32.2, 47.2, 47.5; Ls (46examples) 2.5, 3.5, 5.2, 7.5, 8.2, 8.5, 10.5, 11.5, 13.5, 14.2, 14.5, 16.5,
19.2, 19.5, 20.5, 21.5, 24.5, 26.2, 26.5, 27.5, 29.2, 30.5, 33.5, 35.5, 36.2, 36.5, 38.5, 40.2, 42.5, 44.2, 45.2, 47.5,
49.2, 51.5, 52.5, 53.5, 55.5, 56.2, 56.5, 57.5, 58.5, 61.5, 62.5, 64.2, 65.2, 65.5; Alv (24examples) 1.2, 2.2,
4.2, 4.5, 5.2, 6.2, 7.2, 9.5, 10.2, 12.2, 14.2, 16.2, 19.5, 20.2, 21.5, 22.2, 25.5, 26.2, 30.2, 32.2, 33.5, 34.2, 34.5,
35.5; HHv (17examples) 13.2, 13.5, 14.5, 18.2, 19.5, 20.5, 21.2, 23.5, 24.5, 26.2, 26.9, 27.2, 27.5, 29.2, 29.5,
30.2, 30.5; Rm (15examples) 1.2, 1.5, 3.2, 4.5, 6.5, 7.5, 9.2, 10.2, 12.5, 19.5, 20.5, 21.2, 24.2, 25.2, 25.5; Fm
(28examples) 1.2, 2.2, 5.2, 8.2, 10.2, 10.5, 11.2, 11.5, 12.2, 14.2, 16.2, 16.5, 17.5, 18.2, 19.5, 21.2, 22.2, 22.5,
24.2, 24.6, 25.2, 26.5, 28.2, 29.2, 30.5, 34.2, 37.5, 38.5; Sd (30examples) 4.5, 7.2, 7.5, 8.2, 9.2, 10.2, 10.5,
11.2, 11.5, 12.2, 12.8, 13.2, 20.2, 20.5, 21.2, 23.2, 24.2, 25.8, 26.5, 27.5, 28.2, 29.2, 30.2, 31.5, 32.2, 34.2, 34.5,
36.2, 37.2, 37.5.
124.6, 131.7, 137.5, 139.4, 145.1, 154.1, 155.1, 156.1, 158.1, 159.1, 161.1, 162.1, 163.1; Vm (9examples) 6.4, 13.4,
15.4, 17.4, 21.1, 30.4, 38.1, 39.1, 40.1; Grm (5examples) 4.4, 11.4, 13.4, 15.4, 40.1; Skm (4examples) 4.4,
11.4, 35.4, 40.4; Ls (3examples) 32.4, 33.1, 47.4; Alv (11examples) 9.4, 15.4, 17.4, 19.4, 21.4, 23.4, 25.4, 27.4,
29.4, 31.4, 33.4; Rm (3examples) 3.1, 19.4, 24.1; Fm (1example) 13.4; Sd (7examples) 6.4, 19.1, 19.5, 33.1,
33.4, 35.1, 37.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (16examples): Hav (3examples) 13.4, 45.1, 103.1; Vm (1example)
11.4; Grm (1 example) 2.4; Skm (4 examples) 6.1, 14.1, 39.4, 41.4; Hrbl (2 examples) 18.9, 26.1; Ls
(1example) 45.4; Alv (1example) 11.4; HHv (1example) 26.1; Fm (1example) 14.4; Sd (1example) 10.7.
B-verse (334examples): Hav (100examples) 1.6, 4.5, 6.8, 9.5, 12.2, 14.2, 16.2, 20.2, 21.2, 21.5, 22.5,
24.5, 26.2, 26.5, 30.5, 32.2, 32.5, 34.2, 34.5, 35.2, 38.5, 39.2, 41.2, 42.2, 43.2, 44.2, 44.5, 45.5, 46.5, 47.2,
49.5, 53.5, 66.5, 68.5, 69.5, 74.6, 76.5, 88.5, 91.5, 92.2, 99.5, 102.5, 104.5, 107.2, 107.5, 108.2, 109.2, 112.2,
113.2, 114.2, 115.2, 115.6, 116.2, 116.6, 117.2, 117.6, 117.9, 118.5, 119.2, 119.6, 120.2, 120.6, 121.2, 122.2, 122.6,
123.2, 125.2, 126.2, 127.2, 128.2, 128.6, 129.2, 129.6, 130.2, 130.6, 130.9, 131.2, 131.6, 132.2, 134.2, 135.2,
135.6, 137.2, 138.5, 139.2, 141.2, 145.2, 145.5, 148.2, 148.5, 150.5, 152.5, 155.2, 156.2, 157.2, 158.2, 158.5,
160.2, 162.2, 162.5; Vm (33examples) 1.2, 2.5, 3.5, 5.2, 6.2, 12.5, 16.5, 20.5, 22.5, 24.5, 25.2, 25.5, 26.5, 28.5,
29.2, 29.5, 31.2, 33.2, 36.5, 37.2, 37.5, 38.7, 39.2, 39.5, 45.5, 47.2, 47.5, 48.5, 49.2, 51.2, 52.5, 55.2, 55.8; Grm
(44examples) 1.5, 3.5, 4.5, 5.2, 5.5, 6.2, 7.2, 8.2, 12.2, 16.2, 16.5, 17.2, 17.5, 18.2, 18.5, 19.2, 21.2, 21.5, 22.5,
24.5, 26.5, 29.8, 31.2, 31.5, 32.5, 34.8, 35.2, 35.5, 36.2, 37.2, 37.5, 41.2, 41.5, 43.2, 44.2, 44.5, 44.7, 45.5, 46.2,
48.6, 49.2, 50.2, 52.5, 53.2; Skm (25examples) 5.5, 6.5, 8.5, 12.2, 12.5, 15.2, 19.2, 19.5, 20.2, 20.5, 21.5, 24.2,
24.5, 24.7, 27.2, 30.9, 32.2, 35.5, 35.8, 36.2, 36.4, 37.2, 37.5, 38.2, 40.5; Hrbl (6examples) 4.2, 18.2, 20.2,
24.6, 26.9. 27.2; Ls (48examples) 1.2, 1.5, 4.5, 5.5, 6.5, 9.2, 10.2, 13.2, 15.2, 17.5, 21.2, 22.2, 23.5, 25.2, 25.5,
815
29.5, 30.2, 31.2, 31.5, 32.2, 32.5, 34.5, 35.2, 37.2, 37.5, 39.2, 40.5, 41.5, 42.2, 43.5, 44.5, 45.5, 47.2, 48.5, 50.5,
51.2, 53.2, 54.5, 55.2, 57.2, 58.2, 59.2, 59.5, 60.2, 61.2, 63.2, 63.5, 64.5; Alv (8examples) 2.5 3.2, 3.5, 5.5,
7.5, 14.5, 23.5, 35.2; HHv (7examples) 15.5, 16.5, 17.5, 18.5, 21.5, 24.2, 28.5; Rm (10examples) 2.5, 6.2 8.2,
8.5, 10.5, 12.2, 20.2, 21.5, 22.5, 24.5; Fm (28examples) 2.5, 3.2, 5.5, 7.2, 7.5, 8.5, 9.2, 13.5, 14.5, 15.2, 15.5,
17.2, 19.2, 20.2, 21.5, 23.2, 23.5, 25.5, 27.2, 27.5, 28.5, 29.5, 30.2, 31.5, 34.5, 37.2, 39.2, 39.5; Sd (25examples)
3.5, 6.2, 6.5, 8.5, 9.5, 10.8, 13.8, 14.2, 18.2, 19.2, 19.6, 21.5, 22.2, 22.5, 24.5, 25.2, 26.2, 27.2, 29.5, 30.5, 31.2,
32.5, 33.2, 33.5, 35.2.
123.4, 127.5; Vm (3examples) 32.4, 34.4, 38.4; Grm (1example) 19.4; Skm (3examples) 3.4, 22.4, 36.5;
Ls (3examples) 4.1, 35.4, 46.4; HHv (1example) 27.4; Rm (2examples) 3.4, 4.1; Fm (3examples) 30.4,
37.4, 39.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (2examples): Ls (2examples) 11.4, 55.4.
B-verse (14 examples): Hav (3 examples) 33.2, 71.5, 112.6; Vm (1 example) 6.5; Skm (5 examples)
21.2, 22.2, 28.2, 35.2, 36.6; Ls (2examples) 12.2, 15.5; Alv (1example) 13.5; HHv (1example) 22.5; Fm
(1example) 6.5.
A-verse with single alliteration (2examples): Skm (1example) 24.6; Fm (1example) 16.4.
A-verse with double alliteration (4examples): Hav (1example) 146.4; Grm (2examples) 35.1, 44.1;
Skm (1example) 34.3.
B-verse (5examples): Hav (4examples) 111.2, 134.10, 141.5, 141.7; Grm (1example) 11.5.
A-verse with single alliteration (1example): Hav (1example) 36.4.
B-verse (4examples): Hav (1example) 152.2; Ls (1example) 22.5; Alv (2examples) 15.5, 31.5.
A-verse with single alliteration (25examples): Hav (7examples) 2.1, 31.1, 42.1, 43.1, 63.4, 121.5, 129.5;
Vm (5examples) 8.4, 14.4, 16.4, 29.4, 53.1; Grm (5examples) 1.4, 3.4, 10.4, 18.1, 38.1; Skm (2examples)
5.1, 14.4; Ls (1example) 34.4; Alv (1example) 26.4; HHv (2examples) 16.4, 28.4; Rm (1example) 6.4; Fm
(1example) 10.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (6examples): Hav (3examples) 97.4, 105.4, 153.4; Vm (2examples)
23.4, 49.1; Skm (1example) 23.4.
B-verse (2examples): Grm (1example) 19.5; Ls (1example) 18.5.
116.1, 117.1, 119.1, 120.1, 121.1, 122.1, 125.1, 126.1, 127.1, 128.1, 129.1, 130.1, 131.1, 132.1, 134.1, 135.1, 137.1,
160.1; Vm (2examples) 6.1, 36.1; Grm (6examples) 14.1, 15.1, 16.1, 30.4, 32.1, 42.1; Skm (1example) 7.1;
Hrbl (1example) 4.4.
A-verse with double alliteration (21examples): Hav (8examples) 70.4, 88.1, 111.9, 126.8, 133.1, 137.9,
137.11, 137.13; Vm (2examples) 41.1, 45.1; Grm (2examples) 23.4, 25.1; Skm (4examples) 19.1, 20.1, 21.4,
27.3; Hrbl (2examples) 20.1, 24.1; Ls (1example) 13.1; Rm (1example) 8.4; Sd (1example) 18.1.
B-verse (88examples): Hav (13examples) 48.5, 57.2, 70.5, 71.2, 75.5, 105.2, 109.4, 111.10, 121.6, 132.6,
134.6, 137.10, 164.2; Vm (13examples) 3.2, 4.2, 7.5, 19.2, 34.2, 41.2, 44.2, 46.2, 48.2, 50.2, 52.2, 54.2, 54.5;
Grm (8examples) 9.5, 30.2, 30.5, 36.5, 48.4, 49.9, 54.2, 54.5; Skm (6examples) 17.5, 18.5, 29.2, 33.2, 34.2,
34.4; Hrbl (1example) 4.5; Ls (11examples) 3.2, 4.2, 6.2, 11.2, 16.2, 27.2, 34.2, 38.2, 46.2, 48.2, 60.5; Alv
816
(21examples) 9.2, 10.5, 11.2, 12.5, 13.2, 15.2, 16.5, 17.2, 18.5, 19.2, 20.5, 21.2, 22.5, 23.2, 25.2, 27.2, 28.5, 29.2,
30.5, 31.2, 33.2; HHv (7examples) 14.2, 15.2, 16.2, 19.2, 25.2, 26.5, 28.2; Rm (1example) 7.2; Fm (2examples) 6.2, 13.2; Sd (5examples) 2.2, 3.2, 4.2, 23.5, 36.5.
Type aD* (16examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (2examples): Hav (1example) 164.1; Ls (1example) 60.4.
A-verse with double alliteration (2examples): Skm (1example) 31.1; Hrbl (1example) 26.3.
B-verse (12examples): Hav (4examples) 79.5, 125.6, 146.2, 146.7; Vm (1example) 40.2; Grm (3examples) 25.2, 26.2, 34.2; Ls (1example) 33.2; Alv (3examples) 6.5, 27.5, 28.2.
Type E (30examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (18examples): Hav (4examples) 8.4, 19.4, 113.5, 126.5; Vm (2examples) 10.1, 10.4; Grm (3examples) 2.6, 43.1, 53.1; Skm (3examples) 12.4, 26.1, 35.1; Hrbl (2examples) 27.1,
47.1; HHv (1example) 13.4; Fm (2examples) 9.1, 13.1; Sd (1example) 10.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (4 examples): Hav (1 example) 105.1; Vm (1 example) 18.1; Skm
(1example) 27.1; HHv (1example) 26.4.
B-verse (8 examples): Hav (1 example) 161.5; Skm (2 examples) 3.2, 3.5; Hrbl (1 example) 19.4; Ls
(2examples) 24.2, 41.2; HHv (1example) 25.5; Fm (1example) 4.5.
Type aE (32examples):
A-verse with single alliteration (9examples): Hav (4examples) 1.5, 6.7, 43.4, 108.4; Grm (1example)
50.4; Skm (1example) 33.4; Fm (2examples) 5.4, 24.1; Sd (1example) 27.4.
B-verse (23examples): Hav (3examples) 10.5, 36.5, 64.2; Vm (1example) 21.5; Grm (5examples) 29.2,
34.5, 39.2, 39.5, 45.2; Skm (1example) 28.4; Hrbl (1example) 19.2; Ls (4examples) 43.2, 49.5, 50.2, 52.2;
Alv (2examples) 18.2, 24.2; Rm (1example) 19.2; Fm (5examples) 4.2, 9.5, 12.5, 20.5, 38.2.
77.1, 106.1; Grm (4examples) 21.4, 30.7, 31.1, 43.3; Hrbl (1example) 32.1; Ls (1example) 14.4; Rm (2examples) 1.4, 9.4; Fm (1example) 27.4; Sd (1example) 3.1.
A-verse with double alliteration (2examples): Grm (1example) 21.1; Sd (1example) 37.4.
Unscannable (1example):
A-verse with double alliteration (1example): Hav (1example) 104.1.
3.2The c-verse
With the alliterative pattern axa (87examples): Hav (35examples) 7.3, 8.6, 9.3, 9.6, 17.3, 20.6, 27.3,
35.6, 59.6, 88.6, 99.6, 108.3, 111.3, 112.3, 113.3, 115.3, 115.7, 116.3, 117.3, 119.3, 120.3, 121.3, 122.3, 125.3, 126.3,
127.3, 128.3, 129.3, 130.3, 131.3, 132.3, 134.3, 135.3, 137.3, 164.7; Vm (5examples) 4.6, 44.6, 47.6, 54.6, 55.3;
Grm (12examples) 5.3, 6.3, 11.6, 12.3, 14.3, 16.3, 17.6, 30.3, 45.6, 45.7, 49.10, 54.6; Skm (8examples) 12.6,
14.3, 26.6, 30.3, 32.3, 32.4, 33.6, 35.9; Ls (15examples) 8.6, 10.6, 14.6, 16.6, 18.3, 27.3, 28.6, 34.3, 35.3, 37.3,
49.6, 50.3, 53.6, 54.3, 59.6; Alv (2examples) 4.3, 8.3; HHv (2examples) 26.3, 26.10; Rm (1example) 8.3;
Fm (3examples) 14.6, 15.3, 24.7; Sd (4examples) 12.3, 20.3, 24.6, 26.3.
With the alliterative pattern aax (95examples): Hav (25examples) 35.3, 44.6, 49.6, 62.3, 77.6, 84.6,
99.3, 101.6, 105.3, 107.3, 114.3, 117.10, 119.7, 119.10, 121.10, 124.3, 137.15, 150.3, 155.3, 156.6, 156.7, 157.3,
158.3, 159.3, 160.6; Vm (10examples) 8.3, 9.6, 17.6, 18.3, 20.6, 30.6, 37.3, 40.3, 41.3, 53.6; Grm (11exam-
817
ples) 4.3, 7.6, 9.6, 13.6, 16.6, 19.3, 22.3, 27.4, 37.6, 43.6, 54.9; Skm (6examples) 15.3, 20.6, 28.7, 30.6, 30.7,
38.6; Hrbl (1example) 20.6; Ls (15examples) 6.3, 9.3, 10.3, 12.6, 25.3, 26.6, 39.3, 41.6, 49.3, 57.3, 59.3, 60.3,
61.3, 63.3, 65.3; Alv (15examples) 9.6, 11.6, 12.6, 13.6, 15.6, 17.6, 19.6, 21.6, 23.6, 25.6, 27.6, 29.6, 31.6, 33.6,
35.3; HHv (2examples) 28.3, 28.7; Rm (2examples) 3.3, 12.3; Fm (4examples) 10.3, 16.3, 31.6, 34.6; Sd
(4examples) 14.5, 25.5, 28.3, 35.6.
With the alliterative pattern aaa (14examples): Hav (4examples) 36.3, 37.3, 158.6, 160.3; Vm (2examples) 41.6, 43.7; Skm (2examples) 26.3, 35.10; Ls (1example) 18.6; HHv (1example) 28.6; Rm (1example)
10.6; Sd (3examples) 2.3, 14.3, 37.6.
With the alliterative pattern axa (29examples): Hav (6examples) 21.3, 56,6, 114.6, 120.7, 154.6, 161.6;
Grm (3examples) 15.3, 15.6, 39.6; Skm (3examples) 11.3, 21.6, 27.7; Hrbl (4examples) 18.12, 20.3, 20.7,
22.3; Ls (5examples) 32.3, 43.6, 56.3, 58.6, 65.7; Alv (1example) 3.6; HHv (2examples) 18.3, 29.6; Rm
(1example) 20.6; Fm (2examples) 2.3, 27.3; Sd (2examples) 4.6, 12.9.
With the alliterative pattern aax (23examples): Hav (6examples) 39.6, 64.6, 80.5, 106.6, 133.6, 142.5;
Vm (4examples) 25.3, 43.4, 50.6, 51.3; Grm (1example) 2.3; Skm (2examples) 21.3, 22.3; Hrbl (1example)
24.7; Ls (3examples) 36.6, 61.6, 62.3; Alv (1example) 24.6; HHv (1example) 27.6; Fm (1example) 17.6;
Sd (3examples) 14.6, 18.3, 32.3.
With the alliterative pattern aaa (6examples): Hrbl (1example) 47.6; Ls (2examples) 12.3, 48.3; Rm
(1example) 4.6; Fm (1example) 30.6; Sd (1example) 25.9.
Type A1s (4examples):
With the alliterative pattern axa (1example): Ls (1example) 65.6.
With the alliterative pattern aax (2examples): Grm (2examples) 7.3, 33.5.
With the alliterative pattern aaa (1example): Hav (1example) 69.3.
Type aA1s (1example):
With the alliterative pattern axa (1example): HHv (1example) 19.6.
With the alliterative pattern axa (19 examples): Hav (4 examples) 38.6, 53.6, 98.6, 164.8; Vm
(1example) 37.6; Grm (3examples) 17.3, 20.3, 29.9; Skm (4examples) 10.3, 34.7, 34.8, 35.6; Ls (2examples) 6.6, 13.3; HHv (1example) 12.7; Fm (2examples) 8.3, 26.3; Sd (2examples) 22.3, 30.6.
With the alliterative pattern aax (83examples): Hav (25examples) 4.3, 4.6, 8.3, 20.3, 22.3, 31.3, 43.3,
47.6, 48.3, 52.6, 58.3, 60.6, 74.3, 74.4, 79.3, 93.3, 103.3, 121.7, 136.3, 140.6, 148.3, 149.3, 152.3, 156.3, 163.3;
Vm (13examples) 5.6, 11.6, 12.3, 13.6, 14.3, 19.6, 23.6, 25.6, 26.6, 28.6, 33.3, 42.6, 49.3; Grm (15examples)
5.6, 6.6, 12.6, 19.6, 27.5, 27.7, 27.11, 28.3, 29.3, 34.6, 35.3, 36.6, 37.3, 46.3, 50.6; Skm (6examples) 7.3, 8.3, 9.3,
10.4, 29.6, 37.3; Ls (11examples) 8.3, 14.3, 15.6, 28.3, 29.3, 30.6, 31.6, 45.6, 53.3, 54.6, 55.3; Alv (3examples) 1.6, 5.3, 6.3; HHv (2examples) 29.3, 30.3; Rm (1example) 22.3; Fm (3examples) 13.3, 18.3, 37.3; Sd
(4examples) 2.6, 30.3, 31.6, 35.3.
With the alliterative pattern aaa (3examples): Hav (2examples) 46.6, 132.7; Grm (1example) 24.6.
With the alliterative pattern axa (1example): Hav (1example) 100.3.
With the alliterative pattern aax (7 examples): Hav (4 examples) 140.3, 143.4, 164.3, 164.4; Grm
(2examples) 8.3, 41.3; Alv (1example) 16.6.
Type A2b (1example):
With the alliterative pattern aaa (1example): Ls (1example) 25.6.
818
With the alliterative pattern (x)aa (420examples): Hav (142examples) 1.3, 1.4, 1.7, 2.3, 2.6, 5.3, 5.6,
6.3, 6.6, 6.9, 7.6, 10.3, 10.6, 11.3, 13.3, 14.3, 15.3, 16.6, 18.3, 19.3, 19.6, 22.6, 23.6, 24.6, 26.6, 27.6, 27.9, 28.3,
28.6, 29.6, 30.3, 30.6, 31.6, 32.3, 32.6, 33.3, 33.6, 34.3, 36.6, 37.6, 39.3, 40.6, 41.3, 41.6, 42.3, 42.6, 45.6, 46.3,
48.6, 50.3, 50.6, 52.3, 57.6, 59.3, 61.3, 63.3, 64.3, 65.6, 66.3, 66.6, 68.3, 68.6, 69.6, 70.6, 72.3, 72.6, 75.6,
76.3, 76.6, 77.3, 78.3, 78.6, 79.6, 88.3, 91.6, 92.6, 94.6, 95.3, 95.6, 97.6, 98.3, 102.6, 102.9, 103.9, 104.6, 105.6,
105.7, 109.7, 110.3, 111.6, 111.11, 112.4, 113.4, 113.7, 115.4, 116.4, 116.7, 117.4, 118.6, 119.4, 120.4, 121.4, 122.4,
125.4, 125.7, 125.8, 126.4, 126.7, 127.4, 127.7, 128.4, 128.7, 129.4, 129.9, 130.4, 130.10, 131.4, 132.4, 133.3, 134.4,
134.11, 134.12, 135.4, 135.7, 137.4, 138.9, 142.3, 142.4, 145.3, 146.3, 147.3, 148.6, 149.6, 149.7, 150.6, 152.6,
153.6, 156.8, 157.7, 162.7, 163.6, 163.9; Vm (44examples) 2.3, 3.3, 4.3, 6.3, 6.6, 7.3, 7.6, 9.3, 10.3, 11.3, 12.6,
13.3, 14.6, 15.3, 16.6, 17.3, 19.3, 21.3, 21.6, 22.6, 23.3, 24.6, 27.3, 32.6, 34.6, 35.6, 36.6, 38.8, 39.6, 43.3, 44.3,
45.6, 46.3, 46.6, 47.3, 48.3, 49.6, 50.3, 52.3, 52.6, 53.3, 54.3, 55.6, 55.9; Grm (25examples) 4.6, 13.3, 14.6,
20.6, 23.6, 25.3, 26.3, 28.12, 30.6, 31.6, 35.6, 38.6, 39.3, 40.3, 40.6, 42.3, 42.6, 45.3, 48.7, 50.3, 52.3, 52.6,
53.3, 53.6, 54.3; Skm (29examples) 1.3, 2.3, 3.3, 3.6, 4.6, 5.3, 6.6, 8.6, 9.6, 11.6, 13.3, 13.6, 14.6, 16.3, 16.6,
17.3, 18.3, 20.3, 23.3, 24.3, 25.3, 29.3, 29.7, 30.10, 31.3, 35.3, 36.7, 40.3, 42.3; Hrbl (6examples) 18.7, 18.11,
19.5, 19.8, 27.3, 47.3; Ls (51examples) 2.6, 3.3, 3.6, 4.3, 4.6, 5.6, 7.3, 7.6, 9.6, 13.7, 17.6, 19.6, 20.3, 21.3, 22.3,
22.6, 23.3, 24.3, 26.3, 27.6, 29.6, 30.3, 31.3, 32.6, 33.6, 35.6, 36.3, 37.6, 38.3, 38.6, 39.6, 40.3, 41.3, 43.3, 44.3,
44.6, 46.3, 46.6, 47.3, 47.6, 50.6, 51.3, 52.3, 52.6, 56.6, 57.6, 62.6, 62.7, 63.6, 64.3, 64.6; Alv (17examples)
1.3, 2.3, 2.6, 3.3, 4.6, 5.6, 6.6, 7.3, 10.3, 18.3, 20.6, 22.3, 26.6, 28.3, 32.6, 35.6, 35.7; HHv (18examples) 13.6,
14.3, 15.3, 16.3, 16.6, 17.6, 19.3, 20.3, 20.6, 21.3, 22.6, 23.3, 24.3, 24.6, 25.6, 26.6, 28.8, 28.9; Rm (15examples) 1.3, 1.6, 2.3, 2.6, 3.6, 6.6, 7.3, 12.6, 19.6, 20.3, 22.6, 24.3, 24.6, 25.3, 25.6; Fm (35examples) 1.3, 1.6, 3.3,
4.3, 4.6, 5.3, 5.6, 6.3, 7.3, 9.3, 9.6, 10.6, 11.3, 12.6, 15.6, 16.6, 17.3, 19.3, 20.6, 21.3, 22.3, 22.6, 23.3, 25.3, 27.6,
28.3, 28.6, 29.3, 29.6, 34.3, 37.6, 38.3, 38.6, 39.3, 39.6; Sd (38examples) 3.3, 6.3, 6.6, 7.3, 7.6, 8.3, 9.3, 9.6,
10.6, 10.9, 11.3, 13.6, 18.4, 18.7, 18.8, 19.7, 19.9, 20.6, 21.3, 22.6, 23.6, 24.3, 25.3, 25.4, 25.6, 26.6, 27.3, 27.6,
28.6, 33.3, 34.3, 34.6, 35.4, 35.5, 35.7, 36.3, 36.6, 37.3.
With the alliterative pattern (x)aa (82examples): Hav (35examples) 3.3, 3.6, 12.6, 14.6, 15.6, 16.3, 17.6,
21.6, 26.3, 34.6, 40.3, 44.3, 45.3, 47.3, 53.3, 54.3, 55.3, 56.3, 60.3, 67.6, 70.3, 84.3, 94.3, 96.3, 96.6, 103.6,
106.3, 108.6, 126.10, 143.5, 155.6, 155.7, 157.6, 159.6, 162.6; Vm (1example) 18.6; Grm (6examples) 1.3, 1.6,
3.6, 10.6, 22.6, 25.6; Skm (11examples) 5.6, 7.6, 19.3, 22.6, 23.6, 25.6, 31.4, 31.5, 33.3, 38.3, 40.6; Ls (5examples) 13.6, 23.7, 23.8, 24.6, 34.6; Alv (6examples) 8.6, 24.3, 26.3, 28.6, 32.3, 34.3; HHv (4examples) 13.3,
18.6, 22.3, 27.3; Rm (4examples) 7.6, 8.6, 10.3, 21.3; Fm (8examples) 8.6, 11.6, 13.6, 19.6, 20.3, 21.6, 25.6,
26.6; Sd (2examples) 23.3, 29.6.
With the alliterative pattern axa (12 examples): Hav (4 examples) 51.6, 58.6, 91.3, 107.6; Hrbl
(1example) 25.3; Ls (1example) 58.3; HHv (1example) 26.7; Rm (1example) 9.3; Fm (2examples) 30.3,
31.3; Sd (2examples) 11.6, 21.6.
With the alliterative pattern aax (37examples): Hav (10examples) 13.6, 23.3, 74.7, 80.4, 110.6, 112.7,
134.13, 141.3, 142.6, 151.3; Vm (3examples) 1.3, 45.3, 51.6; Grm (6examples) 27.8, 29.6, 30.9, 31.3, 32.3,
49.3; Hrbl (1example) 26.5; Ls (3examples) 16.3, 20.6, 60.6; Alv (6examples) 14.6, 16.3, 20.3, 22.6, 30.3,
30.6; HHv (1example) 15.6; Sd (7examples) 10.3, 13.9, 13.10, 14.4, 19.3, 19.4, 32.6.
With the alliterative pattern aaa (4 examples): Vm (1 example) 31.3; Ls (1 example) 42.3; Alv
(1example) 18.6; Rm (1example) 9.6.
819
With the alliterative pattern axa (69examples): Hav (16examples) 11.6, 18.6, 25.6, 55.6, 62.6, 67.3,
75.3, 100. 6, 101.3, 104.3, 122.7, 136.6, 151.6, 154.3, 161.3, 162.3; Vm (21examples) 1.6, 2.6, 5.3, 8.6, 10.6,
20.3, 22.3, 24.3, 26.3, 28.3, 29.3, 29.6, 30.3, 32.3, 34.3, 35.3, 36.3, 38.3, 39.3, 42.3, 42.7; Grm (8examples)
11.3, 18.6, 23.3, 24.3, 32.6, 34.3, 36.9, 44.3; Skm (5examples) 10.7, 17.6, 18.6, 19.6, 37.6; Hrbl (1example)
52.3; Ls (3examples) 11.3, 42.6, 54.7; Alv (2examples) 7.6, 12.3; HHv (3examples) 17.3, 25.3, 30.6; Rm
(1example) 4.3; Fm (4examples) 6.6, 7.6, 23.6, 24.4; Sd (5examples) 3.6, 4.3, 12.6, 31.3, 33.6.
With the alliterative pattern aax (3 examples): Hav (1 example) 130.7; Skm (1 example) 31.8; Alv
(1example) 14.3.
With the alliterative pattern aaa (2examples): Vm (1example) 31.6; Alv (1example) 34.6.
With the alliterative pattern axa (7examples): Hav (3examples) 54.6, 92.3, 142.7; Grm (1example)
26.6; Ls (1example) 51.6; Fm (2examples) 12.3, 14.3.
With the alliterative pattern aax (6 examples): Hav (1 example) 139.6; Skm (1 example) 42.6; Ls
(1example) 48.6; Alv (1example) 10.6; HHv (1example) 21.6; Fm (1example) 2.6.
With the alliterative pattern axa (16examples): Hav (4examples) 57.3, 117.7, 123.6, 153.3; Vm (2examples) 33.6, 48.6; Grm (5 examples) 9.3, 10.3, 21.6, 43.3, 46.6; Ls (3 examples) 17.3, 21.6, 23.6; HHv
(1example) 23.6; Sd (1example) 13.3.
With the alliterative pattern aax (1example): Grm (1example) 38.3.
With the alliterative pattern axa (51examples): Hav (11examples) 24.3, 25.3, 29.3, 38.3, 71.3, 71.6,
93.6, 97.3, 102.3, 123.3, 138.3; Vm (1 example) 3.6; Grm (7 examples) 8.6, 18.3, 33.3, 34.9, 36.3, 41.6,
47.3; Skm (5examples) 1.6, 2.6, 6.3, 39.6, 41.6; Ls (8examples) 1.3, 1.6, 2.3, 5.3, 19.3, 40.6, 45.3, 55.6; Alv
(13examples) 9.3, 11.3, 13.3, 15.3, 17.3, 19.3, 21.3, 23.3, 25.3, 27.3, 29.3, 31.3, 33.3; HHv (1example) 14.6; Rm
(2examples) 19.3, 21.6; Fm (1example) 24.3; Sd (2examples) 8.6, 29.3.
With the alliterative pattern aax (7 examples): Hav (4 examples) 12.3, 118.3, 138.6, 143.3; Grm
(2examples) 21.3, 49.6; Ls (1example) 11.6.
With the alliterative pattern axa (13 examples): Hav (4 examples) 63.6, 139.3, 162.8, 162.9; Vm
(2examples) 15.6, 16.3; Grm (4examples) 3.3, 27.6, 33.4, 49.7; Hrbl (1example) 18.8; Ls (1example) 33.3;
Sd (1example) 19.8.
With the alliterative pattern aax (7examples): Hav (2examples) 49.3, 51.3; Skm (3examples) 4.3,
39.3, 41.3; Ls (1example) 15.3; Rm (1example) 6.3.
With the alliterative pattern aaa (1example): Hav (1example) 43.6.
Appendix 2: Drttkvtt and the eddic meters

Although drttkvtt, the major skaldic meter that has been investigated most extensively (Sievers
1893: 98105; Kuhn 1983; rnason 1991, 2007; Gade 1995, 2002: 864866), is far beyond the scope of
this book (section1.1), it will be appropriate to draw some implications from the present investigation
for an understanding of this sophisticated meter, particularly in regard to its structural parallelisms
to and distinctions from the eddic meters. A stanza taken from jlfr r Hvinis Haustlng (Jnsson
[1912] 1967: 17; Jnsson [1912] 1973: 15; Gade 2002: 864), one of the earliest poems composed in drttkvtt, will serve as a representative example (for the sake of exposition, the text is reset in the format
that corresponds to the editorial convention for eddic poetry):
Haustl 6
Ok slrliga san
[#x#Pxx# | #Px#]
type C + /
svangr vas at fyr lngu

[#P#x#P#x# | #Px#]
type A1 + /
t af eikirtum
[#P#x#Px- | -Sx#]
type A1 + /
okbjrn fair Mrnar

[PS#px# | #Px#]
subtype A1s + /
r djphugar drpi
[#x#Psx# | #Px#]
type C + /
dolg ballastan vallar

[#P#PXx# | #Px#]
type D + /
hiri-Tr meal hera

[#Px-S#px# | #Px#]
type D* + /
herfangs ofan stngu

[#PS#px# | #Px#]
subtype A1s + /
In order to facilitate comparison, the prototypical organization of drttkvtt may be characterized in

terms that are commensurate to the eddic meters, as follows. Each verse comprises six metrical positions; the first four are grouped together as a main part of the verse, which largely corresponds to the
a-/b-verse of fornyrislag in its composition. The last two positions form the cadence that has a constant value of a sequence of lift + drop (/), which is realized as a long disyllable, Px (or occasionally
-Sx as in Haustl 6.3). A verse thus composed is then paired by alliteration, whereby the first member,
the odd verse (= the a-verse), invariably displays double alliteration, whereas the second one, the
even verse (= the b-verse), manifests single alliteration, which falls on the verse-initial position. Thus,
the alliterative pattern is absolutely fixed with no room for variation, in sharp contrast to the eddic
meters, in which the a-verse is qualified for single or double alliteration with varying degrees of preference according to the meters and further conditions.
Drttkvtt is thus distinguished from the eddic meters by the following cluster of three structural
properties that is apparently unique to it: (i) the fixed cadence / ; (ii) the fixed opening, namely,
the verse-initial lift (for the b-verse); (iii) the bipartite verse composition that consists of the main
part (composed of four positions) and the cadence (composed of two positions). Taken in isolation,
however, these features are observed in the eddic meters as well in varying degrees of verisimilitude.
The first feature the cadence / , normally realized in Px figures most prominently in the
b-verse of fornyrislag, and this preeminence distinguishes the Norse meter from its West Germanic
cognates (section5.2). Ljahttr, too, is organized by the cadence / in analogous fashion, whereby
the a-verse displays a marked preference for class A, particularly type A1, and conversely tends to
822
avoid types B and E (section12.2), the properties that are characteristic of the b-verse of fornyrislag.
Mlahttr makes a more extensive use of this cadence form: throughout this meter, the a-verse, as well
as the b-verse, ends in the sequence of lift + drop (Px) to such a pervasive extent that the verse types
ending in the diametrically opposite value of drop + lift (xP) are virtually removed from the system
(section8.3).
The second feature the lift-initiality plays a hardly less significant role in metrical organization in the eddic meters. In fornyrislag, the verse-initial lift is associated with double alliteration
in the a-verse more closely than its opposite, the drop-initiality (section6.2.2); and the lift-initiality
constitutes a privilege of stanza-initial verses (section7.6). In ljahttr, the verse-initial lift serves as
a framing condition for the composition of the a-verse and the c-verse (sections 12.2 and 13.2).
Finally, the bipartite composition of verse that permeates the organization of drttkvtt is highly
reminiscent of the c-verse in ljahttr. Consisting of the body and the cadence, it is isomorphic to
the drttkvtt verse in its abstract structural profile. While the c-verse and the drttkvtt verse differ
markedly in linguistic realizations of the main part a range of variability in syllable numbers and
the underlying value of the cadence / vs. / their structural isomorphism to each other seems to
be striking all the same. With regard to the distinct cadence / of the ljahttr c-verse, its high degree
of regularity in occurrence, despite the diametrically opposite value involved, comes closer to that of
the cadence in drttkvtt than does any other verse-ending unit in the eddic meters that is encoded
with the same value / as in drttkvtt.
While the origins of this skaldic meter were once vigorously debated and still remain unsettled,1
some continuity between fornyrislag and drttkvtt could hardly be doubted, particularly in regard
to stanza formation, alliteration pattern, constituent metrical types, and alignment of metrical positions to linguistic material.2 By and large, drttkvtt would have emerged through regularization of
certain optional features that are characteristic of the eddic meters. Their stanzas of variable length
were standardized to the point where they uniformly consist of eight verses in drttkvtt. The variation between single and double alliteration in the a-verse of fornyrislag is no longer allowed in
drttkvtt: only double alliteration may occur in the odd verse. Of the five basic metrical types, only
three are used with notable frequency, namely, types A, D, and E. The virtual absence of types B and C
in the even verse may be ascribed to the avoidance of verse forms that begin with a drop. The growing
impoverishment of available verse types constitutes a persistent line of evolution in the Norse metrical tradition, with drttkvtt as well as mlahttr having reached an advanced stage of development.
While the drop is aligned to a wide range of syllables varying in size in the eddic meters, it approximates most closely a one-to-one mapping between position and syllable in drttkvtt, thereby replacing variation with invariance on this parameter for the most part.
As observed above, the major structural properties that are apparently unique to drttkvtt
find comparable manifestations in the eddic meters. Of greater importance, however, are a distinct
clustering of these features, and a maximal degree of consistency with which they are embodied by
drttkvtt with rare exceptions, in contrast to the eddic meters, in which they are still subject to
considerable variation. In this light, and also given that the opening and the cadence are increasingly involved in standardization and regularization throughout the evolution of the eddic meters,
we may be allowed to conjecture further that this regularizing development would have culminated
in the firm integration of the relevant properties in drttkvtt through reanalysis and generalization.
In other words, the seemingly unique features of drttkvtt are in existence albeit in their emergent form in the eddic meters; still involved in a wide-ranging variation, they are in the process of
1For a concise review of previous scholarship, see rnason (1991: 8284) and Gade (1995: 712).
2By contrast, the principles of internal rhymes, syllable counting, and fixed cadence are apparently foreign to fornyrislag (Gade 1995: 7, 11).

823
ongoing standardization and structuration. Faced with these metrical resources that were not fully
exploited yet, skaldic poets would have forged a coherent system of metrical rules by redesigning and
reorganizing these available materials. In so doing, they would have been led to maximize contrast
with the eddic meters that served as a model to be emulated and distinguished from.
In light of the full generalization of the more or less stochastic conventions that were in force
in the eddic meters, it seems to be reasonable to assume that the emergent and yet noncompulsory
status of the cadence lift + drop (Px) was generalized as an obligatory verse constituent, whereby the
structural autonomy of the cadence of the ljahttr c-verse would have given an impetus to reorganization. While serving as an analogical model for composition, the actual value of the cadence /
inherent in the model was rejected in favor of its opposite, / , which was still inseparably embedded as part of a verse in the eddic meters and hence fell short of being established as an invariable
metrical constituent there. By analogy with and opposition to the cadence / in ljahttr the only
verse-ending constituent with a relatively autonomous status and also inspired by the increasingly
significant verse-final concatenation / in the eddic meters, the configuration / was extracted as
a self-contained unit that was determined to be independent from the four-position structure, the
traditional eddic verse. Moreover, rather than being limited to a subset of verses for expansion, the
newly extracted constituent / was attached by maximal generalization to the end of every verse. In
this way, the sequence lift + drop (Px) was redefined in drttkvtt as the obligatory final constituent of
every verse, partly by adaptation to and partly by contrast with the organization of the eddic meters.
It should be emphasized in this connection that the appropriation and redesigning of the
ljahttr c-verse as the canonical drttkvtt verse implies that the model entity was conceptualized
as a verse, rather than a line. In other words, confronted with the duality of the c-verse as a verse and
a line (chapter15), skaldic poets prioritized the categorization as a verse. This creative reevaluation
led to a pair-based grouping that in turn is doubled to make a half-stanza, which thus comprises four
such verses, for which fornyrislag and mlahttr provided a structural basis of organization.
In conclusion, the core metrical properties of drttkvtt, the bipartite composition of a verse,
may be derived largely from the c-verse of ljahttr as conceived from the whole perspective of the
three eddic meters. The construction of this skaldic meter thus presupposes a full familiarity with
and mastery of the tradition of eddic meters as a dynamic whole. Accordingly, the use of the fixed
cadence / , one of the conspicuous features that are alleged to distinguish drttkvtt sharply from
the eddic meters and tend to be ascribed to a foreign (Irish) influence, should be viewed as an indigenous development that arose as a consequence of a regularization of a property inherited from the
tradition of eddic versification. It would be interesting to speculate in this connection that the largely
variable, bimoraic constraint on the verse-final lift (section5.3) would presumably have been regularized as a strict rule in drttkvtt, that is, Craigies law, in conjunction with the establishment of the
fixed cadence.
In the meantime, the growing importance of the verse-opening lift was inherited from the eddic
meters, but with such an increased vigor in execution and a complete reversal in association that
the unit became a privilege of the b-verse in the skaldic meter, as opposed to that of the a-verse in
the eddic meters. This may be regarded as another manifestation of contrastive reorganization in the
novel domain. Of further interest, this reorganization constitutes a polar opposite of the generalization that obtains in ljahttr, in which the b-verse is encoded with drop-initiality. We may accordingly be led to infer with reinforced confidence that, among the three eddic meters, ljahttr would
have served as a primary model to build on and to compete with by maximal opposition.
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of the 10th meeting of the International Society of Anglo-Saxonists in Helsinki, August 2001,
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See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Eve Picard, Ilona Priebe, and Katja Schulz. 1997. Kommentar
zu den Liedern der Edda. 2. Gtterlieder: Skrnisml, Hrbarsli, Hymiskvia, Lokasenna,
rymskvia. Heidelberg: Winter.
See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Eve Picard, and Katja Schulz. 2000. Kommentar zu den Liedern
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Heidelberg: Winter.
See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Wolfgang Gerhold, Debora Dusse, Eve Picard, and Katja Schulz.
2004. Kommentar zu den Liedern der Edda. 4. Helgakvia Hundingsbana I, Helgakvia
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See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Wolfgang Gerhold, Eve Picard, and Katja Schulz. 2006.
Kommentar zu den Liedern der Edda. 5. Heldenlieder: Fr daua Sinfitla, Grpissp,
Reginsml, Ffnisml, Sigrdrfuml. Heidelberg: Winter.
See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Eve Picard, Katja Schulz, and Matthias Teichert. 2009.
Kommentar zu den Liedern der Edda. 6. Heldenlieder: Brot af Sigurarqvio, Gurnarqvia I,
Sigurarqvia in skamma, Helrei Brynhildar, Drp Niflunga, Gurnarqvia II, Gurnarqvia
III, Oddrnargrtr, Strophenbruchstcke aus der Vlsunga saga. Heidelberg: Winter.
See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Simone Horst, and Katja Schulz. 2012. Kommentar zu den Liedern
der Edda. 7. Heldenlieder: Atlakvia in grnlenzka, Atlaml in grnlenzko, Fr Gurno,
Gurnarhvt, Hamisml. Heidelberg: Winter.
Sehrt, Edward H. 1966. Vollstndiges Wrterbuch zum Heliand und zur altschsischen Genesis. 2nd
edn. Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.
Sievers, Eduard. 1878. Beitrge zur Skaldenmetrik. Beitrge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache
und Literatur 5, 449518.
Sievers, Eduard. 1879. Beitrge zur Skaldenmetrik. II. Beitrge zur Geschichte der deutschen
Sprache und Literatur 6, 265376.
Sievers, Eduard. 1885. Proben einer metrischen Herstellung der Eddalieder. Tbingen: Fues.
Sievers, Eduard. 1893. Altgermanische Metrik. Halle: Niemeyer.
Sievers, Eduard. 1923. Die Eddalieder klanglich untersucht und herausgegeben von Eduard Sievers.
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Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses.
Sjros, Bruno.1906. Mlahttr: En studie i fornislndsk metrik. Helsinki: Imperial Alexander
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References
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Index of scansion
This index provides scansions of all verses in eddic poetry, including the instances that are excluded
from our corpus of investigation for the reasons adduced in the text. For each individual verse that
heads each row, the list identifies a verse distinction (the a-, b-, or c-verse), a verse type, an alliterative
pattern, and a compositional structure in terms of syllable concatenation. In addition to the notations already introduced in the abbreviations and symbols, we may draw attention to the conventions
below specifically for the following representation.
(1) 2 under verse type stands for a two-position verse.
(2) a and b under alliterative pattern stand for an alliterating lift in the a-verse and the b-verse,
respectively. This distinction between a and b is simply for ease of searching; it is by no means
intended to denote a difference in alliteration; secondary alliteration like cross alliteration is not
recorded. xx means absence of alliteration in either verse.
(3) Under the verse structure, X is distinguished from x only where it occurs as a penultimate syllable, as with PXx in opposition to Pxx. Verse-initial and final word-boundaries (#) are omitted,
as are those occurring within a verse-initial sequence of unstressed syllables (e.g., xxx#, rather
than x#x#x#). For the sake of brevity, the drops that are filled by the head of a class 1 word are
simply represented as P (or p), without giving the redundant notation (=x), as practiced in the
text. Accordingly, for example, Vsp 14.1 Ml er, dverga, scanned as type A3 and represented in the
following as P#x#Px because of the occurrence of a class 1 word in the first drop, is equivalent to
the configuration xx#Px in purely metrical terms.
1Fornyrislag
Vsp
1.1
a
1.2
b
1.3
a
1.4
b
1.5
a
1.6
b
1.7
a
1.8
b
2.1
a
2.2
b
2.3
a
2.4
b
2.5
a
2.6
b
2.7
a
2.8
b
3.1
a
3.2
b
3.3
a
3.4
b
3.5
a
3.6
b
A1
A1
A1
D
A2b
A1
A1s
B
A1
A1
B
A1
A1
D
A2a
C
A1
C
B
C
A1
C
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
px#Psx
Px#x#x#PS
P#xPx
P#P#px
xxP#x#P
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
px#x#x#Px
px#Pxx
PS#Px
x#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#P#x#P
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
x#Psx
832
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
5.9
5.10
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
6.9
6.10
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
D*
C
C
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
C
A1
C
A1
C
C-
C
E
A3
A1
A1
A1
B
A1
A1
A3
C
B
D
A1
D
A1
C
A1
A1
D*
A1
C
A1
E
C
C-
C
E
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
xb
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
P#x#PXx
x#P#Px
x#P#px
px#x#Px
xx#PS
Px#Px
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#xx#Px
x#pxsx
P#x#x#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xxx#px#P
x#PSx
PSx#P
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xPx#P
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px
x#pxSx
xx#P#x#P
P#Pxx
Px#Px
P#Pxx
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
P#x#PXx
P#x#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
PSx#P
x#pxSx
xxx#px#P
x#PSx
PSx#P
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3
A3
A1
C
C
C
A1
A1
C
C
A1
A1
C
A1s
A1
A1
A1s
A1
A1
A1
D
A2b
A1s
A1s
D/E
A2b
A1
A2b
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1s
D
A1
A1s
A1
A3
C
A1
C
A3
C
E
C
A3
C
D
A1s
xb
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xxx#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xxpx#Px
xx#PSx
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
x#PSx
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
x#px#Px
px#x#px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
PS#px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
px#PSx
P#x#PS
PS#px
P#x#px
P#P#x#P
P#x#PS
P#xx#x#Px
px#x#PS
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#px
P#Psx
P#x#Px
PS#px
PxSx
P#x#Px
x#px#px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
x#px#Px
PSx#P
x#pxSx
xx#Px
x#Psx
P#Psx
PS#px
833
834
15.5
15.6
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
20.8
20.9
20.10
20.11
20.12
21.1
21.2
21.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
A1s
A1
A1
A1
A1
A3
C
E
D-
C
C
A1
A1
A1
D
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
C
A2a
A1
A3
C
B
A1
A3
D
A2b
B
A1
D*
A1
A1
C
C
A1
A2a
A3
A1
C
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
Px#Px
Px#px
P#x#Px
PxSx
px#x#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px
xx#P#px
PSx#P
px#px
x#P#Px
x#P#px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#pXx
P#x#Px
PxSx
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#Psx
P#P#Px
PxSx
xxxx#Px
xx#px#Px
x#P#xx#P
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
P#pXx
P#x#P#P
xx#Px#P
P#xx#Px
Px#PXx
Px#x#Px
P#xx#Px
x#P#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
PS#Px
xxx#PS
P#x#Px
x#PSx
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
21.9
21.10
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
27.1
27.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
C-
A1
A1
A1
D
C
A1
B
D-
A1
A1
D*
A1
A1
C-
C
E
A3
A3
A2a
C-
A1
A1
B
A3
A1
A2b
A1
C
A1
C-
C
E
A3
C-
A1
C
A2a
A2a
A1
B
B
A1
A1
A2a
C
C
A1
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
xb
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
xb
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
Px#Px
xx#P#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#xx#Px
xx#Px#P
px#PS
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
P#x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#px#P
x#PSx
PSx#P
xxx#Px
xxx#Px
PS#Px
xxxx#px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#x#P
xxx#PS
P#x#Px
px#x#PS
Px#Px
xx#px#PS
Px#Px
xxx#px#P
x#PSx
PSx#P
xxx#Px
xxxxP#P
Px#Px
xx#P#px
P#P#Px
P#P#P#x
Px#Px
x#Px#P
xx#P#x#P
P#xx#Px
P#x#Px
P#P#pXx
xx#px#Px
xx#Psx
P#x#Px
835
836
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
28.9
28.10
28.11
28.12
28.13
28.14
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
30.9
30.10
30.11
30.12
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
32.1
32.2
32.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
A1
A1
A1
C
A1-
A1
B
A1
B
B
B
A1
B
A3
A1
C
A1
C
A1-
A3
A1-
C
C
B
C
C
A1
A1
C
A1
C
A2a
C
A1
A1
A1
D
A3
A1
A1
A2a
A3
A1
A2b
A1-
A3
C
A2a
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
xx#Psx
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
x#px#PS
px#x#x#xx#P
P#x#x#Px
xxx#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
x#Px#P
x#Px#P
P#x#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
x#px#PS
px#x#x#xx#P
xxxx#PS
Px#x#P
x#P#Px
x#PSx
xx#P#x#x#P
x#px#Px
xx#PSx
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
x#PSx
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#P#Px
x#Psx
P#xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
P#PSx
xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
PS#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#P#P
PxS
xxx#Px
x#P#Px
PS#Px
32.4
32.5
32.6
32.7
32.8
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
38.7
38.8
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
D
C
B
A1s
A3-
C
B
D
B
C
D
A1-
A3
A1s
A2b
A1
A1
C
A2a
A1
C
A3
D
A1-
A1
C
A1
A1-
A3
C
A1
A1
B
C
A1s
C
A1
A1
E
A1-
C
A1
B
A1
C
A1
D
C
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
xb
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bb
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
P#x#Px
P#Px#P
x#px#Px
xx#Px#P
PS#px
xxxx#P
x#px#Px
xx#P#x#P
P#Psx
x#P#x#P
x#Psx
P#PSx
px#x#x#xx#P
xx#Px
PS#px
P#xx#PS
P#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#px#Px
PS#Px
px#xPx
x#P#px
xxx#Px
P#PSx
px#x#x#xx#P
P#x#Px
x#Psx
Px#x#Px
P#xx#P
xx#Px
x#pxSx
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
x#PSx
PS#px
xx#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
PSx#P
P#xx#P
xx#Psx
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
P#Psx
x#PSx
837
838
39.5
39.6
39.7
39.8
39.9
39.10
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
41.7
41.8
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
42.7
42.8
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
43.7
43.8
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
44.5
44.6
44.7
44.8
45.1
45.2
45.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
B
A1
A3
D
C
A1-
A1
C
B
A1
A3
A1
D
C
A1
A1
D
A1
A2b
C
A2b
A1-
A1
C
A1
D-
A1
C
A1s
C
A1
A1
A3
B
B
C
A1s
C
D-
C
A1
C
A1
A1
B
D
A1
C
C
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
xx#Px#P
PxSx
xx#PS
px#PSx
x#P#px
px#x#x#xx#P
P#x#x#Px
x#Psx
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#Pxx
x#P#px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#Px#P
Px#Px
P#xx#PS
x#px#Px
P#P#PS
px#x#x#xx#P
P#x#x#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
P#PS
P#x#Px
x#Psx
PS#px
xx#px#Px
P#x#Px
PxSx
xx#Px
x#PxS
x#Px#P
x#P#px
PS#px
x#px#Px
P#P#P
x#pxSx
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#PSx
P#xx#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#PXx
45.4
45.5
45.6
45.7
45.8
45.9
45.10
45.11
45.12
46.1
46.2
46.3
46.4
46.5
46.6
46.7
46.8
47.1
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
47.7
47.8
48.1
48.2
48.3
48.4
48.5
48.6
48.7
48.8
49.1
49.2
49.3
49.4
49.5
49.6
49.7
49.8
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.4
50.5
50.6
50.7
50.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1
A1s
A2b
A1
A2b
C
B
A1
C
C
A3
A1
A2b
A1
A1
C
C
D
D*
C
A1
C
B
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
C
A2a
A1-
A1
C
A1
C
A1
A1
B
D
A1
D
B
C
A1
C
C
A2a
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
PS#px
PS#PS
Px#x#Px
PS#PS
x#px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#P#px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
PxSx
P#x#PS
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
x#Psx
P#PXx
P#x#Px#P
x#px#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
x#Px#P
px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#P#pxS
Px#x#x#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
PS#Px
px#x#x#xx#P
P#x#P#x
x#pxSx
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#PSx
P#x#Px
px#P#px
x#PxS
x#pxSx
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
x#px#PS
PS#Px
839
840
51.1
51.2
51.3
51.4
51.5
51.6
51.7
51.8
52.1
52.2
52.3
52.4
52.5
52.6
52.7
52.8
53.1
53.2
53.3
53.4
53.5
53.6
53.7
53.8
54.1
54.2
54.3
54.4
54.5
54.6
54.7
54.8
55.1
55.2
55.3
55.4
55.5
55.6
55.7
55.8
56.1
56.2
56.3
56.4
56.5
56.6
56.7
56.8
56.9
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
A1
C
C
D
C
A3
E
A1
C
A3
D
A1s
C
C
C
A3
D/E
B
C
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
D
A1s
C
C
A1
A1
C
C
A1
C
A1
B
A1
A1
A1
A3
D
B
C
A3
A1s
C
A2a
C
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
P#x#Px
px#xx#Px
x#P#Px
x#px#Px
px#P#px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
PS#x#P
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
P#PSx
PS#px
x#P#px
xx#px#PS
x#px#Px
xx#Px
P#Px#P
x#Px#P
x#P#px
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#Psx
Px#px
x#PSx
xx#px#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
x#P#px
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#PSx
x#Px#P
x#P#px
xxx#Px
PS#px
xx#px#Px
PS#Px
x#P#px
56.10
56.11
56.12
57.1
57.2
57.3
57.4
57.5
57.6
57.7
57.8
58.1
58.2
58.3
58.4
58.5
58.6
58.7
58.8
59.1
59.2
59.3
59.4
59.5
59.6
59.7
59.8
60.1
60.2
60.3
60.4
60.5
60.6
60.7
60.8
61.1
61.2
61.3
61.4
61.5
61.6
62.1
62.2
62.3
62.4
62.5
62.6
62.7
62.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
E
A1
D
A1
D/E
A1
A1
A3
C
C
C
A1
C
A1
C
A1
A1
B
D
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
D
A3
A1
A3
C
C
A1
B
C
B
A1
A3
D
A1
C
C
A1
C
A1
A1
A1s
B
D
D
A1-
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
PSx#P
P#x#Px
P#PSx
P#x#Px
P#P#x#P
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
x#Psx
x#P#px
x#px#Px
P#x#P#x
x#pxSx
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
PxSx
Px#Px
P#P#px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
x#pxSx
xx#Psx
Px#Px
x#Px#P
x#pxSx
xx#PxS
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PSxx
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Psx
Px#Px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#px
xxx#P#x#P
P#PSx
P#PSx
px#x#x#xx#P
841
842
Index of scansion
63.1
63.2
63.3
63.4
63.5
63.6
64.1
64.2
64.3
64.4
64.5
64.6
64.7
64.8
65.1
65.2
65.3
65.4
66.1
66.2
66.3
66.4
66.5
66.6
66.7
66.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3
A2a
C
A1
A2a
A1-
A1
A1
A1
A3
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
C
A1s
B
A3
D
A1s
C
A3
D
A1s
A1
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xx#Px
PS#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
PS#Px
px#x#x#xx#P
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#PS
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Psx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
Px#px
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px
px#PXx
P#P#px
x#pxSx
xxx#Px
P#P#px
PS#px
P#x#x#Px
Hym
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
A1
C
C
A1
C-
A3
A1s
C
A1s
A1s
A1
A3
D/E
A3
D
A1
E
A1
A1-
B
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
x#PSx
Px#Px
x#Psx
x#px#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#P
xxxx#Px
PS#px
x#Psx
PS#px
P#P#px
PxSx
xx#Px
P#P#x#P
xx#Px
P#P#px
P#x#Px
PSx#P
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#P
xx#Px#P
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
D/E
B
A1
A3
A1
C
C
A3
D
A1s
A1
A3
A1
A1s
C
C
A1s
E
A1
A3
D
C
A1-
A3
A1-
E
C
A1
D
A1
C
A1
D/E
A1
A1s
B
E
A1s
A1s
A2a
A1-
E
C
C-
A1
A1
D
C
D
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bb
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
P#Px#P
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
x#px#Px
xx#Px
P#Psx
PS#px
Px#Px
xx#Px
PxSx
PS#px
x#px#Px
x#P#px
Px#px
PSx#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#PSx
x#P#Px
P#xx#P
xx#Px
P#x#P
PSx#P
xx#px#Px
Px#x#Px
PSXx
Px#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
P#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#px
x#Px#P
PSx#P
PS#px
PS#px
PS#Px
P#xx#P
PSx#P
x#px#Px
x#P#P
Px#Px
P#x#Px
P#P#px
x#Psx
P#Psx
843
844
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
11.9
11.10
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1s
A1
A1-
A1
B
A1s
C
C
C
C
A3
C
A3
D
D
A1-
A1
C
A1-
C
A1
C
B
D
A3
B
D
A1
A1-
C
A1
D
A3
A1-
A1
C
A1
A1
C
A1
A1-
A1
A3
A1
B
C
A1
A1s
A3
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
PS#px
P#x#Px
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
x#P#x#P
PS#px
xx#P#px
x#px#Px
xx#P#px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
P#Psx
P#Psx
px#xx#P
Px#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#xx#P
x#P#px
P#x#Px
x#P#px
x#P#x#P
P#Pxx
xx#Px
x#P#x#P
P#Psx
P#x#Px
P#xx#P
x#P#px
Px#Px
P#Psx
xx#Px
P#x#x#x#x#P
Px#Px
x#P#px
P#xx#Px
P#x#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
P#xx#P
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
P#P#px
xx#Px
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
20.8
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
22.1
22.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
D
D
A3
A1
B
A1s
A1
C
C
A1
A1
C
D
A1
A1-
C
A1
A1s
D
A1
B
A1s
A3
D
A1s
A1
A1-
A1
A1
C
C
A1
A1s
A1
C
A1
A1
A3
C
A1s
A1
A2a-
B
A1
A1
A1-
A1
B
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
xb
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
Px#Px
P#Psx
P#Psx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#PxS
P#P#px
px#x#Px
x#P#px
x#P#px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#px
P#Psx
Px#Px
P#xx#P
x#P#px
P#x#Px
PS#px
P#Pxx
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
PS#px
xx#Px
P#Psx
PS#px
Px#Px
P#xx#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
x#Psx
Px#Px
PS#px
Px#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
x#P#px
Px#px
P#x#Px
P#P#P
x#P#x#P
Px#Px
px#x#Px
P#xx#P
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
845
846
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
27.9
27.10
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
D
A1
A1
C-
A1s
A1
D
A2a-
D-
A1
A1
A1s
A1s
D
A2a
C
A1
A1s
A1
D/E
A1s
C
C
A1
A1
D/E
A3
D/E
C
A1
C
A1
D
A1
A3
D
A1
C
A1
A1s
C
A1
C
C
E
C
A3
C
D
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
P#Psx
Px#Px
P#x#Px
xx#P#P
PS#px
Px#Px
P#Pxx
PS#P
P#PS
P#x#Px
Px#Px
PS#px
PS#px
P#PSx
PS#Px
x#P#px
P#x#Px
P#P#px
Px#Px
P#P#x#P
PS#px
xx#P#px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
P#Px#P
xxx#Px
P#P#x#P
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
P#Psx
P#x#Px
xx#Px
P#PSx
P#x#Px
xx#Psx
P#x#x#Px
PS#px
x#Psx
P#x#Px
x#P#px
x#PXx
PSx#P
x#P#Px
xx#P#Px
x#px#Px
PXxx
28.8
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
29.8
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
32.7
32.8
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
C
B
A1
A1s
D*
A1
A3
C
A3
A1
A1s
A1
C
C
A1s
A1
A1-
A1
A3
C
A1
A1s
C
D
A1
D/E
B
C
E
A1
D
B
A3
C
A1
A1s
D
A1
A3
A1s
D-
A1s
B
A1-
A1
D/E
A3
A1
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xx#P#px
x#Psx
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
PS#px
P#x#PXx
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
PS#px
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
xx#Pxx
PS#px
Px#Px
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
xx#Px
x#Psx
P#x#Px
PS#px
x#Psx
P#Pxx
P#x#x#Px
P#Px#P
xx#Px#P
x#P#Px
P#P#x#P
Px#x#Px
P#Pxx
xx#P#x#P
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
PS#px
P#Pxx
Px#Px
xx#Px
P#P#px
px#Px
P#x#px
xx#Px#P
P#x#x#P
P#x#x#px#x
P#Px#P
xx#Px
Px#Px
847
848
Index of scansion
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
38.7
38.8
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
39.7
39.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3
B
D
A1
A3
C
A1s
D
A1
D
A3
E
C
D/E
A3
B
D
A1s
C
A1
C
A1
C
A1-
D
A1
D*
D/E
B
A1s
E
C
B
C
C
A1
A1
D
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xx#Px
x#Px#P
P#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
PS#px
PSxx
P#x#x#x#Px
P#PXx
xxx#Px
PSx#P
x#Psx
P#Px#P
xx#Px
x#Px#P
P#Psx
PS#px
x#P#px
P#x#Px
xxx#PSx
px#x#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#x#P
PSXx
P#x#Px
P#x#Psx
P#P#x#P
xx#Px#P
P#x#px
PSx#P
x#P#px
x#Px#P
x#px#Px
x#px#Px
P#xx#Px
P#x#Px
P#PSx
rk
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
C
C
C
A1
A1
B
A1
A3
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
P#x#x#PS
xx#Pxx
x#P#px
x#Pxx
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
D/E
C
C
B
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
D/E
A3
A2a-
C
A1
C-
aA1
A3
A3
A1s
A2a
B
A1
B
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1s
C
D
A1
A1
C
C
A1
A1
D*
A1
aD
A1
A1
C
B
A1
B
A1-
A1s
A2a
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
xb
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bb
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
P#P#x#P
xx#P#px
xx#P#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
x#Psx
P#x#px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#P#x#P
xxx#Px
PS#P
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xxxx#px#P
xx#Px#Px
xx#Px
xxxx#Px
P#x#px
PS#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
PS#px
x#px#Px
P#Pxx
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xxx#P#px
x#pxSx
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
px#x#Psx
px#x#Px
x#px#Psx
px#x#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#x#P
P#x#px
PS#Px
849
850
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
9.9
9.10
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
13.9
13.10
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
B
A1
B
A1
A1-
A1
A3
D/E
C
C
A3
D
C
A1
C
A1
C
C
D*
A1
B
A1
A3
A1-
A3
A1
A3
D/E
A1
A1
C-
C
A3
C
D
A1
A3
D
aA1
D
B
C
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
C
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#x#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#P#x#P
xxx#pXx
x#Pxx
xxx#Px
P#PXx
x#PXx
px#x#Px
x#PXx
px#x#Px
xxx#Pxx
x#pXx
P#xx#P#px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
xxxx#Px
Px#x#P
xxx#Px
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px
P#P#x#P
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#px#P
x#pxSx
P#x#x#Px
x#Pxx
P#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#PXx
x#Px#Px
PSXx
xx#P#x#P
x#pxSx
xxx#Px
Px#x#Px
x#PXx
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Psx
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
19.9
19.10
19.11
19.12
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A3
D
A3
A1
C
C
A3
A1
C
C
A1-
A1-
A3
A1
B
A1
A3
E
A1-
A1
A3
A1s
C
A1
A1
A1
A3
D
A3
A1
C
C
A3
A1
C
C
A3
E
B
A1s
C-
C
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
px#x#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
Px#x#P#x
x#px#Px
Px#x#P#x
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
P#PXx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#PSx
x#P#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Pxx
x#px#Px
P#x#x#P
Px#P
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#px
PSx#P
px#x#P
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
PS#px
xxx#P#px
P#x#Px
Px#x#P#x
Px#Px
xxx#Px
px#PXx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#PSx
x#P#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Pxx
x#px#Px
xx#px
PSx#P
xx#P#x#P
PS#px
xxx#px#P
x#pxSx
851
852
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
24.9
24.10
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
A1
A1
A1
D
D
D
C
A1-
A1
A1
C
B
A1-
A1
C
A1
E
D
A1
A1
A1
A1
A2a
A3
C
A3
A1s
A1
A1
A1
C
B
A1s
A1-
A1
A3
D*
A3
D*
B
A1
C
A1s
B
C
A1
A1
A3
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bb
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#Pxx
P#P#px
P#Px#P
x#pxSx
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#x#P
Px#Px
x#pxSx
Px#x#x#Px
PSx#P
P#PSx
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
PS#Px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
P#x#px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#Px#P
P#P#px
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Pxx
xxx#Px
Px#x#Pxx
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#PSx
PS#px
x#P#x#P
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#PS
26.8
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
29.8
29.9
29.10
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A1
A1
B
E
A3
A1
A3
A1
C
A1s
B
C
C
A1
A3
C
A1
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
B
A1
A1
A1
A1-
A1
A1s
A1
A3
B
A1s
A1
D
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
C
B
C
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xx
xx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
x#pxSx
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
PSx#P
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
P#x#Px
xx#PSx
PS#px
x#P#x#P
x#px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
xxx#PS
x#pxSx
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#PS
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
px#x#px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px
x#Px#P
Px#x#px
Px#Px
P#Psx
P#x#Px
x#Psx
px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#PS
x#px#Px
x#P#x#P
x#PXx
[Not included in the corpus]

853
854
Index of scansion
32.7
32.8
32.9
32.10
a
b
a
b
C
B
B
A1
aa
bx
ax
bx
x#P#px
x#Px#P
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
Vkv
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
2.9
2.10
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
3.9
3.10
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
4.9
4.10
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
A1
A2a
A2a
B
A1
D*
A2a
A1
A1
A1s
A1
A3
E
A3
A1
A3
D
A1
D/E
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
B
A2a
A2a
A3
A1s
A1s
A1
B
C-
A1s
C
C
C
C
C
C-
C
A1
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
Px#xx#Px
PS#x#Px
PS#Px
PS#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#x#Px
Px#PXx
P#P#Px
P#x#Px
px#x#Px
P#P#px
Px#Px
Px#x#PS
PSx#P
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
P#pXx
Px#Px
P#P#x#P
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#pXx
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
PS#Px
PS#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
PS#x#px
px#xx#Px
xx#P#x#P
x#P#P
P#x#px
x#PSx
x#P#PS
x#PSx
x#P#px
xx#Psx
xx#P#P
x#PSx
Px#x#Px
5.6
5.7
5.8
5.9
5.10
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
E
A1-
A1
A1
D-
A3
A1
C
C
A1
A1
A1
aA1
A3
C
C
E
A3-
A1
A1
C
C
C
C
C
A3
A1s
C
B
A3
A2a
A1
A1s
D*
C
C
A1
A1
D
A1
A2a
A2a
C
D*
C
C
A1-
A3
A1
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
xx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
PSx#P
P#x#P
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
xx#Psx
Px#xx#Px
Px#xx#Px
Px#xx#Px
xx#Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
xx#P#px
PSx#P
xxx#P
Px#Px
P#Px#Px
xx#P#Px
xx#P#Px
xx#P#Px
x#P#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
px#PXx
x#Px#P
x#Px
px#P#Px
P#x#Px
PS#px
P#x#PSx
x#pXx
xx#PSx
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#Pxx
Px#x#x#Px
PS#Px
PS#Px
xxx#P#px
P#x#P#Px
xx#Pxx
xx#Pxx
Px#P
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
855
856
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
17.9
17.10
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
18.9
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
A1
A3
C
A1
A3
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
C
A1
C
A1-
A1
A1
A1
C-
A1
A1
A3
A2b
D-
B
E
A1
A1
A3-
B
A1
C-
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
D-
aA1
B
D
A1
A3
C
A3
C
C
aA1s
D*
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
xb
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
xb
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
xx#Px
px#x#Px
xxx#Px
xx#P#Px
PxxSx
xx#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#Px
xxx#px
Px#Px
xx#Px
x#Psx
P#x#x#Px
x#px#Px
Px#xx#x#x#P
Px#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#P
Px#Px
PS#x#Px
px#x#PS
P#x#PS
P#Px
x#P#x#P
PSx#P
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xxxx#P
xx#Px#P
P#xx#Px
xxxx#P#P
xx#PSx
P#x#Px
Px#xx#Px
Px#x#xx#Px
Px#P#x
px#Px
x#px#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#Pxx
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
x#Px#px
Px#x#x#pXx
18.10
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
20.8
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
aA1s
C
A1
A1-
A1
D*
C
A3-
D
D/E
C-
D
B
A1
A1
A2b
C-
A3
C
C-
C
B
B
A3-
C
A1
C
A1
C
D*
A1
A1
C-
A1
A1
A2b
C
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
C
A1
D*
A3
A1
C
D
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
x#Px#px
x#P#PS
Px#Px
Px#x#x#P
Px#Px
P#x#x#x#P#xP
xx#P#Px
xxxx#P
P#Pxx
px#Px#P
x#P#P
px#Pxx
x#Px#P
Px#x#x#Px
Px#Px
px#x#PS
xx#P#P
P#x#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xxx#P#P
x#Pxx
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#P
xxxx#P
x#px#Px
pxx#Px
x#PSx
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#Pxx
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#P
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
px#x#PS
xx#P#px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px
xx#px#Px
P#x#xx#Px
Px#Pxx
xx#Px
PxSx
xxx#PXx
px#Pxx
857
858
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
29.8
29.9
29.10
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
C
ax
xx#PSx
C
bx
xx#PSx
A3
xx
xx#PS
lacking
A1
ax
Px#x#Px
C
bx
x#px#Px
A1
ax
pxx#x#x#Px
C
bx
xx#P#Px
B
ax
x#Px#P
A1
bx
P#x#Px
C
ax
x#P#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
C
ax
x#P#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
ax
x#Px#P
C
bx
x#px#Px
A1
aa
P#x#xx#Px
C
bx
xxx#P#Px
A1
aa
P#x#x#x#Px
C
bx
x#Pxx
B
aa
x#px#x#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
Px#xx#Px
A1
bx
PxSx
A1s
aa
P#x#x#px
A1
bx
Px#x#x#Px
C
ax
xxx#Pxx
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1s
ax
PXx#px
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A2b
ax
PXx#PS
A1
bx
P#x#Px
C
aa
xx#P#px
C
bx
x#px#Px
A3
xa
xxx#Px
D
bx
P#Pxx
B
ax
xx#P#x#P
E
bx
PSx#P
A3
xa
xxx#PS
A1
bx
Px#x#Px
A3
xa
xxx#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1-
aa
px#x#x#P
A1-
bx
Px#P
A1-
ax
Px#x#P
C
bx
xxx#px#Px
A1
ax
P#x#x#Px

31.6
31.7
31.8
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
33.9
33.10
33.11
33.12
33.13
33.14
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
36.7
36.8
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1-
C
A3
A1
aA1
A1
A1-
A1
C
B
C
B
A3
D
aA1
C
C
A3
C
A1
A1
A3
A3
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
C
A1
D*
A3
A1
C
D
A3
A1
C
C
A3
A1
A1
A1
A1-
C
aA1s
A1
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
xb
aa
bx
ax
xb
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
P#xx#x#P#x
Px#x#x#P
xxx#px#Px
xxxx#px
Px#Px
x#Px#P#x
Px#Px
Px#xx#x#P
Px#Px
x#P#Px
xx#Px#P
x#P#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#Px
P#pXx
x#Px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
xxxx#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px
xx#px#Px
P#x#xx#Px
Px#x#Pxx
xx#Px
PxSx
xxx#PXx
P#Pxx
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#PSx
xxx#PSx
xx#PS
Px#Px
PxSx
Px#Px
Pxx#x#x#P
xx#P#px
xxx#Px#px
P#x#Px
859
860
Index of scansion
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
37.9
37.10
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
41.7
41.8
41.9
41.10
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3-
aA1s
A1
C
A3
C
A1s
A1
aA2a
A3
A3
A1
D*
C
C
C
C
B
A1s
A1
A1
B
A1s
A1
A2b
A1
C
A1
C
A1
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
xb
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xx#x#P#P
xxx#Px#px
P#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#Px
PXx#px
P#x#Px
x#PS#Px
xx#Px
xxx#PS
P#x#x#Px
P#x#PSx
Px#PSx
Px#Psx
x#px#Px
xx#P#PS
x#Px#P
Px#x#px
px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#P
Px#x#px
px#x#Px
Px#pxS
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
HH
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
C
D
C
aA1
C
A1s
C
A1-
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
P#x#Px
xx#px#Px
px#Px#P
x#pxSx
x#Px#Px
x#pxSx
PS#px
x#PSx
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
xx#PXx
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#PXx
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
B
C
A3
A1
B
A1
B
A1
A3
A1
C
C
A1
A1
A1
A1-
A3
C
A1
C
A2a
A1
A3
D
A1s
C
A1
C
B
A1
A1-
A1s
A3
A1s
A3
C
A1
A1s
B
C
A2b
C
A2b
C
A1s
D
A3
C
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
PxSx
xx#Px#P
x#PSx
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
x#P#x#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
x#P#px
x#Psx
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
PXx#P
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
PS#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px
P#PSx
P#P#px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
x#PXx
xx#Px#P
P#xx#Px
P#xx#P
Px#px
xxx#Px
P#P#px
P#x#Px
x#Psx
Px#Px
PS#px
xx#Px#P
x#Psx
PS#PS
x#pxSx
PS#PS
x#pxSx
PS#px
P#PSx
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
861
862
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
D
A1
B
D
A3
D
A3
A1
B
A2a
B
A1s
B
A1
A3
E
A1
A1s
A3
A1
A1s
C
A3
A1
B
A2a-
A1
A1
A1
C
C
E
A3
C
B
A1
B
E
A3
C
A2b
C
A2b
A1s
A3
D
A3
C
A3
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
P#Psx
Px#Px
x#P#x#P
P#PXx
xxxx#Px
P#Psx
xx#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
PS#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#px
xx#Px#P
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px
PSx#P
P#x#Px
Px#px
xxx#Px
Px#x#Px
PS#px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#x#P
PS#P
P#x#x#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#PXx
PSx#P
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
x#Px#P
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
PS#x#P
xx#Px
xx#px#Px
P#x#PS
x#pxSx
PS#x#PS
Px#px
px#xx#x#Px
P#PSx
xx#Px
x#pxSx
xxx#Px
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
15.9
15.10
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A3
C
A1
A1
A3
A1
C
C
A1-
D*
A3-
C
A1s
A1
A3
A1
B
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
C
A1
A1
A1s
C
A1s
D
B
A3
A1
A3
E
C
C
D*
A1s
B
C-
A3
A1s
B
A1
D-
A1
A1
C
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
Px#xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Pxx
x#Psx
Px#x#P
Px#PXx
xxxx#P
x#PXx
P#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxxxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Psx
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
Px#Px
PS#px
xx#px#Px
PS#px
px#PSx
x#Px#P
xx#Px
Px#Px
xxxxx#Px
PSx#P
xx#P#px
x#PXx
Px#Px#P
Px#px
xx#Px#P
xxx#P#P
xx#Px
PS#px
x#P#x#x#P
Px#x#Px
PSx
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
863
864
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
26.9
26.10
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
28.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
C
C
A1
A1
C
D
C
A3
C
D*
C
A3
E
C
D
C
A1
A3
C
E
C
B
A1
D-
A1
C
A1
A1s
A1
A3
E
C
A1
C
A2a-
C
A1-
D
C
B
B
B
D
A1-
C
A1s
A1
A1
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
xx#Pxx
x#px#Px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
px#x#Px
x#px#Px
px#PSx
x#pxSx
xxx#Px
x#Psx
P#x#P#px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
PS#x#P
xxx#Pxx
px#PSx
x#P#px
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
x#pxSx
PSx#P
x#PXx
xxx#PxS
Px#Px
P#Px
Px#Px
xxx#PSx
Px#Px
PS#px
P#xx#Px
xx#Px
PSx#P
x#PXx
Px#Px
x#PXx
PS#P
x#PXx
px#x#x#P
PSXx
x#pxSx
x#Px#P
x#Px#P
x#P#x#P
px#PXx
PXx#P
x#PXx
Px#px
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
29.8
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A1
C
B
A1
A3
A1s
A3
D
B
A1
D
A1
A3
A1s
E
C
C
A1
A1s
C
A3
C
D
A1
A3
C
B
D
C
E
C
C
B
A1
E
A1-
A1
A1
A3
C
C
A1
A1
B
C
A1
C
A1
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
x#px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
x#P#xx#P
Px#Px
px#x#Px
P#P#px
xx#Px
P#Psx
xx#PxS
Px#Px
PSsx
Px#Px
xx#Px
PS#px
PS#x#P
x#px#Px
xx#Pxx
P#x#Px
PS#px
x#pxSx
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
P#Psx
Px#Px
xx#Px
x#pxSx
x#Px#P
P#Pxx
x#Psx
PS#x#P
xx#Psx
xx#px#Px
xx#PxS
Px#x#Px
PSx#P
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#PS
xx#px#Px
xx#PXx
Px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
x#Px#P
x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#PXx
Px#Px
865
866
34.7
34.8
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
36.7
36.8
36.9
36.10
36.11
36.12
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
38.7
38.8
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
C
A3
A1
E
C
C
A1
A3
A1
A1
A1
C
E
A3
A1
C
C
C
C
A1
A1s
A3
C
A1s
C
B
A1
D
C
A3
D
D
C
C
A1
A1s
C
A1-
C
A1
aD
D
A1
A1
C
A3
C
A1
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
Px#Px
x#pxSx
xx#PS
Px#Px
PSx#P
x#px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#PXx
PSx#P
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
x#px#Px
x#P#px
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
PS#px
xx#Px
x#pxSx
PS#px
xx#P#px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
P#Pxx
xx#PSx
xxx#Px
P#PSx
px#PSx
x#Psx
xx#PSx
Px#Px
PS#px
x#px#Px
px#xx#P
x#px#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#px#Px
px#pXx
PxSx
Px#Px
xx#P#px
xx#Px
x#pxSx
Px#Px
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
41.7
41.8
41.9
41.10
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
42.7
42.8
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
43.7
43.8
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
44.5
44.6
44.7
44.8
45.1
45.2
45.3
45.4
45.5
45.6
45.7
45.8
46.1
46.2
46.3
46.4
46.5
46.6
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A2b
C
E
C
A3
A1
C
D
A3
C
C
C
E
A1
A3
A1s
A1
D
A1-
A1s
A3
D
B
A1
A1
C
A1-
C
A1
C
C
A1
C
B
C
A1
A1
C
C
A1
C
A1
A3
A1s
C
A1
A3
C
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
x#Psx
P#xx#PS
xx#px#Px
PSx#P
x#px#Px
xxx#PS
P#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#Pxx
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
xx#P#px
x#PSx
PSx#P
P#x#Px
xxxx#Px
P#P#px
Px#x#Px
px#PSx
P#xx#P
PS#px
xxx#Px
P#Pxx
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
PxSx
xx#px#Px
P#xx#P
x#pxSx
Px#Px
x#px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#P#x#P
xxx#PSx
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#px#Px
xx#PSx
Px#x#Px
x#Psx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
xxx#PXx
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
867
868
46.7
46.8
47.1
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
47.7
47.8
48.1
48.2
48.3
48.4
48.5
48.6
48.7
48.8
48.9
48.10
49.1
49.2
49.3
49.4
49.5
49.6
49.7
49.8
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.4
50.5
50.6
50.7
50.8
50.9
50.10
50.11
50.12
51.1
51.2
51.3
51.4
51.5
51.6
51.7
51.8
51.9
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
A1
A3
A1
A1
E
D
A1
B
C
A3
C
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
B
C
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A2a
D
A3
A1-
C-
D
A3
C
A2b
C
B
A1
A3
A1s
D*
C
C
C
A1
C
B
A1
C
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
x#P#px
px#x#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
px#x#Px
PSx#P
px#PXx
Px#Px
x#Px#P
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
x#Psx
xx#Pxx
Px#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
x#PXx
px#x#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
px#P#Px
px#PXx
xx#PS
P#x#x#P
xxx#P#P
P#PXx
xxxx#Px
x#pxSx
PS#PS
x#px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
Px#P#Px
x#pxSx
x#PSx
x#pxSx
Px#x#Px
x#Psx
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Psx
51.10
52.1
52.2
52.3
52.4
52.5
52.6
52.7
52.8
53.1
53.2
53.3
53.4
53.5
53.6
53.7
53.8
53.9
53.10
53.11
53.12
54.1
54.2
54.3
54.4
54.5
54.6
54.7
54.8
55.1
55.2
55.3
55.4
55.5
55.6
55.7
55.8
56.1
56.2
56.3
56.4
56.5
56.6
56.7
56.8
56.9
56.10
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A3
C
A1
A1
A3
A1
C
A2a-
A1-
C
A1
C
A3
A1s
A1
C
A1
A1s
aA1
D
A3
A1s
B
C
A3
A1s
B
C
A3
A1
A2a
C
C
C
A1
A1
A3
B
A1
B
A3
A1
A1
C
A1
C
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#px
Px#x#Px
P#xx#Px
xx#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#PXx
PS#P
P#x#x#P
x#px#Px
Px#Px
x#pxSx
xx#Px
Px#px
P#x#Px
xx#px#Px
P#x#Px
PS#px
x#Px#Px
P#Psx
xxxx#Px
PS#px
x#Px#P
xx#px#Px
xxx#PS
PS#px
x#Px#P
x#px#Px
P#xx#Px
Px#Px
PS#Px
x#px#Px
xx#P#px
x#pxSx
px#x#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
P#xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
869
870
Index of scansion
HHv (See also under ljahttr)

1.1
a
A2b
aa
1.2
b
A1
bx
1.3
a
A1
ax
1.4
b
C
bx
1.5
a
C
ax
1.6
b
A1s
bx
1.7
a
A1
ax
1.8
b
C
bx
2.1
a
A3
xa
2.2
b
E
bx
2.3
a
D
aa
2.4
b
A1
bx
2.5
a
A3
xa
2.6
b
A1
bx
2.7
a
aA1-
ax
2.8
b
C
bx
3.1
a
A3
xa
3.2
b
C
bx
3.3
a
A3
xa
3.4
b
A1
bx
3.5
a
A3
xa
3.6
b
B
bx
3.7
a
C
ax
3.8
b
C
bx
4.1
a
A1
ax
4.2
b
A1
bx
4.3
a
E
ax
4.4
b
C
bx
4.5
a
A3
xa
4.6
b
A1
bx
4.7
a
C
ax
4.8
b
A1
bx
5.1
a
C
ax
5.2
b
C
bx
5.3
a
A1
ax
5.4
b
C
bx
5.5
a
A3
xa
5.6
b
A1s
bx
5.7
a
A3
xa
5.8
b
A1
bx
5.9
a
A1
ax
5.10
b
C
bx
6.1
a
A3
xa
6.2
b
A1
bx
6.3
a
D
aa
6.4
b
C
bx
6.5
a
A1
aa
6.6
b
C
bx
Px#PS
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#pxSx
x#Pxx
PS#px
Px#Px
x#pxSx
xxx#Px
PSx#P
P#Psx
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#x#x#x#P
x#px#Px
xxx#PS
x#P#px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#P#px
xx#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
PSx#P
x#P#px
xxx#PS
P#x#Px
x#PSx
Px#Px
xx#Pxx
xxx#pXx
px#x#Px
x#pxSx
xx#Px
PS#px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#Psx
x#pxSx
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
6.7
a
B
aa
xx#Px#P
6.8
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
7.1
a
A1
ax
P#x#x#Px
7.2
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
7.3
a
D
aa
P#Psx
7.4
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
7.5
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
7.6
b
E
bx
PSx#P
7.7
a
A1-
aa
P#x#xx#P
7.8
b
C
bx
xxx#P#px
8.1
a
A1
ax
P#x#x#Px
8.2
b
C
bx
x#pxSx
8.3
a
A1
aa
Px#Px
8.4
b
C
bx
x#P#px
8.5
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
8.6
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
8.7
a
E
ax
PSx#P
8.8
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
9.1
a
A1
aa
P#x#x#Px
9.2
b
A1
bx
P#x#x#Px
9.3
a
A1
aa
P#x#x#Px
9.4
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
9.5
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
9.6
b
D-
bx
P#PS
9.7
a
C
ax
xx#PSx
9.8
b
D
bx
P#P#px
10.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#PS
10.2
b
A1s
bx
PS#px
10.3
a
D
ax
P#Psx
10.4
b
C-
bx
xx#P#P
10.5
a
C
aa
xx#P#px
10.6
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
10.7
a
B
ax
xx#P#x#P
10.8
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
11.1
a
B
ax
x#PS#P
11.2
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
11.3
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
11.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
11.5
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
11.6
b
A1
bx
P#x#Px
11.7
a
C
ax
x#PSx
11.8
b
A1
bx
Px#x#Px
12.1
a
A1
aa
px#x#Px
12.2
b
C
bx
x#pxSx
12.3
a
A1
ax
Px#x#Px
12.4
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
For verses 12.5 through 30.6, see under ljahttr.
31.1
a
C
aa
xx#P#px
31.2
b
A1
bx
P#xx#Px
Index of scansion
871
872
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
33.9
33.10
33.11
33.12
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
36.7
36.8
37.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
C
A3
A1
C
A1
D*
A1
A3
C
A1
C
A1-
A1
A1s
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
A1-
C
A3
D/E
A3
C
D/E
C
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
B
A1-
A1
B
C
E
C
A1
A1
C
A1
D
A1
A3
A1
C
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
Px#Px
x#Pxx
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
P#xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
xx#pxSx
Px#Px
x#pxSx
px#xx#P
P#xx#Px
PS#px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#x#x#P
xx#P#px
xxx#Px
px#P#x#P
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
P#P#x#P
x#px#Px
xx#Px
P#x#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
x#Px#P
x#px#Px
PSx#P
x#pxSx
Px#Px
px#x#Px
xx#Psx
PxSx
P#Pxx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
38.7
38.8
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
39.7
39.8
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
41.7
41.8
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
42.7
42.8
43.1
43.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
A1s
C
A1
B
B
A3
A1
A1
C
A1-
A1
A1
A1
B
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1s
C
A1
C
A1
A1
D
A3
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A1-
C
A3
A1
A3
C
D
A1
A1
A1-
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
Px#Px
P#x#Px
PS#px
xx#Pxx
Px#Px
xx#P#x#P
xx#P#x#P
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#pxSx
Px#x#x#P
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
P#xx#Px
xxx#Px
P#P#px
x#PXx
Px#Px
xxx#P#px
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#PXx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
P#xx#x#P
x#pxSx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
x#px#Px
px#PSx
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#xx#P
873
874
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
43.7
43.8
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
E
C
C
A1s
B
A1
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
HH II (see also under ljahttr)

1.1
a
C
ax
1.2
b
B
bx
1.3
a
A3
xa
1.4
b
A1
bx
1.5
a
C-
ax
1.6
b
A1
bx
1.7
a
C
aa
1.8
b
A1s
bx
2.1
a
A1
ax
2.2
b
C
bx
2.3
a
C-
ax
2.4
b
B
bx
2.5
a
A1
ax
2.6
b
D
bx
3.1
a
aD
aa
3.2
b
A1s
bx
3.3
a
B
ax
3.4
b
A1s
bx
3.5
a
A1
ax
3.6
b
A1
bx
3.7
a
D-
ax
3.8
b
B
bx
4.1
a
B
ax
4.2
b
C
bx
4.3
a
C
ax
4.4
b
A1
bx
4.5
a
C
ax
4.6
b
A1
bx
4.7
a
C
ax
4.8
b
C
bx
4.9
a
A3
xa
4.10
b
A1
bx
4.11
a
A1
ax
4.12
b
A1
bx
4.13
a
C
aa
4.14
b
A1-
bx
5.1
a
A3
xa
5.2
b
A1
bx
5.3
a
D
aa
5.4
b
A1
bx
5.5
a
B
ax
PS#x#P
x#pxSx
xx#P#px
PS#px
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#PXx
x#Px#P
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#P
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#px
P#xx#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#P#P
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
P#P#px
x#px#P#Px
Px#px
x#Px#P
PS#px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
pxSx
x#PxS
xx#Px#P
x#P#px
x#P#px
Px#Px
x#Pxx
Px#Px
x#px#Px
x#PXx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
px#x#Px
xxx#px#Px
PXx#P
xxxx#Px
P#x#Px
P#Psx
Px#Px
x#Px#P
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
B
A1
A3
A1
A3
C
A1
C
B
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
B
A1
A1
A1s
C-
D
B
C
B
C
C
A1
C-
C
C-
A1s
A1-
A1
A1s
A1
C
C
B
C
A3-
C-
D
C
A3
A1s
C
A1
A3
D
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
x#pxSx
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
px#x#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px
x#PSx
Px#Px
x#pxSx
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
P#xx#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#P#px
xx#P#P
P#PXx
x#Px#P
xx#px#Px
xx#Px#P
x#pxSx
x#P#px
Px#Px
xx#P#P
xx#px#Px
xxx#px#P
P#P#px
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
Px#px
Px#x#Px
x#P#px
x#px#Px
x#Px#P
x#px#Px
xxx#P
x#P#P
P#Psx
x#px#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#px
x#Psx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#Psx
875
876
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
13.9
13.10
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
19.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
D
A3
E
C
A1s
A1
C
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
A1-
B
A1
A2b
A1s
A1
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1
A3
B
D
C
C
C
C
A1
A3
A1
C
A1s
B
C
A1
A1
A1-
A1
B
A1
C-
C
A1
C-
A3
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
P#x#Px
P#Psx
xxx#Px
PSx#P
xx#PSx
PS#px
P#x#x#x#P#x
x#Psx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#x#P
x#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#PS
Px#px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
px#x#Px
xx#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
x#Px#P
px#PSx
xx#P#Px
xx#PSx
x#P#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#P#px
PS#px
xx#Px#P
x#P#Px
px#x#x#Px
Px#Px
P#xx#P
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#P#P
x#P#px
P#xx#x#Px
x#P#P
xx#Px
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
20.8
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
24.9
24.10
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
C
A1
A3-
C
D
C
A2b
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
D
A1
C
C
A1s
C
A3
A1
B
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
C
C
C
A1
A1
C
C
A1
C
A1
A3
A1s
C
A1
C
C
C
A1
C
A1
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xx#px#Px
x#Psx
Px#xx#Px
xxx#P
x#px#Px
P#Psx
x#PXx
P#x#PS
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#PXx
P#x#Px
x#P#px
x#pxSx
Px#px
x#px#Px
P#x#PS
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#PS
P#x#Px
x#Psx
Px#Px
px#x#x#Px
PxSx
xxx#Pxx
x#px#Px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#px#Px
x#PSx
Px#x#Px
x#PXx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
xxx#PXx
P#x#Px
x#P#px
x#pxSx
x#P#px
px#x#Px
xx#PXx
Px#Px
877
878
Index of scansion
25.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#PS
25.2
b
C
bx
x#pxSx
25.3
a
A1s
ax
PS#px
25.4
b
A1
bx
Px#x#Px
25.5
a
A3
xa
px#x#Px
25.6
b
A1
bx
P#xx#Px
25.7
a
A2a
aa
PS#Px
25.8
b
A1s
bx
PS#px
26.1
a
A3
xa
xxxx#Px
26.2
b
A1s
bx
PS#px
26.3
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
26.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
26.5
a
A1
ax
Px#x#Px
26.6
b
C
bx
x#pxSx
26.7
a
A1
ax
px#x#Px
26.8
b
C
bx
xx#px#Px
27.1
a
C
ax
xx#PSx
27.2
b
A1s
bx
PS#px
27.3
a
C
ax
xx#PSx
27.4
b
A1s
bx
PS#px
27.5
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
27.6
b
D
bx
PSXx
27.7
a
B
aa
x#Px#P
27.8
b
C
bx
xx#P#px
28.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
28.2
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
28.3
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
28.4
b
C
bx
x#P#Px
28.5
a
A1
aa
PXx#Px
28.6
b
A1s
bx
P#x#x#px
28.7
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
28.8
b
E
bx
PSx#P
30.1
a
A1
ax
P#x#x#Px
30.2
b
A1
bx
px#x#x#Px
30.3
a
A3
xa
xxxxx#Px
30.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
30.5
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
30.6
b
C
bx
x#pxSx
30.7
a
A1-
ax
Px#xx#P
30.8
b
A1
bx
P#x#Px
30.9
a
C
ax
x#PXx
30.10 b
B
bx
x#Px#P
31.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
31.2
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
31.3
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
31.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
31.5
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
31.6
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
31.7
31.8
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
32.7
32.8
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
33.9
33.10
33.11
33.12
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
36.7
36.8
36.9
36.10
37.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
A1
A1-
A3
B
A1
A1-
A3
C
A1
A1-
A3
B
A1
A3-
A1
B
C
D
C
A1-
C
A1
C
C
D
A1
A1
C
E
C
A1
B
C
B
A1
D
C
A1-
C
A1-
C
C
A1
A3
A1s
E
C
aA1
ax
bx
aa
xb
ax
bx
ax
xb
ax
bx
ax
xb
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
xx#Psx
Px#Px
Px#x#P
xxx#Px
x#PxS
Px#Px
Px#x#P
xxx#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#x#P
xx#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#x#Px
xxxx#P
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
x#px#Px
P#Psx
x#P#px
Px#xx#P
xxx#px#Px
P#xx#Px
x#Psx
xx#P#Px
P#Psx
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#PXx
PSx#P
x#P#Px
Px#Px
P#PxS
x#Psx
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
P#Psx
x#px#Px
Px#x#x#P
x#pxSx
P#x#x#P
xx#px#Px
xxx#px#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
PSx#P
xxx#px#Px
x#Px#Px
879
880
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
38.7
38.8
38.9
38.10
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
39.7
39.8
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
41.7
41.8
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
42.7
42.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
A1
A1
A3
C
C
A1
A3
A1
B
A1
C
C
A3
A1
A1s
C
A1
A1
B
C
C-
C
B
D*
C
A1
C
A1s
C-
C
B
C
C
A1
C
A1s
A3
C
C
A1
C
A3
A2a
A1
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
xb
aa
bx
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
x#P#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
x#PXx
x#Psx
P#x#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
x#P#px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
PS#px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
x#px#Px
xxxx#P#P
xx#P#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#P#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
xxx#PXx
PS#px
xxx#P#P
xx#P#Px
x#Px#P
xx#P#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#Px
xx#PXx
PS#px
xxx#PS
x#pxSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
px#x#Px
PS#Px
Px#P#x
42.9
42.10
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
43.7
43.8
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
44.5
44.6
44.7
44.8
44.9
44.10
44.11
44.12
45.1
45.2
45.3
45.4
45.5
45.6
45.7
45.8
45.9
45.10
45.11
45.12
46.1
46.2
46.3
46.4
46.5
46.6
46.7
46.8
46.9
46.10
46.11
46.12
47.1
47.2
47.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
C
A1
C
A2a-
A3
D
C
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1s
D
A1
B
A1
A3
C
B
A1s
D*
A1
A2a
C
A3
C
A2b
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
B
A1s
A3
A1
A3
A1
A1
A3
A1
A1
E
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
xb
aa
bx
ax
xx#Psx
Px#Px
xxxx#px
Px#Px
x#Psx
Px#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Psx
PS#P
xxx#Px
px#PSx
xx#PXx
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
PS#px
P#Psx
Px#Px
xxxx#Px#P
P#x#Px
P#x#x#PS
x#pxSx
x#Px#P
PS#px
P#x#Psx
Px#Px
PS#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#Px
x#P#px
PS#PS
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
px#x#Px
x#Px#P
PS#px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
P#xx#x#x#Px
Px#Px
PSx#P
881
882
Index of scansion
47.4
47.5
47.6
47.7
47.8
48.1
48.2
48.3
48.4
48.5
48.6
48.7
48.8
48.9
48.10
49.1
49.2
49.3
49.4
49.5
49.6
49.7
49.8
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.4
50.5
50.6
50.7
50.8
50.9
50.10
51.1
51.2
51.3
51.4
51.5
51.6
51.7
51.8
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1-
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
A1s
A1
C
A3
E
A1
A1
A3-
C
A3
A1
B
A1s
A3
A1s
C
A1s
A1-
C
E
C
C
A1
C
A1
C
E
B
C
D
E
C
A1
D*
C
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
PXx#P
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#PXx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
P#x#Px
x#pxSx
xxx#Px
PSx#P
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#P
x#pxSx
P#x#x#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
PS#px
xxx#Px
PS#px
x#PSx
PS#px
px#xx#P
x#px#Px
PSx#P
x#px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Psx
Px#Px
x#P#P#P
PSx#P
xx#Px#x#P
x#P#px
P#PXx
PSx#P
xx#Pxx
Px#x#Px
Px#Px#P
xx#px#Px
Grp
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
a
b
a
b
a
b
B
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#Psx
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
B
A1
C
A1
B
A1
A1
D
C
A1
C
A1
C-
aA1
A1
C
B
A1
C
A1
A3
A1s
B
C
A3
A1s
A3
A1
B
A1
A3
B
B
C
A1
C
C
A1
B
A1
C
A1
C
A1
C
A1
A1
C
D
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
xx#Px#P
Px#x#Px
x#P#px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#x#P
Px#x#Px
P#x#Px
P#PSx
xx#Pxx
Px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#P#P
x#P#x#Px
px#x#Px
px#PSx
x#PS#P
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
x#x#P#Px
PS#px
xx#PxS
x#Psx
xx#Px
P#x#px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#px
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#P
x#px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
xx#Psx
Px#Px
xx#P#x#x#P
PxSx
xx#pXx
Px#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
px#x#Px
x#P#px
P#Psx
883
884
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
B
C
A1
D
C
C
C
B
A1
A1
A1
C
A1s
A3
A1s
A1
C
C
A1-
D
C
D*
A1s
C
C
C
A1
B
C
A3
C
A1
A1
A1
B
A1
C
A1s
B
C
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
C
A3
D
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xx#Px#P
xx#P#px
P#x#x#Px
P#pXx
xx#P#Px
xx#P#px
x#Pxx
xxx#Px#P
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
px#x#Px
x#Psx
P#P#px
xx#Px
Px#px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
xx#P#px
PXx#P
P#Pxx
xx#px#Px
Px#pXx
P#P#px
xx#P#px
x#pxSx
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
x#pxSx
xx#Px
x#px#Px
px#x#Px
P#xx#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#px
x#Px#P
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
P#Psx
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
C
A1s
A1
A1
C
C
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
A1
C
A1
D/E
C
A1
B
C
C
A1
B
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
D*
A1s
A1
C
A1
A1s
B
C
A1
A3
A1
C
D
A1s
C
B
A1
A3
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
PS#px
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
px#x#Px
P#Px#P
x#Pxx
P#x#Px
xx#P#x#P
x#px#Px
xxx#Pxx
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#P#px
P#x#x#px
px#xx#Px
xx#P#px
px#x#Px
P#x#px
x#Px#P
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
P#Psx
px#x#px
xx#px#Px
xx#P#x#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
885
886
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
20.8
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
26.1
26.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
B
A1
C
D
B
A1
A3
A1
A1s
A1
A1-
A1s
A3
A1
A1
C
B
A1
A3
C-
C
B
A3
D/E
B
A1s
B
C
A1s
A1s
A1-
A1
A1
C
A1-
D*
D
A1
C
A1
B
C
C
B
A1-
A1
A3
D
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
P#xx#Px
xxx#P#x#P
Px#Px
xx#Psx
P#pXx
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#px
Px#Px
P#xx#P
PS#px
xxx#PS
px#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#P#px
xx#Px#P
P#x#x#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#P
xx#P#px
x#Px#P
xxx#Px
P#Px#P
xxx#Px#P
Px#px
xx#Px#P
xx#P#px
PS#px
P#x#px
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
px#x#Px
x#Pxx
P#xx#P
P#x#P#px
P#P#xx#P
PxSx
xx#pXx
Px#Px
x#Px#P
x#P#Px
xx#P#px
x#Px#P
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#Psx
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
29.8
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
32.1
32.2
32.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
E
A1
C
B
C
A1
A1
D
C
A1
A1
C
E
A1
B
C-
D
A1
A3
A1
B
A1s
B
A1
D
A1
A1-
C
A3
C-
A3
D
D*
C
A1
A1
A3
A1
A1
A1
D
A1
A3
D/E
A3
A1
A3
A1-
C
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
PS#x#P
Px#Px
xx#P#px
x#Px#P
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#Psx
xx#PSx
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
PSx#P
Px#Px
xx#P#x#P
x#P#P
P#Psx
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#P#x#P
PS#px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
P#Psx
Px#Px
P#x#x#P
xx#px#Px
xxx#Px
xxx#P#P
xxx#Px
P#pXx
Px#Px#P
xx#P#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
Px#Px
PSxx
P#xx#Px
px#xx#x#Px
P#Px#P
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#x#x#P
xx#PSx
887
888
32.4
32.5
32.6
32.7
32.8
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
36.7
36.8
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
C-
A1
C
A1
A3
C
C
A1
B
E
A1
D*
A3
A1
C
A1
E
A1
C
D
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
B
A1
A1
D*
D
D
A3
A1
A1
B
A1
A1
A1
C
C
C
A1-
A1
A1-
A1
A1
C
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
x#P#px
xxxx#P#P
Px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px
x#px#Px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
x#Px#P
PSx#P
Px#Px
P#x#P#x#P
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
x#PSx
Px#x#Px
PSx#P
Px#Px
x#Psx
P#Pxx
xx#PS
Px#Px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
Pxx#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Pxx#P
Px#Px
P#xx#x#Px
P#x#Px#P
px#Pxx
P#pXx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px#P
P#xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#px
xx#px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#x#P
Px#x#Px
P#xx#P
P#xx#Px
px#x#Px
xx#P#px
38.5
38.6
38.7
38.8
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
39.7
39.8
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
41.7
41.8
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
42.7
42.8
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
43.7
43.8
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
44.5
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
B
A1
C
B
D
A1
C-
A1-
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
B
A3
D
A1
B
A3
C
A1
A1s
B
A1
A1
A1
C-
D/E
A1s
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
C
C
D
A1
A3
A1
A1
A1
C
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
xx#PSx
Px#Px
px#x#Px
P#xx#Px
P#xx#x#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
x#pxSx
xx#Px#P
PSxx
Px#Px
xx#P#P
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
px#x#Px
x#Pxx
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#Px
P#Psx
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
P#P#px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
P#x#Px
P#xx#Px
xxxx#P#P
P#P#x#P
PS#px
P#xx#Px
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
pXx#x#Px
x#px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#P#px
px#P#x#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
P#xx#Px
x#Pxx
889
890
44.6
44.7
44.8
45.1
45.2
45.3
45.4
45.5
45.6
45.7
45.8
46.1
46.2
46.3
46.4
46.5
46.6
46.7
46.8
47.1
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
47.7
47.8
48.1
48.2
48.3
48.4
48.5
48.6
48.7
48.8
49.1
49.2
49.3
49.4
49.5
49.6
49.7
49.8
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.4
50.5
50.6
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A1
B
A1
D*
C
A1
aA2a
D
A1
A1
A3
A1s
B
A1
B
A1
A1
C
C
A1
B
A1
C
B
A1
C
A3
A1-
C
C
B
A1s
B
D*
A3
D/E
C
A1s
A3
D
C
A1
C
C
A1
A1
C
B
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bb
ax
bx
ax
bx
x#px#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#x#Px
Px#Px#P
xx#PSx
Px#Px
x#PS#Px
P#Psx
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#P#x#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Pxx
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#P#px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
x#P#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#x#x#P
xx#P#px
x#px#Px
xx#P#x#P
PS#px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px#P
xx#Px
P#P#x#P
xx#Psx
PS#px
xx#Px
P#Pxx
xx#P#px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
x#px#Px
PS#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#Pxx#P
50.7
50.8
51.1
51.2
51.3
51.4
51.5
51.6
51.7
51.8
52.1
52.2
52.3
52.4
52.5
52.6
52.7
52.8
53.1
53.2
53.3
53.4
53.5
53.6
53.7
53.8
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1
C
A1
C
C
B
A1
A1
A2b
B
D
C
C
B
C
B
C
A1
C
B
A1
A1-
A1
A1
B
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
xx#PSx
P#x#Px
x#P#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#x#PS
xx#Px#P
P#Psx
xx#P#px
x#P#Px
xx#Px#P
x#P#px
x#Px#P
xx#px#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
xxxx#Px#P
P#x#x#Px
P#xx#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Rm (see also under ljahttr)

5.1
a
A3-
xa
xx#P
5.2
b
C
bx
x#P#Px
5.3
a
A1-
ax
Px#P
5.4
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
5.5
a
C
ax
x#PXx
5.6
b
A1
bx
Px#x#Px
5.7
a
C-
ax
x#P#P
5.8
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
11.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
11.2
b
D
bx
P#Psx
11.3
a
A3-
xa
xxxx#P
11.4
b
C
bx
x#PXx
11.5
a
C-
aa
xx#P#P
11.6
b
C
bx
x#pxSx
11.7
a
D*
aa
P#x#Px#P
11.8
b
A1s
bx
P#P#px
13.1
a
A1
ax
px#x#Px
13.2
b
D
bx
P#PSx
891
892
Index of scansion
13.3
a
D*
aa
P#x#PSx
13.4
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
13.5
a
A1
aa
P#xx#Px
13.6
b
C
bx
x#P#px
13.7
a
C-
ax
xxx#P#P
13.8
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
14.1
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
14.2
b
E
bx
PSx#P
14.3
a
B
ax
xx#Px#P
14.4
b
C
bx
x#P#px
14.5
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
14.6
b
A1
bx
P#x#Px
14.7
a
C-
ax
xx#P#P
14.8
b
A1
bx
PSSx
15.1
a
A1
aa
P#xx#Px
15.2
b
A1s
bx
Px#px
15.3
a
C
ax
xx#Psx
15.4
b
D
bx
P#Pxx
15.5
a
C
ax
x#P#Px
15.6
b
A1
bx
px#x#Px
15.7
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
15.8
b
C
bx
x#P#px
16.1
a
B
ax
xx#Px#P
16.2
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
16.3
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
16.4
b
D
bx
P#PXx
16.5
a
A1s
ax
PS#px
16.6
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
16.7
a
C
ax
xx#Psx
16.8
b
A1
bx
P#x#Px
17.1
a
A3
xa
xxxx#px
17.2
b
A3
bx
x#PS
17.3
a
C
ax
xx#P#px
17.4
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
17.5
a
C
aa
x#P#px
17.6
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
17.7
a
A1s
aa
PS#px
17.8
b
A1-
bx
P#x#x#P
18.1
a
D
aa
px#Px#P
18.2
b
C
bx
xx#px#Px
18.3
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
18.4
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
18.5
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
18.6
b
A1
bx
P#x#Px
18.7
a
A1
aa
P#xx#Px
18.8
b
A1
bx
P#x#x#Px
23.1
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
23.2
b
C
bx
x#P#px
23.3
a
D
ax
P#PXx
23.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
23.5
a
C
ax
x#P#px
23.6
b
C
bx
x#P#Px
23.7
a
A1s
aa
PS#px
23.8
b
C
bx
xx#px#Px
26.1
a
B
ax
xx#Px#P
26.2
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
26.3
a
D
ax
px#PSx
26.4
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
26.5
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
26.6
b
C
bx
xx#P#px
26.7
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
26.8
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
Fm (see also under ljahttr)
32.1
a
C
aa
x#P#px
32.2
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
32.3
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
32.4
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
32.5
a
A1-
ax
P#xx#P
32.6
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
32.7
a
C
ax
xx#Psx
32.8
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
33.1
a
A3
xa
xx#px
33.2
b
A1-
bx
P#x#x#P
33.3
a
B
ax
x#Px#P
33.4
b
C
bx
xx#px#Px
33.5
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
33.6
b
A1s
bx
P#P#px
33.7
a
B
ax
x#Px#P
33.8
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
35.1
a
A1-
ax
P#xx#P
35.2
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
35.3
a
A1s
ax
PS#px
35.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
35.5
a
A1-
ax
Px#x#x#P
35.6
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
35.7
a
C-
ax
xxx#P#P
35.8
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
36.1
a
A3-
xa
xxx#P
36.2
b
A1-
bx
PxS
36.3
a
C
ax
xx#P#px
36.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
36.5
a
B
ax
xx#Px#P
36.6
b
C
bx
x#P#px
Index of scansion
893
894
Index of scansion
36.7
a
B
ax
xx#Px#P
36.8
b
A1
bx
P#x#Px
40.1
a
A1s
ax
P#x#px
40.2
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
40.3
a
C
ax
xx#pXx
40.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
40.5
a
A1
ax
P#x#x#Px
40.6
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
40.7
a
A1
aa
Px#Px
40.8
b
C
bx
xx#px#Px
41.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
41.2
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
41.3
a
A1-
ax
P#xx#P
41.4
b
D
bx
PSXx
41.5
a
C
ax
xxx#P#px
41.6
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
41.7
a
aA1s
ax
x#Px#px
41.8
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
42.1
a
A3-
xa
P#x#x#P
42.2
b
A1
bx
PxSx
42.3
a
A1
aa
P#x#x#Px
42.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
42.5
a
C
aa
x#px#Px
42.6
b
A1
bx
px#x#Px
42.7
a
C
ax
x#PSx
42.8
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
43.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
43.2
b
A1s
bx
PS#px
43.3
a
C
ax
x#P#px
43.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
43.5
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
43.6
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
43.7
a
A1s
aa
PS#px
43.8
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
44.1
a
C-
ax
xx#P#P
44.2
b
A1
bx
P#x#Px
44.3
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
44.4
b
E
bx
PSx#P
44.5
a
C
ax
xx#PSx
44.6
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
44.7
a
A1-
ax
PXx#P
44.8
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
Sd (not included in the corpus; see also under ljahttr)
1.1
a
C
aa
x#P#Px
1.2
b
aA1
bx
x#P#x#Px
1.3
a
B
ax
x#Px#x#P
1.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px

Index of scansion
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
E
A1
D
D
A1-
A1s
A1
C
A3
C
A1
C
aA1
aA1s
aA2b
aA2a
B
C
aA1
C
aA1
C
C-
aA1s
aA1
C
aA1
aA1s
aA1
aA1
aA1
C
aA1
C
aA1
C
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xx
bb
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
PSx#P
P#x#Px
P#PSx
P#pXx
P#xx#x#P
PS#px
Px#Px
x#pxSx
P#x#x#Px
x#Psx
Px#Px
x#pxSx
x#Px#x#Px
xxxx#PXx#px
x#Px#PS
xx#PS#Px
xx#Px#x#P
xx#P#Px
x#Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#P#P
xx#Px#px
x#Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#Px#Px
xx#Px#px
x#px#x#x#Px
xx#Px#Px
x#Px#x#Px
x#pxSx
x#Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#Px#Px
xx#px#Px
Br
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
C
B
A1
A3
A1
A1
A1
B
C
A1
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
xxx#px
x#px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#xP
xx#px#Px
Px#Px

895
896
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
D
A3
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
B
A1
C
C
C
C
A3
A1
B
A1
A1s
A1
A1
D
A1
A1
A3
C
A3
A1
A3
D/E
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
A2a
A1s
A1
A2b
C
A3
A1
A1
A1
A1s
A1
C
A1
A3-
C
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
P#Psx
xxx#PS
P#x#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#PSx
Px#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
px#P#px
px#P#px
px#PSx
x#px#Px
xx#Px
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
Px#x#px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
P#Pxx
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#PS
x#px#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#P#x#P
xxx#px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
PS#Px
P#xx#px
Px#Px
px#x#P#P
xx#P#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
Px#x#Px
P#xx#px
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#Px
xxx#P
xx#P#Px
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
C
C
C
A1
A1
A3
A2a
A1
B
A1
A1
B
A1
A3
A1
D
A1
A1
D*
A1s
A1
A1
A1
C
A1s
A1
C
A1
A1-
A1
A1
D
A1
A3
A1
A1-
C
A3
A1
D
C
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
C
A1-
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xxP#px
x#PSx
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#PS
P#P#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#xx#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
P#Px#P
Px#Px
px#xx#Px
Px#pXx
PS#px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
xx#PSx
PS#px
Pxx#Px
xx#px#Px
P#xx#Px
Px#P
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#Psx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#P
xx#P#px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
P#PXx
x#P#Px
px#x#xx#px#x
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
P#xx#P
897
898
Index of scansion
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
16.9
16.10
16.11
16.12
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
C
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
E
C
C
D
A1
B
C
D
A1
C
A3
B
B
A1
A3-
A1
B
A1
B
C
A1-
A1
D
A1
A1
B
E
A1
A1s
C
A1
A1
C
A1
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
Px#Px
xx#PXx
Px#x#Px
xx#PXx
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
P#x#Px
P#P#x#P
xx#px#Px
xx#P#px
P#Psx
Px#Px
x#Px#P
xx#P#px
P#PXx
Px#Px
xx#Psx
xxx#Px
x#Px#P
xx#Px#x#P
Px#Px
xxxxxxx#P
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
x#Px#P
x#px#Px
Px#x#P
P#x#Px
P#Psx
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
PS#x#P
Px#Px
PS#px
x#px#Px
Px#xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
Px#Px
Gr I
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3
A1
C
C
A3
B
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xxx#PS
Px#x#Px
xx#P#PS
xx#pXx
xxx#Px
x#Px#P
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
4.9
4.10
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
B
C
A3
E
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
aA1
D
C
C
A3
A1
A1
D
C
A1s
A1
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
A3
C
C
C
A3
A1
D*
A1
C
A1-
A1
C
A1
A1-
A3
A1-
A1
C
A1
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
x#Px#P
x#px#Px
xx#Px
PSx#P
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#PS
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#PSx
x#Px#Px
P#Psx
xx#PXx
x#px#Px
xx#PS
Px#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
px#PXx
xxx#P#px
PS#px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
xx#PS
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#Px
x#Psx
x#P#Px
xxx#PS
PxS#Px
px#x#Pxx
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
Px#P
P#x#Px
x#P#Px
px#x#Px
Px#P
xx#Px
P#x#P
Px#Px
x#Psx
P#xx#x#Px
899
900
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A3
A2a
B
D
aD
D
A3
C
D
A1
A1
C
A1-
A1
B
C
B
A1
C
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
C
C
C
A3
A1
A1
C-
A1
A1s
A3
C
A1
C
C
C-
A1
D*
C
A1
A2b
A1
B
A1
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
P#xx#x#Px
P#xx#x#Px
PS#Px
xx#P#x#P
P#Pxx
xx#P#P#Px
px#Pxx
xxx#Px
x#Psx
P#Pxx
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#px#Px
Px#P
Px#Px
x#Px#P
x#PSx
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#Psx
Px#x#Px
x#PSx
Px#Px
xx#PS
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#Px
x#Psx
x#P#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
xx#P#P
Px#Px
PS#px
xxxxx#Px
x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
x#pXx
x#P#Px
x#P#P
Px#x#Px
Px#P#x#P
xx#Pxx
Px#Px
P#x#PS
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
17.9
17.10
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
A1
A1s
A1
C
A1
D
D
C
A1-
C
A1
C
A1
B
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
A1-
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A1-
C
A1s
C
A3
C
C-
C
A1-
C
B
A1
A1
A1
A3
C-
A1
C
A1
C
D
C
C
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bb
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
Px#Px
Px#Px
PS#px
Px#Px
x#P#PS
P#x#Px
P#Pxx
P#Pxx
x#P#px
P#x#x#P
x#P#PS
Px#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
Px#xx#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#P
xxx#pXx
P#x#x#px
x#px#Px
xxx#PS
x#px#Px
xxxx#P#P
x#P#px
PxS
xx#PXx
x#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
x#P#P
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
xx#pXx
P#Psx
xx#px#Px
xx#px#Px
901
902
20.6
20.7
20.8
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
21.9
21.10
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
24.9
24.10
24.11
24.12
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
A3
C
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1s
C
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1
A1-
A1
A3
A1
A3
E
A3
A1
A2b
A1
D
C
B
A1
D-
D
A3
A1-
A3
A1
C
A1
C
A1-
A3-
A1
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
xxxx#Px
x#px#Px
xx#pXx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#px
Pxx#px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
P#x#x#P
P#x#Px
xx#PS
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
PSx#P
xxx#PS
Px#Px
px#x#PS
Px#Px
P#PXx
xxx#P#px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
P#Px
P#pXx
x#PS
Px#P
xxx#PS
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
Px#P
xxxx#P
Px#Px
Index of scansion
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1s
A3-
A1
A3
2
A1-
A1
D
A1
A1
A1
B
C
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
P#x#Px
PS#px
xxxx#P
Px#Px
xx#Px
P#P
P#x#x#P
Px#x#Px
P#PSx
Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#x#P
x#pXx
Sg
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
4.9
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A3
A1
A1
B
A1
A1
A1
A1s
D-
C
C
A1
A1s
A3
A1
C
A3
aA1
D*
C
A2b
C
A3
A1
C
A1
D
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
xb
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
xxx#px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
PxSx
P#xx#Px
x#Px#P
PSx#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
P#P#px
px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
P#x#x#px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
xx#Px#Px
P#x#PXx
xx#P#Px
Px#PS
x#px#Px
xx#px
Px#Px
x#P#px
Px#x#x#Px
P#PSx
903
904
4.10
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
8.9
8.10
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A3
A1
C
A1-
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
A1-
A3-
A1
A3
A3
D
A1
A1-
A1-
A3
A3
A1
B
A1
A1-
A1
A1-
A3
A1-
A3
A1
A1
D
A1
A1
A3
B
A3
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
C
C
C
B
C
A1
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xx
xx
xa
xb
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
xb
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xx#px#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Psx
Px#P
P#x#x#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#P
xxx#P
P#x#Px
px#x#x#px
xxx#Px
P#PSx
P#x#Px
P#xx#P
Px#xx#P
P#x#x#PS
xx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px#P
P#x#x#Px
P#x#P
Px#x#Px
Px#P
xx#PS
Px#x#P
xxx#px
P#x#Px
px#x#Px
P#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
x#Px#P
xxx#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
xx#px#Px
x#PXx
xx#P#px
xx#Px#P
x#PSx
Px#Px

11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
11.9
11.10
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
13.9
13.10
13.11
13.12
13.13
13.14
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
14.9
14.10
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
C
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
D
A1
C
A1
C
D
D*
B
A1
A3
A1-
A3
A1-
A3
A1
A3
A1s
A1
E
A3
A1-
A3
A1
A3
A1
B
D
A2b
A1
C
C
A1
A1
A3
A1
A3
C
A3
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xx
xx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
P#Pxx
Px#x#Px
x#P#px
P#x#Px
x#Pxx
P#Px#P
P#x#Px#P
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#P
xxxx#Px
Px#P
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#px
Px#px
Px#x#Px
PSx#P
xx#Px
Px#P
xx#pxS
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#Psx
P#x#x#PS
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px

905
906
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
18.9
18.10
18.11
18.12
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
20.8
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
C
A1
C
A1
A1
A2a
A1-
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1
B
A1
A3
A1s
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
C
C
C
D
A3
A1
A1
D
A3
A1
A1
A1
A3
D
A3
D
A3
E
B
D
A3
D
A2a-
C
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bb
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
Px#Px
x#pXx
Px#Px
x#PXx
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
PS#Px
px#xx#P
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xxxxx#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
xx#Px
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
PxSx
Px#Px
x#P#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#PSx
P#Psx
xxx#PS
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
PSxx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
PSSx
xx#Px
P#pXx
xx#Px
PS#x#P
x#Px#P
PSSx
xx#PS
P#Pxx
PS#P
x#px#Px
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
29.1
29.2
29.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1-
C
A1
D*
B
A1-
A2b
C
A1-
C
C
A1-
C
A1
A1
A1-
C
A1-
A2b
C
D
C
A1
A1
A3
C
C
A1-
C
A2a-
A3
C
A1-
A1
A3
B
A2b
A1
A1-
C-
A3
A1-
A3
A1
A3
D/E
A1
C
A1
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
P#x#x#P
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px#P
x#PxS
P#x#x#P
Px#x#PS
x#pXx
Px#P
x#pXx
xx#Pxx
Px#P
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#P
x#Psx
P#x#x#P
Pxx#PS
x#Pxx
P#PSx
x#P#px
P#x#x#Px
PxSx
xxx#Px
x#PSx
x#P#px
P#x#P
x#P#px
PS#P
xxx#Px
x#P#px
Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#PS
Px#Px
P#xx#P
x#P#P
xx#Px
P#xx#P
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#Px#P
px#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
907
908
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
29.8
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
31.9
31.10
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
32.7
32.8
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
35.1
35.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
B
A1-
B
A1
A3
A1
A1
B
A3
A1
A1-
A1
A3
D
A1-
A1s
A1
C
D
B
A1
C-
B
A1
B
A1
C
A1-
A1
C
A1
C
A3
A1
A3
D
C
A1
A1
A1
A3
C
A3-
C
A2a-
C
B
C
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#x#P
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#PS
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#PSx
Pxx#x#P
PS#px
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
P#Px#P
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#P#P
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#P
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#P#x#xx#Px
xxx#Psx
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
P#Pxx
x#P#px
P#x#Px
Px#x#x#x#Px
P#xx#Px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
xxxx#P
x#PSx
PS#P
x#px#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#P#Px
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
36.7
36.8
36.9
36.10
36.11
36.12
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
37.9
37.10
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
38.7
38.8
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
39.7
39.8
39.9
39.10
40.1
40.2
40.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
ax
xx#PXx
A3
xb
xxx#Px
A1
ax
P#x#Px
D
bx
PsXx
B
ax
x#Px#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
ax
xx#Px#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
ax
x#Px#P
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A1
ax
P#x#Px
C
bx
xxx#px#Px
B
ax
x#Px#P
A1-
bx
Px#P
C
aa
xxx#PSx
A1
bx
Px#Px
C
aa
xx#PSx
A1
bx
Px#Px
A3
xa
xxx#Px
A1-
bx
P#x#x#P
A3
xa
xxxx#px
C
bx
xx#P#Px
A1
aa
P#x#Px
B
bx
x#Px#P
A1-
aa
P#xx#P
A1s
bx
PS#px
A1
aa
Px#Px
C
bx
x#px#Px
A3
xa
xx#Px
A2a
bx
PS#Px
B
aa
xx#P#x#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
ax
Px#Px
D
bx
px#PSx
B
ax
xx#Px#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1-
aa
P#xx#P
lacking
B
ax
xx#Px#P
C
bx
x#px#Px
A3
xa
xxxx#Px
A1-
bx
P#x#P
B
ax
xx#Px#P
C
bx
x#Psx
B
ax
x#Px#P
D
bx
PsXx
A1
aa
Px#Px
C
bx
x#PXx
A3
xa
xxx#Px
909
910
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
42.7
42.8
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
44.5
44.6
44.7
44.8
44.9
44.10
44.11
44.12
45.1
45.2
45.3
45.4
45.5
45.6
45.7
45.8
45.9
45.10
45.11
45.12
46.1
46.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
D
A1
A1
B
A2a
B
A1s
A1-
A1
A3
A1
A3
D
C
A1
A3
A3
B
A1
A1
A1-
A1
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
A1
C
A3
A1s
A3
C
A1-
A1
A1
A2a
A1
A1
C
A1
B
C
C
E
A1
C
C
E
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
xb
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
P#Psx
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
PS#Px
x#Px#P
PS#px
PXx#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
P#PXx
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px
xx#Px
x#Px#P
Px#x#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#P
Px#P#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#px
xxx#Px
PS#px
xx#Px
x#P#px
P#xx#P
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
PS#Px
Px#P#Px
Px#Px
xx#Psx
Px#Px
x#P#x#P
x#P#Px
x#P#px
PSx#P
Px#Px
x#Psx
xx#PSx
PSx#P
46.3
46.4
47.1
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
47.7
47.8
48.1
48.2
48.3
48.4
49.1
49.2
49.3
49.4
49.5
49.6
49.7
49.8
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.4
50.5
50.6
50.7
50.8
51.1
51.2
51.3
51.4
51.5
51.6
51.7
51.8
52.1
52.2
52.3
52.4
52.5
52.6
53.1
53.2
53.3
53.4
53.5
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
E
B
C
A1
A1
D*
C
A1
A3
C
B
C
A3
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
B
A2a
A1
C
C
A1
C
A1s
A1
A1-
A3
C
B
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
B
A1
A1
B
D
A1
B
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xx
xx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
xx#P#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
PSx#P
xx#P#x#P
xx#Pxx
Px#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px#P
x#PSx
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px
xx#P#px
x#Px#P
x#P#Px
xx#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#P
PS#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
xx#Psx
P#x#Px
xx#PXx
PS#px
P#x#Px
P#x#x#P
xxx#P#Px
x#PSx
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xxx#P#px
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
P#PSx
Px#Px
xx#Px#P

911
912
53.6
53.7
53.8
54.1
54.2
54.3
54.4
54.5
54.6
55.1
55.2
55.3
55.4
55.5
55.6
56.1
56.2
56.3
56.4
56.5
56.6
56.7
56.8
56.9
56.10
57.1
57.2
57.3
57.4
57.5
57.6
58.1
58.2
58.3
58.4
58.5
58.6
58.7
58.8
58.9
58.10
59.1
59.2
59.3
59.4
60.1
60.2
60.3
60.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
C
A1
A2b
A1
C
C
A1
B
C
A1
C
B
A1s
A1
D*
D*
A1
A1
A3
A1s
A3
A1
C
A1-
A1
C
A3
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
B
A1
A3
C
A3
C
B
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1s
A1
A1
B
A1
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
P#x#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
P#xx#x#PS
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#px
x#pXx
Px#Px
x#Px#P
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Pxx
xx#Px#P
PS#px
Px#Px
px#xx#PSx
Px#Pxx
Px#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
Px#P
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
px#x#Px
P#xx#x#Px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#px
xxx#Px
x#P#Px
xx#P#x#P
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
60.5
60.6
60.7
60.8
60.9
60.10
61.1
61.2
61.3
61.4
61.5
61.6
61.7
61.8
62.1
62.2
62.3
62.4
62.5
62.6
62.7
62.8
63.1
63.2
63.3
63.4
63.5
63.6
64.1
64.2
64.3
64.4
64.5
64.6
64.7
64.8
65.1
65.2
65.3
65.4
65.5
65.6
65.7
65.8
65.9
65.10
66.1
66.2
66.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
C
A3
A1-
A1
B
A2b
A1
A2a
A1
A3
A1-
B
A1
A1-
B
B
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1
C
A1s
C
A1
A1-
C
A3
A1-
B
A1s
C
D
C
A1
A1-
A1
A3
A1s
A3
A1
A3
A2a-
A3
C
A1-
A1
A2b
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xxxx#PS
Px#x#P
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#xx#PS
Px#Px
PS#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#P
xx#Px#x#P
P#x#Px
PS#xx#x#P
xx#Px#P
x#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Px
PxSx
xxx#PSx
Px#px
xx#PSx
Px#x#Px
Px#P
x#pXx
xxxx#Px
Px#P
xx#PxS
PS#px
xx#P#px
P#pXx
xx#PSx
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#P#px
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
xxxx#Px
PS#P
xx#Px
x#pXx
Px#x#x#x#P
Px#x#Px
pxS#P#P
913
914
Index of scansion
66.4
66.5
66.6
67.1
67.2
67.3
67.4
67.5
67.6
67.7
67.8
68.1
68.2
68.3
68.4
68.5
68.6
68.7
68.8
69.1
69.2
69.3
69.4
69.5
69.6
69.7
69.8
70.1
70.2
70.3
70.4
70.5
70.6
70.7
70.8
71.1
71.2
71.3
71.4
71.5
71.6
71.7
71.8
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A3
C
A3
C
A1
A1
A1
C
B
C
A3
D
A2a-
C
A3
A1s
B
A1
D*
C
A2a
A1
A3
A1s
C-
A3
A3
D
A1
A1
A2a-
C
B
A1
A1-
A1
C
A2a
A1-
A1
A1
A1
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
xb
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
x#px#Px
xxxx#Px
x#P#Px
xxxx#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
x#P#Px
xx#Px#P
x#Pxx
xxxxxx#Px
P#Psx
PS#P
x#P#px
xxx#Px
P#P#px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px#P
x#P#Px
PS#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#px
xxx#P#P
Px#px
xxxx#Px
P#PSx
Px#Px
Px#Px
PS#P
x#pXx
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
P#xx#P
Px#x#Px
xx#P#px
PS#Px
Px#P
Px#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Hlr
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
a
b
a
b
A3
A1
A1
A1
xa
bx
ax
bx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
8.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1-
A1
A3
D
A3
C
A1s
A1
C-
C
A1
A1s
A1-
A1
A3
C
A1
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
A3
C
C
A1
B
A1
E
C
B
A1
A1
C
C
A1s
A1
C
D*
C
B
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A3
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
P#xx#P
Px#x#Px
xx#Px
P#PXx
xxx#Px
x#PSx
PS#px
Px#Px
xxx#P#P
xx#px#Px
P#x#Px
P#P#px
Px#xx#P
P#x#Px
xx#Px
x#PXx
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#PS
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
xxPx#P
P#x#Px
PSx#P
xx#px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
PxSx
x#Psx
x#px#Px
PS#px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#Px#P
xx#px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Psx
Px#xx#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
915
916
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
E
A1
B
A1
A3
E
A3
C
A1
A1
A3
A1
B
A1
C-
A1
A1
D
C-
A1
B
B
C
D
B
A1
A1-
A1
A1s
C
A1
C
A3
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
B
C
B
C
A3
A1
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
x#PSx
PSx#P
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PS#x#P
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#P#P
PxSx
Px#Px
P#P#px
xxx#P#P
px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#P
x#P#px
PSSx
x#Px#P
Px#Px
P#xx#x#P
Px#Px
Px#px
x#PXx
Px#x#x#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
xx#pXx
Px#x#Px
x#P#x#x#P
xx#Pxx
xx#Px#P
x#PSx
xxx#PS
P#x#Px
Index of scansion
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1
A3
A1
D-
D*
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
px#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
px#px
Px#PxS
Gr II
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
A1
A1
A3
A3
A1
A1
D
A1s
C
C-
C
C
aA1
C
C
aA1
A1-
B
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1-
A3
A1
C
C
D*
C
A1
A1
C-
C
A1
A1
C
aa
bx
aa
xb
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#Px
xxxx#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#pXx
P#x#px
x#px#Px
xxx#P#P
x#px#Px
xx#P#PS
x#Px#Px
xx#P#PS
x#P#Px
x#P#xPx
Px#P
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
px#x#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#px
Px#Px
px#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#px
P#xx#P
P#xx#pxS
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#pXx
P#x#PXx
x#px#Px
PxSx
P#x#x#Px
xxx#px#P
xx#P#Px
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#Pxx
917
918
6.2
6.3
6.4
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
11.9
11.10
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A3
E
A1
A3
C
A1
A3
B
A1s
C
A3
C
B
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1
A1s
C
A1
A1
D
C
A3
A1
B
A1
C
E
C
A1
A3
B
B
C
C
C
A1-
A1s
B
C
bx
xa
bx
ax
xb
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xx#px#Px
xxx#Px
PS#x#P
Pxx#Px
xxx#Px
x#pXx
Px#Px
xx#Px
x#Px#P
PS#px
x#px#Px
xxx#px
x#Psx
x#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#P#px
xx#px#Px
pxx#Px
Px#Px
P#P#px
x#px#Px
xxx#PS
Px#x#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#P#px
PSx#P
x#P#px
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
x#Px#P
x#Px#P
x#px#Px
xx#P#Px
x#pXx
P#xx#P
PS#px
xx#Px#P
xx#pXx
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
12.9
12.10
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
17.9
17.10
17.11
17.12
18.1
18.2
18.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
ax
xx#Px#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
ax
xx#Px#P
B
bx
x#Px#P
A1
aa
P#x#x#Px
A1s
bx
P#P#px
C-
aa
xx#P#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
ax
P#x#x#Px
D
bx
P#Pxx
D
ax
P#Pxx
C
bx
x#PSx
A3
xa
xxx#Px
D
bx
PSxx
D
aa
px#PXx
C
bx
x#px#Px
A3
xa
xxxx#Px
C
bx
xx#px#Px
C
ax
xx#PSx
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
Px#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A2b
aa
PS#PS
A1
bx
Px#Px
D
ax
P#PSx
A1
bx
px#x#Px
A1
aa
Px#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
Px#x#x#Px
A3
xb
xxx#Px
A2b
aa
px#x#PS
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A3
xa
xx#PS
A1s
bx
Px#px
A1
aa
P#x#xx#Px
lacking
C
aa
x#P#Px
C
bx
x#px#Px
D
ax
PSxx
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A3-
xa
xxx#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
C
aa
xx#P#px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
P#x#Px
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A1
ax
px#x#Px
919
920
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
18.9
18.10
18.11
18.12
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
19.9
19.10
19.11
19.12
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
20.8
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
B
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
A1s
C
A1s
C
A1-
A1
A1s
C
A1
A1
A1
C
A1-
A1
A1
C
B
A1
A1
C
A2b
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
E
C
A3
A1s
A1
A1
A2a-
D
D
A2a
A3
A1s
D
C
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xx#px#Px
x#Px#x#P
x#px#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
px#x#Px
x#Psx
PS#px
x#pxSx
PS#px
x#pxSx
P#xx#P
Px#Px
PS#px
xx#px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
P#xx#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#x#PS
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
PSx#P
x#pxSx
xxx#Px
P#P#px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
PS#P
P#PXx
P#Psx
PS#Px
xxx#Px
P#P#px
P#P#px
x#px#Px
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1s
A1
A1s
C
A3
C
D-
E
D*
C
B
A1
A2b
A1
A2a-
C
A1
A1s
A1
C
A1
C
C
C
A1
A1
A1
C
A1-
C
C
A1
A1-
C
A1
C
A1
A1
C
A1
A3
C
A2b
C
A3
A1
C
A1
D
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
PS#px
Px#Px
P#P#px
xxx#px#Px
xx#Px
x#px#Px
P#px
PS#x#P
Px#pXx
x#P#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#PS
P#x#Px
P#P#P
xx#px#Px
Px#Px
PS#px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#px#P#P
xxx#px#Px
P#xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
P#xx#P
x#px#Px
x#PSx
Px#Px
px#xx#P
x#P#Px
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
Pxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
xx#px#Px
px#x#PS
xx#px#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
x#Psx
Px#Px
P#pXx
921
922
29.6
29.7
29.8
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
31.9
31.10
31.11
31.12
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1s
A1s
A3
D
A1
C
A3
C
A1s
C
A3
A1
D
D/E
A3
A1
A3
A1
A3
C
A1s
A1
A2b
A1
C
A1
C
A1
A1-
A1
A2b
C
A1
C
A3
C
A3
A1s
A1-
A1
C
C
A3
A1s
C
A3
C
A1s
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
xb
ax
bx
Px#Px
PS#px
PS#px
xxxx#Px
PSXx
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
xx#P#px
PS#px
xxx#px#Px
xxx#Px
PxSx
PSxx
P#Px#P
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#Psx
PS#px
Px#Px
PXx#PS
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#x#P
Px#Px
PS#PS
xx#P#Px
Px#x#P#x
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
x#pXx
xxx#Px
Px#px
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
x#P#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
P#P#px
x#P#Px
px#x#Px
x#P#px
P#P#px
35.7
35.8
35.9
35.10
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
38.7
38.8
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
39.7
39.8
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
41.7
41.8
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
B
A1
B
A1s
C
A1
D
C
A1
C
D
C
C
A1
E
A1
A3
A1
E
A1
A3
C
B
A1
A3
A1
A1
C-
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
E
A1
C
A1s
A1
A1
A1
D
A1
A1
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px#P
P#P#px
x#PSx
Px#Px
P#P#px
xx#P#px
Px#x#Px
xx#px#Px
P#P#px
x#P#Px
xx#Pxx
Px#Px
PSx#P
Px#x#x#Px
xxxx#PS
Px#Px
PSx#P
Px#x#x#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#Px
x#P#x#P
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#P
xxxxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Pxx
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
px#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
PSx#P
Px#xx#x#Px
x#px#Px
PS#px
Px#Px
Px#x#x#x#Px
Px#Px
P#Psx
Px#Px
P#xx#x#Px
923
924
Index of scansion
42.6
42.7
42.8
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
43.7
43.8
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A1s
A1
A3
C
C
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
C
E
A1
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
x#px#Px
Px#px
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
x#PXx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
xx#px#Px
PS#x#P
P#x#x#Px
Gr III
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3
D/E
B
aA1
A3
A1
C
C
A3
A1
A3
A1
A3
C
C
A1
C-
A1
A3
A1
B
A1
B
A1
C
A1
D
A1
A1
A1
B
A1
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xxx#Px
P#Px#P
xx#P#x#P
x#P#x#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
x#P#px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#PS
xx#px#Px
x#Pxx
Px#Px
xxx#P#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#PS#P
Px#Px
x#P#x#P
Px#Px
xxx#Pxx
Px#Px
px#PSx
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
px#x#Px
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3
C
aA1
A1
A3
C
A1
A1
A1
E
A1
D
A1
C
C
C
A1
A1
A1
A1-
A1
A1s
B
A1
A1-
A1
B
A1
A1
A1
D
C
A1
A1
B
D
A3
C
C
A1
D
A3
A1
D
A3-
aA1
A2b
A1
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
xb
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xx#PS
x#P#px
xx#P#x#Px
Px#px#Px
xxxx#Px
xx#Pxx
Px#x#x#Px
PxSx
Px#x#Px
PSx#P
P#x#Px
P#PXx
P#Px#Px
x#P#Px
x#P#px
x#px#Px
Px#x#Px
Pxx#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#P
Px#xx#Px
P#P#px
xxx#P#x#P
Px#Px
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
xx#P#x#P
PxSx
P#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
PXxx
xx#P#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
P#PSx
xx#Px
x#P#Px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
px#P#Px
xxx#px
P#x#x#Px
P#Pxx
xxx#P
x#Px#Px
P#x#PS
Px#Px
925
926
Od
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
3.9
3.10
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3
C
B
B
A1
C
A2a
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
D
A3
A1
C
A2a
B
D
B
E
A1
B
A3
D/E
A3-
A3
B
A1-
A3
C
A2b
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A2a
D
B
A1
A2a
C
A1
A1
B
A1
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bb
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
xb
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
x#P#x#P
x#PxS
Px#Px
x#P#px
PS#Px
Px#Px
xx#PS
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PSxx
xx#Px
px#x#Px
xx#P#px
PS#Px
xx#Px#P
P#PXx
xx#P#x#P
PSx#P
Px#x#Px
x#Px#P
xxx#Px
P#P#x#P
xx#P
x#Px
xx#P#x#P
PxS
xx#PS
x#px#Px
px#x#PS
Px#x#x#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#PSx
Px#Px
PS#Px
P#PSx
x#Px#P
Px#Px
P#P#Px
xxx#px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#P#x#P
Px#x#Px
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
10.9
10.10
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
14.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A2b
A2b
A1
C
B
A2a
A1
C
A3
D
B
A1
B
A1
A1
B
B
A1
A1-
B
B
D
A1
C
C
A1
C
A1
A2b
C
A3
D/E
B
C
B
aA1
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
A3
A1s
B
C
C
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
P#x#PS
P#x#PS
Px#Px
x#PSx
xx#P#x#P
PS#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
P#PSx
xxx#Px#P
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
Px#x#x#P
x#Px#P
xx#Px#P
P#Pxx
P#x#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#PSx
Px#Px
xx#PXx
Px#Px
P#xx#PS
x#Psx
xxxx#Px
P#P#x#P
xx#Px#P
x#PXx
xx#Px#P
x#Px#Px
P#x#P#x
Px#x#x#Px
xxx#Pxx
Px#Px
P#Px#pXx
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
x#Px#P
x#px#Px
xx#P#px
927
928
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
B
D
C
A1
C
A2a
C
A3
A1
D
A3
A3
A1
C
D
C
D
A3
A1
A3
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A3
B
D
C
C
A1
C
A1
C
aA2a
D/E
C
A3
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
A1s
A3
C
C
A1
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
xb
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
x#Px#P
P#Pxx
x#px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#P#px
P#P#Px
xxx#px#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
P#P#px
xx#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
px#PSx
xx#PSx
P#P#px
xxxx#PS
Px#Px
xxxxx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
xx#px#Px
PS#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#x#P
P#Pxx
x#Psx
xx#px#Px
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
x#P#px
xx#PS#Px
px#P#x#P
x#PSx
xx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#P#px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#P#px
xxx#Px
x#pXx
xx#Pxx
P#x#Px
20.3
20.4
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
27.1
27.2
27.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
aA2a
A1
A1
C
D-
A1-
D-
A1s
C
B
A1
D
C
A3
C
C
C
A1
A1
C
A1
B
A1
A1
C
C
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
B
A1
A3
aA1
B
A1
A1
A1
B
A1
C
A1
C
D
C
A1
C
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
Px#Px
x#PS#Px
px#x#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
P#PS
P#x#x#x#P
P#PS
PS#px
xx#px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
P#Pxx
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#P#Px
x#Psx
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
x#P#px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#Px
xxx#px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
px#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#Psx
Px#Px
x#Pxx
P#Pxx
xx#PSx
Px#Px
xxx#P#px
929
930
27.4
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
29.8
29.9
29.10
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
32.7
32.8
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
34.1
34.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1
D
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
C
A1
C
A1
B
B
A1s
C
A3
C
A3
A1
D*
A1
A3
A1
A3
D
B
A1
A3
D
A1
A3
C
A1
C
A1
D
B
E
A1
C
A1
A1
B
A1
B
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
xb
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
PSXx
xxx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#PS
Px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
x#PSx
Px#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
xxx#Px#P
x#Px#P
PS#px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
x#PSx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#PSx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
P#P#px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#PXx
Px#Px
xxx#Px
x#Pxx
P#x#Px
xxx#Pxx
Px#Px
P#Px#P
xx#Px#P
PSx#P
Px#Px
xx#Psx
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px#P
Index of scansion
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
D/E
A1
A1s
C
A3
D
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
P#P#x#P
P#x#Px
P#x#px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
P#PSx
Ghv
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
2.9
2.10
2.11
2.12
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
3.9
3.10
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
4.9
4.10
5.1
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
D
A1s
C
C
A1
A1
A1s
A3
C
B
A1
B
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
D
A1
A3
C
C
A3
A1-
A1
C
A1
B
D
A3
C
A1-
D*
C
A1-
A1
C
C
C
A1-
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
xb
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xx
xxx#Px
PSXx
P#P#px
x#px#Px
x#Psx
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
PS#px
x#px
x#px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#x#Px
x#PxS
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Psx
P#Psx
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
x#Pxx
xx#P#Px
xx#Px
Px#xx#P
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
PsXx
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
P#xx#P
Px#P#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#P
P#xx#Px
xx#PSx
Px#x#P#Px
Px#x#PSx
Px#P
931
932
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
8.9
8.10
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
D-
A1
B
D
A1
C
A2b
A1
D
C
A1
C
A3
C
A3
C
C-
A1
A1s
C
A3
aA1
C
C
D*
A1
C
C
A3
A1
A1-
B
A1
A1
A1s
A1
A1s
A1
C
C
A1
A1
D-
A1
xx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#Px
PxSx
PSx
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
PsXx
px#x#x#Px
x#PSx
PXx#PS
P#x#Px
P#pXx
x#px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
xxx#P#P
Px#x#Px
PS#px
x#PSx
xx#Px
x#P#x#Px
x#PSx
x#px#Px
PS#PXx
Px#Px
xx#Pxx
x#px#Px
xx#Px
PxSx
Px#P
x#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
P#xx#x#Px
P#x#x#px
px#x#Px
P#x#x#px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
P#Px
P#x#Px
11.5
11.6
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
16.9
16.10
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
ax
xx#PXx
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
Px#Px
A1
bx
P#x#x#x#Px
A3
xa
xxx#Px
A1
bx
P#x#Px
C
aa
xx#P#px
C
bx
x#PXx
A1
ax
P#x#x#Px
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A3
xx
xxx#Px
D
xx
P#P#Px
A1
ax
Px#x#x#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
ax
xx#P#x#P
C
bx
x#px#Px
A3-
xa
xxx#P
A3
xb
xxxx#Px
A1
ax
Px#Px
D
bx
PsXx
A1-
aa
P#x#x#P
A1
bx
PxSx
lacking
A1s
xx
Px#px
C
ax
xx#PSx
A1
bx
Px#Px
A3
xa
xxxx#Px
D
bx
P#PSx
A2b
aa
P#x#PS
C
bx
x#P#Px
A3
xa
xxx#PS
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
Px#x#Px
C
bx
x#PSx
A3
xa
xx#Px
E
bx
PSx#P
A3
xa
xxx#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A3
xa
xxx#Px
D
bx
P#PSx
A1
ax
Px#Px
C
bx
x#px#Px
A3
xa
xx#Px
C-
bx
xx#px#P
A1
ax
Px#Px
C
bx
x#px#Px
A3
xa
xx#Px
C
bx
xx#Pxx
A1
ax
Px#Px


933
934
Index of scansion
17.8
17.9
17.10
17.11
17.12
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
18.9
18.10
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
20.8
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
bx
x#P#px
A3
xa
xx#Px
A3
xb
xx#Px
D
ax
px#PSx
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
xx
P#x#x#Px
lacking
A1s
ax
Px#px
B
bx
x#Px#P
D*
aa
P#x#PSx
C
bx
xx#px#Px
A1-
ax
P#xx#P
A1
bx
P#x#Px
C
ax
xx#PSx
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1s
ax
Px#px
A3
xb
xx#Px
A3-
xa
xxxx#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
aa
xx#Px#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
P#x#Px
A3
xb
xxxx#Px
A3
xa
xxx#Px
A1
bx
PxSx
A3
xa
xxxx#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
aa
xx#Px#P
A1-
bx
PxS#P
defective
xx
x#Px
A1
xx
Px#Px
A1
aa
Px#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
ax
Px#Px
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A3
xa
xxx#PS
C
bx
x#px#Px
Bdr
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
A1
A1-
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xxx#Px
Px#x#Px
x#PXx
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#P


2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
A1
C
E
A3
B
A3
C
C
A1
A1
A2a
A1
A1
A3
B
A3
D-
C
A1s
B
D/E
B
D
A3
A1
C
C
C
A1
A1
A3
A3
A3
A3
A1
D
D-
A3
B
A1
C
C
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
xb
xa
xb
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
xxx#Px
px#x#Px
xx#P#px
PSx#P
xxx#Px
xxx#Px#P
xx#Px
x#P#px
x#P#px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
PS#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
x#Px#P
xxx#Px
px#Px
xx#PXx
PS#px
x#Px#P
P#P#x#P
xx#Px#P
P#PSx
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#px#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
PS#x#Px
P#x#x#PS
xxxx#Px
xxx#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#Pxx
P#Px
xx#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
x#P#px
x#Psx
x#PSx
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
PXx#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#PSx
935
936
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
11.9
11.10
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A3
C
B
A1
A1
A1s
A3
C
B
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
C
C
A1
C
C
A3
C
B
A1s
A1-
C
B
D
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
C
A3
C
C
A1
A2b
C
A3
A1-
A3
C
A3
A1
A1
A3
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
xb
xx#P#px
xx#Px
x#px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
P#x#Px
PS#px
xx#Px
x#px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
PXx#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#PSx
xx#P#px
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
x#P#px
xx#Px
x#Psx
xx#Px#P
PS#px
P#x#P
x#px#Px
xx#P#x#P
P#Psx
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
PXx#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#PSx
xx#P#px
xxxx#Px
xx#px#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#Px
PXx#PS
x#P#Px
xxx#Px
Px#P
xxx#Px
x#P#px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#Px
Index of scansion
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3
A1-
C
A1
B
A1s
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xxx#Px
P#x#x#P
x#P#px
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
Px#px
R
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
2.9
2.10
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
4.9
4.10
4.11
4.12
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
6.1
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
A1
A1
D
A1
D
B
A1
A3
A1
A1
A1
A1-
A1
A1
A1
A1-
A1
A1-
A1
C
D
A3
A1-
A1
A1
B
A1
A1
A1-
C
A1-
D*
A1
A1-
A1
A1-
A1
C
D
A1-
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
P#Pxx
Px#x#Px
P#PXx
xx#P#x#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
px#x#Px
PxSx
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
P#xx#P
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
P#PSx
xx#Px
Px#P
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#x#P
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#P
x#P#px
Px#P
P#x#P#px
P#x#Px
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
P#xx#P
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
P#PSx
P#x#x#x#P
937
938
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
8.9
8.10
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
12.9
12.10
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1s
bx
P#P#px
B
ax
xx#P#x#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
ax
xx#P#x#P
A1s
bx
Px#px
A1
aa
P#x#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
ax
Px#Px
A1-
bx
Px#P
A3
xa
xxx#Px
C
bx
x#P#Px
A3
xa
xxx#Px
A1-
bx
Px#P
A1s
aa
Px#px
lacking
D-
ax
P#Px
A2b
bx
Px#PS
2
ax
P#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
ax
xx#P#x#P
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A1
aa
P#x#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
B
ax
xx#P#x#P
D/E
bx
P#Px#P
A3
xa
xxx#Px
A1
bx
PxSx
A1
aa
P#x#x#Px
D
bx
P#PSx
E
aa
PS#x#P
A1-
bx
Px#P
A1
ax
Px#Px
A1-
bx
P#xx#P
A1
ax
P#x#Px
2
bx
P#P
A1
aa
Px#x#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1-
aa
P#x#P
A1-
bx
Px#P
A1-
ax
P#xx#P
A1
bx
Px#x#Px
A1
aa
P#x#x#Px
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A1
aa
P#x#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
D
aa
P#PSx
A1
bx
P#x#Px
D*
aa
P#x#PSx
A1
bx
Px#Px
12.11 a
A1
ax
12.12 b
A1
bx
12.13 a
A1
aa
12.14 b
A1-
bx
13.1
a
A1-
ax
13.2
b
A1
bx
13.3
a
A1
ax
13.4
b
C
bx
13.5
a
A2b
aa
13.6
b
A1
bx
13.7
a
A1
ax
13.8
b
C
bx
13.9
a
A1
ax
13.10 b
A1
bx
14.1
a
B
ax
14.2
b
A1
bx
14.3
a
A3
xa
14.4
b
A1
bx
14.5
a
A1
ax
14.6
b
A1
bx
14.7
a
A1-
ax
14.8
b
A1
bx
15.1
a
A1-
ax
15.2
b
A1
bx
15.3
a
C
aa
15.4
b
A1
bx
15.5
a
A1
ax
15.6
b
A1
bx
16.1
a
A1s
ax
16.2
b
A1-
bx
16.3
a
A1-
ax
16.4
b
A1
bx
16.5
a
A1
ax
16.6
b
A1
bx
16.7
a
A1
ax
16.8
b
A1
bx
16.9
a
A1
aa
16.10 b
A1-
bx
17.1
a
A1-
ax
17.2
b
A1
bx
Stanza 18 is assumed to be lacking.
19.3
a
A1
ax
19.4
b
A1
bx
19.5
a
A1-
ax
19.6
b
A1
bx
19.7
a
C
aa
19.8
b
D
bx
20.1
a
A1-
aa
20.2
b
A1s
bx
Index of scansion
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#P
P#xx#P
Px#x#Px
PxSx
x#pxSx
Px#x#PS
PxSx
PxSx
x#pxSx
px#xx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#x#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#xx#P
Px#x#Px
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
x#P#px
P#x#xx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#px
Px#P
Px#P
P#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
px#x#Px
Px#P
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
P#xx#P
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
P#PSx
P#x#x#x#P
P#P#px
939
940
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
23.9
23.10
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
B
A1
B
A1s
A1
A1
A1-
A1
A1
A1
A3
C
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
B
A1-
A1
A1
A1
A1-
A1
A1-
A1
A1
C
A1-
A1
B
D/E
D-
A1
A1
E
A1-
A1
A2a
A1
D/E
A1
A3
A1
C
A1
A3-
A1-
C
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
xx#P#x#P
Px#Px
xx#P#x#P
Px#px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Pxx#P
px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
pxx#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#xx#P
PxSx
PxSx
Px#Px
P#xx#P
Px#xx#Px
Px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
P#xx#P
Px#x#Px
x#P#x#P
P#P#x#P
P#Px
PxSx
px#x#Px
PS#x#P
P#xx#P
Px#Px
P#P#Px
Px#Px
P#P#x#P
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
xxx#P
P#xx#P
x#P#px
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
29.8
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
32.7
32.8
32.9
32.10
33.1
33.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1-
A1-
A1-
A1
A1
A1
D
C-
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
A1-
A1
A1
D-
D
D
D
A1
A1-
A1
A1-
A1
C
D
A3
A1-
A1
A1-
A1-
A1
A1
B
A1-
A3
A1
A1-
A1
aA1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1-
A1
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
xb
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#x#P
P#x#P
Px#P
P#x#Px
px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#Psx
x#px#P
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
Px#x#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#P
Px#x#x#Px
Px#Px
P#PS
P#Pxx
P#Pxx
P#Pxx
Px#Px
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
P#xx#P
Px#Px
xx#P#Px
P#PSx
xx#Px
Px#P
Px#x#Px
Px#P
P#x#x#P
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#xx#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#P
P#x#Px
x#Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#xx#P
P#x#Px
941
942
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
33.9
33.10
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
35.9
35.10
35.11
35.12
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
36.7
36.8
36.9
36.10
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
37.9
37.10
37.11
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
D
A1
A1-
A1s
B
A1
B
A1s
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1-
A1
A1
C
D-
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A3
D
D
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1
A1
A1
C
A1-
A1-
B
A1
A1-
A1
B
A1
A1
A1
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
P#P#x#P
Px#Px
P#x#x#x#P
P#P#px
xx#P#x#P
Px#Px
xx#P#x#P
Px#px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
P#x#P
Px#Px
px#xx#Px
x#PXx
P#P#x
P#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
P#PXx
P#PXx
Px#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
PxSx
PxSx
Px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#P
Px#P
xx#Px#P
P#x#x#Px
Px#P
Px#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
37.12
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
38.7
38.8
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
39.7
39.8
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
41.7
41.8
41.9
41.10
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
43.7
43.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
B
A1s
A1
A1
A1
D
A1
A1-
A1
A1
A3
B
A1-
D
A1
A1
A3
C
A1
A1
A1-
C
A1
C
A1
C
A1s
A1-
A1
A1
A1-
A1-
A1-
A1
D
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
C-
A1
A1
C
A1-
A1
A1
A1
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
P#x#Px
xx#P#x#P
PS#px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
px#PSx
Px#Px
P#x#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#P
PSXx
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
px#xx#P
x#P#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
P#x#x#Px
x#P#Px
P#x#px
Px#P
P#x#Px
Px#Px
P#x#P
P#x#P
P#x#P
P#x#x#Px
P#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#P
Px#Px
PxSx
x#PSx
P#xx#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
943
944
Index of scansion
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
44.5
44.6
45.1
45.2
45.3
45.4
45.5
45.6
45.7
45.8
46.1
46.2
46.3
46.4
47.1
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
47.7
47.8
48.1
48.2
48.3
48.4
48.5
48.6
48.7
48.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
ax
P#x#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
Px#x#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
P#x#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
C-
ax
xx#P#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
Px#Px
C
bx
x#P#Px
C
ax
x#Pxx
B
bx
xx#Px#P
A1
ax
P#x#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
C-
ax
x#P#P
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A1
ax
Px#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
aA1
aa
x#P#x#Px
B
bx
x#Px#P
C-
ax
xxx#P#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1-
ax
P#xx#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
lacking
C
xx
x#P#Px
B
aa
x#P#x#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
Px#Px
C
bx
x#P#px
B
ax
x#Px#P
A1
bx
P#x#Px
A1
ax
P#x#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
Hdl
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
C
A1
B
C
A1s
C
C
B
C
B
D
C
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
xx#P#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#P#Px
Px#x#px
x#PSx
xx#P#Px
xx#PxS
x#px#Px
x#P#x#P
P#Pxx
xx#PSx

2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
7.9
7.10
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
C
A1
C
C
A1
aA1s
A1
C
C
A1
A1
A1
B
A1
A3
C
C-
A1
A3
C
C-
A1s
C-
A1
A1
B
A3
C
C-
C
A1
A2a-
A1
A1-
C-
C
C
A1
A1
C
A1-
A1
A1
A1s
A3
A1
A1
C
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
P#x#Px
x#PSx
P#x#Px
xx#P#px
x#px#Px
Px#Px
x#PS#px
px#x#x#Px
x#P#Px
xx#Psx
Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#x#P
Px#Px
xxxx#PS
x#px#Px
xxx#P#P
P#x#Px
xx#Px
x#px#Px
xx#P#P
PS#px
xxxP#P
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px
x#P#Px
xxxx#P#P
x#PSx
Px#Px
PS#P
px#xx#Px
P#xx#P
xxx#P#P
x#PSx
xx#P#px
PxSx
PxSx
xx#px#Px
Px#P
px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#px
xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
945
946
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
11.9
11.10
11.11
11.12
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
D-
A1
B
A1
aA1
A1s
C
A1
D-
C-
C
A3
A1
A1
C
A1
A1
C
A1
C
C
C
C
C
C
D
C
A3
C
B
A1
A1
D
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
A2a
D*
C
A1
C
A1-
A1
A1
D
A2b
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
xxx#Px
pxSx
Px#Px
x#PxS
P#x#x#Px
xx#px#x#Px
pxS#px
xx#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
px#Px
xx#P#P
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
x#PXx
P#xx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
xx#PXx
xx#PXx
xx#PXx
xx#PXx
xx#Psx
xx#Psx
P#Px#P
x#PSx
xx#Px
px#PSx
x#PS#P
Px#xx#Px
P#x#Px
P#Psx
x#Psx
P#xx#Px
Px#xx#px#x
Px#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
PS#Px
Px#x#px#Px
x#P#Px
P#xx#P#x
x#pxSx
Px#x#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#PXx
P#xx#PS
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
16.9
16.10
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
18.9
18.10
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A2b
C
A2b
A1
B
C
A2b
A1
A1
A1s
C
C
C
C
C
C
D
C
A1
A1
B
A1
A1-
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
E
C
A2b
A1
A1
A1
D*
D
aA1s
A1
A3
A1
B
A1s
A1
A1
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xx#px#Px
Px#xx#P#P
x#px#Px
Px#x#x#PS
Px#Px
xx#PS#P
x#px#Px
Px#x#PS
Px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
PS#px
xxxx#PXx
xxxx#PXx
xx#PXx
xx#PXx
xx#Psx
xx#Psx
P#Px#P
x#PSx
P#x#x#P#x
Px#Px
x#PxS
Px#Px
Px#P
x#Psx
P#x#x#P#x
Px#Px
Px#x#px#x
Px#x#Px
P#xx#Px
PxSx
Px#x#P#x
Px#Px
PS#x#P
x#px#Px
P#x#pxS
P#x#Px
Px#x#px#x
Px#x#Px
px#x#P#Px
P#Psx
xx#Pxsx
Px#Px
xx#Px
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#px
Px#x#P#x
Px#Px
947
948
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
20.8
20.9
20.10
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
24.9
24.10
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
25.9
25.10
26.1
26.2
26.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C
A1s
A1-
A1
A3
A1
A1
A1
A2b
A1s
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1-
D
A2a
D
A1
A1
A1
aD
A1
A1
A1
A1
A1s
C
D
D
B
C
A1
A1
A3
A1
A3-
A1
A1
aA1s
A1
C
A1-
B
A3
C
A3
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
x#P#Px
P#x#px
P#x#x#P
P#x#x#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#x#P#x
Px#Px
PS#x#PS
PS#px
x#PSx
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#P#x
Px#Px
Px#P
P#Psx
PS#Px
P#PXx
px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#Px
x#P#PXx
P#x#x#P#x
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
PS#px
x#Psx
px#PSx
P#Psx
x#P#x#x#P
x#px#Px
P#x#x#P#x
Px#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
xxxx#P
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#Pxsx
pXx#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#P
xx#Px#P
xx#Px
x#PXx
x#PS
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
27.9
27.10
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
28.9
28.10
28.11
28.12
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
29.8
29.9
29.10
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
30.9
30.10
31.1
31.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
C
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
A1
A1
A1
D
C
A1
A1
D
A1
B
A1s
A3
D
A1
A1
C
A1
A1-
C
A3
A1
D-
D*
A1
A1
C
D
A3
C
A1
C
A1
A1
A1s
C
A1-
C
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
x#PXx
x#Psx
x#PXx
P#x#x#P#x
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#PS
Px#Px
xxx#PS
Px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#x#P#x
Px#Px
px#PxS
px#Psx
PxSx
P#x#x#Px
P#PSx
Px#Px
x#PS#P
PS#px
xxx#Px
px#Pxx
P#x#x#P#x
Px#Px
xx#Pxx
Px#Px
P#x#P
x#pxSx
xx#Px
P#x#Px
P#Px
P#x#Psx
P#x#x#P#x
Px#Px
x#P#px
P#Psx
P#xx#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
P#x#Px
Px#Px
PS#px
xx#px#Px
P#xx#P
x#px#Px
949
950
31.3
31.4
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
40.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
A1
A1
D*
B
A1s
A2b
A1
C
C
A1
C
C
C
A1
C
A1-
C
A1
A1
C
C
E
A1
A1-
E
A1
B
A1-
C
A1
A1
B
B
A3
C
A3
C
A1
C
A3
A1
E
C
A1-
C
A1
A1
D
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
px#x#px#x
Px#x#Px
px#x#Px
Px#P#px
x#Px#P
PS#px
P#x#PS
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#PSx
Px#Px
x#PSx
x#Psx
x#PSx
Px#Px
x#px#Px
P#xx#P
x#px#Px
px#x#px#x
Px#x#Px
x#P#px
x#Psx
PSx#P
Px#Px
px#xx#P
PSx#P
Px#Px
x#Px#P
P#xx#P
x#px#Px
px#x#px#x
Px#x#Px
x#P#x#P
x#P#x#P
xx#Px
x#Psx
xx#PS
x#PSx
P#x#Px
x#PSx
xx#Px
Px#Px
PSx#P
x#pxSx
P#xx#P
x#px#Px
px#x#px#x
Px#x#Px
P#P#px
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
41.7
41.8
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
42.7
42.8
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
43.7
43.8
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
44.5
44.6
44.7
44.8
45.1
45.2
45.3
45.4
45.5
45.6
45.7
45.8
46.1
46.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
B
C
A1-
A1
B
A1s
A1
A1
C
A1s
A3
C
A3
A1s
A1
C
D
C
A3
C
A3
aA1
C
A1
A3
A1
A3
D
D
D
A3
D
aA1
A1
A1-
A1
B
A1
B
A1
C
A1
A1
aA1
B
A1
D*
A1-
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
x#Psx
x#Px#P
x#pxsx
P#xx#P
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
PS#px
px#x#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#Psx
PS#px
x#P#px
x#px#Px
xxxx#Px
P#x#px
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#P#px
x#P#px
xxxx#Px
x#px#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#x#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
PSXx
P#Pxx
px#PSx
xx#Px
P#Pxx
x#px#x#Px
P#x#Px
px#x#P
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#PxS
Px#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#Px
xxx#PxS
Px#Px
Px#P#px
px#xx#P
951
952
Index of scansion
46.3
46.4
46.5
46.6
46.7
46.8
47.1
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
47.7
47.8
48.1
48.2
48.3
48.4
49.1
49.2
49.3
49.4
49.5
49.6
49.7
49.8
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.4
50.5
50.6
50.7
50.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
D*
A1
C
A1
A3
A1s
A3
D
A3
C
C
A1
A3
A1s
A1
C
B
A1s
A1
C
A3
A1s
D*
A1
D*
A1
E
A1
C
A1
A3
A1
C
A1s
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
P#x#P#x#P
Px#Px
xx#Psx
Px#x#Px
xx#Px
PS#px
xx#Px
P#PXx
xxx#Px
x#pxSx
xx#Psx
Px#x#Px
xx#Px
PS#px
P#x#Px
x#PSx
xxx#Px#P
P#P#px
P#x#x#Px
x#P#px
xx#Px
PS#px
P#x#Pxx
P#x#Px
Px#Px#P
Px#Px
PS#x#P
Px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#Pxx
P#P#px
Grt
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
C
E
A1
A3
A1s
A1
C
A3
A1
C-
A1
D*
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
PSx#P
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px
PS#px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#P
P#x#Px
P#x#PXx
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A3
D
C
D
A1
A1
A3
C
A1
A1
B
D
A3
C
A1
C
C-
C
A1
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
C
C
C
A1
C
A1
B
A1
A1-
C
B
A1s
A3
E
A2a
C
A3
C
C
A1
A1
C
A1
D
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
P#x#Px
xx#Px
P#PXx
x#P#px
PSXx
Px#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#x#Px
PxSx
xx#Px#P
P#Pxx
xxx#Px
xx#P#px
P#xx#Px
xx#PSx
xx#P#P
x#pxSx
px#x#x#Px
px#x#x#Px
px#x#x#Px
xx#P#px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
xx#px#Px
x#Pxx
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
px#xx#P
xx#P#Px
xx#P#x#P
P#P#px
xxx#Px
PS#x#P
PS#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px
xx#Psx
xx#PXx
Px#Px
P#x#Px
x#P#px
P#x#Px
P#Pxx
953
954
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
A1
D
A3
A3
C
A3
A1
B
D
B
A1
D
A1
A1
C
A3
C
A3
E
A3
C
C
D
D
A1
A1
C
A3
C
E
C
A1
C
A1
E
A1
A1
A3
E
C
C
A3-
D
A3
A1
B
A1
A1
aa
bx
aa
xb
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
px#x#Px
Px#Px
P#Psx
xxx#Px
xx#Px
x#P#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#Psx
x#Px#P
P#x#Px
P#P#px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#px
xx#Px
x#pxSx
xx#Px
PS#x#P
xx#Px
x#P#px
xx#P#px
P#PXx
P#Px#P
PxSx
PxSx
x#px#Px
xx#Px
x#PSx
PSx#P
x#P#px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
Px#x#Px
PSx#P
Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px
PSx#P
xx#Psx
x#px#Px
xxx#P
P#Pxx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px
P#x#Px
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
20.8
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A3
C
A1
C
A1
C
D
A1
A1
D/E
A1-
A1
A3
A1s
C
A1
A1
A1
D
A1
A1
C
A1
C
A1
B
A1s
C
C
A1
B
C
A3
A1
A1
C
A3
D
A3
C
A1s
D
C
E
A1
A1
A1
C
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
x#P#px
xxx#Px
x#px#Px
PSSx
xx#px#Px
P#x#Px
x#px#Px
px#P#px
P#x#x#Px
P#xx#Px
P#Px#P
px#xx#x#x#P
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#px
x#Psx
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
Px#Px
P#PSx
px#x#Px
px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#P
PS#px
xx#px#Px
x#P#px
px#x#Px
x#Px#P
x#PXx
xxx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#pxSx
xxx#Px
P#Pxx
xxx#Px
x#PSx
P#x#px
P#Pxx
xxx#P#px
PSx#P
Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
955
956
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
2Mlahttr
Am
1.1
a
1.2
b
1.3
a
1.4
b
1.5
a
1.6
b
1.7
a
1.8
b
2.1
a
2.2
b
2.3
a
2.4
b
2.5
a
2.6
b
2.7
a
2.8
b
3.1
a
3.2
b
3.3
a
3.4
b
3.5
a
3.6
b
3.7
a
C
B
C
A1
A3
A1
A1
B
A1
D
A1
C
A2b
D
A1
A1-
C
D/E
A1
C
C
A1
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xx#P#px
x#Px#P
x#Psx
Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
px#Pxx
Px#Px
x#pxSx
Px#PS
P#P#px
P#x#Px
P#x#x#P
x#Psx
P#P#x#P
px#xx#Px
x#px#Px
xx#Psx
P#x#Px
C*
aA1
D*
D*
D*
A1*
aD
C*
D*
A1*
A1*
A1*
C*
A1*
aD*
C*
D*
D*
A1*
C*
C*
A1*
C*
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
P#xx#P#Px
xx#P#x#Px
Px#PSx
P#x#P#Px
Px#PSx
P#x#x#Px
xx#px#px#Px
xxx#PSx
P#xx#PXx
Pxx#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
P#x#PSx
Px#x#Psx
P#xx#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
9.9
9.10
10.1
10.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
aA1
A1*
A1*
D*
C*
A3x
A1*
C
aA1
A1*
aA1
C*
aA1
A3x
C*
A1*
A1*
D*
A1*
D
aA1*
A2*
aA1
C*
D*
C*
C*
D*
C*
A1
aA1
A1*
aA1
C*
A1*
D*
C*
A1*
C*
D*
D*
D*
aA1
A1*
aA1
A1*
aA1
A1*
A1*
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
x#P#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#PXx
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px
PxS#Px
x#P#px
xx#Px#Px
PSx#Px
x#Px#Px
xx#P#Px
xx#Px#Px
xxx#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#Psx
P#x#x#Px
px#P#Px
x#Px#x#Px
P#x#x#PS
x#Px#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
P#x#PSx
xx#P#Px
P#x#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#P#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#P#Px
xxx#PSx
P#xx#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#Psx
Px#x#P#Px
Px#Psx
x#Px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#x#Px
px#xx#Px
Px#x#Px
957
958
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
12.9
12.10
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
17.1
17.2
17.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
D*
A1*
C*
aA1
A1*
A1*
D*
D*
A1*
aA1
A1*
D*
A1*
C*
C*
C*
C*
aA1
A1*
aA1
A1*
aA1
D*
A1*
A3x
aA1
C*
C*
D*
C*
A1*
aA1
D*
D*
A1*
A1*
aD
aA1
A1*
A1*
D
A1*
D*
C*
C*
B*
D*
A1
A1*
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
Px#PSx
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
xx#P#x#Px
Px#xx#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#PSx
P#x#x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#P#x#Px
P#xx#x#Px
px#x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
xxxx#PSx
x#Px#Px
px#xx#Px
xx#Px#Px
P#x#P#Px
xx#Px#Px
Px#x#PSx
Px#x#x#Px
xxxx#Px
xx#Px#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#PSx
px#x#Pxx
xx#P#Px
px#xx#Px
xx#Px#Px
P#x#PSx
Px#x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#P#PSx
xx#Px#Px
Px#xx#x#Px
Px#x#Px
px#P#px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
xxx#Px#P
P#xx#x#x#P#px
px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
17.4
b
C*
bx
17.5
a
D*
aa
17.6
b
aA1
bx
17.7
a
A1*
aa
17.8
b
A1*
bx
18.1
a
A1*
aa
18.2
b
D*
bx
18.3
a
A1*
aa
18.4
b
C*
bx
19.1
a
A1*
ax
19.2
b
aA1*
bx
19.3
a
C*
aa
19.4
b
D*
bx
19.5
a
A1*
aa
19.6
b
C*
bx
20.1
a
D*
aa
20.2
b
A1
bx
20.3
a
A1*
aa
20.4
b
aA1
bx
20.5
a
D*
aa
20.6
b
A1*
bx
20.7
a
A1
aa
20.8
b
A1
bx
21.1
a
D*
aa
21.2
b
D*
bx
21.3
a
A2*
aa
21.4
b
C*
bx
21.5
a
defective
21.6
b
C*
xx
22.1
a
A1*
aa
22.2
b
A1*
bx
22.3
a
A1*
aa
22.4
b
A1*
bx
22.5
a
C*
aa
22.6
b
A1*
bx
24.1
a
A1*
ax
24.2
b
D*
bx
24.3
a
C*
aa
24.4
b
aD*
bx
24.5
a
A1*
ax
24.6
b
aA1*
bx
24.7
a
A1*
aa
24.8
b
aA1
bx
25.1
a
A1*
aa
25.2
b
A1*
bx
25.3
a
C*
ax
25.4
b
aA1
bx
26.1
a
D*
aa
Index of scansion
xx#P#Px
Px#x#P#Px
xxx#Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#P#Px
PxS#Px
xx#P#Px
P#xx#x#x#x#Px
x#PSx#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#x#x#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#Pxx
P#x#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
P#x#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
px#x#Px
P#x#Px
Pxx#Psx
P#x#P#Px
Px#x#PS
xxx#P#Px
x#PS
xx#P#Px
Px#xx#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
Px#xx#x#Px
px#x#P#Px
P#x#P#Px
x#Px#PSx
P#xx#x#Px
x#Px#x#Px
Pxx#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
x#Px#Px
P#xx#x#x#P#Px

959
960
Index of scansion
26.2
b
aA1*
bx
26.3
a
A1
aa
26.4
b
A1*
bx
26.5
a
D
ax
26.6
b
A1*
bx
26.7
a
C*
aa
26.8
b
A1*
bx
28.1
a
A1*
ax
28.2
b
D*
bx
28.3
a
D*
aa
28.4
b
A1*
bx
28.5
a
D*
aa
28.6
b
aA1
bx
28.7
a
D*
aa
28.8
b
A1*
bx
29.1
a
A1*
aa
29.2
b
A1*
bx
29.3
a
A1*
aa
29.4
b
C*
bx
29.5
a
D*
aa
29.6
b
aD
bx
30.1
a
A1
aa
30.2
b
A1*
bx
30.3
a
D*
aa
30.4
b
A1*
bx
30.5
a
D*
aa
30.6
b
A1*
bx
30.7
a
D*
aa
30.8
b
A1*
bx
30.9
a
A1*
aa
30.10 b
A1*
bx
30.11 a
A1*
ax
30.12 b
C*
bx
30.13 a
D*
aa
30.14 b
A1*
bx
31.1
a
D*
aa
31.2
b
C*
bx
31.3
a
A1*
aa
31.4
b
A1*
bx
32.1
a
A1*
ax
32.2
b
aA1
bx
32.3
a
A3x
xa
32.4
b
C*
bx
32.5
a
D*
aa
32.6
b
aA1
bx
32.7
a
D*
aa
32.8
b
C*
bx
33.1
a
A1
ax
x#PxSx#Px
px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
px#P#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
px#x#x#x#Px
px#xx#Px
px#x#P#Px
Px#P#Px
Px#x#Px
px#x#Pxx
x#Px#Px
P#x#Psx
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
PXx#P#x
xxx#px#Px
P#x#P#Px
x#px#Psx
px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#P#px
Px#x#Px
Px#PSx
px#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
px#xx#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#PSx
xx#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Pxx#x#Px
PS#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
xxxx#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#x#x#P#Px
x#Px#Px
P#x#P#Px
xx#px#Px
P#x#Px
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
39.7
39.8
39.9
39.10
40.1
40.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1*
A1*
C*
D*
C*
A1*
D*
A1*
C
D*
A1*
A1
D*
A1*
A1*
A1*
A1*
A3x
C*
A1
C*
C*
D*
A1*
D
D*
A1*
D*
D
C*
C*
A1*
A1*
A1*
aA1
D
aA1
A1*
C
D
A1*
A1*
A1*
A1*
A1*
C*
aA1
C*
A1*
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
P#x#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xxx#P#px
Px#PSx
xxx#P#Px
px#x#x#Px
P#x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
x#P#Px
px#x#x#px#Px
P#xx#x#Px
Px#pxx
Px#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#px#Px
px#xx#Px
px#P#Px
Px#PSx
Px#x#Px
Px#Pxx
px#Pxx
xx#P#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
P#Px#P
x#Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#P#Px
px#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#xx#x#x#Px
P#xx#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xxx#P#x#Px
P#x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
961
962
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
42.7
42.8
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
44.5
44.6
45.1
45.2
45.3
45.4
46.1
46.2
46.3
46.4
46.5
46.6
47.1
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
47.7
47.8
48.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
D*
aA1
A1*
A1*
C*
A1*
A1*
C*
A1*
C*
A1*
aA1*
A1*
C*
A1*
A1*
D*
aA1*
A1*
C*
D*
C*
A1*
A1*
A1*
C*
A1*
aA1*
D
aA1
D*
aA1
A1
D*
A2*
aA1
D
D*
A1*
aA1*
A1*
A1*
D*
aA1*
D*
C*
C*
A1*
A1*
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
P#x#Pxx
x#P#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#xx#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#xx#PSx
x#Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
P#xx#PSx
xxx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Pxx#Px
x#Px#x#Px
px#Pxx
x#Px#Px
P#x#x#PSx
x#Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#P#Px
px#x#x#PS
xx#Px#Px
px#PSx
Px#x#x#PSx
Px#x#Px
xx#P#xx#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#P#Px
x#Pxx#Px
P#x#PXx
xx#P#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Pxx#x#x#Px
48.2
48.3
48.4
48.5
48.6
48.7
48.8
49.1
49.2
49.3
49.4
49.5
49.6
49.7
49.8
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.4
50.5
50.6
51.1
51.2
51.3
51.4
52.1
52.2
52.3
52.4
52.5
52.6
52.7
52.8
52.9
52.10
53.1
53.2
53.3
53.4
53.5
53.6
53.7
53.8
53.9
53.10
54.1
54.2
54.3
54.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
aA1*
A1
aA1*
D*
aA1
A1*
A1*
D*
C*
D*
aA1
A1*
aD*
A1*
C*
A1*
D*
A1*
A1*
A1*
D*
A1*
C*
aA1*
C*
A1*
A1*
aD*
C*
D*
aA1
C*
A1*
A1*
C*
D*
aD*
A1
aE
D*
D*
D*
A1*
D
aA1
A1*
C*
A1*
A1*
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bb
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
x#Px#x#Px
px#x#Px
x#px#x#x#Px
Px#x#Psx
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#Psx
xx#P#Px
Px#x#PSx
x#P#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
x#Px#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
px#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
x#Px#x#x#Px
xxxx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
x#P#x#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
P#xx#PXx
xx#Px#Px
px#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#P#Px
x#Px#P#Px
Px#Px
x#PSx#P
P#x#Psx
Px#P#Px
PS#P#Px
Px#x#Px
px#P#Px
x#Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
963
964
54.5
54.6
54.7
54.8
55.1
55.2
55.3
55.4
56.1
56.2
56.3
56.4
56.5
56.6
56.7
56.8
56.9
56.10
57.1
57.2
57.3
57.4
57.5
57.6
57.7
57.8
57.9
57.10
58.1
58.2
58.3
58.4
58.5
58.6
58.7
58.8
59.1
59.2
59.3
59.4
59.5
59.6
59.7
59.8
60.1
60.2
60.3
60.4
60.5
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C*
D*
D*
A1*
A1*
aA1
C*
D*
A1*
A1*
D
A1*
A1*
C*
A1*
D
D*
A1*
A1*
A1*
A1*
aA1*
D*
A1*
A1*
C*
A1*
C*
A1*
D*
D*
A1*
A1*
aA2
A1*
aA1
A3x
aA1*
A1
A1
D*
aA1
A1*
A1*
A1*
A1*
A1*
D*
A1
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
xx#P#px
Px#Pxx
Px#xx#Pxx
P#x#x#Px
P#xx#Px
x#Px#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
px#Pxx
Px#x#x#Px
P#xx#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
P#P#px
Px#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#x#Px
Px#PXx
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
px#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#P#Px
P#x#Pxx
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#PS
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#x#Px
xxx#Px
x#Px#x#Px
px#x#Px
px#x#Px
Px#PSx
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#xx#x#x#Pxx
Px#Px
60.6
60.7
60.8
61.1
61.2
61.3
61.4
61.5
61.6
61.7
61.8
62.1
62.2
62.3
62.4
62.5
62.6
62.7
62.8
62.9
62.10
63.1
63.2
63.3
63.4
63.5
63.6
63.7
63.8
63.9
63.10
64.1
64.2
64.3
64.4
64.5
64.6
64.7
64.8
65.1
65.2
65.3
65.4
65.5
65.6
65.7
65.8
66.1
66.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
aA1
C*
C*
A1*
A1*
A3x
aA1
D*
D*
A1*
A1*
D*
A1*
D*
D*
D*
C*
C*
aA1*
D*
C*
C*
aA1*
D*
C
A1*
A1*
D*
C*
A1*
C*
A1*
A1*
aD*
aA1
A1*
aD*
D*
A1*
D*
D*
D*
A1*
A1
D*
A1*
A1*
A1*
D*
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xx#Px#Px
xxx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
px#x#x#Px
xxx#Px
x#Px#Px
px#x#P#Px
P#x#PSx
pxx#x#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
P#x#PSx
Px#x#x#Px
Px#P#Px
P#x#P#Px
px#x#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
xx#P#Px
x#Px#x#Px
Px#PSx
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
x#Px#x#Px
Px#PSx
x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#PXx
xx#P#Px
px#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#PSx
x#Px#Px
px#x#x#x#Px
x#Px#P#Px
P#xx#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
px#x#PSx
P#x#P#Px
Px#PSx
P#x#x#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Psx
Px#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#PSx
965
966
66.3
66.4
66.5
66.6
66.7
66.8
67.1
67.2
67.3
67.4
68.1
68.2
68.3
68.4
68.5
68.6
68.7
68.8
69.1
69.2
69.3
69.4
69.5
69.6
69.7
69.8
70.1
70.2
70.3
70.4
70.5
70.6
70.7
70.8
71.1
71.2
71.3
71.4
71.5
71.6
71.7
71.8
72.1
72.2
72.3
72.4
72.5
72.6
72.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
D*
aA1
A1*
aA1*
D*
A1*
A1
A1*
A1*
D
A1*
A1*
D*
aA1
A2*
A1*
D*
C*
A1*
D*
A1*
C*
C*
A1*
A1*
aA1
C*
D*
D*
A1*
A1*
D*
D*
C*
A1*
A1*
A1*
C*
D*
A1*
D*
aA1
D*
aA1
D*
aA1
A2*
D*
A1*
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
P#x#P#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#x#Px
Px#P#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
px#PSx
P#xx#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
Px#P#Px
xx#P#x#Px
Px#x#x#PS
P#xx#x#x#Px
P#xx#Psx
xxx#P#Px
px#xx#Px
P#x#P#Px
P#xx#x#Px
xx#P#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
P#x#x#P#Px
Px#PXx
Px#x#Px
px#x#x#x#Px
Px#PSx
Px#PSx
xx#P#px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xxx#px#Px
PS#x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#PSx
xx#Px#Px
px#x#P#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#P#Px
xx#Px#Px
Px#x#PS
Px#x#PSx
px#xx#x#Px
72.8
72.9
72.10
73.1
73.2
73.3
73.4
73.5
73.6
73.7
73.8
74.1
74.2
74.3
74.4
74.5
74.6
74.7
74.8
75.1
75.2
75.3
75.4
76.1
76.2
76.3
76.4
76.5
76.6
76.7
76.8
77.1
77.2
77.3
77.4
77.5
77.6
78.1
78.2
78.3
78.4
78.5
78.6
78.7
78.8
79.1
79.2
79.3
79.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
D*
aA1*
C*
A1*
D*
aA1s
aA1
A1*
C*
C*
A1*
D*
aA1
D*
C*
A2*
D*
A1*
D*
D*
aD*
A1*
aA1
A1
A1
D*
aD*
D*
D*
D*
D*
A1*
aA1*
A1*
aA1
D*
A1*
A1
A1*
A1*
aA1*
A1*
A1*
C*
aA1
D*
D*
D*
D*
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
Px#Pxx
x#Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#PSx
x#P#x#px
x#Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#PSx
x#P#x#Px
P#x#PSx
xx#P#Px
P#x#x#PS
Px#x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#P#Px
Px#x#PSx
x#Px#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
px#x#Px
px#x#Px
P#x#PSx
x#Px#PSx
P#x#Psx
Px#x#P#Px
Px#x#P#Px
Px#PSx
Pxx#x#Px
x#Px#x#Px
Pxx#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#x#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
px#x#Px
Px#xx#x#Px
P#xx#x#Px
x#Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#P#Px
xx#Px#Px
P#x#PSx
Px#x#PSx
Px#Pxx
P#x#x#P#Px
967
968
79.5
79.6
79.7
79.8
80.1
80.2
80.3
80.4
80.5
80.6
80.7
80.8
81.1
81.2
81.3
81.4
81.5
81.6
81.7
81.8
82.1
82.2
82.3
82.4
82.5
82.6
83.1
83.2
83.3
83.4
83.5
83.6
83.7
83.8
84.1
84.2
84.3
84.4
85.1
85.2
85.3
85.4
85.5
85.6
85.7
85.8
86.1
86.2
86.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
aA1
aA1
A1*
aA1
A1*
A1*
A1*
D*
A1*
aA1
D*
aD
A1*
A1*
A1*
A1*
D*
A1*
C*
A1*
A1*
A1*
A1*
D*
A1*
A1*
A1*
aA1
A1*
D*
A1*
A1*
D*
A1*
A1*
D*
A1*
A1*
A2*
aA1
A1*
aA1*
D*
C*
A1*
D*
A1*
aA1
D*
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
x#Px#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#x#Px
px#xx#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#PSx
px#x#x#x#Px
xx#Px#Px
Px#P#Px
xx#P#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
px#x#x#x#Px
Px#P#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#P#x#Px
px#xx#x#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#PSx
Px#x#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
P#x#xx#Px
xx#Px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#xx#Px
Px#Pxx
Px#x#Px
Px#xx#Px
P#x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
P#xx#PS
xx#px#x#Px
Px#xx#Px
x#Px#x#Px
P#xx#x#PXx
xx#P#Px
P#x#x#x#Px
Px#P#Px
px#x#x#Px
x#px#x#Px
P#x#PSx
86.4
86.5
86.6
86.7
86.8
86.9
86.10
86.11
86.12
87.1
87.2
87.3
87.4
87.5
87.6
87.7
87.8
88.1
88.2
88.3
88.4
88.5
88.6
88.7
88.8
89.1
89.2
89.3
89.4
89.5
89.6
89.7
89.8
90.1
90.2
90.3
90.4
90.5
90.6
90.7
90.8
91.1
91.2
91.3
91.4
91.5
91.6
92.1
92.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
D*
A1*
aA1
aD*
aA1
C*
aA1
D
A1*
A1*
aD
A3x
C*
A1
A1*
A1*
D*
D*
D*
D*
A1*
D*
D*
D*
C*
C*
D*
C*
C*
A1*
A1*
A1
C
A1*
A1*
C*
D*
D*
C*
C*
D*
A1*
D*
A1*
aA1*
aD
C*
A1*
aA1
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
px#x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
xxx#Px#Px
x#Px#PSx
x#Px#Px
xxxx#P#Px
xxx#Px#Px
P#P#Px
P#xx#x#x#Px
P#xx#x#Px
x#px#Px#P
xxxx#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
px#x#P#Px
Px#PSx
Px#Psx
Px#PSx
Px#x#Px
P#x#PXx
Px#x#PSx
P#x#PSx
xxxx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#Psx
xx#P#Px
xx#P#Px
px#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#Px
x#P#PS
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#x#P#Px
px#x#PXx
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
P#x#x#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#PSx
Px#x#Px
x#P#xx#Px
x#px#P#Px
xx#P#Px
px#xx#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
969
970
92.3
92.4
92.5
92.6
93.1
93.2
93.3
93.4
93.5
93.6
93.7
93.8
94.1
94.2
94.3
94.4
94.5
94.6
95.1
95.2
95.3
95.4
95.5
95.6
96.1
96.2
96.3
96.4
96.5
96.6
96.7
96.8
96.9
96.10
97.1
97.2
97.3
97.4
97.5
97.6
97.7
97.8
97.9
97.10
98.1
98.2
98.3
98.4
98.5
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
C*
C*
A1*
aA2*
A1*
D*
D*
aA1
C*
C*
D*
aA1
A1*
D*
A1*
A1
C-
A1*
A1*
D*
D*
D*
A1*
A1*
C*
aA1
aA1
aA1
A1*
D*
A1*
A1*
C*
A1*
A1*
C*
D*
A1*
D*
D*
A1*
aA1
D*
C*
A1*
D*
A1*
D*
A1*
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
P#x#P#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#x#PS
P#xx#Px
Px#PSx
Px#P#px
x#P#x#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
P#x#PxS
x#Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#PXx
P#xx#Px
px#x#Px
xx#P#P
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#P#Px
Px#P#px
Px#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
x#Px#Px
xx#P#x#Px
xx#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
Pxx#P#Px
Px#xx#Px
Px#x#Px
xxxx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
P#x#x#P#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#P#Px
Px#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#PSx
xxx#P#Px
P#xx#Px
Px#PSx
Px#x#Px
Px#pXx
Px#x#Px
98.6
98.7
98.8
99.1
99.2
99.3
99.4
99.5
99.6
99.7
99.8
100.1
100.2
100.3
100.4
100.5
100.6
100.7
100.8
101.1
101.2
101.3
101.4
101.5
101.6
101.7
101.8
102.1
102.2
102.3
102.4
102.5
102.6
102.7
102.8
103.1
103.2
103.3
103.4
103.5
103.6
104.1
104.2
104.3
104.4
104.5
104.6
104.7
104.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1*
bx
px#x#x#Px
A1*
aa
Pxx#x#Px
C*
bx
xx#P#Px
A1*
ax
px#xx#Px
D
bx
px#P#Px
D*
aa
Px#x#x#P#Px
A1*
bx
Px#x#Px
A1*
ax
Px#x#Px
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
A1*
aa
Px#x#Px
aA1
bx
x#P#x#Px
A1*
ax
P#x#x#Px
A1*
bx
P#x#x#Px
C*
aa
P#x#P#Px
D*
bx
Px#P#Px
A1*
aa
P#xx#Px
aD*
bx
x#px#x#P#Px
D*
aa
Px#P#Px
A1*
bx
P#x#x#Px
C*
aa
xxxx#P#Px
C*
bx
xx#P#Px
C*
aa
xx#P#Px
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
A1*
aa
Px#x#x#Px
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
A1
xx
P#xx#Px
lacking
A2*
ax
P#x#x#PS
A1*
bx
P#x#x#Px
D
aa
px#PXx
D
bx
px#P#Px
A2*
aa
Px#x#PS
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
D*
aa
P#x#PSx
C*
bx
xx#P#Px
A1*
aa
P#x#x#Px
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
D*
aa
Px#P#Px
aA1*
bx
x#Px#x#Px
A1*
aa
Px#x#P#Px
C*
bx
xx#P#Px
A1*
ax
P#x#x#Px
D*
bx
Px#P#Px
D*
aa
Px#Psx
A1*
bx
P#x#x#Px
A2*
ax
P#xx#PS
A1*
bx
px#x#x#Px
C*
aa
xx#P#Px
D*
bx
P#x#x#P#Px

971
972
105.1
105.2
105.3
105.4
105.5
105.6
105.7
105.8
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1*
aA1
D*
C
A1*
aA1
D*
C*
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
P#x#x#Px
x#P#x#Px
P#x#Psx
x#P#Px
px#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#PSx
xxx#P#Px
3Fornyrislag/mlahttr
Hav (not included in the corpus; see also under ljahttr)
73.1
a
D*
ax
P#x#P#Px
73.2
b
D*
bx
Px#x#px#px
73.3
a
C*-
aa
xxx#px#P
73.4
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
81.1
a
aD*
ax
x#Px#x#P#Px
81.2
b
A1
bx
px#x#P#x
81.3
a
A1
ax
Px#x#P#x
81.4
b
A1
bx
P#x#px#x
81.5
a
A1
aa
P#x#px#x
81.6
b
D*
bx
P#x#Px#x
82.1
a
aA1
ax
x#Px#x#x#Px
82.2
b
D*
bx
Px#x#P#px
82.3
a
D*
aa
Px#x#P#Px
82.4
b
D*
bx
P#xx#P#Px
82.5
a
aD*
aa
x#P#x#px#Px
82.6
b
aA1
bx
xx#P#x#Px
82.7
a
A1-
ax
Px#P
82.8
b
aA1
bx
x#P#x#Px
83.1
a
aD*
aa
x#P#x#P#Px
83.2
b
aA1
bx
xx#Px#Px
83.3
a
D*
aa
Px#P#Px
83.4
b
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
83.5
a
D*
aa
Px#P#Px
83.6
b
aA1s
bx
x#P#x#px
85.1
a
A1s
aa
PXx#px
85.2
b
A1s
bx
PXx#px
85.3
a
A1
ax
PXx#Px
85.4
b
A1
bx
pXx#Px
85.5
a
A1
ax
PXx#Px
85.6
b
A1s
bx
PSx#px
85.7
a
A1
aa
PXx#Px
85.8
b
A1
bx
PXx#Px
86.1
a
A1
aa
PXx#Px
86.2
b
A1
ax
PXx#Px
86.3
a
D*
aa
Px#PSx
86.4
b
D*
bx
Px#PSx
86.5
a
D*
aa
Px#PSx

86.6
86.7
86.8
87.1
87.2
87.3
87.4
89.1
89.2
89.3
89.4
89.5
89.6
89.7
89.8
90.1
90.2
90.3
90.4
90.5
90.6
90.7
90.8
90.9
90.10
144.1
144.2
144.3
144.4
144.5
144.6
144.7
144.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
aA1
A1
aA1s
A1
A1
D
D
A1
aA1
D*
D*
C*
C*
A3-
C*
C*
C*
aD
aA1
D*
C*
C*
D*
C*
D*
B*
B*
C*-
B*
B*
B*
B*
C*-
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xx#Px#Px
Px#Px
xx#Px#px
Px#Px
PSx#Px
px#PSx
P#PSx
PXsx#Px
xx#Px#Px
Px#PSx
Px#PSx
xx#P#PS
xx#P#Px
xx#P#x#P
xxx#px#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
xxx#P#PSx
x#Px#Px
Px#PSx
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#PSx
xxxx#P#Px
P#x#PSx
xxx#Px#P
xxx#Px#P
xxx#P#P
xxx#Px#P
xxx#Px#P
xxx#Px#P
xxx#Px#P
xxx#px#P
Grm (not included in the corpus; see also under ljahttr)

51.1
a
A2b
ax
P#xx#PS
51.2
b
C
bx
xx#PSx
51.3
a
A1
ax
Px#xx#Px
51.4
b
aA1
bx
xxx#Px#Px
51.5
a
D*
aa
Px#PSx
51.6
b
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
Hrbl (see also under ljahttr)
1.1
a
C*
aa
1.2
b
aA1
bx
2.1
a
C*
aa
2.2
b
aA1
bx
3.1
a
A1
ax
3.2
b
A1
bx
xxx#P#Px
xxx#Px#Px
xxx#P#Px
x#Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#x#Px


973
974
Index of scansion
3.3
a
A1s
ax
P#xx#x#x#px
3.4
b
aA1
bx
xx#Px#Px
3.5
a
A3-
xa
xxx#P
3.6
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
3.7
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
3.8
b
A1
bx
P#x#x#P#x
For verses 4.1 through 4.5, see under see under ljahttr.
5.1
a
A1
aa
P#xx#P#x
5.2
b
A3
xb
xxx#Px
5.3
a
A1s
ax
P#x#px
5.4
b
aA1
bx
xx#Px#P#x
6.1
a
A1-
ax
Px#P
6.2
b
aD*
bx
xx#P#P#P#Px
6.3
a
E
ax
PS#x#P
6.4
b
aA1
bx
xxx#PXx#Px
6.5
prose
7.1
a
D*
ax
Px#xx#PXx
7.2
b
aA1
bx
xxx#Px#Px
7.3
a
aA1s
ax
xx#P#x#px
7.4
b
aA1
bx
xx#P#x#Px
8.1
a
A1
aa
PS#x#Px
8.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
8.3
a
D*
aa
P#x#PSx
8.4
b
aA1
bx
xxx#PSxSx
8.5
a
aA1
ax
xxx#PxS#Px
8.6
b
aA1
bx
xx#Px#Px
8.7
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
8.8
b
aA1
bx
xxxx#Px#Px
8.9
a
A1
ax
Px#x#P#x
8.10
b
aA1s
bx
xxxx#Px#px
9.1
a
A1
ax
Px#x#x#x#P#x
9.2
b
C-
bb
xx#P#P
9.3
a
C*
aa
xx#P#Px
9.4
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
9.5
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
9.6
b
aA1s
bx
x#Px#px
9.7
a
A1s
ax
PS#px
9.8
b
aA1
bx
x#P#xx#x#Px
9.9
a
A1
ax
P#x#x#x#Px
9.10
b
A1
bb
P#x#Px
10.1
a
A1
aa
PS#x#Px
10.2
b
D*
bx
P#x#P#Px
11.1
a
C*
ax
xxxx#P#Px
11.2
b
D*
bx
px#x#px#Px
12.1
a
C*
ax
xxx#px#Px
12.2
b
aA1
bx
x#Px#x#P#x
12.3
a
aA1+Px
aa
xxx#Px#Px#Px
12.4
b
C-
bx
xxx#P#P
13.1
prose
13.3
a
aD*
aa
x#px#x#Px#x#P
13.4
b
aA1
bx
x#Px#px#x
13.5
prose
13.7
a
A1
ax
PxSx
13.8
b
aA1
bx
xx#px#xx#Px
14.1
a
A1
ax
P#x#x#Px
14.2
b
C*
bx
xx#px#Px
14.3
a
C*
ax
xxx#P#x#Pxx
14.4
b
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
15.1
a
A1s
ax
P#xx#x#px
15.2
b
aA1
bx
xx#Px#Px
15.3
a
aA1s
ax
xx#PSx#px
15.4
b
aD*
bx
xx#Px#x#pxx#P
15.5
a
A3
xa
xxxx#Px
15.6
b
C*
bx
x#px#Px
15.7
prose
16.1
a
C*
ax
xxx#Psx
16.2
b
A2
bx
P#P#Px
16.3
a
C*
ax
x#P#Px
16.4
b
aA2
bx
x#PS#Px
16.5
a
A1
ax
px#x#x#Px
16.6
b
C*
bx
x#P#Px
16.7
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
16.8
b
A1
bx
P#x#Px
17.1
prose
21.1
prose
23.1
a
A1-
aa
P#x#P
23.2
b
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
23.3
a
D*
aa
Px#PSx
23.4
b
C*
bx
xx#P#Px
23.5
a
C*
aa
px#xx#P#Px
23.6
b
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
23.7
a
aA1
aa
x#Px#Px
23.8
b
C*
bx
xx#PSx
23.9
prose
28.1
a
C*
aa
xxxxx#P#Px
28.2
b
aD*
bx
x#px#x#P#Px
28.3
prose
29.1
a
A1-
aa
P#x#P
29.2
b
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
29.3
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
29.4
b
aA1s
bb
x#Px#px
29.5
a
A1
ax
Px#x#x#Px
29.6
b
A1
bx
Px#xx#x#x#x#Px
29.7
a
A3
xa
xxxxx#Px
29.8
b
A1
bx
px#x#Px
Index of scansion

975
976
Index of scansion
29.9
prose
30.1
a
A1-
aa
P#x#P
30.2
b
aA1
bx
xx#PXx#Px
30.3
a
D*
aa
P#x#x#xx#PSx
30.4
b
aA2
bx
x#PS#Px
30.5
a
D*
aa
Px#xx#PSx
30.6
b
D*
bx
Px#P#Px
31.1
prose
33.1
a
A3
xa
xxxxx#Px
33.2
b
aA1
bx
xx#P#x#Px
34.1
a
A3
xa
xxxxx#px
34.2
b
C*
bx
xxxxx#P#Px
35.1
a
A3
xa
xxxx#PS
35.2
b
aD*
bx
x#PS#P#x#P
36.1
prose
37.1
a
D*
aa
Px#PSx
37.2
b
D*
bx
Px#x#PSx
37.3
a
C*
ax
xxx#P#Px
37.4
b
D*
bx
Px#P#Px
38.1
a
A1-
ax
Px#xx#x#P
38.2
b
C*
bx
xxx#px#Px
39.1
a
D*
aa
PXx#Px#P
39.2
b
aA1s
bx
x#Px#px
39.3
a
A1
aa
Px#P#x
39.4
b
aA1
bx
xx#Px#Px
39.5
a
D*
aa
Px#x#PSx
39.6
b
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
39.7
prose
40.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
40.2
b
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
40.3
a
D*
aa
Px#Psx
40.4
b
A1
bx
P#x#Px
41.1
prose
42.1
a
A1
ax
Px#x#x#P#x
42.2
b
A3
xb
Px#Px
42.3
a
aA1
aa
x#Px#Px
42.4
b
aA1
bx
xx#P#xx#Px
43.1
a
A1
ax
P#xx#Px
43.2
b
B
bx
x#Pxxx#P
43.3
a
aD*
ax
xx#Px#Pxx
43.4
b
A1
bx
PxXx
44.1
prose
45.1
prose
46.1
prose
48.1
a
C*
aa
Px#P#Px
48.2
b
D*
bx
P#xx#P#Px
48.3
a
D*
aa
P#xx#P#Px

Index of scansion
48.4
b
D*
bx
P#x#x#Pxx
49.1
a
D*
aa
Px#x#x#P#Px
49.2
b
aD*
bx
xx#P#xx#P#Px
49.3
a
D*
aa
P#x#PSx
49.4
b
A1
bx
P#x#x#x#Px
50.1
a
A1
aa
P#x#x#x#Px
50.2
b
D*
bx
P#xx#x#P#Px
50.3
a
A2
ax
P#xx#x#x#px#P
50.4
b
C*
bx
xx#px#Px
51.1
a
A1s
ax
PS#x#px
51.2
b
A1
bx
P#xx#x#x#x#Px
53.1
a
A1
aa
P#x#x#x#x#Px
53.2
b
D*
bx
P#x#xx#Pxx
53.3
a
D*
aa
Px#PXx
53.4
b
D*
bx
Px#px#Px
54.1
a
D*
aa
Px#P#Px
54.2
b
C*
bx
xx#P#Px
55.1
a
D*
ax
Px#x#x#x#Pxx
55.2
b
aA1
bx
xxxxxxx#Px#Px
56.1
a
A1
ax
Px#x#Px
56.2
b
A1s
bx
P#x#x#px
56.3
a
A1
aa
P#x#x#Px
56.4
b
A3
xb
Px#x#Px
56.5
a
aA1
aa
xxxx#Px#Px
56.6
b
A3
xb
xxxx#PS
56.7
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
56.8
b
C*
bx
xx#P#P#x
56.9
a
aA1
ax
xxxxxxx#PXx#Px
56.10 b
aA1
bx
x#Px#Px
57.1
prose
58.1
a
C*
ax
xx#x#P#x#Pxx
58.2
b
aA1
bx
x#PsXx#Px
58.3
prose
59.1
a
D*
ax
P#x#x#P#xx#px
59.2
b
aD*
bx
xxx#PXx#Px#px
59.3
a
C*
ax
Px#x#x#x#PSx
59.4
b
aD*
bx
xx#Px#x#P#Px
60.1
prose
Akv
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A1
A1
A1
A1
aA1
aA1
D*
aA1
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#P#x#Px
PS#xx#Px
x#Px#x#x#Px
xx#Px#Px
Px#pxSx
xx#Px#Px
977
978
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
7.9
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
D*
aA1
D*
A1
A2b
A1
D*
A2b
A1
C
D*
D*
aA1
C
aD*
C
A1
aA1
D*
aA1
D*
D*
D
D*
A1s
D*
aD*
aA1
A1
C
A3
aA2a
A1
aA1
aA1
C
A1
C
C
A1-
A2b
A1-
A1
A1
D*
aD*
D
aA1
D*
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
Px#x#Psx
x#Px#Px
P#x#PSx
Px#x#x#Px
Pxx#x#PS
Px#Px
P#x#PXx
P#x#x#P#P
Px#x#xx#Px
Px#pXx
P#xx#PSx
PS#x#PSx
x#Px#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
x#Px#pxSx
x#Px#P#Px
Px#xx#x#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#PSx
x#Px#Px
PS#pxSx
Px#PSx
px#Pxx
Px#PSx
P#x#x#x#xx#px
Px#pxSx
x#Px#PXx
xx#Px#Px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#PS#Px
Px#x#x#Px
x#Px#x#Px
xxxx#P#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#xx#x#Px
x#pxSx
xxx#Pxx
Px#P
P#xx#x#PS
Px#P
Px#xx#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#x#P#Px
x#Px#PXx
px#PSx
x#Px#x#Px
P#x#P#PXx
7.10
7.11
7.12
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
12.7
12.8
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
13.8
14.1
14.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C-
A1
aA1
aA1
C
?
aA1s
D*
C
A1
C
A1
C
A1
aA1
A1
C
D*
aA1
A3
C
D*
aA1
A1
D*
D*
aA1
D*
D*
D*
aA1
D*
D*
D*
aA1
A3
A1
A1
C
A1
aA1
D*
D*
A2b
aA1
C
D*
A1
aA1
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xxx#P#P
P#x#x#Px
xx#Px#Px
xxx#Px#Px
xxxx#P#Px
px#Px#PXx
xxxx#Px#px
P#x#x#PXx
px#x#P#Px
P#x#P#Px
x#Px#pXx
PXx#xx#Px
x#px#Px
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#x#PSx
x#Px#Px
xxx#Px
xxx#P#px
Px#PSx
x#Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#PXx
Px#PSx
x#Px#Px
Px#PSx
Px#PSx
Px#PSx
x#Px#x#Px
Px#PSx
Px#PSx
Px#Psx
x#Px#Px
xxxx#Px
PxS#Px
Px#xx#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
px#xx#Px
x#P#x#Px
pxx#PSx
PS#x#PSx
Px#P#PS
xx#PSx#Px
xxx#PSx
Px#PSx
P#x#x#Px
x#PSx#Px
[Unscannable]
979
980
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
14.9
14.10
14.11
14.12
14.13
14.14
14.15
14.16
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
16.9
16.10
16.11
16.12
16.13
16.14
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
19.1
19.2
19.3
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
B
D*
D
A1
A1
D
C
D*
A1
aD*
aA1
aD*
C
A1-
C
A1
D*
A1
C
aD*
A1
A1
aA1
aD*
C
A1
A1s
D
aA1
D*
A1
aA1
aA1s
A3
A1
A1
aD*
A1
D*
aA1
D*
A1
C
C
aA1
A1
A1
B
ax
bx
aa
bb
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
Px#Px#Px
x#P#xx#P
P#x#PSx
px#PSx
Px#Px
Px#Px
px#Pxx
xx#P#Px
P#x#PSx
Px#xx#Px
x#Px#x#Pxx
xxx#Px#Px
x#Px#PXx
x#Px#P#Px
Px#x#xx#P
xxx#P#Px
P#xx#Px
Px#x#x#P#Px
Px#xx#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
x#Px#PSx
P#x#x#x#Px
P#xx#x#Px
xxx#Px#Px
x#Px#pxSx
x#P#P#Px
Px#x#x#Px
PSx#px
px#PSx
xx#Px#Px
Px#PSx
Px#Px
x#Px#Px
xxxx#PS#px
xxx#PS
P#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
x#Px#PXx
P#x#x#Px
Px#Px#P
x#PxS#Px
Px#PSx
Px#x#Px
xx#px#Px
px#PXx
x#Px#Px
P#x#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px#x#P
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
23.9
23.10
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
25.9
25.10
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A3-
A1
aA1
D-
A1
C
A1
A1
A1
aA1
A1
C
D*
D-
A3
A1
D*
aA1
A3
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1
A3
B
D*
B
A1
aA1
D*
A1
D*
aA1
A3
D-
A1
A1
A3
A1
A3
B
D*
B
A3
A1
C
A1
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
x#P#Px
xx#P
Px#Px
x#Px#Px
P#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#Psx
Px#PSx
px#Px
xxx#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#P#Px
x#Px#x#x#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px
P#xx#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px#P
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#Px#Px
Px#PxS
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#P#Px
x#Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
P#Px
P#xx#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xx#px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px#P
xxx#Px#P
xxx#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#Px
981
982
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
27.9
27.10
27.11
27.12
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
29.8
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
31.9
31.10
31.11
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
B
ax
xx#Px#P
A1
bx
P#x#Px
D
ax
P#PXx
A3
xb
xxxx#Px
A3
xa
xxx#Px
C
bx
xxx#P#Px
A3
xa
xxx#Px
C
bx
xx#P#px
A1
aa
P#x#Px
A1
bx
PSx#Px
C
ax
xx#PSx
D*
bx
Px#PXx
aA1
aa
x#PXx#Px
C
bx
xx#PSx
B
ax
xxx#Px#P
aA1
bx
xx#Px#Px
C
ax
xxx#PSx
A1
bx
P#x#x#x#Px
C
ax
x#P#px
A1s
bx
PS#px
E
aa
PSx#P
C-
bx
x#P#P
A3
xa
Px#x#Px
D
bx
P#P#px
D
ax
px#PSx
A1
bx
Px#Px
D*
xx
PS#PSx
lacking
A1
ax
Pxx#x#Px
D*
bx
px#x#PSx
aA1
ax
x#Px#x#Px
aA1
bx
xxx#Px#Px
A1
ax
Px#x#x#Px
aA1
bx
x#P#x#Px
aD*
aa
x#P#xx#PSx
aA2a
bx
xx#PS#Px
D*
aa
Px#PSx
aA1
bx
xx#Px#Px
A1-
ax
pXx#P
A1-
bx
Px#x#P
C-
ax
xx#px#P
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
aa
Px#Px
C
bx
x#P#Px
A2a
aa
PS#Px
A1
bx
Px#Px
A1
ax
Px#Px
A3
xb
xx#Px
D
ax
P#Psx

31.12
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
32.7
32.8
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
33.7
33.8
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
36.7
36.8
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
37.7
37.8
37.9
37.10
38.1
38.2
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
C
A3-
A1-
D-
A1
A1
A1
A2a
A1
A2b
A1-
aA1
C
A1
aA1
D*
D*
D*
D*
C
A1
D
A1
D*
D*
A1
aA1
D*
aA1
A1
A1
D*
aA1
A1
D*
D*
aA1
A1
C
A1
E
A1
C
D-
A1
D-
C
A1
D*
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
xx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
x#px#Px
Px#P
P#x#x#P
P#PS
P#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
PS#Px
Px#x#Px#Px
P#x#x#PS
Px#x#P
x#Px#Px
x#Px#P#Px
Px#xx#Px
x#Px#Px
P#x#PSx
Px#PSx
Px#PSx
Px#PSx
xxx#P#px
Px#Px
px#PSx
Px#x#Px
Pxx#x#x#PSx
Px#P#x#px
PS#P#Px
x#PSx#Px
Px#Psx
x#P#xx#Px
px#xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#PSx
x#px#x#Px
Px#xx#Px
Px#PSx
px#x#PSx
xx#Psx#x#Px
Pxxx#Px
x#P#Px
P#x#Px
PSx#P
Pxx#Px
x#px#Px
P#PS
Px#Px
px#Px
x#px#Px
P#xx#Px
PS#P#Px
983
984
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
38.7
38.8
38.9
38.10
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
39.7
39.8
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
40.7
40.8
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
41.7
41.8
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
42.7
42.8
42.9
42.10
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
43.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
D*
D*
C
B
D*
C
D*
B
A1s
C
A1
C
A1
aD*
C
C
A2a
A1
A1
D*
C
C
A1
C
C
aA1
D*
aA1
D*
aA1
D*
A3
A1
aA1
aA1
C
A2a
A1s
D
D*
D*
C
A1
A1
A1
A1
A3
D
A1s
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
xx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
xb
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
P#x#PSx
Px#P#Px
xx#P#PS
xx#Px#P
P#xx#PSx
x#px#Px
Px#PSx
xxxx#Px#P
Px#px
x#PSx
Px#Px
xxx#PSx
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#P#px
xx#P#Px
xx#PSx
PS#Px
Px#xx#x#x#Px
P#xx#x#Px
Pxx#x#x#PSx
xxx#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
x#PXx
x#P#Px
x#P#x#Px
Px#PSx
x#Px#Px
P#x#Px#P
x#PSx#Px
Px#P#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#x#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
xx#Px#xx#Px
Px#xx#x#PSx
P#P#Px
PS#px
P#PXx
Px#x#PSx
Px#Psx
xxx#P#Px
PS#x#x#Px
P#xx#x#Px
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px
PsXx
PS#px
Index of scansion
43.8
A1
bx
P#x#Px
Hm
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
2.9
2.10
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
A3
A1
A1
C
A3
A1
A1
A1
A3-
A1-
A3-
D-
aD
A1
A3
A1s
A1
C
A1
A1
B
A1
A1
C
D
A1
A3
D
aA1
A1
A1
aA1
A1
aA1
A1
aA1
C
D*
A1
C
A2b
D*
A3
A1
A3-
C
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
xxx#px
Px#Px
Px#Px
x#Psx
xx#Px
Px#Px
Px#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#P
P#x#P
xxx#P
px#Px
x#P#Pxx
P#x#x#Px
xxx#PS
Px#px
px#xx#Px
x#Px#PSx
Px#x#Px
PS#x#Px
xx#PxS
P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Psx
P#Psx
Px#Px
xxxx#Px
PsXx
xx#Px#x#Px
Px#Px
PS#x#x#Px
x#P#x#Px
Px#x#Px
x#px#x#Px
px#x#Px
x#P#x#Px
xxx#PSx
P#x#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#pxSx
P#xx#x#x#PS
Px#P#Px
xx#px
Px#x#Px
xxx#P
x#px#Px
985
986
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
9.8
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A1
C
C
C
A1s
A1
A1
A1
A1
C
aD*
C
A3
C
D*
aA1
A3
A1
A3
A1
A2b
A1
A3
aA1
A1
C
D*
C
A3
A1
aA1s
A1
A1
A1
A3
A1-
D
A1
A3
D
A3
D
D*
A1
A1
C
A3-
A1
C
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
P#xx#Px
xx#PSx
xx#PSx
xxx#P#Px
P#x#px
Px#xx#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
Px#xx#x#Px
x#P#Px
xx#Px#Psx
xxx#P#Px
xxxx#Px
Px#x#Psx
Px#PSx
x#P#x#Px
xxx#Px
Px#xx#x#Px
xxxx#Px
Px#Px
P#xx#P#P
Px#Px
xxxx#PS
xxx#Px#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#px#Px
Px#PSx
Px#P#Px
xxxx#PS
Px#Px
xxxx#Px#x#px
Px#xx#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#Px
xxxxx#Px
Px#P
px#PSx
P#x#Px
xxx#Px
PSXx
xx#PS
P#PXx
pxx#x#PSx
P#x#Px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#Px
xxx#P
Px#Px
x#Psx
13.8
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
15.7
15.8
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
D
A3-
A1
A1-
C
B
A1
B
A1s
A3
A1-
A1
C
A1
C
C
aA1
A1s
A1
C
C
A1
D*
B
A1
A2b
A1
A2b
A1
A3
D
C
A1
C
B
A1
A1
aA1
A1
A1-
A1
aA1
A1
D*
A1
A1
A1
D*
C
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
xx
xx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
P#PXx
xxx#P
Px#Px
P#x#P
x#P#px
Px#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#px
xxxx#Px
PxS
Px#Px
x#P#Px
Px#x#P#x
x#PXx
xx#P#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#px
Px#Px
x#PSx
xxx#Psx
P#xx#Px
Px#PSx
x#Px#P
Px#x#Px
PS#PS
Px#Px
Px#x#px#P
P#xx#Px
P#x#x#Px
px#PSx
xx#px#Px
Px#Px
x#P#PS
x#P#x#P
Px#Px
PxSx
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
Px#x#x#P
Px#xx#Px
x#Px#xx#x#Px
P#x#Px
P#x#PxS
Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px
Pxx#x#Px
P#x#P#Px
xx#P#Px

987
988
20.7
20.8
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
21.7
21.8
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22.7
22.8
22.9
22.10
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
24.8
24.9
24.10
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
A3
D*
A1
C
A1
aA1
A1
C
A2a
A3
A2b
A3
A2a
C
A3
aA1s
aA2a
A1
A1
B
A1
D*
?
aA1
A1
C
D*
A1
D*
aA1
A1
A1
A1
C
C-
C
A1
C
A1
aA1
A1-
A1s
A1
C
A1
C
A3-
D
A1
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
xb
aa
xb
aa
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
xa
bx
aa
xxxx#Px
Px#P#Px
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#Px
px#xx#x#x#Px
x#px#Px
P#P#Px
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#PS
xx#Px
PS#Px
x#P#Px
xxx#Px
x#Pxx#px
xx#P#P#Px
P#Px#Px
Px#xx#Px
x#P#xx#P
P#x#x#Px
Px#PSx
x#Px#Px#Px
xxx#Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
x#pxSx
Px#PxS
PXx#Px
Px#PSx
xx#Px#Px
P#x#x#Px
Px#x#x#Px
PxS#Px
x#P#Px
x#P#P
x#pxSx
P#x#Px
x#P#px
Px#x#x#Px
x#Px#x#Px
Px#x#P
Px#px
P#x#x#Px
x#pxSx
P#xx#Px
xxx#P#Px
xxx#P
P#P#px
P#xx#x#Px
[Unscannable]
27.2
27.3
27.4
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
4Ljahttr
Hav
1.1
a
1.2
b
1.3
c
1.4
c
1.5
a
1.6
b
1.7
c
2.1
a
2.2
b
2.3
c
2.4
a
2.5
b
2.6
c
3.1
a
3.2
b
3.3
c
3.4
a
3.5
b
3.6
c
4.1
a
4.2
b
4.3
c
C
D*
B
A1
C
D*
C
D*
A1
D*
A1
A1s
C
D
aA1
A1
C
D*
C
A3
C
B
C
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
aa
bx
xxxx#PXx
px#x#x#P#x#P
x#PS#P
P#xx#x#Px
x#P#Px
Px#xx#x#PSx
xxx#P#Px
P#x#PSx
Px#x#Px
px#x#PSx
Px#x#Px
P#xx#x#px
xxx#P#Px
px#PSx
x#Px#x#Px
P#xx#Px#Px
xxxxxxx#P#Px
P#xx#P#Px
xx#P#Px
xx#Px
x#px#Px
x#Px#P
x#Psx
A1
B
A3
A3
aE
C
A3
D-
A1s
A3
A3-
B
A3
A1-
B
A3-
A1
B
A3-
A1-
B
A1-
ax
bx
xaa
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
Px#Px
x#Px#P
x#px#px
x#Px#px
xx#PS#x#x#px
x#Psx
xxx#px#px
px#Px
P#x#x#px
xx#Px#P
xx#P
xxx#Px#P
xx#Px#px
P#x#P
x#P#x#px
xx#P#px
px#x#Px
x#Px#P
xxxxx#P#px
P#x#P
xxx#Px#P
Px#x#Psx
989
990
4.4
4.5
4.6
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
6.9
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
12.1
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
A1
C
A1-
A1-
B
A3
B
B
A3
aA1
B
A3
B
B
A3
aE
C
A3
C-
B
A1
A1
B
A3
A3-
B
A1-
E
B
A1
A1-
B
A1
C-
C
A1
A1
B
A3
A1
aE
A3
A1
B
A3
A2a
B
C
A3-
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
xa
P#x#Px
xx#px#Px
P#x#Psx
P#x#P
xx#Px#px
Px#Px#P
x#PxSx#P
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#P
x#PXx#Px
xx#P#Px#px
x#Px#x#px
xx#P#x#px
x#PxSx#P
xxx#Px#px
xx#PSx#P
x#P#Pxx
x#PS#px
x#px#P
xx#Px#P
Px#Px#px
Px#Px
x#Px#px
xxx#Px#x#px
xx#P
x#P#x#P
P#x#Psx
PSx#x#x#P
x#P#Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#x#P
x#P#x#P
P#x#P#xx#px
xx#P#P
xx#P#P#px
Px#Px#P
Px#Px
xx#P#Px#P
xx#PS#px
Px#Px
xxxx#PSx#P
Px#Px#px
Px#Px
xx#P#Px#P
xx#PS#px
PS#Px
xxx#Px#P
xx#PSx#P
xxx#P
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
20.1
20.2
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
C
D-
B
B
A3-
A1
B
A3
C
B
B
A1-
C
A3
C-
aA1
A3-
A1s
B
A3
A1-
B
A3-
A2a-
C
A3-
B
B
A3
D*
B
A1
A3-
B
A3-
A3-
B
A3
A3
B
C
A1s
B
A3
E
B
A3
A1-
C
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bb
axa
xa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
x#P#px
P#Px#px
xx#Px#P
x#Px#P
xx#P#px
PSx#Px#Px
xxxx#Px#px
xx#px#px
x#P#Px
x#Px#P
x#Px#Psx
P#x#P
x#PSx
xx#Px#px
xx#P#P
x#P#x#Px
xx#P#px
px#x#px
xx#Px#P
x#PS#px
P#x#P
xx#Px#P
xx#P#px
PS#P
xxx#P#px
xxx#P#px
x#Px#P
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px#px
Px#Psx
xx#Px#P
P#x#P#xx#px
P#x#P
xx#P#x#P
xxxx#P#px
xx#P
x#Px#px
xxx#P#x#px
xx#px
xx#Px#P
xx#pXx#x#P
Px#P#x#px
xxxx#Px#P
xx#P#xx#px
PSx#P
xx#Px#P
xxxx#Px#x#px
Px#P
xx#P#px
991
992
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
27.9
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A1-
A3
B
A1
A1s
C
aA1
B
C
A3-
2
B
A1-
A3-
C
A3
A2a-
B
B
A3-
B
A3
A2a-
B
D-
A3-
C
A3
A2a-
B
D-
C-
B
C
A2a-
C
A3-
A3-
C
A3
2
B
A1
A1-
B
A3
A1-
B
A3
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xx
xx
aax
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bb
xaa
P#x#Psx
xx#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px#px
Px#x#px
xx#P#px
x#Px#P#x#px
x#PS#P
x#Pxx
xx#P#px
px#P
x#Px#px
P#x#PSx
xxx#P
xx#px#Px
xxxx#Px#P
PS#P
xxx#Px#P
x#P#x#PSx
xx#P
xx#Px#P
P#x#P#x#P
PS#P
xx#Px#px
PSx#px
xxx#P
xxxx#P#px
xxx#Px#P
PS#P
xx#Px#px
PSx#px
x#P#P
xx#Px#P
xxx#PSx#P
PS#P
xx#P#px
xxxxx#P#px
xxx#P
xxx#P#px
xx#Px#px
PS#
xx#Px#P
P#x#P#x#x#px
Px#x#P
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px#x#P
Px#P
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#x#P

28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
36.1
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
A1
B
A3
A1
B
A3
A1
B
D-
A2a
aA1
A3
aA1
B
A3
C
C
A3
D-
B
A1-
A1
aA1
A3
A1
C
A3
A1-
C
A3
A1
C-
A3
A1
B
A3
A2as
C
A3
C
C
A3-
A1-
C
A1
A1-
B
A1
A1
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bb
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
aa
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
x#Px#x#px
Psx#Px
xx#Px#px
xx#P#x#px
Px#Px
xx#Px#px
PSx#px
PS#Px
xx#Px#Px
xx#SP#x#P
x#PxSx
xx#P#Px#px
xx#Px#px
P#x#P#Px
xx#px#px
xxxx#PS#px
P#Px
xx#Px#P
P#x#P#Px
Px#Px
xxx#Px#Px
xxx#px#px
Px#Px
xx#PSx
xx#Px#px
Px#P
xx#P#px
xx#P#x#P
Pxx#Px
xx#P#P#P
xxx#Px#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#x#P
PS#px
xx#P#px
xx#Px#px
xx#P#px
xx#Psx
xxx#P#px
Px#P
xx#P#px
P#x#Px#P
P#x#P
x#Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#x#Px
993
994
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
44.1
44.2
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
B
A1
aD
aE
A3
A1
B
A1
A1
B
A3
A1
B
D-
B
C
A1-
B
C
A3
C-
defective
aA1
2
B
A3-
A3
B
A3
A1
C
A3
D*
A3
A3
D-
C
A3
A1
B
A3
D-
C
A1-
aE
B
2
A1
C
xx
aaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
xx
aaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
xb
xaa
ax
bb
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bb
aax
ax
bx
aaa
aa
bx
x#Px#P
P#x#Px#P
x#P#P#Px
x#PSx#P
xxx#Px#x#P
P#x#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#Px#P
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#P#x#px
Px#Px
xx#P#Px#P
px#Px#px
xx#SP#x#x#px
xxx#px#Px
P#x#P#px
xxx#Px#P
xxx#pxSx
xxxx#Px#px
xx#P#P
Px
x#P#x#P#x#Px
P#x
x#Px#P
xx#P#P#px
xxx#Px
xxx#Px#px
P#x#P#x#px
Px#x#Px
xx#px#Px
xxx#Px#P
Psx#x#Psx
xx#x#px
xxxx#Px#P
P#Px
x#P#P#px
xxx#P#x#P
P#x#Px
xx#Px#px
x#Px#x#px
P#Px
x#P#P#px
P#x#P#P
x#Psx#P
xx#Px#P
px#P#px
Px#x#x#P#x
xxx#P#px
44.3
44.4
44.5
44.6
45.1
45.2
45.3
45.4
45.5
45.6
46.1
46.2
46.3
46.4
46.5
46.6
47.1
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
48.1
48.2
48.3
48.4
48.5
48.6
49.1
49.2
49.3
49.4
49.5
49.6
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.4
50.5
50.6
51.1
51.2
51.3
51.4
51.5
51.6
52.1
52.2
52.3
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A3-
A1
C
A1
C
B
A3-
A1
C
A3
B
B
A3
A1-
C
A1-
A1
C
A3-
A1
B
A1-
A1
A1s
A1-
B
D*
A3
A1
B
2
A1
C
A1
A3-
B
A3
A3-
B
A3
D*
B
2
A3
B
B
2
B
A3
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xxxxxx#P#px
px#xx#x#x#Px
x#px#Px
px#x#Px#P
xx#P#Px
xx#Px#px
xxxxxx#P#px
P#xx#x#x#Px
x#P#Px
xxx#Px#x#px
xx#P#x#P
xx#Px#px
xxx#P#x#x#px
Px#xx#x#P
xx#P#Px
P#xx#P#px
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#px
xxx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
P#x#P#px
Px#Px
P#x#px
Px#P#px
x#PS#P
Px#PSx
xxx#P#x#px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
P#PSx
Px#x#Px
xx#P#Px
P#x#Px#P
xx#P
xxx#Px#P
xxxx#P#x#P
xx#P
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px#px
Px#Pxx
xx#Px#px
P#P#px
xx#Px
xx#Px#P
x#Px#P#PS
px#x
xx#Px#px
xxxxx#Px#P
995
996
52.4
52.5
52.6
53.1
53.2
53.3
53.4
53.5
53.6
54.1
54.2
54.3
54.4
54.5
54.6
55.1
55.2
55.3
55.4
55.5
55.6
56.1
56.2
56.3
56.4
56.5
56.6
57.1
57.2
57.3
57.4
57.5
57.6
58.1
58.2
58.3
58.4
58.5
58.6
59.1
59.2
59.3
59.4
59.5
59.6
60.1
60.2
60.3
60.4
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
B
B
A1-
A1
A1
A3-
B
C
A1-
2
B
A3-
A3
A1s
C-
2
B
A3-
aA2a
B
C
2
B
A3-
A2a-
B
aA1
A1
D*
D
A1
B
A3
A1
B
A1-
B
A1-
B
A1
B
A3
A1-
B
A1
A1
aA1
A3-
A3
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bb
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
x#Px#P
xx#Px#px
P#x#x#Psx
PXx#Px
PXx#Px
Px#xx#P#px
x#Px#P
xx#Psx
P#x#P#P
pxS
xx#Px#P
xxx#P#P
xx#Px
P#x#px
x#P#P#px
pxS
xx#Px#P
xxx#P#P
xx#P#P#Px
x#Px#P
xxx#PS#x#P
pxS
xx#Px#P
xxx#P#P
PS#P
xx#Px#px
xx#PxSx#px
P#x#Px
P#x#Px#P
px#Px#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#P#x#P
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
P#xx#P#px
xx#PXx#P
P#x#P
x#pxx#P#P
P#x#Px
xxx#Px#P
xxxx#Px#x#P
P#x#P
xxx#Px#P
P#x#P#x#px
Px#Px
x#pXx#Px
xx#P#P
xx#px
60.5
b
B
bx
x#Px#px
60.6
c
A1-
aax
P#x#Pxx
61.1
a
A1-
ax
px#x#P
61.2
b
B
bx
xx#P#Px#P
61.3
c
A3
xaa
xxx#P#x#P
For verses 61.4 through 61.7, see under fornyrislag/mlahttr.
62.1
a
A1s
ax
px#x#px
62.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
62.3
c
A1
aax
P#x#Px#P
62.4
a
A3-
xa
xx#P
62.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
62.6
c
C
axa
xx#PSx#P
63.1
a
A1
ax
Px#x#Px
63.2
b
B
bx
x#Px#P
63.3
c
A3
xaa
xxx#Px#P
63.4
a
D-
ax
P#px
63.5
b
B
bx
x#Px#P
63.6
c
2
axa
P#x#x#Px
64.1
a
A1-
ax
Px#P
64.2
b
aE
bx
xx#PSx#P
64.3
c
A3
xaa
x#Px#px
64.4
a
A3-
xa
xxx#P
64.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
64.6
c
aA1
aax
x#Px#x#Px#px
65.4
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
65.5
b
B
bx
x#P#Px#px
65.6
c
A3
xaa
xx#P#x#P
66.1
a
A1
ax
pxx#Px
66.2
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#px
66.3
c
A3
xaa
xx#P#x#px
66.4
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
66.5
b
C
bx
P#x#Psx
66.6
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#P#x#P
67.1
a
A1-
aa
P#x#P
67.2
b
B
bx
xxx#P#x#px
67.3
c
C
axa
xxxx#PXx#P
67.4
a
C-
ax
xx#P#P
67.5
b
B
bx
xxxx#Px#px
67.6
c
A3-
xaa
xxxx#P#px
68.1
a
A1-
ax
P#x#P
68.2
b
B
bx
x#Px#px
68.3
c
A3
xaa
x#Px#P
68.4
a
A1-
ax
PXx#P
68.5
b
C
bx
x#P#px#px
68.6
c
A3
xaa
xx#P#x#px
69.1
a
C
ax
xx#P#P#px
69.2
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
69.3
c
A1s
aaa
P#x#x#px#P
69.4
a
A3
xa
P#x#Px
Index of scansion
997
998
Index of scansion
69.5
b
C
bx
P#x#P#Px
69.6
c
A3
xaa
P#x#Px#P
70.1
a
A1
xx
Px#x#Px
70.2
b
C
xx
x#PSx
70.3
c
A3-
xaa
xx#P#P
70.4
a
D*
aa
P#x#x#P#Px
70.5
b
D*
bx
Px#Px#px
70.6
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#P#x#px
71.1
a
A1
aa
P#x#Px
71.2
b
D*
bb
P#x#PxS
71.3
c
D-
axa
P#P#x#px
71.4
a
A1
aa
P#x#Px
71.5
b
C-
bx
x#P#P
71.6
c
D-
axa
P#Px#P
72.1
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
72.2
b
B
bx
xx#P#x#px
72.3
c
A3
xaa
xx#Px#px
72.4
a
aA1
ax
xx#PxSx
72.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
72.6
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#P#x#P
74.1
a
A1s
ax
P#x#px
74.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#px
74.3
c
A1-
aax
Px#x#P#P
74.4
c
A1-
aax
P#x#PSx
74.5
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
74.6
b
C
bx
x#P#px
74.7
c
B
aax
x#Px#x#Pxx
75.1
a
A1-
ax
Px#P
75.2
b
B
bb
x#Px#P
75.3
c
C
axa
P#x#PSx#px
75.4
a
A3
xa
Px#Px
75.5
b
D*
bb
Px#PSx
75.6
c
A3
xaa
xxx#Px#P
76.1
a
2
ax
P#P
76.2
b
A1-
bx
Px#P
76.3
c
A3
xaa
x#P#x#px
76.4
a
A3
xa
x#PS
76.5
b
C
bx
x#Pxx
76.6
c
A3
xaa
xxx#Px#P
77.1
a
2
ax
P#P
77.2
b
A1-
bx
Px#P
77.3
c
A3
xaa
x#P#x#px
77.4
a
A3-
xa
xx#P
77.5
b
B
bx
x#Px#P
77.6
c
A1
aax
P#x#Px#P
78.1
a
A1-
ax
Px#P
78.2
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#px
78.3
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#P

Index of scansion
78.4
a
A3-
xa
xx#P
78.5
b
B
bx
x#PxS
78.6
c
A3
xaa
xx#Px#px
79.1
a
A2a-
ax
PS#P
79.2
b
B
bx
x#Px#P
79.3
c
A1-
aax
P#xx#P#px
79.4
a
A1s
ax
Px#xx#px
79.5
b
aD*
bx
x#PS#Pxx
79.6
c
A3
xaa
xxx#P#x#P
80.1
a
A3-
xa
xxx#P
80.2
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
80.3
c
A3
xxx
xx#pxSx
80.4
c
B
aax
xx#Px#Psx
80.5
c
aA1
aax
x#Px#PxS
80.6
c
B
xxx
xxxx#P#xx#px
84.1
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
84.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#px
84.3
c
A3-
xaa
xxx#P#px
84.4
a
aA1
aa
xxx#PXx#Px
84.5
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#px
84.6
c
A1
aax
P#x#P#x#px
88.1
a
D*
aa
Px#PSx
88.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
88.3
c
A3
xaa
xx#Px#px
88.4
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
88.5
b
C
bx
x#P#px
88.6
c
A1
axa
P#x#Px#P
91.1
a
A1
ax
P#x#x#Px
91.2
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
91.3
c
B
axa
P#x#Px#P#px
91.4
a
C
ax
xx#P#Px
91.5
b
C
bx
xx#P#Px
91.6
c
A3
xaa
xxx#Px#px
92.1
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
92.2
b
C
bx
x#P#Px
92.3
c
C-
axa
xxx#P#P#P
92.4
a
A1
aa
Px#Px
92.5
b
B
bx
x#Px#P
92.6
c
A3
xaa
x#P#x#P
93.1
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
93.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
93.3
c
A1-
aax
Px#Pxx
93.4
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
93.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#x#P
93.6
c
D-
axa
PSx#px
94.1
a
A1
ax
Psx#Px
999
1000
94.2
94.3
94.4
94.5
94.6
95.1
95.2
95.3
95.4
95.5
95.6
96.1
96.2
96.3
96.4
96.5
96.6
97.1
97.2
97.3
97.4
97.5
97.6
98.1
98.2
98.3
98.4
98.5
98.6
99.1
99.2
99.3
99.4
99.5
99.6
100.1
100.2
100.3
100.4
100.5
100.6
101.1
101.2
101.3
101.4
101.5
101.6
102.1
102.2
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
B
A3-
A1
B
A3
A1-
B
A3
C
aA1
A3
A3
B
A3-
A1
B
A3-
A1-
B
D-
D-
B
A3
A1
B
A3
A2b
B
A1-
A1-
aA1
A1
A1
C
A1
A3-
B
A2a
aA1
B
C
A1
B
C
A1-
B
A1
C-
aA1
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
x#P#Px#P
xxx#Px#P#px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#px
xx#Px#P
P#x#x#P
xx#Px#P
xxx#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
x#Px#Px
xx#Px#x#px
xxx#Px
xxx#Px#P
xxx#P#px
P#x#Px
xxx#Px#P
xxxxxx#P#px
Px#P
xx#Px#P
PSx#px
P#Px
xxx#Px#px
xxxx#P#x#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#px
xxxx#Px#P
P#xx#PS
xx#Px#px
Px#P#px
P#x#P
x#Px#Px
Px#Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#px#Px
P#xx#P#x#px
xxx#P
xx#Px#P
PS#P#x#px
x#PXx#Px
x#Px#px
xxx#PS#x#px
P#x#Px
xxx#P#x#px
xx#PS#x#px
P#x#x#x#P
xx#Px#px
Px#Px#P
P#x#P#P
x#Px#Px
102.3
102.4
102.5
102.6
102.7
102.8
102.9
103.1
103.2
103.3
103.4
103.5
103.6
103.7
103.8
103.9
104.1
104.2
104.3
104.4
104.5
104.6
105.1
105.2
105.3
105.4
105.5
105.6
105.7
106.1
106.2
106.3
106.4
106.5
106.6
107.1
107.2
107.3
107.4
107.5
107.6
108.1
108.2
108.3
108.4
108.5
108.6
109.1
109.2
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
D-
A3
C
A3
A1
B
A3
C
B
A1-
A1
B
A3-
A1
aA1
A3
?
B
C
A1
C
A3
E
D*
A1
D-
B
A3
A3
2
B
A3-
A1
B
aA1
A1s
C
A1
C
C
B
A1-
C
A1
aE
B
A3-
B
C
axa
xa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
aa
bx
xaa
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
PS#x#px
xxx#Px
xx#Psx
xxxx#Px#P
PXx#Px
xxxxx#Px#P
xxxxx#Px#P
xx#P#px
xx#Px#P
P#x#x#P#px
Px#x#Px
xxx#PS#px
xx#P#px
PxSx
xxxx#P#x#Px
xx#PS#px
x#Px#px#x#Px
xxx#P#x#px
P#x#x#PXx#P
Px#Px
xxxx#P#px
x#Px#px
PS#x#x#P
Px#Px#P
P#x#Px#px
P#PS
xxxx#Px#px
xx#Px#px
xx#Px#px
px#P
xx#P#x#P
xx#P#px
px#x#Px
xx#Px#px
x#Px#x#Px#P
P#x#px
xxx#P#px
P#x#Px#P
xx#Psx
xx#P#px
x#Px#P#px
px#x#x#P
xxxx#P#px
Px#Px#P
xx#Psx#x#px
xx#Px#px
xxxxx#P#px
x#Px#P
xx#PSx
[Unscannable]
1001
1002
109.3
109.4
109.5
109.6
109.7
110.1
110.2
110.3
110.4
110.5
110.6
111.1
111.2
111.3
111.4
111.5
111.6
111.7
111.8
111.9
111.10
111.11
112.1
112.2
112.3
112.4
112.5
112.6
112.7
113.1
113.2
113.3
113.4
113.5
113.6
113.7
114.1
114.2
114.3
114.4
114.5
114.6
115.1
115.2
115.3
115.4
115.5
115.6
115.7
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
A1
D*
aA1
B
A3
A3
B
A3
A1s
B
B
A3
D
A1
A1
A1
A3
aA1
aA1
D*
D*
A3
D*
C
A1
A3
A1
C-
B
D*
C
A1
A3
E
B
A3
A3
C
A1
A1
B
aA1
D*
C
A1
A3
A1s
C
A1
ax
bb
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aa
bb
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
axa
Px#P#x#Px
Px#Px#P
x#PSx#x#Px
xxxxx#Px#px
xxxxxx#Px#x#px
PS#Px
xxx#Px#px
xxx#Px#px
PX#px
xx#Px#P
x#Px#Psx
P#x#x#Px
px#Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#Px
xxxx#Px#P
x#Px#xx#x#Px
xx#Px#Px
Px#Px#P
Px#Px#P
xxx#Px#P
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
P#x#Px
xxx#P#P
xxxxxx#Px#P#px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
PSXx#px
xxxx#Px#px
xxx#px#x#px
xx#px
xx#px#Px
P#x#Px#P
P#x#Px
x#Px#px
xx#PxS#x#px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
Px#px
xxx#Pxx
PxSx#P
116.1
116.2
116.3
116.4
116.5
116.6
116.7
117.1
117.2
117.3
117.4
117.5
117.6
117.7
117.8
117.9
117.10
118.1
118.2
118.3
118.4
118.5
118.6
119.1
119.2
119.3
119.4
119.5
119.6
119.7
119.8
119.9
119.10
120.1
120.2
120.3
120.4
120.5
120.6
120.7
121.1
121.2
121.3
121.4
121.5
121.6
121.7
121.8
121.9
Index of scansion
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
D*
C
A1
A3
aA1
C
A3
D*
C
A1
A3
A1-
C
D
aA1
C
A1
A1
B
D-
A2a
C
A3
D*
C
A1
A3
A2b
C
A1
B
B
A1
D*
C
A1
A3
A1-
C
aA1
D*
C
A1
A3
D-
D*
A1-
A1
B
ax
bx
axa
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
x#Px#xx#Px
xx#px#Px
xxx#Px#P
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
Px#P
xx#Pxx
PS#x#x#px
xxx#Px#Px
xx#Pxx
P#x#Px#px
pxx#Px
xx#Px#P
P#Px#px
PS#Px
xxxx#Psx
xxxx#Px#P
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
Px#x#x#P#P
xx#P#px
Px#x#Px#P
xx#Px#P
x#Px#px
P#x#Px#P
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
Px#P
xxxx#pxSx
xx#PxS#xx#x#px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
P#Px
P#x#Pxx
Px#x#Psx
P#x#Px
xx#Px#x#px
1003
1004
121.10
122.1
122.2
122.3
122.4
122.5
122.6
122.7
123.1
123.2
123.3
123.4
123.5
123.6
124.1
124.2
124.3
124.4
124.5
124.6
124.7
125.1
125.2
125.3
125.4
125.5
125.6
125.7
125.8
126.1
126.2
126.3
126.4
126.5
126.6
126.7
126.8
126.9
126.10
127.1
127.2
127.3
127.4
127.5
127.6
127.7
128.1
128.2
128.3
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A1
D*
C
A1
A3
A1
C
C
aA1
C
D-
C-
B
D
A1
B
A1
A3
B
C
B
D*
C
A1
A3
A1
aD*
A3
A3
D*
C
A1
A3
E
B
A3
D*
B
A3-
D*
C
A1
A3
C-
B
A3
D*
C
A1
aax
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
PSx#Px#P
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
Px#Px
xx#Pxx
x#PSx#px
xxx#Px#Px
xx#Pxx
P#P#x#px
x#P#P
xx#Px#px
PSx#x#px
Px#x#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#x#Px
xx#Px#x#px
xxx#P#Px
x#P#x#px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
P#Px#Px
xxx#P#x#Px#P
xx#Px#px
xxx#Px#P
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
PS#x#px
x#PxS
xxx#Px#x#P
P#x#px#Px
xx#P#x#P
xxx#P#px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
xx#P#P
xxx#Px#P
xxxxx#Px#P
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
128.4
128.5
128.6
128.7
129.1
129.2
129.3
129.4
129.5
129.6
129.7
129.8
129.9
130.1
130.2
130.3
130.4
130.5
130.6
130.7
130.8
130.9
130.10
131.1
131.2
131.3
131.4
131.5
131.6
131.7
131.8
131.9
131.10
132.1
132.2
132.3
132.4
132.5
132.6
132.7
133.1
133.2
133.3
133.4
133.5
133.6
134.1
134.2
134.3
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A3
A1s
C
A3
D*
C
A1
A3
D-
C
A1
B
A3
D*
C
A1
A3
B
C
C
A1
C
A3
D*
C
A1
A3
A1s
C
C
B
aA1
aA1
D*
C
A1
A3
aA1
D*
A1-
D*
B
A3
A3-
aA1
aA1
D*
C
A1
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
axa
xaa
aa
bx
aaa
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
xxx#P#x#x#P
Px#px
xx#Pxx
xxxx#Px#px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
P#Px
xxxx#PSx
Px#Px
xx#Px#px
xxx#Px#px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
xxxx#Px#px
xxx#pxSx
x#P#Px#P
Px#xx#Px
xxx#P#px
xxxx#P#x#P
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
px#x#x#x#px
xxx#Psx
xxx#P#px
xx#Px#px
xx#P#x#Px
xx#Px#x#Px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
x#Px#x#Px
Px#Pxx
P#x#PXx
P#xx#PSx
xxxx#Px#px
xxx#P#x#px
xx#P#x#P
x#Px#x#Px
xx#P#x#Pxx#px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
1005
1006
134.4
134.5
134.6
134.7
134.8
134.9
134.10
134.11
134.12
134.13
135.1
135.2
135.3
135.4
135.5
135.6
135.7
136.1
136.2
136.3
136.4
136.5
136.6
137.1
137.2
137.3
137.4
137.5
137.6
137.7
137.8
137.9
137.10
137.11
137.12
137.13
137.14
137.15
138.1
138.2
138.3
138.4
138.5
138.6
138.7
138.8
138.9
139.1
139.2
Index of scansion
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
c
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
A3
B
D*
A3-
B
B
D
A3
A3
B
D*
C
A1
A3
A1
C
A3
A1-
B
A1-
A1-
B
C
D*
C
A1
A3
C
B
aA1
aA1
D*
D*
D*
A1
D*
aA1
A1
A1-
A1-
D-
A1
C
D-
A3
B
A3
aA1
C
xaa
ax
bx
xa
bx
ax
bx
xaa
xaa
aax
ax
bx
axa
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xxx#P#x#x#P
x#Px#P
Px#Pxx
xx#P
xx#Px#px
xx#Px#P
px#P#px
xx#Px#x#P
x#Px#x#P
x#Px#x#Psx
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#Px
xx#Pxx#P
P#x#x#P
x#Px#P
Px#x#Psx
P#x#P
xxx#Px#P
x#P#P#x#px
Px#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#Px#x#x#P
xxx#P#x#x#P
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px#px
xx#P#x#x#Px
x#P#x#Px
P#x#PXx
P#x#PSx
P#x#PSx
Px#x#Px#Px
Px#x#PSx
xx#Px#Px
P#x#x#Px#px
P#x#x#x#P
PxSx#P
P#Px#px
Px#Px
x#px#Px
P#Px#P
xx#Px
x#Px#P
xxx#Px#P
x#Px#x#Px
xx#Pxx
139.3 c
2
axa
Px#x#P
139.4 a
C
ax
xx#P#Px
139.5 b
A1-
bx
PXx#P
139.6 c
C-
aax
x#P#P#px
140.1 a
A1s
ax
PxS#px
140.2 b
B
bx
xxxxx#Px#px
140.3 c
A2a
aax
PS#Px#px
140.4 a
B
ax
xx#P#x#P
140.5 b
B
bx
x#Px#px
140.6 c
A1-
aax
Px#Psx
141.1 a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
141.2 b
C
bx
x#P#px
141.3 c
B
aax
x#Px#x#P#px
141.4 a
A1
aa
P#x#x#Px
141.5 b
D
bx
P#Pxx
141.6 a
A1
aa
P#x#x#Px
141.7 b
D
bx
P#Pxx
142.1 a
A1
ax
Px#x#x#Px
142.2 b
B
bx
x#Px#px
142.3 c
A3
xaa
x#Px#px
142.4 c
A3
xaa
x#Px#px
142.5 c
aA1
aax
x#Px#PxS
142.6 c
B
aax
x#Px#Psx
142.7 c
C-
axa
x#P#P#Px
143.1 a
A1
aa
Px#x#Px
143.2 b
B
bx
xx#Px#px
143.3 c
D-
aax
px#Px#px
143.4 c
A2a
aax
PS#Px#px
143.5 c
A3-
xaa
xx#P#px
145.1 a
C
ax
Px#x#Psx
145.2 b
C
bx
xx#PSx
145.3 c
A3
xaa
xxx#Px#P
145.4 a
A3
xa
Pxx#PS
145.5 b
C
bx
xx#Psx
145.6 a
B
ax
x#P#x#P
145.7 b
B
bx
x#Px#P
145.8 a
B
ax
xx#P#x#P
145.9 b
B
bx
xx#P#x#P
146.1 a
A3-
xa
P#x#x#P
146.2 b
aD*
bx
x#Px#Px#px
146.3 c
A3
xaa
x#Px#P
146.4 a
D
aa
P#Px#P
146.5 b
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
146.6 a
aA1
aa
x#px#x#Px
146.7 b
aD*
bx
x#Px#PSx
147.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
147.2 b
B
bx
xxx#Px#px
147.3 c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#px
Index of scansion
1007
1008
148.1
148.2
148.3
148.4
148.5
148.6
149.1
149.2
149.3
149.4
149.5
149.6
149.7
150.1
150.2
150.3
150.4
150.5
150.6
151.1
151.2
151.3
151.4
151.5
151.6
152.1
152.2
152.3
152.4
152.5
152.6
153.1
153.2
153.3
153.4
153.5
153.6
154.1
154.2
154.3
154.4
154.5
154.6
155.1
155.2
155.3
155.4
155.5
155.6
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A1
C
A1-
A1
C
A3
A3
B
A1-
A3-
B
A3
A3
A3
B
A1
A3-
C
A3
A3
B
B
A3-
B
C
A3
aD
A1-
A1-
C
A3
A3
B
D
D-
B
A3
C
B
C
A1
A1-
aA1
C
C
A1
A3-
B
A3-
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
xa
bx
xaa
xaa
xa
bx
aax
xa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
xa
bx
aax
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
xaa
P#x#x#x##Px
xxx#P#px
P#x#xx#Psx
Px#x#Px
xx#Psx
xxx#P#x#px
xxxx#Px
xx#Px#px
P#x#Psx
xx#P
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px#px
xx#Px#P
xxxx#Px
xxxx#Px#px
P#x#Px#px
xxxx#P
xx#Pxx
xxx#Px#x#P
xxxx#Px
xx#Px#P
x#Px#P#px
xx#P
xx#Px#P
xxx#P#P#x#P
xxxx#Px
xx#P#Px#px
P#x#Psx
Px#x#P
xxxx#Pxx
xxx#P#x#px
xxxx#Px
x#Px#P
PSx#x#px
P#P#P
x#Px#px
xxx#Px#P
xxxx#pXx
xx#P#x#P
x#Px#px#Px#x#px
P#x#Px
Px#P
x#Px#Px#P
xxxx#pXx
xxx#Psx
Px#Px#P
xx#P
xx#Px#px
xx#P#px
155.7
156.1
156.2
156.3
156.4
156.5
156.6
156.7
156.8
157.1
157.2
157.3
157.4
157.5
157.6
157.7
158.1
158.2
158.3
158.4
158.5
158.6
159.1
159.2
159.3
159.4
159.5
159.6
160.1
160.2
160.3
160.4
160.5
160.6
161.1
161.2
161.3
161.4
161.5
161.6
162.1
162.2
162.3
162.4
162.5
162.6
162.7
162.8
162.9
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
c
c
A3-
C
C
A1-
B
B
A1
A1
A3
A3
C
A1
A3-
B
A3-
A3
C
C
A1
A3
C
A1
C
B
A1
A1
B
A3-
D*
C
A1
A1
B
A1
C
B
C
A1
E
aA1
C
C
C
A1
C
A3-
A3
2
2
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
aax
xaa
xa
bx
aax
xa
bx
xaa
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
aaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aaa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xaa
axa
axa
xx#P#px
xxxx#PXx
xxxx#PSx
Px#Psx
xx#Px#x#P
xxx#Px#px
Px#Px#P
Px#Px#P
xxx#Px#px
xxxx#Px
xxxx#P#Px
Px#PxS
xx#P
xx#Px#P
xx#P#px
x#Px#x#P
xxxx#PXx
xxx#P#Px
Px#Px#P
xxx#Px
xxx#P#px
Px#x#P#x#px
xxxx#PXx
xxx#Px#px
Px#Px#px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
P#x#SP#P
P#x#x#x#PXx
xx#Psx
P#x#Px#px
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#px
Px#PxS
xxxx#PXx
xxxx#Px#P
xx#P#P#x#px
px#x#Px
PSx#px
x#P#x#xx#Px#px
xxxx#PXx
xxx#P#Px
x#PSx#P
Px#Px
xx#PSx
xx#P#px
xxx#P#x#x#P
P#x#x#P
P#x#x#P
1009
1010
Index of scansion
163.1
163.2
163.3
163.4
163.5
163.6
163.7
163.8
163.9
164.1
164.2
164.3
164.4
164.5
164.6
164.7
164.8
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
c
C
aA1
A1-
A1
B
A3
A3
B
A3
aD*
D*
A2a
A2a
A1-
A1-
A1
A1-
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bb
aax
aax
ax
bx
axa
axa
xxxx#PXx
xx#Px#Px
P#x#P#px
P#x#Px
x#P#x#P
xxx#Px#px
xxxx#Px
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px#P
xxx#Px#P#px
Px#Px#P
PS#Px#px
PS#Px#px
P#x#x#P
P#x#x#P
Px#P#x#P
Px#P#Px
Vm
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A3-
C
B
A1
B
C
A1
B
A3
B
C
C
A1-
D*
A3
B
C
D-
A1s
D*
A3
A1s
B
A1
A3
C
C
B
C
A1-
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
aa
bb
xaa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
xx
xx
aax
xxxx#P
xx#px#Px
x#Px#PSx
PSx#Px
xxxx#Px#px
xxx#PSx#px
Px#Px
xxx#PxS
x#Px#px
xx#Px#px
xxx#PSx
x#PSx#px
P#x#P
P#x#Pxx
P#x#Px#px
x#P#x#px
x#PSx
pxSx#P
P#x#px
P#x#P#px
P#x#x#Px#P
Px#x#px
xxx#PxS
Px#Px#px
xx#Px
xxx#Psx
xx#PSx#px
x#Px#x#P
xxx#P#px
P#x#P#px

6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
14.1
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
D*
C
A3
C
C-
A3
A3
B
A3
A1s
D*
A3
A1
B
A1
D-
B
C
A3
B
A3
A3
B
A1
E
B
A3
E
B
C
A3
B
A3
C
B
A1-
A1
B
A1-
A1-
C
A3
A3
B
A3
C
B
A1-
A1
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
P#x#x#PSx
xxxx#P#px
xx#Px#P
xxx#P#px
xx#P#P
xx#PS#px
xxx#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#P
P#x#x#px
Px#Px#P
xxxx#Pxx#P
PS#x#Px
xxx#Px#px
P#x#Px#px
px#Px
xxx#Px#px
xxx#PSx#px
xxx#PS
xxx#Px#px
xxx#P#x#P
xx#Px
x#Px#px
P#xx#x#Px#P
PSx#P
xx#Px#P
xx#P#xx#px
PSx#px
xxx#Px#px
xxx#PSxx#P
xxx#PS
xxx#Px#P
xx#Px#px
xx#P#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#Psx
PSx#Px
xx#Px#P
P#x#Psx
Px#P
xxxx#Psx
xxx#P#x#px
xxx#PS
xxx#Px#P
xx#Px#px
xx#P#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#P#px
PSx#Px
1011
1012
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
22.1
22.2
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
B
A1-
D-
B
A3
A3
B
A3
C
B
2
A1-
B
2
D-
C
A3
A3
B
A3
C
B
A1
E
B
A1
A1
B
A3-
A1-
D*
A3
A1
B
A1-
A3
B
C
B
C
A1
C
B
A3
A1
aE
A3
A3
B
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
x#Px#P
P#x#P#px
Psx
xxx#Px#P
xxx#P#x#px
xxx#PS
xxx#Px#P
xx#Px#px
xx#P#Px
xxxx#Px#px
P#x#x#px
px#xx#P
xxxx#Px#px
P#x#x#px
px#Px
xxx#Psx
xx#P#x#P
xxx#PS
xxx#Px#P
xx#Px#px
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px#P
P#x#x#Px#P
PS#xx#P
xxx#Px#P
P#x#x#Px#P
Px#Px
xxx#Px#P
xxx#P#px
P#xx#x#P
P#x#x#P#px
xxxx#Px#px
Px#Px
xxx#Px#P
P#x#Psx
xxxx#Px
xx#Px#px
xx#PSx#px
xx#P#x#P
xx#Psx
P#x#Px#px
x#px#Px
x#P#x#px
xx#Px#P
px#x#Px
x#PSx#px
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px
xx#Px#px
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
C
B
C
A3
A1
B
A3
D-
B
A1-
A1
B
C
B
C
A3
A1
C
aA1
A1-
C
A1-
A3
B
C
B
C
A1-
A2a
B
A3
A3
B
C
B
C
A1-
A1
C
C
D-
C
C
A3
B
C
C
B
A1
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
xx#PSx#px
xx#Px#x#P
xxx#P#px
xx#P#x#px
PxSx#Px
xx#Px#px
xx#Px#x#px
px#Px
xxx#Px#P
Px#x#Psx
Px#x#x#Px
xx#Px#px
xx#PSx#px
xx#P#x#P
xxx#P#px
xx#P#x#px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
x#P#x#Px#px
P#x#P
xx#P#px
Px#x#Psx
xxxx#Px
xx#Px#px
xx#PSx#px
xx#P#x#P
xx#P#px
P#x#P#px
PS#Px
xx#Px#px
x#PS#px
xxxx#Px
xx#Px#px
xx#PSx#px
x#Px#P
xx#px#Px
Px#x#Psx
PSx#Px
xxx#P#px
xx#PSx#px
PSx
x#P#px
x#PSx#px
xxxx#Px
xx#Px#px
xx#PSx#px
xx#PSx
xx#Px#px
P#x#Px#px
1013
1014
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
38.7
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
aA1
C
B
aA1
B
C
A1
B
C
C-
B
A3
aA1
C
A1-
A1
B
D
A3
D*
C
C-
B
A3
A1
B
C
B
B
A3
D*
B
C
B
C
A3
A2a
C
A1
A3
C
A1-
C
B
C
C-
B
A1
C
ax
bx
aaa
aa
bx
aaa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aa
bx
x#PxSx
xx#Psx
x#P#x#x#P#px
x#Px#Px
xx#Px#px
xxx#P#P#x#px
Px#x#x#Px
xx#Px#px
xx#PSx#px
xx#P#P
x#Px#px
xxxx#Px#px
xx#Px#Px
xx#PSx
P#x#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#px
PSxx#P
xxxx#Px
P#x#Px#px
xx#PSx#px
xx#P#P
xx#P#x#P
xx#PS#px
PSx#Px
xxx#P#x#px
xx#PSx#px
xx#P#x#P
xxx#Px#px
xx#P#x#px
Px#x#x#pXx
xx#Px#px
xxx#PSx#px
xx#P#x#P
xxx#P#px
x#P#x#Px#x#P
PS#Px
xxx#px#Px
px#x#Px#P
xx#Px
xx#P#px
Px#P#px
xxxx#pXx
xx#Px#P
P#PSx#px
xx#P#P#P
x#Px#px
px#x#Px
xx#PSx
38.8
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
40.1
40.2
40.3
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
42.7
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
43.7
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
44.5
44.6
45.1
45.2
45.3
45.4
45.5
45.6
46.1
46.2
46.3
46.4
46.5
46.6
47.1
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
A3
C
C
C
B
C
A3
C
aD*
A1
D*
D*
A1
A1
B
A1
A3
B
C
aA1
B
A1-
C
aA1
B
A3
aA1
A1
B
A1
A1-
D*
A3
A3
B
A1
D*
B
B
A1
C
A3
A1-
D*
A3
A3-
B
A3
A1
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
axa
ax
bx
xaa
aax
ax
bb
aaa
aa
bb
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bb
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
xxxx#Px#px
x#pxSx
xxx#P#px
xxxx#PXx#px
x#Px#P
xx#P#px
xx#Px#px
xxxx#PXx
x#Px#Px#P
Px#Px#P
Px#PSx
Px#Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#x#Px
xxx#Px#P
Px#x#x#Px#px
xxxx#Px
xx#Px#P
P#PSx#px
x#Px#Px
x#Px#px
px#x#x#PXx
x#PSx#px
x#Px#Px
x#Px#px
xx#Px#P
xx#P#xx#x#P#x#px
px#x#x#Px
x#PS#px
px#xx#x#Px#px
P#x#P
P#x#Pxx
P#x#Px#px
xxx#Px
xxx#Px#P
PxS#x#px
P#x#Psx
xx#Px#px
x#Px#Psx
PxSx
xxx#P#px
xxx#Px#px
P#x#P
P#x#Pxx
P#x#Px#px
xxx#P
xx#Px#px
xxxxxx#Px#px
Px#Px
1015
1016
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
48.1
48.2
48.3
48.4
48.5
48.6
49.1
49.2
49.3
49.4
49.5
49.6
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.4
50.5
50.6
51.1
51.2
51.3
51.4
51.5
51.6
52.1
52.2
52.3
52.4
52.5
52.6
53.1
53.2
53.3
53.4
53.5
53.6
54.1
54.2
54.3
54.4
54.5
54.6
55.1
55.2
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
C
A3
A3
C
A1
A1-
D*
A3
A3
C
D
D-
C
A1-
A1
B
A3
A1-
D*
A3
A3
A1s
aA1
A1
C
aA1
A1
B
B
A1-
D*
A3
A3
C
A3
D-
B
A3
A1
B
A1
A1-
D*
A3
A3
D*
A1
A1-
C
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bb
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bb
xaa
xa
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
aa
bb
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
aa
bb
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
x#Psx
xxx#Px#px
xx#Px
xx#px#Px
Px#Px#P
P#x#P
P#x#Pxx
P#x#Px#px
xxxx#Px
xxx#P#px
PSxx#px
P#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Psx
pxx#Px
xxx#Px#px
xxx#Px#px
P#x#P
P#x#Pxx
P#x#Px#px
xxxx#Px
Px#px
xx#Px#Px#px
Px#x#Px
xx#P#px
xx#Px#Px#px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#px
x#Px#x#Psx
P#x#P
P#x#Pxx
P#x#Px#px
xx#Px
x#Psx
xx#Px#px
P#Px
x#PxS
xx#Px#px
Px#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#x#P
P#x#Pxx
P#x#Px#px
xxx#Px
P#x#P#px
P#x#Px#px
P#Px#x#P
xxx#Psx
Index of scansion
55.3
55.4
55.5
55.6
55.7
55.8
55.9
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A1
A1
B
A3
A3
C
A3
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
Px#x#Px#px
Px#Px
xxxxx#Px#px
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px
xxxx#Psx
xxx#Px#px
Grm
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
7.2
7.3
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A1s
B
A3-
D-
C
A3-
A1-
B
aA1
C
aA1
E
A1
A1
B
2
D-
C
A3-
A1
B
A1
C
C
A3
A1
C
A1
A2a-
C
A1-
A1s
C
A1
A1
B
A1-
A1
C
A1s
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
P#xx#px
x#P#x#px
xx#P#px
px#Px
xxx#P#px
xx#P#px
Px#P
xxxx#Px#P
xxx#Px#P#x#P
xx#P#Px
x#P#x#Px
Psx#P
Px#Px
P#xx#Px
xx#Px#P
pxS#px
P#Px
xx#Pxx
Px#P#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#x#Px#P
xx#PSx
x#P#px
xx#Px#px
Psx#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#Px#px
PS#P
xxx#Psx
Px#x#PS
P#x#x#x#px
x#P#px
Px#Px#px
PxS#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#Psx
PxS#xx#x#Px
xx#px#px
Px#px#Px
1017
1018
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
aA1
B
A1
A1
C
A2a
A3-
B
D-
A3
B
D
A2b
D*
A1
A3
B
D
D-
B
A3-
A1
B
C
C
D
A1
A1
C
A1
A3
B
A1-
A1
A3
A3
C
aA1
A1
D*
B
A1
A1-
B
A3
D*
B
aA1
C
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
aax
ax
xb
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
xx#Px#x#Px
xxx#Px#px
P#x#Px#px
PS#xx#x#Px
xx#PSx
PS#P#x#px
xx#P
x#Px#P
PSx#px
Px#PS
xxx#Px#px
PSx#x#P
Px#x#P#P
Px#x#P#px
Px#x#Px#P
Px#PS
xxx#Px#px
PSx#x#P
P#Px
x#Px#P
xxx#P#px
PS#xx#x#Px
x#Px#P
xx#PSx#px
xx#px#Px
P#P#px
Px#Px#px
PxS#xx#x#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#Px#px
xx#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Psx
pxS#xx#x#Px
xx#PS
xx#Px#px
x#P#px
xx#Px#Px
P#x#Px#P
PS#x#x#pXx
xx#Px#P
Px#Px#x#P
Px#P
xx#Px#P
x#Px#Px#P
Px#x#x#pXx
xx#Px#P
x#Px#P#x#px
xx#Psx
15.5
15.6
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
B
aA1
D*
C
A1
A1
C
A1
A1-
C
A1-
B
C
A1
D-
C
D-
A1-
C
C
A1s
C
A1
C-
D-
A1-
A1s
B
A1-
A1s
B
A3
2
C
D-
2
C
D
A2a
B
A1
A1-
C
A3-
A1s
B
C
D*
B
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
xx#Px#P
x#Px#Px#px
pxS#xx#x#PXx
xx#P#px
P#x#Px#px
Px#Px
x#Psx
PSxx#Px#P
Px#P
x#P#px
Px#P#px
xx#P#x#P
x#P#px
P#x#Px#px
PSx
xx#PSx
PSx#px
Px#P
xx#px#px
xx#PSx#px
px#x#px
x#Psx
Px#PxS
xx#P#P
Psx
Px#P#px
px#x#px
xx#Px#P
PxS#px
px#x#x#px
xx#P#x#px
xx#P#x#px
P#P
xx#PSx
P#Px#P
PS
xx#Psx
PSx#x#px
PS#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#x#Px#px
P#x#x#P
xx#px#px
xxxx#P#px
P#Px#px
xx#Px#px
xxxx#PSx#px
Px#Px#PSx
xxx#Px#px
1019
1020
23.6
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
27.8
27.9
27.10
27.11
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
28.9
28.10
28.11
28.12
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
29.7
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
c
c
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
A3
A1
B
C
A1
C
A1-
D*
aD*
A3
A2a
B
A3-
B
aD*
A3
A3
C
C-
A1-
A1
A1-
A1
A1-
2
A1-
B
A1-
A1-
A1-
A1-
A3
A1-
A1-
A1-
A1-
A1-
A1-
A1-
A1-
B
A3
A1-
aE
A1-
A3-
B
B
A3
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aaa
aa
bb
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bb
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xxx
aax
aax
axa
aax
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
xb
aax
aa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
aax
xa
xxxxxx#Px#x#px
P#Px#Px
xx#Px#px
xxx#PSx#x#px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
P#x#x#P#px
PS#Px#P
xx#Px#x#PxS
xxx#Px#px
PS#Px
xxx#Px#px
xxx#P#px
xxx#Px#P
xxx#Px#PxS
xxx#Px#px
xxx#Px
xx#PSx
xxxx#P#P#px
P#x#P
Px#x#Px
P#x#PS
P#x#PxS
P#x#PXx
px#x#px
px#x#Psx
x#Px#x#P#px
P#x#P
P#x#P
P#x#Psx
Px#xx#P
Px#PS
Px#Psx
P#x#P
P#x#P
P#x#P
P#x#P
P#x#P
P#x#P
P#x#P
xxx#Px#P
xxxx#Px#px
P#x#P
x#PSx#P
P#x#P#px
xx#P
xx#Px#P
x#Px#Psx
xx#PS
29.8
29.9
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
30.9
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
34.9
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
C
A1-
A1
D*
A1
D*
D*
A3
2
B
B
2
C
B
A1
C
A3
D*
B
B
A1-
C
C
A1
B
D-
2
A1s
A1
aD*
C
A1s
aE
A1-
A1
C
D-
D
C
A1-
A1s
C
A3
A1-
C
D-
A1
D*
A1-
bx
axa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
axa
aax
ax
bb
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bb
aax
x#P#px
Px#P#px
P#x#Px
P#x#Psx
PxS#x#px
P#x#PSx
PS#x#Psx
xxx#Px#P
P#x
xx#Px#px
x#Px#Psx
P#P
xxx#P#px
xx#Px#Psx
P#x#xx#Px
PXx#PSx
Px#Px#P
pxS#xx#PXx
x#Px#P
x#Px#Psx
Px#P
xx#px#px
xxx#PSx#P
Px#xx#x#Px
xx#PXx#P
PSx#px
px#x#px
PS#x#pxS
Px#Px
xxxx#Px#Psx
xxxxxx#PSx#px
px#x#px
xxx#PSx#px
PS#x#PSx
Px#x#Px
xxx#P#px
P#Px#P
P#Psx
xx#Pxx
Px#x#P#px
P#x#px
xx#px#Px
xx#PS#px
P#x#P
xxxx#P#px
PS#x#px
Px#x#Px
P#x#Psx
P#x#Psx
1021
1022
36.7
36.8
36.9
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
A2b
A3
C
A2b
C
A1-
A3
C
A1
D-
B
D
A1-
B
A3
A1-
aE
A3
A3
aE
aA1
C
B
A3
A1
A1
A3
A3-
C
A2a
A3
C
D-
D*
B
A3
aA1
B
A3
E
C
D
2
A1-
A1
D
C
C
A1
aa
xb
axa
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
aa
PS#x#PS
x#pxS
xxx#PSx#P
PS#x#PS
xxx#P#px
Px#P#px
xxxx#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px#P
P#Px
xx#Px#px
P#PXx#px
P#x#P
xxx#Px#px
xx#P#x#P
P#xx#P
xxxxx#PSx#px
x#Px#px
x#Px#px
xx#PSx#P
xxx#Px#Px#px
x#px#Px
x#P#x#px
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#px
xxx#P
xx#P#px
PS#Px#px
xxx#Px
xxxx#PSx
P#P#x#px
Px#Px#P
x#Px#px
xxx#P#x#px
xx#Px#Px
xxx#Px#px
xx#Px#x#px
PSx#px
xxx#Psx
PSx#x#px
px#P
Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#Psx
xx#P#px
x#PSx#px
Px#Px
44.5
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
44.6
a
A2as
aa
PS#px
44.7
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
44.8
a
A2a
aa
PS#Px
44.9
b
B
bx
x#Px#P
45.1
a
A1-
ax
px#xx#x#x#P
45.2
b
aE
bb
x#PSx#px
45.3
c
A3
xaa
xxx#PS#px
45.4
a
A1
aa
Px#Px
45.5
b
C
bx
xx#P#px
45.6
c
A1
axa
Px#Px#P
45.7
c
A1
axa
Px#Px#P
46.1
a
A3-
xa
xx#P
46.2
b
C
bx
xx#Pxx
46.3
c
A1-
aax
Px#x#Psx
46.4
a
A1s
aa
P#x#px
46.5
b
A1-
bx
P#x#P
46.6
c
D
axa
PSx#x#P
47.1
a
A1s
aa
P#x#px
47.2
b
B
bx
x#PxS
47.3
c
D-
axa
PS#x#px
47.4
a
A2b
aa
PS#PS
47.5
b
A2a
bx
PS#Px
47.6
a
A1
aa
P#x#Px
47.7
b
A2b
bx
PS#x#PS
48.1
a
A2b
aa
PS#PS
48.2
b
A2as
bx
PS#px
48.3
a
A2b
ax
PS#PS
48.4
b
D*
bx
PS#x#PxS
48.5
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
48.6
b
C
bx
xx#Pxx
48.7
c
A3
xaa
xxx#Px#P
49.1
a
A1
ax
Px#x#Px
49.2
b
C
bx
x#Psx
49.3
c
B
aax
x#P#x#PSx
49.4
a
A3
xa
xx#px
49.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
49.6
c
D-
aax
P#Px#P
49.7
c
2
axa
px#x#Px
49.8
a
A1
aa
Px#x#Px
49.9
b
D*
bx
PS#x#PSx
49.10 c
A1
axa
Px#x#PS#x#px
50.1
a
A1
aa
px#x#Px
50.2
b
C
bx
xxxx#PSx
50.3
c
A3
xaa
xxxxxx#Px#px
50.4
a
aE
ax
xxx#PSx#P
50.5
b
B
bx
x#Px#px
50.6
c
A1-
aax
Px#P#px
Index of scansion
1023
1024
Index of scansion
52.1
52.2
52.3
52.4
52.5
52.6
53.1
53.2
53.3
53.4
53.5
53.6
54.1
54.2
54.3
54.4
54.5
54.6
54.7
54.8
54.9
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A1
B
A3
A1
C
A3
E
C
A3
A1
B
A3
A1
D*
A3
A1
D*
A1
A1
B
A1
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bb
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
P#x#x#Px
xx#P#x#P
xx#Px#px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
Px#x#Px#px
PSx#P
xx#P#px
xxx#P#x#px
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px#P
xxx#P#x#x#px
Px#x#x#Px
P#x#Px#P
xx#P#xx#P
P#x#Px
Px#x#PxS
P#x#P#x#px
Px#x#Px
xxxx#Px#P
Px#x#Px#P
Skm
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
5.1
5.2
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
A3
aA1
A3
A3
B
D-
A1
B
A3
A3
B
D-
A3-
E
A3
C-
E
A3
B
A1
2
C
B
A3
D-
B
xx
xx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xxx#Px
x#P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px
xx#Px#P
PSx#px
Px#Px
xx#P#x#xx#px
xxxx#Px#x#P
xxx#Px
xx#Px#P
PSx#px
xxx#P
PSx#px
xx#Px#px
xx#P#P
PSx#px
x#Px#x#px
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
px#Psx
xx#Psx
xxx#Px#px
xxxx#Px#px
px#Px
xxxx#Px#px

5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
13.1
13.2
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
A3
xaa
xxx#P#x#px
B
ax
xx#Px#px
C
bx
xxx#Psx
A3-
xaa
xxx#P#px
C
aa
x#px#Px
A3
xb
xx#Px
D-
axa
P#Px#P
A1
ax
Px#Px
C
bx
x#P#px
A3
xaa
P#P#x#P
D*
ax
P#x#x#Pxx
B
bx
x#Px#P
A1-
aax
Px#x#Psx
A1
aa
Px#x#Px
B
bx
xx#Px#P
A3-
xaa
xx#P#P
A1
aa
P#xx#P#x
B
bx
xxxx#Px#px
A1-
aax
Px#Psx
A3-
xa
xx#P
C
bx
x#P#px
A3
xaa
x#Px#P
A1-
ax
P#x#x#x#P
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
A1-
aax
Px#Psx
A3-
xa
xx#P
B
bx
x#P#x#px
A3
xaa
xxx#P#x#px
A1
ax
P#x#Px
A1s
bx
P#x#x#x#px
A1-
axa
Px#P#px
A1-
aax
Px#P#px
A1s
ax
Px#x#px
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
C
axa
xx#PSx#px
A3
xa
xxx#Px
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
aA1
axa
x#Px#Px#px
C
ax
xxx#PSx
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
A3
xaa
x#Px#px
A3-
xa
xxx#P
C
bx
xxxx#PSx
lacking
E
ax
PSx#P
C
bx
xx#P#px
A1
axa
Px#Px#px
A1
ax
Px#x#Px
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
1025
1026
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
15.1
15.2
15.3
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A3
A1
B
A3
C
B
A1
D-
B
A3
A1
C
A1
A1
B
A3
A3
B
A3
A3
B
A3
B
D*
C
A1
B
A3
B
D*
C
D*
C
A3-
A1
C
C
D*
C
A3
A3-
C
A1
A1-
C-
aA1
D*
C
aA1
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
xx#P#x#px
Px#Px
xx#P#x#px
x#P#P#x#px
xxx#P#Px
x#x#Px#Px#x#P
Px#Px#P
P#px
x#Px#px
xx#Px#px
P#x#x#Px
xxx#P#px
P#x#x#Px#px
P#xx#x#Px
x#Px#P
xxxx#Px#P
xxx#px
xx#Px#P
x#Pxsx
xxx#Px
x#Px#px
x#Px#px
xx#P#x#P
Px#P#px
x#PSx#x#P
Px#x#Px
x#Px#px
x#Px#px
xx#P#x#P
Px#P#px
xx#PSx#x#P
Px#Pxx
xxxx#PSx
xxxx#P#px
P#x#Px
xxx#P#px
SPXx#px
Px#Pxx
xx#Pxx
x#Px#px
xx#P
xxxx#P#px
Px#Px#px
P#x#x#x#P
xx#P#P
x#Px#Px#px
Px#xx#PSx
x#P#Px
xx#pxx#Px#P
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
27.7
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
A1
C-
aA1
C-
B
A3-
B
A2b
A3
D-
B
A3-
A2as
C
A3
A3-
C
D
C
B
A2b
A3
A3
B
A3-
E
B
A1
A3
B
A1
E
C
D*
B
A2b
B
aA1
aA1
C-
B
aE
A1
B
A1
A1
D*
A3
A1-
ax
bx
aax
ax
bb
xaa
aa
bb
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
ax
bx
aa
bb
xaa
xa
bb
xaa
ax
bx
aaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
P#x#Px
x#P#P
x#Px#Px#px
xxx#P#P
x#Px#px
x#Px#P#px
xxxx#Px#P
Px#PS
xxxxx#Px#P
px#Px
xxx#Px#P
xxxx#P#px
PS#px
xx#Pxx
x#Px#px
xxx#P
xx#px#Px
P#PSx
xx#px#Px
xxxx#Px#P
Px#PS
xxxxx#Px#P
xxx#Px
xxx#Px#px
xx#P#px
PSx#xx#P
xxx#Px#P
P#x#Px#px
xxx#Px
xx#Px#px
Px#Px#P
px#Px#P
xx#P#Px
Px#Px#P
xx#Px#P
P#x#x#P#P
x#Px#P
x#Px#P#x#px
x#PSx#x#Px
xx#P#P
xx#Px#px
xx#PSx#px
PSxx#x#Px
x#P#x#px
pxx#Px#P
Px#x#Px
px#x#Psx
xxx#P#x#px
Px#P
1027
1028
29.5
29.6
29.7
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
30.7
30.8
30.9
30.10
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
31.7
31.8
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
34.7
34.8
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
35.8
35.9
35.10
Index of scansion
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
B
A1-
A3
A3
B
A1
aA1
B
A1
A1
A1
C
A3
aD*
A1s
A3
A3-
A3-
aA1
A3
C
B
C
A1
A1
A1
D*
A3-
aE
B
A1
A1
D*
D
D*
A3-
A3
A1-
A1-
E
C-
A3
C
C
A1-
A1
C
A1
A1
bx
aax
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
aax
aax
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
xaa
xaa
aa
xb
aax
ax
bx
axa
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bb
aa
bx
xa
xb
axa
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
aaa
xxx#Px#P
Px#Psx
x#Px#px
px#Px
xxx#Px#P
Px#Px#P
x#PSx#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#x#Px
xxx#P#px
xxxx#Px#px
x#Px#PSxx
P#x#x#px
xx#PS#px
x#P#Px
x#P#Px
x#P#x#Px
xxx#Px
x#P#pxSx
x#P#x#P
xx#P#px
PxS#x#px
PxS#x#P
P#x#x#Px
P#x#x#PxS
xx#P#P
x#pxSx#P
xx#Px#px
PxSx#px
Px#Px
Px#PSx
px#PXx
Px#Psx
xx#xP
xx#xxPx
Px#P#px
Px#P#px
PSx#xx#P
xx#px#P
x#PS#px
xx#Psx
x#px#Px
Px#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Pxx
P#x#Px#px
P#x#Px#px
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
36.7
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
38.1
38.2
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
Index of scansion
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A1-
C
A1
C
C-
C-
A3
A2b
C
A1-
A3
C
C
A1-
C
A3-
A3
A3
A1
A1
B
2
C
B
D-
A1
B
A3
C
C
A3-
A1
B
2
C
B
D-
A1-
A1-
A3
A3
A1
C-
aa
bx
aa
bx
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
xb
aax
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
1029
P#x#x#P
x#P#px
Px#x#Px
x#Psx
xxx#P#P
xxx#P#P
xxx#Px#P
P#xx#x#P#P
xxx#PSx
Px#P#px
xxxxx#Px
xxx#Pxx
Px#pXx#P
pxx#P
xx#P#px
xxxx#P#px
xxx#Px
xxx#Px
Px#Px#px
Px#Px
xx#Px#px
P#Psx
xx#P#px
xx#Px#px
P#Px#px
Px#x#x#Px
xxxx#Px#x#P
xxxx#px#px
xx#Pxx
x#pxSx
xxx#P#px
Px#Px
xx#Px#px
P#Psx
xx#P#px
xx#Px#px
P#Px#px
P#x#P
Px#x#P
xx#Px#P
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#P#PS
Hrbl (see also under fornyrislag/mlahttr)

4.1
a
A3
xa
Pxx#Px
4.2
b
C
bx
xxx#Pxx
4.3
c
A1s
xxx
PXx#xx#Px
4.4
a
D*
ax
P#xx#x#PSx
1030
4.5
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
18.9
18.10
18.11
18.12
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
19.7
19.8
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
20.7
22.1
22.2
22.3
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
25.1
25.2
25.3
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
Index of scansion
b
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
a
b
c
a
b
a
D*
A1s
C
A1s
aA1
A3
A1
A3
2
C
A1
A3
aA1
A3
aE
A1
E
A3
B
A1
A3
D*
C
aA1
A1s
B
A1
aA1
A3-
B
aA1
D*
aA1
A1
aA1
A1
C
aA1
A2a
B
B
C
aA1
aD*
B
B
A1
aA1
A3
bx
ax
bx
ax
bx
xa
bx
xaa
axa
aa
bx
xaa
axa
xa
bx
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
axa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
aa
bx
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xa
P#x#x#x#x#Px#P
Px#xx#x#px
xxx#px#Px
Px#xx#x#px
xx#Px#Px
xx#Px
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
P#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
Px#x#Px
xxxxx#Px#P
xxxx#P#xx#P#x#px
xx#Px
x#PSx#px
P#x#x#Px
PSx#px
xxx#Px#px
xxx#Px#P
Px#Px
x#x#Px#P#Px#x#P
Px#PSx
xxxx#Psx
xxx#Px#P#x#px
Px#px
xxx#PS#px
P#x#x#PxS
xx#Px#P#x#px
xxx#P
xx#PXx#P
x#P#x#P#x#Px
P#x#x#PSx
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
xxx#P#Px
x#P#x#Px#P
PS#Px
xxxxx#Px#px
xxxx#Px#px#P
P#x#P#Px
x#Px#Px
x#Px#x#PSx
xxx#Px#px
x#PXx#x#x#P#px
Px#x#x#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#x#Px
Index of scansion
26.9
27.1
27.2
27.3
32.1
32.2
32.3
47.1
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
52.1
52.2
52.3
b
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
C
E
C
A3
2
B
C
E
B
A3
A1
B
aA1
A1-
aA1
C
bx
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bb
xxx
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aaa
ax
bx
axa
xx#px#Px
PS#x#px
xxxxx#P#px
xxxx#Px#x#P
x#P
xxxx#Px#P
xxxxxxxx#PSx#P
PSx#P
xx#Px#px
xxxx#P#x#px
Px#Px
xxxx#Px#px
xx#P#x#Px#P
Px#P
xxx#Pxx#Px
Px#PSx#px
Ls
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
6.1
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
A3
C
D-
A3
C
D-
aA1
aA1
D-
A1
B
A3
A1
D*
A3
A1
B
A3
C-
D*
A3
A1
C
A3
A3
B
D-
A1
C
A3
A1-
xa
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bb
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
xxx#Px
xxx#Pxx
px#Px#px
xx#Px
xxx#PSx
PSx#px
x#P#x#Px
xx#PSx#Px
PSx#px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#px
xxxxx#Px#P
P#x#Px
Px#Px#P
xx#P#x#P
P#x#Px
xxx#Px#px
xxxxx#Px#P
xxxx#P#P
Px#Px#P
xx#P#x#P
Px#x#Px
xxxx#P#px
xxxxx#Px#P
xxx#Px
xx#Px#px
PSx#px
Px#Px
xxx#Psx
xx#Px#x#P
P#x#P
1031
1032
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7
14.1
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
D*
A1
A1
C
A1-
B
A1-
A3
A1s
B
A3
A1s
B
A1-
B
B
A1
A3
C
A1
A1
aA1
A3
A3
C
A1
A3
B
A1
A1
D*
C
C-
B
D-
A1
C-
aA1
A3
A1
A1
D*
C
A1-
A1
B
A3-
A3
aA1
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
aax
aa
bx
aaa
xa
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
aa
bb
xaa
xaa
ax
Px#Px#P
P#x#Px#P
Px#x#Px
xx#P#px
Px#P#px
x#px#x#P
Px#P
xx#Px#x#px
Px#x#px
xxx#Px#P
xx#Px#x#px
Px#x#px
xxx#Px#P
Px#Pxx
xx#Px#px
xx#Px#px
PxS#x#px
xxx#Px
xxx#Psx
Px#Px#px
Px#Px
xx#Px#Px
xxxxx#Px#px
xxx#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px#P
xx#px
xx#Pxsx
Px#Px#P
Px#Px
Px#PXx
x#P#PSx#P
xxx#P#P
x#Px#P
px#Px#P
P#x#Px
xxx#P#P
x#Px#x#x#Px#px
xx#Px
PS#x#Px
Px#xx#P#x#P
P#x#PSx
xx#P#px
Px#P#px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#px
xxx#P#px
x#Px#x#P
xxxx#Px#Px
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
22.1
22.2
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
B
A1-
2
B
A1
A1
C
2
A1-
C-
A1-
A1s
D*
B
A3
B
A1
A3
aA1
D
aA1
C
A3
A1
A1s
A1
A1
D-
A1
B
B
D-
A1-
B
A3
A3
A3
A3
A1
B
B
A1s
C
A3
aA2b
B
D
A3
C
bb
aax
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
xb
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
xa
bx
xxx#Px#P
Px#P#P#px
px#x
xxxx#Px#P
P#x#x#P#x#px
P#xx#x#Px
xxx#P#px
px#PSx
px#x#P
xx#P#P
P#x#P#px
P#x#px
Px#Px#px
x#Px#Psx
xx#px
xxx#Pxsx
Px#Px#P
xxx#px
xxx#Px#Px
PSXx#px
xx#Px#Px
xx#PSx
xx#Pxsx
px#x#Px
Pxsx
Px#Px#P
px#x#Px
PSx
Px#x#x#x#Px#px
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#P
PSx#px
Px#x#P
xx#Px#P
xx#PS#P
xxx#Px
xxxx#px
xx#Px#x#px
P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#P#px
P#xx#px
x#Psx
xxxx#Px#x#px
xx#Px#PS
xxxx#Px#px
PSx#x#P
xxx#Px
xxx#Pxx
1033
1034
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
30.1
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
A3
A3-
aD
A3
A3-
aA1
A3
A1-
C
D
A3-
A3-
aA1
E
A3
A1
B
A3-
A1
C
A1
B
C
A2b
A3-
B
A3
aA1
B
A1
aA1
D*
A1
A1
B
A3
A3-
aA1
A1-
A3-
aA1
A1
A1s
B
A1-
A2a-
C
A3
A3
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xaa
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aaa
xa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
xx#P#x#px
xx#P
xxx#px#Pxx
xx#Pxx#P
xxxx#P
xxx#px#x#Px
xx#Pxx#P
Px#P
xxx#P#px
P#PXx#x#px
xxxxx#P#px
xxxxx#P#px
xx#Px#Px
Psx#P
xxxx#P#x#px
Px#Px
xx#PS#px
xxxxx#P#px
Psx#Px
xx#Pxx
Px#Px#P
xx#Px#P
xxx#Psx
Px#x#P#P#px
xxx#P
xx#Px#P
xxxx#PS#px
xx#px#x#Px
xxx#Px#P
Px#x#P#x#px
xxxx#Px#Px
Px#Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#x#x#Px
x#Px#px
xxxxxx#Px#px
xxx#P
xx#Px#Px
Px#Psx
xx#P
xx#Px#Px
Px#P#x#px
P#xx#px
xx#Px#P
Px#Psx
PS#P
xxx#P#px
xx#Px#px
xxx#Px
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
36.1
36.2
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
38.1
38.2
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
C
A3
A1
B
A1-
A1
C
A3
A3
C
A1-
A3
C
aA1
C
C
A3
C
aD*
2
aA2b
B
A3
A1-
D*
A1
D-
C
A3-
A3-
C
A1
C-
B
A3
A1-
B
A3
aA1
B
aA1
A3-
C
A1
A1
C
A3
A1-
D*
bx
xaa
aa
bb
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bb
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xxx#PSx
xxx#Px#P
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#px
P#xx#x#P#px
P#x#x#Px
xxxx#P#px
SP#x#px
Px#x#x#Px
x#PXx
P#xx#P#px
xxx#Px
xx#PSx
x#Px#Px#P
xxx#P#Px
xx#P#px
xxxxx#Px#px
xx#PSx
xx#Px#P#px
P#xx#P
xx#P#x#P#P
xx#P#x#px
xxxx#P#x#px
px#x#P
P#x#P#px
P#x#P#x#px
px#Px
xxxx#Psx
xxx#P#px
xxx#P
xxx#P#px
P#x#P#x#px
xx#P#P
xx#Px#P
xxxx#Px#px
Px#x#P
xxx#Px#P
xxxx#Px#P
x#Px#Px
xx#Px#P
x#px#x#Px#P
P#x#P
Px#Psx
Px#Px#P
P#x#x#Px
x#P#px
xxxx#Px#P
px#x#P
P#xx#Pxx
1035
1036
38.3
38.4
38.5
38.6
39.1
39.2
39.3
39.4
39.5
39.6
40.1
40.2
40.3
40.4
40.5
40.6
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
42.1
42.2
42.3
42.4
42.5
42.6
43.1
43.2
43.3
43.4
43.5
43.6
44.1
44.2
44.3
44.4
44.5
44.6
45.1
45.2
45.3
45.4
45.5
45.6
46.1
46.2
46.3
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A3
A1
B
A3
A1-
C
A1
A1-
B
A3
A1-
B
A3
A1
C
D-
A1
E
A3
A3-
C
A1
A1
C
B
B
B
C
aA1
aE
A3
A1
C
aA1
A3
B
A3
B
C
A3
A1
B
D-
C
C
A1-
A1
D*
A3
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xx
xx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aaa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xx#P#x#P
Px#xx#Px
xx#Px#px
xxx#Px#P
Px#x#x#P
xx#PSx
P#x#Px#P
Px#xx#x#P
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#P
px#x#P
xx#Px#px
xxxx#P#x#P
P#x#Px
xxxx#Pxx
PSx#px
P#x#x#Px
PSx#px
x#Px#px
xxx#P
xxx#P#px
Px#PxS
Px#Px
xx#px#Px
x#Px#x#P#P
xx#PS#px
xx#PS#px
xxxx#px#P#x#P
xxxx#Px#Px
x#Psx#P
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxxx#PSx
x#Px#Px#x#px
xxxx#Px
xxx#Px#P
x#PS#px
x#Px#P
xx#P#px
xx#Px#px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#px
P#P#x#px
xxx#P#Px
xxx#P#px
Px#P#px
px#x#Px
P#xx#Pxx
xxx#Px#P

46.4
46.5
46.6
47.1
47.2
47.3
47.4
47.5
47.6
48.1
48.2
48.3
48.4
48.5
48.6
49.1
49.2
49.3
49.4
49.5
49.6
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.4
50.5
50.6
51.1
51.2
51.3
51.4
51.5
51.6
52.1
52.2
52.3
52.4
52.5
52.6
53.1
53.2
53.3
53.4
53.5
53.6
54.1
54.2
54.3
54.4
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
C-
A1
A3
A1s
C
A3
C
B
A3
A2b
D*
aA1
A1s
C
C-
A1s
B
A1
B
aE
A1
B
aE
A1
A1-
C
A3
B
C
A3
A3
B
C-
A1
aE
A3
A1-
B
A3
A1s
C
A1-
A3
B
A1
A3
A3
A1
A3-
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
xa
xb
axa
xa
xxx#P#P
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#px
P#xx#px
xxxx#Psx
xx#Pxx#px
xx#PSx
x#Px#P
xxx#Px#x#px
px#x#PS
P#x#x#Psx
x#Px#P#x#px
Px#px
xx#P#px
x#px#P#px
P#x#x#px
xxx#Px#P
Px#Px#px
xxxx#Px#px
x#PSx#px
Px#Px#P
xxxxx#Px#px
x#PSx#px
Px#Px#P
P#x#P
xxx#Psx
xxx#Px#px
xxx#P#x#P
xxx#Psx
xxxx#Px#px
xxx#px
x#Px#px
xx#P#P#px
Pxx#x#Px
xxx#PSx#P
xxxxxx#P#x#px
px#x#x#P
xx#Px#px
xx#Px#P
P#x#x#x#px
xxx#PSx
Px#P#px
xxxx#Px
xxx#Px#px
PxSx#px
xx#Px
xxx#Px
P#x#P#x#px
xx#P
1037
1038
54.5
54.6
54.7
55.1
55.2
55.3
55.4
55.5
55.6
56.1
56.2
56.3
56.4
56.5
56.6
57.1
57.2
57.3
57.4
57.5
57.6
58.1
58.2
58.3
58.4
58.5
58.6
59.1
59.2
59.3
59.4
59.5
59.6
60.1
60.2
60.3
60.4
60.5
60.6
61.1
61.2
61.3
61.4
61.5
61.6
62.1
62.2
62.3
62.4
Index of scansion
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
C
A1-
C
A2a
C
A1-
C-
B
D-
A3
B
aA1
A1
B
A3
A2b
C
A1
A1-
B
A3
A1-
C
B
A3
B
aA1
A2b
C
A1
A1-
C
A1
A1
C
A1
aD*
D*
B
A2b
C
A1
A1
B
aA1
A1-
A1-
aA1
A1
bx
aax
axa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
xxx#px#Px
P#x#x#Psx
xxxxx#PSx#px
P#P#Px
xxx#P#px
Px#Psx
x#P#P
xx#Px#P
P#P#x#px
xxx#Px
xx#Px#P
x#Px#Px#P
PSx#Px
xxx#Px#px
P#xx#Px#px
px#x#P#P
xxx#Psx
Px#P#xpx
Px#P
xxx#Px#P
xxxxx#Px#x#px
Px#P
xxx#P#px
x#px#x#P#P
xxxxx#Px
xxxx#Px#px
x#P#x#Px#Psx
px#x#P#P
xxx#Psx
Px#P#xpx
P#x#x#P
xx#Psx
Px#x#Px#P
Psx#Px
xx#Pxx
Px#Px#P
xx#Px#PXx
Px#x#Psx
x#PXx#x#x#P#px
px#x#P#P
xxx#Psx
Px#P#xpx
Px#xx#Px
xxx#Px#px
xxx#Px#Px#P
px#xx#x#P
Px#P
xx#Px#Px#P
Px#Px
Index of scansion
62.5
62.6
62.7
63.1
63.2
63.3
63.4
63.5
63.6
64.1
64.2
64.3
64.4
64.5
64.6
65.1
65.2
65.3
65.4
65.5
65.6
65.7
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
B
A3
A3
A2b
C
A1
A1s
C
A3
A3
B
A3
A3
C
A3
A1
B
A1
A1-
B
A1s
aA1
bx
xaa
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
aa
bb
axa
axa
xxx#Px#px
xxxxxx#Px#P
xxxx#Px#P
px#x#P#P
xxx#Psx
Px#P#xpx
Px#px
xxx#P#px
x#PS#px
xxx#Px
xxx#Px#px
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px
xx#P#Px
xxx#P#x#x#P
P#xx#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#P#x#px
Px#x#P
xx#Px#P
Px#px#px
x#Px#P#x#px
Alv
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
5.1
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
A1
B
A3
A1
aA1
A1-
A3
B
A3
A1
C
A3
A1
C
A3
A1-
C
aA1
A3
B
A1
A3
B
A3
A3
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
xa
Px#Px
xx#P#x#P
xx#Px#px
px#x#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#xx#P#px
xxx#px
xxxx#P#x#px
xxx#P#x#P
Px#Px
xxxx#P#px
xxxx#Px#px
PS#x#Px
xxx#P#px
xxxx#Px#P
Px#P
xxx#P#px
xxxx#Px#Px#px
xx#Px
xxx#Px#P
P#x#P#x#px
xxx#Px
xxx#Px#P
xxxx#P#x#x#px
xxx#Px
1039
1040
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
13.1
13.2
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
B
A1-
A1
C
A3
A1
B
A1-
aA2a
aD*
A3
A1
B
A3
A1
C
C
A1
A1
A1
B
A1
A3-
A3
D*
D-
C
B
A1
A1
B
A3
A2a
D*
C-
A3
D*
D-
C
D-
A1
A1
B
C
A2a
D*
A1
A3
D*
bx
aax
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
aa
xx
aax
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
xx#Px#P
P#x#Psx
PxSx
xxx#px#Px
xxxx#Px#px
PS#x#Px
xxx#Px#px
P#x#x#Psx
x#PS#Px
xxxx#Px#P#px
xx#PS#px
Px#Px
xxx#Px#px
xx#PS#px
Px#Px
xx#P#px
xx#PSx#P
Px#Px
px#x#Px
Px#P#x#px
xxx#Px#P
Px#x#Px
P#x#x#x#P#px
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px#px
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#px#px
PS#Px
Px#pXx
xx#P#Psx
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#px#Px
pxSx
Px#Px#P
px#xx#x#Px
x#Px#x#px
xx#PSx#px
PS#Px
Px#PxS
Px#Px#P
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
21.1
21.2
21.3
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
D-
aA1
C-
A1
A1
B
C
A1
C
B
A3
D*
D-
C
aD
A1
A1
B
B
A2a
D*
A2a
A3
D*
D-
C
aA1
A1
A1
aE
A3
A2a
D*
B
A3
D*
D-
C
B
A1
A1
B
B
A1
D*
A3
A3
D*
D-
axa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
px#P#x#px
xx#Px#Px
xx#P#P
Px#Px#P
Px#xx#x#Px
x#px#x#px
xx#PXx#P#Px#P
Px#Px
x#P#Px
xx#Px#Psx
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
x#P#Px#px
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
x#Px#x#px
xx#Px#px#Px
PS#Px
Px#PxS
PS#Px#px
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
x#Px#Px
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
x#PS#x#px
xx#PS#px
PS#Px
Px#Psx
xxx#Px#P#px
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
x#Px#x#px
xx#Px#Psx
Px#Px
Px#Psx
xxx#Px#px
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
1041
1042
21.4
21.5
21.6
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
C
B
A1
A1
B
A3
A2a
D*
B
A3
D*
D-
C
C
A1
A1
aE
A3-
A2a
A2b
aA1
A3
D*
D-
C
B
A1
A1
B
A3-
D-
aA1
A3
A3
D*
D-
C
aD*
A1
A1
aD*
A3
A1
D*
A3-
A3
D*
D-
C
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
xx#P#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
x#Px#x#px
xx#PS#px
PS#Px
Px#Psx
xx#Px#P#px
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
x#P#px
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
x#PSx#x#px
xx#P#px
PS#Px
Px#pxS
xx#Px#Px#P
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px#px
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
xx#Px#px
xx#P#px
px#Px
x#PSx#Px
xxx#Px#px
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
x#P#x#Px#px
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
x#Px#P#x#px
xx#PS#px
Px#Px
Px#Psx
xx#P#px
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
29.5
29.6
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
aA1
A1
A1
B
B
A2a
D*
B
A3
D*
D-
C
aD
A1
A1
B
A3-
A1
A2b
A3
A3
D*
D-
C
B
A1
A1
B
A3-
A1
B
C
aA1
C
A1
A3
B
A3
A3
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aaa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
xaa
xaa
HHv (see also under fornyrislag)

12.5
a
A1
ax
12.6
b
A1-
bx
12.7
c
A1-
axa
13.1
a
A1
aa
13.2
b
B
bx
13.3
c
A3-
xaa
13.4
a
E
ax
13.5
b
B
bx
x#Px#Px
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
x#P#x#px
xx#Px#Psx
PS#Px
Px#Psx
xx#Px#Psx
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
x#P#Px#px
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
x#P#x#px
xx#P#px
Px#Px
Px#pxS
xxx#Px#px
xxxx#PS
P#x#P#px
px#P#x#px
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px#px
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#P#px
PxS#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#P#Px#px
x#Px#Px
xx#Pxx
Px#Px#px
Px#Px
xx#Px#P
xxxx#P#x#px
xx#P#x#px
Pxx#Px
P#x#x#x#P
Px#x#P#px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#P#px
PSx#P
x#Px#px
1043
1044
13.6
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A3
A1
D*
A3
A1s
B
D-
A1
D*
A3
A1-
C
B
A1
D*
A3
D-
C
A3
A1
A1s
C
A3
C
A3
A3
B
aA1
A1
C
A3-
A1
D*
A3
A1-
B
aA1s
A1
aA1
A3
A1
B
A3
A1
B
A3
A1
C
C-
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xx#x#Px#px
P#x#Px
P#x#PSx
x#x#Px#px
Px#x#px
xxx#Px#P
P#Px#px
Px#x#Px
px#x#x#P#px
x#x#x#Px#px
Px#P
xxx#P#px
x#Px#Psx
P#x#Px
Px#PSx
xx#x#Px#px
px#Px
xxxx#px#px
xxxxx#Px#P
PS#x#Px
px#x#x#px
xxxx#PSXx#px
Px#Px
xxx#px#Px
xx#Px#P
xx#Px
x#Px#px
xxx#Px#Px#px
Px#Px
xxxx#P#px
xxxxx#P#px
px#xx#x#Px
P#x#x#P#px
Px#x#x#P#x#P
Px#P
xx#Px#px
xxx#Px#px#x#px
Px#xx#x#Px
xx#P#x#Px
xxx#PS#px
PXx#Px
xxxx#Px#P
xxxx#Px#P
Px#x#x#x#Px
xx#Px#P
x#xx#x#x#P#x#px
P#xx#Px
xxx#Psx
xxxx#px#PS
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
26.9
26.10
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
28.9
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
c
c
A1-
aA1
A3-
A1
C-
A3
A3
aA1
A3
A2b
B
D
A3
C
A3
A1-
B
A3
A1
D*
C
A2as
E
A3
C
B
A1
E
D*
A3
B
B
B
A1
A2b
B
A3-
C-
B
aA1
A1
D*
A1
D-
C
A1
A1
A3
A3
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
axa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
aaa
aax
xaa
xaa
Px#x#x#x#P
x#Px#Px
x#xx#x#P#px
Px#Px
xxx#P#P
xxxx#Px#P
xxx#Px
x#Px#Px
x#xx#x#Px#P
px#x#PS
x#Px#P
P#P#Px#px
xxx#Px
xxx#PSx
xxx#Px#px
Px#P
xxx#Px#px
xxxx#Px#P
px#xx#x#x#x#Px
P#xx#Psx
xxx#PSx#P
PS#px
Psx#P
xxx#Px#P
xxxx#P#Px
xx#Px#px
Px#P#x#px
PSx#P
P#xx#Px#px
xxx#P#x#px
x#Px#x#px#px
x#P#x#P
xx#Px#P
Px#Px#px
Px#x#PS
xxxx#Px#P
xx#P#px
xx#P#P
xx#Px#px
xx#Px#x#Px#px
Px#pXx#Px
P#x#P#px
P#x#Px#P
px#Px
xx#px#Px
P#x#Px#px
P#x#Px#px
xxxx#Px#P
P#x#x#x#P#x#x#P
1045
1046
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
aA2b
B
A1-
aA1
B
aA1
A2b
B
A1-
A1-
B
C
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
axa
x#Px#x#PS
xx#Px#P
Px#Psx
x#Px#x#x#Px
Px#x#Px#px
x#Px#Px#x#px
P#x#x#PS
xx#Px#px
Px#x#Psx
Px#P
xx#Px#px
xxx#P#Px#P
HH II (not included in the corpus; see also under fornyrislag)

29.1
a
A2b
ax
PXx#PS
29.2
b
D*
bx
P#xx#x#P#px
29.3
c
C
axa
xx#PXx#px
29.4
a
A1
ax
Px#xx#x#x#Px
29.5
b
B
bx
x#Px#px
29.6
c
A3
xaa
xxxxxxx#Px#px
Rm (see also under fornyrislag)
1.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
1.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
1.3
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#px
1.4
a
2
ax
px#x
1.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
1.6
c
A3
xaa
xx#Px#px
2.1
a
A1
ax
Psx#x#Px
2.2
b
A1s
bx
px#x#x#px
2.3
c
A3
xaa
Px#xx#x#P#x#px
2.4
a
A1-
ax
Px#P
2.5
b
C
bx
xxx#Psx
2.6
c
A3
xaa
xxxxx#Px#px
3.1
a
C
ax
xxx#Psx
3.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
3.3
c
A1
aax
P#x#Px#px
3.4
a
C-
ax
x#P#P
3.5
b
A1s
bx
Px#px
3.6
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#P
4.1
a
C-
ax
SP#P
4.2
b
A1s
bx
Px#px
4.3
c
C
axa
xx#PSx#px
4.4
a
A1
aa
PSx#Px
4.5
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
4.6
c
aA1
aaa
x#Px#Px#px
For verses 5.1 through 5.8, see under fornyrislag.
6.1
a
A1-
ax
P#x#x#x#P
6.2
b
C
bx
xx#P#px

6.3
c
2
aax
px#P#px
6.4
a
D-
ax
px#Px
6.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#px
6.6
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#px
7.1
a
A1-
aa
px#x#P
7.2
b
D*
bx
PXx#Psx
7.3
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#P
7.4
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
7.5
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#px
7.6
c
A3-
xaa
xxxxx#P#px
8.1
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
8.2
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
8.3
c
A1
axa
Px#P#x#P
8.4
a
D*
aa
Px#PSx
8.5
b
C
bx
xxx#P#px
8.6
c
A3-
xaa
xxxx#P#px
9.1
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
9.2
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#px
9.3
c
B
axa
x#Px#x#P#px
9.4
a
2
ax
P#x
9.5
b
A1-
bx
Px#xx#P
9.6
c
B
aaa
x#Px#P#px
10.1
a
A2b
aa
PS#x#PS
10.2
b
B
bx
xxxx#Px#px
10.3
c
A3-
xaa
P#x#x#x#P#P
10.4
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
10.5
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
10.6
c
A1
aaa
Px#Px#P
12.1
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
12.2
b
C
bx
xx#Pxx
12.3
c
A1
aax
P#x#Px#px
12.4
a
A3-
xa
xxx#P
12.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#px
12.6
c
A3
xaa
Px#Px#P
19.1
a
A3
xa
xxxx#px
19.2
b
aE
bx
xx#PSx#P
19.3
c
D-
axa
px#P#x#px
19.4
a
C
ax
x#P#px
19.5
b
B
bx
x#Px#P
19.6
c
A3
xaa
Px#Px#px
20.1
a
A3-
xa
P#xx#P
20.2
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
20.3
c
A3
xaa
Px#Px#px
20.4
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
20.5
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#px
20.6
c
aA1
axa
x#PxSx#P
21.1
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
Index of scansion
1047
1048
Index of scansion
21.2
b
B
bx
xxx#P#x#px
21.3
c
A3-
xaa
xxx#P#px
21.4
a
A1-
ax
P#x#P
21.5
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
21.6
c
D-
axa
PSx#px
22.1
a
A1
aa
P#x#x#Px
22.2
b
aA1
bx
xx#Px#Px
22.3
c
A1-
aax
P#x#Psx
22.4
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
22.5
b
C
bx
xxx#Psx
22.6
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#px
24.1
a
C
ax
xx#P#px
24.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
24.3
c
A3
xaa
xxx#Px#P
24.4
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
24.5
b
C
bx
xxxx#P#px
24.6
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#P
25.1
a
A1s
ax
P#x#px
25.2
b
B
bx
x#Px#P
25.3
c
A3
xaa
xx#Px#P
25.4
a
B
aa
xx#PS#P
25.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
25.6
c
A3
xaa
P#x#x#P#x#px
Fm (see also under fornyrislag)
1.1
a
A1-
aa
1.2
b
B
bx
1.3
c
A3
xaa
1.4
a
B
ax
1.5
b
aA1
bx
1.6
c
A3
xaa
2.1
a
A1
ax
2.2
b
B
bx
2.3
c
aA1
axa
2.4
a
A1
ax
2.5
b
C
bx
2.6
c
C-
aax
3.1
a
aA1
ax
3.2
b
C
bx
3.3
c
A3
xaa
4.1
a
A1-
ax
4.2
b
aE
bx
4.3
c
A3
xaa
4.4
a
A1
ax
4.5
b
E
bx
4.6
c
A3
xaa
5.1
a
A1
aa
P#x#P
xxxx#Px#x#px
xxxx#Px#P
xxx#Px#P
xx#Px#Px
xxx#Px#P
px#P#x#Px
xx#Px#P
x#PxSx#P
px#x#Px
x#px#px
xx#P#P#px
xxx#px#x#Px
x#px#px
xxxxx#Px#px
PXx#P
xxx#PSx#px
xx#Px#x#px
px#x#Px
PS#xx#px
xxx#Px#px
P#x#Px
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
11.5
11.6
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
13.1
13.2
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
B
A3
aE
C
A3
A1
D*
A3
A3-
C-
C
aA1
C
A3
A3-
C
C
A3
B
A1-
A3-
C
A3-
E
C
A3
B
aE
A3
D-
B
A1
aA1
B
A3
A1-
B
A3
aA1
B
A3-
A3
B
C-
A3
aE
A3
E
D*
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
x#Px#P
xx#Px#x#px
x#PSx#P
xxx#px#Px
PXx#P#x#P
P#x#Px
P#x#PSx
xxx#Px#P
P#x#P
x#px#P
xx#PSx#x#P
xxxx#Px#Px
xxx#px#Px
xx#P#x#Px#px
xxx#P
x#Psx
xxx#PXx#px
xxxxx#Px
xx#Px#P
Px#P#px
xxxx#P
xxxx#Psx
xxxx#P#px
PSx#P
xxxx#PSx
xxxP#x#px
x#Px#P
xx#PSx#P
xxxx#Px#x#px
P#Px
x#Px#P
P#x#x#Px#P
xx#Px#Px
x#Px#P
px#x#Px#px
Px#P
xxx#Px#px
x#PS#px
x#Px#x#Px
xx#Px#P
P#x#P#px
xxx#Px
xx#Px#px
x#P#P#px
xxxx#Px
x#PSx#P
xxx#P#x#px
PSx#P
px#x#x#Px#P
1049
1050
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
14.1
14.2
14.3
14.4
14.5
14.6
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
15.5
15.6
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.4
16.5
16.6
17.1
17.2
17.3
17.4
17.5
17.6
18.1
18.2
18.3
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.4
19.5
19.6
20.1
20.2
20.3
20.4
20.5
20.6
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A1-
C
C
A3-
A3
B
C-
C
C
A1
A1
C
A1
A2a
C
A3
A1-
B
A1
D
B
A3
A1-
C
A3
A3-
B
aA1
A1
B
A1-
B
C
A3
A1
B
A3-
A1s
C
A3-
B
aE
A3
A1
B
A3
B
C
A3-
aax
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
Px#x#P#px
px#xx#PSx
px#PSx
px#P#px
xxxx#Px
xx#Px#px
x#P#P#px
xx#P#Px
xxx#Psx
P#x#Px#px
PSx#x#Px
xx#P#px
Px#Px#P
PS#Px
xxx#P#px
xxxx#Px#px
PxS
xxx#Px#px
px#xx#Px#P
P#Pxx
xx#Px#px
xxx#Px#px
PxS
x#Pxx
xxx#Px#px
xx#P
xx#Px#P
x#Px#x#Px#px
Px#x#Px
xxx#Px#P
Px#P#px
x#Px#P
xxx#P#Px
xx#Px#P
P#x#Px
x#Px#px
xx#P#px
P#x#x#x#px
xx#P#px
xx#P#px
x#Px#P
xx#PSx#P
xxxx#Px#x#px
P#x#x#Px
xx#Px#x#x#x#P
xx#Px#P
xx#Px#P
x#Psx
xxx#P#px
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
24.7
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
Index of scansion
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A1-
B
A3
A1
B
A3
A3
C
A3
A1
C
C
aE
B
D-
C
A3-
B
A1
A1s
B
A3
A1-
C
A3-
A3-
aA1
A1-
A1
B
A3-
A1s
C
aA1
2
C
A3
A1-
B
A3
A1
C
A3
A1
B
A3
B
C
A3
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
axa
axa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
aa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
px#x#P
xx#Px#P
xxxxx#Px#x#px
P#x#Px
xxx#Px#px
xxx#Px#px
P#x#x#px
xxxx#P#px
x#Px#x#px
Px#Px
x#P#px
xxx#PSXx#px
xx#PS#x#px
xxxx#Px#px
PSx#px
x#PSx#x#px
P#x#x#P
x#P#x#P
Px#Px#P
P#xx#x#px
x#Px#px
xxxx#P#x#px
Px#P
xxx#Pxx
xxxx#P#px
xx#P
xx#Px#Px
Px#P#px
P#x#Px
xxxx#Px#P
xxxxxx#P#px
Px#x#px
xxx#px#Px
xx#Px#Px#x#px
Px
xx#px#Px
xxxx#Px#P
Px#x#P
xxxx#Px#P
xx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxxx#P#px
xxxx#Px#P
Px#Px
xxxx#Px#P
x#Px#px
xx#P#x#px
xxx#P#Px
xxx#Px#P
1051
1052
Index of scansion
30.1
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
30.2
b
C
bx
xx#P#px
30.3
c
B
axa
x#Px#px#px
30.4
a
C-
ax
xx#px#P
30.5
b
B
bx
xx#Pxx#px
30.6
c
aA1
aaa
x#Px#Px#P
31.1
a
A1
ax
px#x#Px
31.2
b
A3
xb
xx#Spx
31.3
c
B
axa
x#PxS#px
31.4
a
A1
ax
px#x#Px
31.5
b
C
bx
xx#PXx
31.6
c
A1
aax
P#x#x#Px#P
34.1
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
34.2
b
B
bx
xxxx#Px#P
34.3
c
A3
xaa
px#x#Px#px
34.4
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
34.5
b
C
bx
xxx#P#Px
34.6
c
A1
aax
P#x#x#x#Px#P
37.1
a
A3
xa
xx#PS
37.2
b
C
bx
xx#P#px
37.3
c
A1-
aax
Px#x#PS
37.4
a
C-
ax
xx#px#P
37.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
37.6
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#x#P
38.1
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
38.2
b
aE
bx
xxxxx#PSx#px
38.3
c
A3
xaa
xx#Px#px
38.4
a
A3-
xa
xxx#P
38.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
38.6
c
A3
xaa
SPx#px
39.1
a
C-
ax
xxx#P#P
39.2
b
C
bx
x#px#px
39.3
c
A3
xaa
x#PS#px
39.4
a
B
aa
xxx#Px#P
39.5
b
C
bx
xx#Pxx
39.6
c
A3
xaa
px#x#Px#px
Sd (see also under fornyrislag)
2.1
a
A1-
ax
Px#x#P
2.2
b
D*
bx
Px#x#Px#P
2.3
c
A1
aaa
P#xx#Px#P
2.4
a
A1-
ax
Px#x#P
2.5
b
aA1
bx
xx#Px#Px
2.6
c
A1-
aax
Px#Psx
3.1
a
2
ax
P#P
3.2
b
D*
bx
Px#P#px
3.3
c
A3
xaa
P#P#x#P
3.4
a
A1
aa
PSx#Px
3.5
b
C
bx
xx#P#px
3.6
c
C
axa
xxx#PXx#P
4.1
a
A1
ax
Px#Px
4.2
b
D*
bx
Px#PXx
4.3
c
C
axa
P#x#x#PSx#P
4.4
a
A2b
aa
P#x#PS
4.5
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
4.6
c
aA1
axa
x#PxS#xx#px
For verses 5.1 though 5.8, see under fornyrislag.
6.1
a
A1
ax
PSx#x#x#Px
6.2
b
C
bx
xxx#P#px
6.3
c
A3
xaa
x#Px#x#Px#P
6.4
a
C
ax
px#x#Psx
6.5
b
C
bx
px#x#PSx
6.6
c
A3
xaa
xxx#Px#P
7.1
a
A1
ax
PSx#xx#Px
7.2
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#P
7.3
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#P#x#x#px
7.4
a
aA1
ax
x#Px#x#x#Px
7.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#px
7.6
c
A3
xaa
x#Px#x#Px#P
8.1
a
A1
ax
P#x#Px
8.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
8.3
c
A3
xaa
x#Px#Px#x#P
8.4
a
A3-
xa
xxx#P
8.5
b
C
bx
xx#P#Px
8.6
c
D-
axa
PSx#P
9.1
a
A1
ax
PSx#xx#Px
9.2
b
B
bx
xx#Px#P
9.3
c
A3
xaa
x#Px#P#x#px
9.4
a
aA1
ax
x#Px#x#x#Px
9.5
b
C
bx
xx#px#Px
9.6
c
A3
xaa
x#Px#x#Px#px
10.1
a
E
ax
PSx#xx#px
10.2
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#px
10.3
c
B
aax
x#Px#Psx
10.4
a
aA1
ax
x#Px#x#Px
10.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#px
10.6
c
A3
xaa
x#Px#P#x#P
10.7
a
C
aa
xxx#P#px
10.8
b
C
bx
xx#P#Px
10.9
c
A3
xaa
xxx#P#x#px
11.1
a
A1
ax
PSx#xx#Px
11.2
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#px
11.3
c
A3
xaa
x#Px#P#x#P
11.4
a
aA1
ax
x#Px#x#x#Px
Index of scansion
1053
1054
Index of scansion
11.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#px
11.6
c
B
axa
xx#Px#P#px
12.1
a
A1
ax
PSx#xx#Px
12.2
b
B
bx
xxxx#Px#P
12.3
c
A1
axa
Px#Px#P
12.4
a
A3-
xa
xx#P
12.5
b
A3-
xb
xx#P
12.6
c
C
axa
xx#P#Px#px
12.7
a
A3
xa
xx#Px
12.8
b
B
bx
x#Px#px
12.9
c
aA1
axa
x#Px#Px#px
13.1
a
A1
ax
PSx#xx#Px
13.2
b
B
bx
xxx#Px#px
13.3
c
D
axa
PSxx#px
13.4
a
A3-
xa
xx#P
13.5
b
A3-
xb
xx#P
13.6
c
A3
xaa
xx#Px#P
13.7
a
A3
xa
xx#px
13.8
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
13.9
c
B
aax
x#Px#PSx
13.10 c
B
aax
xx#Px#PSx
14.1
a
B
ax
x#Px#P
14.2
b
C
bx
x#px#Px
14.3
c
A1
aaa
Px#x#x#Px#P
14.4
c
B
aax
x#Px#P#px
14.5
c
A1
aax
Px#x#Px#P
14.6
c
aA1
aax
x#Px#Px#px
18.1
a
D*
aa
Px#xx#P#Px
18.2
b
C
bx
xxxx#P#Px
18.3
c
aA1
aax
x#Px#x#x#Px#P
18.4
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#px
18.5
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
18.6
b
A3
xb
xxx#Px
18.7
c
A3
xaa
px#x#Px#px
18.8
c
A3
xaa
px#xx#Px#P
19.1
a
C
ax
xxx#PSx
19.2
b
C
bx
xxx#PSx
19.3
c
B
aax
x#Px#PSx
19.4
c
B
aax
x#Px#pxSx
19.5
a
C
ax
xxxx#PSx
19.6
b
C
bx
x#PSx
19.7
c
A3
xaa
xx#Px#px
19.8
c
2
axa
Px#x#x#P
19.9
c
A3
xaa
x#Px#px
20.1
a
A3
xa
xxx#Px
20.2
b
B
bx
xxx#P#x#px
20.3
c
A1
axa
Px#Px#P
20.4
a
A1-
ax
P#xx#P
20.5
20.6
21.1
21.2
21.3
21.4
21.5
21.6
22.1
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
24.1
24.2
24.3
24.4
24.5
24.6
25.1
25.2
25.3
25.4
25.5
25.6
25.7
25.8
25.9
26.1
26.2
26.3
26.4
26.5
26.6
27.1
27.2
27.3
27.4
27.5
27.6
28.1
28.2
Index of scansion
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
c
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
B
A3
A3
B
A3
A2a-
C
B
A3
C
A1-
A1
C
A3
A3
B
A3-
A1
D*
A3
A1
B
A3
B
C
A1
A3-
C
A3
A3
A1
A3
A1-
B
aA1
A3
C
A1
A1
B
A3
A1
C
A3
aE
B
A3
A3
B
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
xa
bx
xaa
xaa
aax
xaa
ax
bx
aaa
xa
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
xa
bx
xxx#P#x#P
P#xx#P#x#px
xxx#Px
xx#Px#px
xxxx#Px#px
PS#P
xx#P#px
x#Px#x#P#px
xxxxx#Px
xxx#P#Px
PxS#px
P#x#Px
xx#px#px
xxx#Px#px
xxxx#Px
xx#P#x#px
xxxx#P#P
Px#Px
Px#x#Psx
P#x#Px#P
P#x#x#x#Px
xx#Px#P
xxx#Px#px
xx#PS#P
x#P#px
Px#P#x#px
P#x#P
xx#P#px
xxxxx#Px#px
xx#Px#P
P#x#PxS
xxx#Px#px
Px#P
xxx#Px#px
x#Px#x#Px#px
xxxxx#Px
xx#PSx
PxS#x#px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#P
xx#P#x#px
PSx#Px
xx#px#px
xxx#Px#px
x#PSx#px
xx#Px#P
xxxx#P#x#px
xxxxx#Px
xx#Px#P
1055
1056
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.4
29.5
29.6
30.1
30.2
30.3
30.4
30.5
30.6
31.1
31.2
31.3
31.4
31.5
31.6
32.1
32.2
32.3
32.4
32.5
32.6
33.1
33.2
33.3
33.4
33.5
33.6
34.1
34.2
34.3
34.4
34.5
34.6
35.1
35.2
35.3
35.4
35.5
35.6
35.7
36.1
36.2
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
c
c
c
c
a
b
A1
A1-
aA1
A3
A3
B
D-
A1
C
A3-
A1-
B
A1-
A3
C
A1-
A3
C
C
A1
B
A1-
A3
B
aA1
A1
C
B
C
C
A3
C
C
C
A1s
B
A3
A1
B
A3
C
C
A1-
A3
A3
A1
A3
A1
B
aax
aa
bx
xaa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xa
bx
axa
xa
bx
axa
aa
bx
aax
xa
bx
aax
ax
bx
aax
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
axa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
ax
bx
aax
xaa
xaa
aax
xaa
ax
bx
Px#Px#P
Px#P
xxxxx#Px#Px
xxxxx#Px#px
xxxxx#Px
xx#Px#px
PS#x#px
Px#Px
xxxx#Psx
Px#x#P#px
P#x#P
x#Px#px
Px#x#Psx
px#x#px
px#x#Psx
P#x#x#x#P#px
xxxxx#Px
xx#px#Px
x#PSx#px
Px#x#Px
x#Px#P
Px#Psx
xxxxx#Px
xxxx#Px#P
x#Px#Pxsx
P#x#Px
x#P#px
x#Px#Psx
xxxxx#pXx
xx#P#Px
xxx#Px#P
xxx#PSx
xxxx#PSx
xxxx#PSx#px
P#x#px
xx#Px#px
x#P#x#px
Px#x#Px
xx#Px#px
x#Px#Px#px
xxxxx#pXx
xx#px#Px
Px#Psx
xxx#Px#px
xxxxx#Px#px
P#x#x#Px#px
xxx#Px#P
px#x#Px
xx#Px#px
36.3
36.4
36.5
36.6
37.1
37.2
37.3
37.4
37.5
37.6
Index of scansion
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
a
b
c
A3
A1
D*
A3
C
B
A3
2
B
A1
xaa
aa
bx
xaa
ax
bx
xaa
aa
bx
aaa
1057
x#P#x#P
P#x#Px
P#x#Px#x#P
xxx#P#x#px
xxxxx#PXx
xxx#Px#P
x#P#x#px
P#P
xxx#Px#px
P#xx#P#x#px
Hm (not included in the corpus; see also under fornyrislag/mlahttr)

29.1
a
D*
aa
Px#xx#P#px
29.2
b
A1
bx
Px#Px
29.3
c
A3
xaa
xxxx#Px#x#px
29.4
a
C
ax
x#P#Px
29.5
b
B
bx
xx#Px#px
29.6
c
A3
xaa
x#P#x#px
Index of authors
Agresti, Alan16
Akamatsu, Tsutomu157
Alexander, Gerhard325, 327, 389, 755, 761
rnason, Kristjn11, 324, 755, 757, 821,
822
Behaghel, Otto, and Burkhard Taeger5
Bliss, A. J.12, 278, 279, 282, 301, 337
Boer, R. C.5, 12, 33, 167, 169, 169170, 330,
332, 390391, 393, 400, 405, 406, 407,
408, 409, 413, 425, 429, 458, 468, 577,
666
Boutkan, Dirk283, 301, 302
Brate, Erik75, 102, 138, 182
Bugge, Sophus526, 573, 751
Bugge, Sophus, and Eduard Sievers213
Cable, Thomas161, 174, 179, 277, 314
Campbell, Alistair367
Cook, Vernon12, 68
Craigie, William A.324325
Dobbie, Elliott van Kirk292
Dronke, Ursula29, 43
Ent, Wilhelm van den5, 12, 390391, 393, 400,
405, 406, 409, 413
Faulkes, Anthony384
Fidjestl, Bjarne6, 78, 268
Fulk, R. D.278, 279282, 288, 292
Fulk, R. D., Robert E. Bjork, and John D.
Niles171, 173, 285, 345
Gade, Kari Ellen324, 325, 821, 822
Galle, Johan Hendrik301, 302
Gering, Hugo5, 25, 33, 36, 37, 38, 43, 4547,
48, 49, 51, 52, 56, 57, 75, 76, 85, 91, 92,
102, 103, 105, 110, 116, 119, 121, 124,
135, 138141, 142, 144, 150, 161, 166,
175, 210212, 213, 240, 340, 341, 359,
429, 430, 434, 441, 452, 453, 462, 463,
464, 468, 476, 499, 525, 541, 574575,
577, 579, 595, 598, 621, 628, 642, 646,
659663, 666, 738, 757760
Gordon, E. V., and A. R. Taylor198
Gunnell, Terry1
Harris, Joseph1
Hartman, Megan E.389, 429, 435, 442, 444,
457, 468, 573, 666, 668, 719, 726727,
732, 739, 757
Heusler, Andreas4, 11, 12, 33, 43, 45, 48, 52,

54, 124, 165, 167, 169, 186, 249, 257, 331,
359, 371, 384, 389, 420, 425, 429, 434,
441, 442, 458, 471, 484, 496498, 499,
519, 525, 573, 577, 583, 621, 642, 646,
665, 666, 701, 738, 739, 751, 755, 757, 758,
761, 766, 768, 796, 798
Heusler, Andreas, and Wilhelm Ranisch1
Hildebrand, Karl757
Hoffory, Julius425, 434, 476, 523, 539
Hollander, Lee M.29, 738, 739
Hollmrus, Ragnar11
Holthausen, Ferdinand289
Hutcheson, B. R.279, 282, 292293, 302
Jnsson, Finnur43, 821
Kaluza, Max277, 278279, 282
Karlsson, Bjarki M., rhallur Eyrsson, and
Kristjn rnason56
Klaeber, Frederick173, 345
Kristjnsson, Jnas1, 797, 798
Kuhn, Hans58, 29, 31, 41, 48, 49, 184,
268269, 273, 274, 285, 324, 327, 359,
775, 790, 821
La Farge, Beatrice, and John Tucker29, 43, 464
Larrington, Carolyne29
Lehmann, Winfred P.286, 334, 774
Lehmann, Winfred P., and J. L. Dillard56, 70,
132, 336, 339, 340, 453, 464, 644,
Leonhardt, Rudolf4, 429, 430, 434, 441,
453, 456, 457, 458, 460, 462, 463, 464,
465466, 472, 476, 484, 489, 493
Lotman, Jurij188
Lhr, Rosemarie285, 286
Luick, Karl757
Neckel, Gustav389
Neckel, Gustav, and Hans Kuhn1, 4, 21, 29,
102, 132, 138, 139, 425, 445, 493, 499,
575, 660
Noreen, Adolf174, 274, 283
lason, Vsteinn, and Guvarur Mr
Gunnlaugsson1, 389
Pipping, Hugo12, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 56, 69, 70,
76, 82, 101, 102, 105, 119, 121, 136, 262,
321, 322, 337, 339, 340, 371, 456
Pope, John Collins68
1060
Index of authors
Ranisch, Wilhelm56, 138, 210, 525, 526

Rieger, Max11
Russom, Geoffrey6, 25, 33, 36, 38, 43, 51, 52,
56, 57, 59, 73, 76, 85, 91, 92, 110, 124, 135,
156, 161, 165, 174, 181, 182, 184, 198, 213,
223, 228, 238, 266, 274, 334, 335, 429,
444, 454, 455, 577, 665, 666, 727
See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Wolfgang
Gerhold, Debora Dusse, Eve Picard, and
Katja Schulz4
See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Wolfgang
Gerhold, Eve Picard, and Katja Schulz4
See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Simone
Horst, and Katja Schulz4, 425, 493, 499,
525
See, Klaus von, Beatrice La Farge, Eve Picard,
Ilona Priebe, and Katja Schulz4, 336, 425,
426, 644
and Katja Schulz4, 43
Katja Schulz, and Matthias Teichert4, 70,
336, 340
Sehrt, Edward H.301
Sievers, Eduard5, 9, 11, 12, 21, 25, 29, 33,
36, 40, 44, 4547, 48, 49, 51, 70, 75, 76,
82, 85, 91, 92, 93, 101, 102, 105, 115, 116,
119, 121, 124, 135, 138141, 150, 161, 162,
166, 172, 173, 175, 182, 186, 193, 210212,
213, 241, 257, 284, 286, 309, 310, 312,

314, 315, 329, 335, 337, 367, 389, 420,
425, 429, 433, 434435, 437440, 448,
452, 453, 456, 457458, 459, 464, 474,
476479, 481, 489, 496, 573, 574, 577,
659, 665, 666, 667, 727, 738, 739, 750,
751, 757760, 761, 766, 773, 776, 791,
821
Sjros, Bruno425, 429, 430, 441, 442, 451,
452, 453, 457, 460, 462, 463, 467, 472,
487, 489, 738
Suzuki, Seiichi9, 11, 12, 13, 26, 32, 33, 34, 41,
53, 58, 59, 60, 79, 82, 114, 119, 129, 130,
155, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 171, 176,
179, 182, 184, 194, 195, 197, 204, 206, 210,
243, 249, 262, 272, 277, 278, 279282,
284, 285, 286, 288, 292, 293, 300, 301,
302, 303, 304, 309, 314, 316, 318, 323,
329, 332, 335, 337, 338, 345, 347, 348,
351, 352, 355, 435, 440, 496, 526, 618,
633, 667, 774, 781
Trubetzkoy, N. S.157
Vries, Jan de102
Wenck, Herbert11, 56, 69, 70, 82, 105, 186,
189, 199, 218, 337, 340, 342, 347, 353, 367,
371, 387
Zetterholm, Delmar O.4, 425, 429, 430, 434,
435, 441, 453, 456, 460, 462, 463, 464,
466, 476, 489
Index of subjects
abduction,13, 306, 307, 446, 737, 790
alliteration,1112, 335387, 484492,
652659, 741745. See also under
individual verse types and subtypes

and anacrusis,171172, 175, 182183,
344346, 356
in Beowulf,342343, 345346, 346349,
351353, 353354, 360371, 384387

and the cadence,363, 365371, 743

and catalexis,199200, 349350,
354355, 356

chiastic (or transverse),70, 341
cross,340341

double, in the b-verse,1517, 339340,
659
in fornyrislag,335387

in the Heliand,342343, 345346,
347349, 351353, 353354, 360371

lexical basis of,1112, 371387, 489492,
655658, 744745. See also word
classes

linear-order condition on,12, 335, 337
in ljahttr,652659

in the ljahttr c-verse,741745

and location in the stanza,411, 495, 768,
770771
in mlahttr,484492

metrical basis of,341371

and prominence,346349, 358360, 780

reorganization of,359360, 370371, 776

and resolution,343344, 352, 353, 356

rules of,335341

single vs. double,1517

in type A3,59, 337339

and verse classes,360371, 486489

and the verse opening,365371, 785, 793

and verse types,341360, 484485,
653654, 742743. See also under
individual verse types
Alvssml (Alv),2, 574
anacrusis,165185, 467469, 569570, 645,
739741. See also subtype A1s: expanded
with anacrusis; type A1 with anacrusis;
type A1*: expanded with anacrusis;
type A1-: expanded with anacrusis;
type A2a: expanded with anacrusis;

type A2b: expanded with anacrusis;
type D: expanded with anacrusis; type
D*: expanded with anacrusis; type E:
expanded with anacrusis

and a-/b-verse distinction,171172, 175,
182183, 647, 739740

and alliteration,171172, 175, 182183,
344346, 356
in Beowulf,171, 172176, 178180

and catalexis,191, 201203

derivation of,175185, 443447,
468469, 566567, 645, 649, 677, 727

and the first drop,176183, 547550

and the foreign group,184185

as a full metrical position,179181, 184,
776777

in the Heliand,172, 174176, 178, 184, 205

and increase in prominence,171, 179
in ljahttr,677, 739741

and location in the stanza,409, 768
in mlahttr,467469, 787

and the principle of five metrical
positions,443444, 546547, 549, 563,
566, 569, 786787

and the principle of four metrical
positions,162, 181, 205, 443444, 538,
629, 635, 727, 777, 792, 797

and procliticization,179, 180, 203, 205,
776, 777

prototype of,172173 (Beowulf),175, 178,
180, 182, 184, 203, 776

realized by independent words,174, 176,
180

realized by prefixes,174, 178179, 776

relative frequency of,172, 174

reorganization of,179184, 204205,
776777, 779, 783, 787

size of,168169, 442, 505, 547, 740

susceptibility to,171172, 177, 467468,
518, 520, 546, 548549, 563, 566567,
569, 582, 641, 711712
analogical extension (or generalization),13,
23, 40, 130, 182, 198, 269270, 271, 274,
1062
Index of subjects
275, 277, 285, 303, 305, 306, 348350,

360, 369, 371, 420, 446447, 469, 479,
563, 647, 751, 775, 777, 780, 784, 786,
794, 798, 823. See also reorganization
analogy. See analogical extension
Atlaqvia in grnlenzca (Akv),2, 6, 425
Atlaml in grnlenzco (Am),2, 6, 425
Auflsung. See resolution: Auflsung
Baldrs draumar (Bdr),2, 6, 21
Battle of Brunanburh,292
Battle of Maldon (Mald),292293
Beowulf (Beo), text of,5
biblical names (Heliand),59, 172, 309,
334
Brot af Sigurarqvio (Br),2, 6, 21
cadence,9, 309334, 470472, 522, 538,
568569, 751757. See also verse opening;
see also under individual verse types and
subtypes

and a-/b-verse distinction,751757

and alliteration,363, 365371, 743

in drttkvtt,821823
in ljahttr,751757

and location in the stanza,411413,
414416, 416421, 771
in mlahttr,470472

P,330, 331333, 471472, 597598,
639640, 649650, 759, 782783, 794

Px,321328, 331333, 471, 539, 597598,
614, 633, 649650, 700, 709, 731, 775,
782784, 794

px,329330, 331333, 471472,
597598, 614615, 633, 639640,
649650, 724, 759, 794

reorganization induced by,309321,
322328, 333, 788

standardization of,471472, 788

variation of,328333, 751752, 753754

and verse classes,309321, 331332,
333334, 429

and the verse opening,646, 785, 792793

verse-final drop as part of,646, 792

verse-final lift as part of,646, 792

verse-final syllable of,322324, 674. See
also mora count
zero variant of, in the ljahttr

c-verse,686687, 694, 699, 713,
717718, 719, 723

/,324328, 421, 633, 639, 650, 652,
751752, 754756, 782783, 798
/ ,309334, 421, 568569, 646647,
649651, 753754, 754757, 775,
782783, 785, 788, 792, 794, 798

,470, 481, 630, 633, 650, 652
Capture of the Five Boroughs (Capt),292293
catalexis,185201. See also type A1-; type
A2a-; type A3-; type C-; type D
and a-/b-verse distinction,199200

and alliteration,199200, 349350,
354355, 356

and anacrusis,191, 201203

and the cadence,196, 330

derivation of,778780
double,725

compensation resulting from,64, 80,
84, 85, 108, 189, 200, 216, 222223, 227,
231232, 350, 456, 482, 523, 715, 725,
781
in ljahttr,649650, 734

414416
in mlahttr,788789

proportion of catalectic to full types,
84,

susceptibility to,8485, 196198, 198

and verse classes,198200

as zero realization of the verse-final
drop,188198
category extension. See analogical extension
clashing lifts,220, 222, 227, 230232, 234,
243, 314315, 474475, 481, 482, 483,
614, 650, 699700, 702, 710, 714, 715,
720, 724, 725, 736, 742, 751, 775. See also
type C; type C-; type D; type Dclause particle,6. See also phrase particle;
Kuhns laws
cliticization,205, 618, 776, 777. See also
anacrusis; type D*: derivation of

encliticization,129130, 179, 181, 205,
248, 334, 776777

procliticization,179, 180, 181, 203, 205,
776777
Codex Regius of the Elder Edda,1, 2

Codex Regius of the Prose Edda,1

compensation

implemented as expansion of the
drop,61, 65, 71, 80, 84, 85, 108, 163, 189,
200, 232, 316, 350, 456, 714, 781

implemented as increased prominence on
the cadence,684, 693, 696, 714, 725

implemented as resolution,200, 216,
222223, 227, 231232, 482483, 523

for zero realization of the first lift in types
A3 and A3-,61, 6465, 71, 163, 316,
781

for zero realization of the verse-final drop
(catalexis),64, 80, 84, 85, 108, 189, 200,
216, 222223, 227, 231232, 350, 456,
482, 523, 715, 725, 781
Coronation of Edgar,292
Craigies law,39, 270, 324328, 371, 823. See
also cadence; mora count
Death of Edgar (DEdg),292293
Death of Edward (DEdw),292293
demotion,3031, 61, 64, 82, 132, 579,
660661, 781. See also promotion
domestic (or native) group,58, 31, 41, 7172,
76, 165, 184185, 221, 267268, 275276,
304, 595, 616, 626, 637, 776, 790. See also
foreign group
drop,9, 10. See also heavy drop; normal drop
drttkvtt,324325, 821823
Durham,292
Eddica Minora,1
Ffnisml (Fm),2, 3, 21, 23, 574
Fishers exact test (Fisher test),1517
foot,9, 156, 189, 434
For Scrnis (Skm),2, 574
foreign group,58, 31, 41, 49, 7172, 165,
184185, 221, 267271, 273, 275277,
304, 595, 616617, 626, 637, 789791,
798. See also domestic (or native) group

and fornyrislag/mlahttr,6
and ljahttr,6
and mlahttr,6
fornyrislag, poems composed in,2, 3, 2123
fornyrislag/mlahttr, poems composed
in,2, 3, 425427
Index of subjects
1063
Grmnisml (Grm),2, 3, 426427, 574

Grpissp (Grp),2, 6, 21
Grottasngr (Grt),2, 6, 21
Gurnarhvt (Ghv),2, 6, 21
Gurnarqvia in fyrsta (Gr I),2, 6, 21
Gurnarqvia in riia (Gr III),2, 6, 21
Gurnarqvia nnor (Gr II),2, 6, 21
half-stanza,391, 396, 401, 410, 420421, 426,
573, 574, 647, 761, 765, 766, 769, 771772,
784785, 793, 794, 797, 798, 823. See
also stanza
Hamisml (Hm),2, 3, 6, 425, 574
Hrbarzli (Hrbl),2, 3, 6, 425426, 574
Hvaml (Hav),2, 3, 426427, 574
heavy drop,10, 31, 46, 48, 50, 64, 85, 97,
110114, 130, 134, 135, 139, 141, 143, 149,
150, 154, 187, 241, 282, 283, 291, 300, 347,
347349, 350, 355, 357, 362, 457458,
464, 466, 507, 550, 638, 641, 650, 723,
728729, 730, 732733, 774, 796. See
also normal drop

alignment of, to linguistic material,48,
134, 143, 234, 349, 650, 723

prototype of,48, 143, 348349

resolution on,50, 112, 126, 131, 283, 291,
300

in type A2a,64, 85, 154, 163, 282,
347, 348, 349, 507, 550, 723, 728729,
732733, 774, 796

in type A2b,64, 90, 163, 347, 348, 507,
550, 728729, 732733, 774, 796

in type D,110114, 137, 181, 355, 362, 774

in type D2 (Beowulf),128, 135, 180, 362

in type E,135, 137, 154, 163, 291, 357, 362,
638, 641, 728729, 774, 796
Helgaqvia Hirvarzsonar (HHv),2, 3, 6, 21,
574
Helgaqvia Hundingsbana in fyrri (HH),2, 6, 21
Helgaqvia Hundingsbana nnor (HH II),2, 6,
3, 21, 574
Heliand (Hel), text of,5
Helrei Brynhildar (Hlr),2, 6, 21
Hildibrands sterbelied. See Hildibrandskvia
Hildebrandslied (Hild),285286
Hildibrandskvia,1
Hlskvia,1
Hunnenschlachtlied. See Hlskvia
Hymisqvia (Hym),2, 6, 21
1064
Index of subjects
Hyndloli (Hdl),2, 6, 21
hypermetric verse,59, 172, 181, 205, 309, 334,
364, 468, 526, 575, 579, 727, 795, 797. See
also verse

and the ljahttr a-/b-verse,659663

and the ljahttr c-verse,757760
Kaluzas law,209, 244, 277307, 331.
See also resolution; suspension of
resolution
in Beowulf,277283, 284285, 292294,
295299

in the Heliand,286303
in Hildebrandslied,285286

in late Old English poetry,292294,
295299

long disyllables vs. short
disyllables,278283, 292303

open disyllables vs. closed
disyllables,295303, 303304

reorganization of, in
fornyrislag,303305, 306307

reorganization of, in the
Heliand,295303, 306
Kuhns laws,6
lift,9, 10, 85. See also first lift and/or second
lift under individual verse types and
subtypes

alignment of, to linguistic material,25,
179, 209, 230, 665, 686. See also
resolution; suspension of resolution

prototype of,237, 314, 335, 368, 614,
660, 665, 686, 707, 710, 715, 752, 782

zero realization of. See zero realization: of
the verse-initial lift. See also type A3; type
A3*; type A3line,9, 573

and the cadence / ,323, 327, 332, 334

full (ljahttr c-verse),573

long (ljahttr c-verse),573

short (ljahttr c-verse),573
linearity-based scale of metrical positions,11,
12, 137, 162, 168, 195, 233, 235, 282, 327,
438, 625, 673, 686, 730, 747, 779, 789,
791
linguistic-metrical alignment (or mapping,
or association),58, 106, 129, 137, 210,
211, 686. See also under heavy drop; lift;

normal drop
ljahttr, poems composed in,2, 3, 574
Locasenna (Ls),2, 574
mlahttr, poems composed in,2, 3, 425
marked vs. unmarked

for a-/b-verse distinction,51, 76, 107, 109,
123, 160, 318, 452, 622, 779780, 781783

for alliteration,488489, 742

for cadence variants,195, 330, 331333,
419, 429, 466, 471472, 475, 515516,
581, 649, 650, 750, 782, 788, 794, 797,
798

for operation and suspension of
resolution,209, 258, 478

for realization variants,51, 55, 67, 7374,
97, 103, 113, 142, 143, 177, 184, 195, 243,
244245, 247249, 250, 255, 264265,
304, 306, 317, 419, 463, 474475, 503,
506, 527, 545, 579, 581, 616, 630, 649,
650, 683685, 694, 706, 710, 716, 718,
747, 750, 787

for verse types,57, 78, 80, 82, 107, 119,
159160, 162, 163, 186, 203204, 413,
416, 468469, 503, 521, 527, 537, 545,
565, 566, 581, 599, 622, 650, 724, 733,
734, 796
metrical hierarchy,9, 761, 784. See also
prosodic hierarchy
metrical interference,2123
metrical position,9, 10. See also drop; heavy
drop; lift; normal drop
metrical strength. See prominence
metrical types. See verse types
metrical unit. See drop; half-stanza; heavy drop;
lift; line; normal drop; stanza; verse
mora count,33, 39, 74, 104, 137, 243, 246,
253, 254, 270, 278, 321324, 324328,
329, 650, 700, 781. See also Craigies law;
syllables, distinction in terms of

bimoraic,33, 39, 74, 97, 179, 243, 246,
247, 251, 253, 270, 314, 315, 316, 325328,
330, 370, 700, 781, 823

monomoraic,33, 74, 97, 243, 246, 247,
253, 270, 278, 314, 315, 322324, 328,
330, 644, 700

polymoraic,246, 253, 266, 323324

trimoraic74, 246, 253, 270, 325, 644
native group. See domestic (or native) group

neutralization,157158, 159160, 235, 309.
See also type D/E
normal drop,10, 49, 79, 90, 98, 114, 122,
128129, 134, 137, 140, 149, 150, 154,
163, 179, 180, 210213, 256, 286, 300,
347349, 355, 438, 457, 634, 650,
660, 723, 729730, 732733, 774, 782,
795796. See also first drop and/or
second drop under individual verse types
and subtypes; heavy drop

alignment of, to linguistic material,10, 12,
25, 30, 31, 33, 40, 4551, 58, 65, 6872,
9293, 131, 134, 140, 149, 150, 154, 328,
723

alliteration on,70, 112

prototype of,51, 97, 212, 323, 409, 431,
506, 644, 674, 752, 782, 787

resolution on,210213

restriction of, to a monosyllable at the end
of a verse,31, 196, 779

zero realization of, in verse-final position.
See zero realization: of the verse-final
drop; see also catalexis
Oddrnargrtr (Od),2, 6, 21
overlong verse,564565, 644645
pause,189, 322, 331, 497
phonological phrase,129130, 248. See also
prosodic hierarchy
phonological word,129130. See also prosodic
hierarchy
phrase particle,6. See also clause particle;
Kuhns laws
prefix,174, 175, 178180, 184, 203, 334, 367,
369, 444, 704, 773, 776

as prototypical exponent of anacrusis in
Beowulf,173174, 178179
principle of five metrical positions per
verse,425, 426, 441, 444448, 450,
467469, 480, 482483, 496, 498,
522523, 528, 546547, 549, 563, 566,
568569, 786787, 789791, 792, 797
principle of four metrical positions per
verse,49, 51, 71, 108, 129130, 142,
162, 169170, 181, 186, 191192, 205,
426, 429, 443 482, 496, 498, 522, 528,
536, 538539, 563, 566, 629630, 635,
Index of subjects
1065
645, 727, 776781, 782, 786, 789, 796,

797

stricter version of, for the ljahttr
c-verse,729, 732733
prominence



reduction of, in the ljahttr
c-verse,702, 710, 732737, 796

rising vs. falling contour of,367370, 471,
568, 625, 628, 633, 792

scale of, for trisyllables with a long medial
syllable,147148

syntagmatic arrangement of. See clashing
lifts; linearity-based scale of metrical
positions; resolution; suspension of
resolution
promotion,64, 179. See also demotion
prosodic hierarchy,129, 777. See also metrical
hierarchy
prototype,1314. See also under individual
verse types and subtypes; marked vs.
unmarked

of the a-verse,418, 766

of the b-verse,57, 780

of the cadence /,665, 751,

of the cadence / ,97, 190, 194, 220,
315, 324, 327328, 331332, 421, 429,
466, 471472, 474, 475, 481, 482, 483,
515516, 581, 612, 622, 649, 650, 750,
788, 794, 797

as a conceptual basis of metrical
organization,1315

of the heavy drop,48, 143, 348349

of the lift,237, 314, 335, 368, 614, 660,
665, 686, 707, 710, 715, 752, 782

of the normal drop,51, 97, 212, 323, 409,
431, 506, 644, 674, 752, 782, 787

of the stanza,391, 493, 574, 761762, 797

of the verse,9
Reginsml (Rm),2, 3, 6, 23, 574
relative chronology,797798
reorganization. See also reorganization of
under individual verse types and subtypes,
as well as under relevant metrical
processes
in ljahttr,736737, 791798
1066
Index of subjects
in mlahttr,786791
resolution,209241, 472483, 522523,
570, 745751. See also Kaluzas law;
suspension of resolution

and alliteration,343344, 352, 353, 356
Auflsung,210213

on the first lift of subtype A1s,215, 229

on the first lift of type A1,213215,
222223, 229230, 232235, 237238,
447448, 475483

on the first lift of type A1-,216, 222223,
229230, 232235, 482

on the first lift of type B,216217,
229230, 232235

on the first lift of type C,217223,
229230, 230235, 251252, 313316,
401402, 515, 533534, 619620

on the first lift of type C-,222223,
229230, 230235, 482

on the first lift of type D,223228,
229230, 230235, 461462, 475483,
517518, 535

on the first lift of type D*,228229,
229230, 235, 462

on the first lift of type D-,226228,
229230, 230235, 482

on the first lift of type D/E,228229,
229230, 235

on the first lift of type E,228, 229230,
232235
in fornyrislag,210241, 472473

on the heavy drop,50, 112, 126, 131, 283,
291, 300

and lift distinction,745749
in ljahttr,745751

and location in the stanza,410411
in mlahttr,472483

as a means of compensation,200, 216,
222223, 227, 231232, 482483, 523

and the principle of five metrical positions
per verse,482483

reorganization of,774775, 793794

on the second lift of type A1,215216,
235238, 247249

on the second lift of type A2a,235236

on the second lift of type A2b,235236

on the second lift of type A3,67, 265266

on the second lift of type B,88, 238239

on the second lift of type C,218, 239240
on the second lift of type D,239240

on the second lift of type D*,258
on the second lift of type E,142144,
239241, 639

and the variation of the cadence /,
747751
Verschleifung,210213

and verse classes in ljahttr,746751

and verse types,229235
rhythm,12, 189,
Rgsula (R),2, 6, 21
Sigrdrfoml (Sd),2, 3, 2123, 574
Sigurarqvia in scamma (Sg),2, 6, 21
Snorra Edda,1
stanza,9, 389421, 493496, 574, 761772.
See also half-stanza

and alliteration,411, 495, 768, 770771


and the cadence,411413, 414416,
416421, 771

in ljahttr,761772
in mlahttr,493496

prototype of,391, 493, 574, 761762, 797

and resolution,410411

variation of,389391, 493, 761766

and verse classes,407408, 416421,
493494, 495, 766, 769, 770

and verse opening,416421, 771,
785786

and verse types,392407, 494495,
766767, 785. See also under individual
verse types and subtypes
stress

presence vs. absence of lexical,30, 31,
37, 41, 49, 97, 101104, 109, 134, 147, 154,
242, 252, 256, 357, 462, 700, 704, 706,
709, 721, 723, 774

primary vs. secondary,10, 30, 45, 92, 93,
96100, 112, 119, 126, 129, 131, 144, 148,
187, 220222, 234, 252, 253, 255257,
264, 274, 275, 277, 318, 358, 359, 360,
365, 366, 370, 371, 402403, 462, 513,
514, 515, 550, 559, 560, 561, 564, 588, 589,
611, 613 615, 625, 644, 649, 652, 665,
698, 699, 700, 705, 710, 713, 715, 716, 717,
719, 729, 736, 751, 796
reduction (or weakening) of,274, 358,

359, 360, 774, 781
subtype A1s,3340, 244249, 504, 527528,
544545, 580581, 672674. See also
type A1

a-/b-verse distinction of,34, 3738, 206,
215, 602

alliterative pattern of,34, 3738, 215, 344

alternative scansion as type A1-,38,
191192

alternative scansion as type B,8889, 90,
238239, 266, 601604

alternative scansion as type D,116119

alternative scansion as type E,36,
141145, 240241, 266, 721
in Beowulf,35, 3940, 329

cadence of,329

class 1 words in the first drop of,35

in distinction from subtype A2as
(ljahttr),580581

expanded with anacrusis,165, 177,
183184, 549550

first drop of,3435, 3639, 144145, 604

in the Heliand,35, 3940, 329

414416, 418419, 419420, 766767, 771
in mlahttr,472

mora count of the verse-final syllable
in,39

paradigmatic organization of,597598,
599

proportion of, to type A1, 329

prototype of,40, 74, 329, 415, 463, 503,
580, 597

reorganization of,40, 274275, 580581,
672674

resolution on the first lift of,215, 229

short second lift of,244249
subtype A2as (ljahttr),581, 599, 651, 723
subtype A3b (ljahttr),651, 716, 729
subtype A3s (ljahttr),651, 753
subtype D*1 (Beowulf),128, 173, 778
subtype D*2a (Beowulf),128, 173, 778
subtype D*2b (Beowulf),128, 173, 778
suspension of resolution,209, 241277,
478479. See also Kaluzas law;
resolution
in Beowulf,244, 245246, 249, 250, 251,
254255, 256257
Index of subjects
1067

diachronic account of,266277
in mlahttr,478479

on the first lift of type A1,259, 260, 261,
262264

on the first lift of type A1*,477

on the first lift of type A2b,259, 260

on the first lift of type B,259, 260, 261,
263264

on the first lift of type C,101105,
120121, 241244, 616617

on the first lift of type D*,264265

on the first lift of type E,259

in the Heliand,244, 245246, 249, 250,
251, 254255, 256257

306307, 775776

rule for,259, 265, 266

on the second lift of subtype
A1s,244249

on the second lift of type A3, 7375,
250251, 594595, 673674, 683686

on the second lift of type C,251255,
313316, 673674

on the second lift of type D,119121,
255257, 626

on the second lift of type D*,116119,
258, 637

synchronic account of,258266
svarabhakti vowels

in Old English,303

in Old High German,286

in Old Saxon,301, 302
syllable length. See under relevant verse
types and subtypes. See also syllables,
distinction in terms of
syllables, distinction in terms of

long disyllables vs. short disyllables
(in regard to Kaluzas law),277286,
286307. See also Kaluzas law

long disyllables vs. short disyllables
(in regard to the c-verse cadence),684,
701702, 724

verse-final long vs. verse-final short,39,
7475, 97, 246, 247, 251, 253, 270271,
644, 781. See also mora count

unstressed monosyllables vs. unstressed
polysyllables,26, 28, 55, 61, 65, 77, 79,
86, 101, 104, 107, 108, 109110, 168,
177, 181, 195, 197, 221222, 254, 342,
1068
Index of subjects
345, 351352, 418, 431, 432, 433, 442,

454455, 477, 501, 505, 509, 512, 527,
531, 532533, 542, 544, 546, 547548,
550, 554, 556557, 566, 578, 584, 585,
593594, 596, 598, 603604, 606607,
608, 617, 618619, 623, 641642, 666,
667, 669670, 672, 675, 676, 678,
680681, 688, 691, 695, 697, 703, 704,
711, 712, 723, 733, 734, 735, 736737, 740,
767, 768, 770, 774, 779, 796

open disyllables vs. closed
disyllables,295303, 303304. See also
Kaluzas law

word-final vs. word-initial,2628,
3132, 55, 8688, 127, 179, 183184, 237,
248249, 318, 323, 342343, 348349,
372376, 376378, 392395, 415,
419420, 431432, 434, 435, 438440,
449, 467, 481, 494, 501502, 506, 527,
529, 543, 548549, 567, 579, 585586,
666668, 670, 675, 676, 678, 722, 730,
767, 787, 796
syllables, metrical equivalence in terms of

long disyllables/long monosyllables/short
disyllables. See cadence

long monosyllables/short disyllables. See
resolution

long monosyllables/short monosyllables.
See suspension of resolution
syntactic constituency,114116, 116119, 123,
131, 155162, 436, 464465, 739
syntagmatic scale of metrical positions.
See linearity-based scale of metrical
positions
two-position verse,161162, 206, 642644,
722725. See also catalexis: double; see
also individual systems of verse types
under verse types

alternative scansion as a four-position
verse in the ljahttr c-verse,
723724

cadence of,724725

prototype of,643644
type A1,2543, 447448, 499504, 525528,
541545, 577582, 666674. See also
subtype A1s; type A1 with anacrusis; see
under verse types
a-/b-verse distinction of,2627, 42,

206, 213214, 236, 317318, 440, 485,
500501, 526527, 541542, 543, 577578

alliterative pattern of,2829, 42,
213214, 236, 342346, 371376, 440,
485, 490491, 500501, 526527,
541542, 577578, 655656, 669671,
742743, 744

alternative scansion as type A3,56

alternative scansion as type D*,131132,
721
in Beowulf,26, 32, 41, 317318, 342343,
345346, 384385

cadence of,310, 316318, 322324, 334,
671672, 783

class 1 words in the first drop of,3031,
7072, 579

finite verbs in the first drop of,4551

first drop of,2531, 4041, 42, 4551,
146148, 243, 342343, 392394, 440,
501503, 526527, 542544, 577579,
579580, 666667, 668669, 670671,
770771

and the foreign group,31, 41

in the Heliand,26, 32, 41, 317318,
342343, 345346

independent words in the second drop
of,3132, 248

396, 414416, 418419, 419420, 421,
494495, 766767, 770771

paradigmatic organization of,597598

prototype of,51, 317, 333, 348, 419, 431,
434, 443, 444, 446447, 783, 785, 787

reorganization of,317

resolution on the first lift of,213215,
222223, 229230, 232235, 237238,
447448, 475483

resolution on the second lift of,215216,
235238, 247249

second drop of,3132, 53, 5556,
667668, 668669, 672

short first lift of,259, 260, 261, 262264

short second lift of. See subtype A1s
type A1 with anacrusis,165, 174183, 441448,
504506, 528529, 545550, 582587,
674679. See also anacrusis; type A1;
see also individual systems of verse types
under verse types

206, 319320, 441444, 485, 504505,
528529, 545546, 582583, 585,
586587, 783

344346, 485, 504505, 528529,
545546, 583584, 653654,
677678
in Beowulf,319

cadence of,319320, 678679

first drop of,176183, 443444, 505506,
528529, 547549, 584587, 675676,
678

in the Heliand,319

prototype of,51, 787

443444, 783

resolution on the first lift of,213, 447,

second drop of,676677

size of anacrusis in,442, 505, 547,
603604, 606, 675
type A1* (mlahttr),429441

a-/b-verse distinction of,430431,
432433, 438439, 445446, 485

438439, 485, 490491

alternative scansion as type D*,462463,
464466

expanded with anacrusis,444447

434434

finite verbs in the first drop of,435436

first drop of,431440, 445


prototype of,434


resolution on the first lift of,447, 472, 475

short first lift of,477
type A1-,7580, 503, 528, 544545, 595598,
689693. See also catalexis; see also
individual systems of verse types under
verse types

595596, 596597

alliterative pattern of,76, 7980, 216,
349350, 595596, 653654, 742743,
744745

alternative scansion as subtype A1s,38,
191192
Index of subjects
1069

alternative scansion as type D*,133134
148150, 150155, 721

cadence of,196, 330, 692693

compensation in,80, 350

expanded with anacrusis,166, 191

first drop of,7680, 8384, 107, 596597,
690692

414416, 419420, 766767, 771


prototype of,503

222223, 229230, 232235, 482

resolution on the second lift of,191192

zero realization of the second drop of,75,
188191, 196
type A2, 4356, 550551, 590. See also type
A2a; type A2b; see also individual systems
of verse types under verse types

a-/b-verse distinction of,565

alliterative pattern of,653654, 742743

in the Heliand,204, 288289, 347349

a-/b-verse distinction of,449450, 485



first drop of,449450

type A2a,4351, 245246, 507, 529530,
550551, 587589, 679. See also type A2;
type A2b; see also individual systems of
verse types under verse types

507, 587589

507, 587589

alternative scansion as type D,114116,
461
in Beowulf,245246, 277, 278, 279, 280,
346349

compound proper nouns in,4445,
8990


414416, 418419, 419420, 766767, 771

1070
Index of subjects

proportion of, to type A1,590

prototype of,461, 507, 530, 550551, 581


subtype A2as (ljahttr),581
type A2a-,8081, 598599, 694. See also
catalexis; see also individual systems of

598599


alternative scansion as type D-,123

cadence of,330


type A2b,5156, 507, 529530, 550551,
589590, 679. See also type A2; type A2a;
see also individual systems of verse types
under verse types

507, 589590

507, 589590

alternative scansion as type D*,130131
in Beowulf,346349

compound proper nouns in,5455, 90


first drop of,55

and location in the stanza,399, 414416,
418419, 419420, 766767, 771


prototype of,264, 449, 507, 550551,
530


short first lift of,259, 260
type A3,5675, 508509, 530531,
551552, 590595, 680689. See also
individual systems of verse types under
verse types

206, 590591



alternative scansion as type A3-,74

alternative scansion as type B,686689

alternative scansion as type C,56, 103

alternative scansion as type C-,105106,
109110, 591, 623624, 715716
in Beowulf,5657, 59, 60, 6163

cadence of,683685, 689

592593

compensation for the unrealized first lift
of,6162, 71, 163

derivation of,552, 781782

first drop of,5972, 74, 508509, 530,
551552, 591592, 593594, 680681,
770771

in the Heliand,5657, 59, 60, 6163

414416, 418419, 419420, 421,
766768, 770771, 771

minimal variant of,6063

mora count of the verse-final drop
of,7475

preference for the stanza-initial
verse,6768


prototype of,56, 57, 73,


265266

second drop of,5758, 594, 681682

short second lift of,7375, 250251,
594595, 673674, 683686

zero realization of the first lift of,6472,
163. See also zero realization: of the verseinitial lift


and catalexis,452

derivation of,452

first drop of,451

zero realization of the first lift of,452. See
also zero realization: of the verse-initial
lift
type A3-,8285, 531, 600601, 694697. See
also catalexis; see also individual systems

a-/b-verse distinction of,83, 206, 601

alliterative pattern of,83


alternative scansion as type B3,8283

alternative scansion as type C,694

alternative scansion as type C-,694

cadence of,196, 330, 696697


compensation in,84, 85, 696

first drop of,8384, 600601, 695696

418419, 419420, 766767, 771

zero realization of the first lift of,204. See
also zero realization: of the verse-initial
lift

zero realization of the verse-final drop
of,196, 204. See also zero realization: of
the verse-final drop
type B,8590, 509510, 531532, 553554,
567, 601609, 644645, 697702. See
under verse types

216217, 311, 510, 531, 553, 606607,
608609, 783

216217, 351353, 369370, 376379,
553, 653654, 656657, 742743, 744745

alternative scansion as subtype A1s with
anacrusis,8889, 90, 238239, 266,
601604


alternative scansion as type C-,260, 261,
263264

alternative scansion as type E with
anacrusis,605606
in Beowulf,311, 351353, 385386

cadence of,310, 311, 320, 325328,
698702

607


and Craigies law,325328

first drop of,6466, 86, 168169,
351, 510, 531532, 554, 606, 607609,
697698

in the Heliand,311, 351353

414416, 421, 766767, 768, 769, 771


229230, 232235

238239

second drop of,8690, 351, 608609,
698

short first lift of,259, 260, 261, 263264
type B* (mlahttr),452453, 470

Index of subjects
1071


first drop of,452453
type B3 (Beowulf; Heliand),82. See also type
A3
type C,91105, 511516, 532534, 609620,
702712. See also individual systems of

102, 104, 206, 218, 219220, 242,
312316, 485, 511, 532533, 610616,
619620, 783

102, 218, 242, 353355, 369370,
379383, 485, 491492, 511, 532,
610, 619620, 653654, 657658,
742743

alternative scansion as type A3, 56, 103



alternative scansion as type D with
anacrusis,711712
in Beowulf,254255, 277282, 312314,
353354, 386

cadence of,220, 310, 312316, 322324,
334, 516, 612616, 710711

clashing lifts in,220, 227, 230232, 235,
314315, 474475, 651, 710

456457, 559560, 617618


first drop of,6466, 9192, 99101, 108,
168169, 221222, 253254, 512513,
532533, 617619, 703705

in the Heliand,254255, 289290,
291292, 312314, 353354

766767, 768, 769770, 771

prototype of,96, 192, 315, 473, 474, 515,
560, 710,


229230, 230235, 251252, 313316,
401402, 515, 533534, 619620

239240

second drop of,9293, 253, 705

short first lift of,101105, 120121,
241244, 616617
1072
Index of subjects

673674

standardization of,513516

stress on the second lift of,9293,
94101, 111112, 219221, 514, 533534,
609616, 708710

suspension of resolution,251255, 708

syllable length of the second lift
of,94101, 102, 111112, 313, 315,
353354, 402403, 514, 533534,
609616, 620, 705708, 708709

variation of,93, 609611
type C* (mlahttr; Hrbl),453459, 554561

555556, 560561

491492, 554, 653654

559560, 560561

first drop of,454458, 556559,
560561

prototype of,458, 459


474475, 482

second lift of,458459

standardization of,458459, 558559,
560561

stress on the second lift of,558559

syllable length of the second lift
of,558559
type C-,105110, 516, 621624, 712716. See
also catalexis; see also individual systems

108109, 206, 222, 621622

222, 354355, 621, 742743

alternative scansion as type A3, 105106,
109110, 591, 623624, 715716


alternative scansion as type B,260, 261,
263264


alternative scansion as type D with
anacrusis,713

cadence of,196, 330, 713714, 716

482

compensation in,108
first drop of,106, 107, 108, 623624,
712713

766767, 771

proportion of, to type C,516, 555, 623

229230, 230235, 482


stress on the second lift,713, 715
type D,110123, 460462, 517518, 534535,
624627, 716718. See also individual
systems of verse types under verse types

223224, 460461, 485, 517, 534535,
625627

223224, 355356, 460461, 485, 517,
535, 653654, 742743

alternative scansion as subtype
A1s,116119


alternative scansion as type A2a,114116,
461




155161, 717718. See also type D/E
in Beowulf,114, 158160, 256257

cadence of,320321, 470, 471, 481, 636,
718

483,

518, 625627

in the Heliand,158160, 256257

lack of opposition between normal and
heavy drops in,137

766767, 771

prototype of,140, 441, 736

proportion of, to type D*,636


229230, 230235, 461462, 475483,
517518, 535


626

stress on the first drop of,111112, 625

syllable length of the first drop
of,111112, 625

variation of,110111
type D*,124134, 462467, 518520, 535536,
561563, 631637, 721. See also individual

206, 228229, 462464, 485, 519,
535536, 561562, 632

228229, 462464, 485, 519, 535536,
561562, 632, 653654

alternative scansion as type A1, 131132,
721

alternative scansion as type
A1*,462463, 464466


alternative scansion as type A2b,130131
in Beowulf, 127130

cadence of,471, 633, 636

derivation of,128130

expanded with anacrusis,191, 467, 520,
536, 563, 634635

extra drop of,126127, 129130, 179

first (= penultimate) drop of,124126

in the Heliand,205

414416, 766767

proportion of, to type D,127128, 467,
519, 536, 562563, 636

prototype of,721

reorganization of,180181, 204205, 471,
777778

229230, 235, 462



short second lift of,116119, 258, 637

stress on the first drop of,116119,
633634

syllable length of the first drop
of,116119, 633

variation of,124125, 462464
type D-,121123, 518, 534, 628630, 718720.
See also catalexis; see also individual
Index of subjects
1073

226, 628629

653654, 742743

alternative scansion as type A2a-,123


alternative scansion as type E,719

cadence of,196, 630, 720

clashing lifts in,227, 231, 235, 720

compensation in,200, 231232

771

proportion of, to type D,629, 718719

prototype of,736

229230, 230235, 482

short second lift of,122, 630

stress on the first drop of,122
type D/E,155161. See also neutralization

a-/b-verse distinction of,206,
228229


as architype of types D and E,157
in Beowulf,158160

229230, 235
type D1 (Beowulf),114, 181, 204, 355, 778
type D2a (Beowulf),114, 173, 181, 204,
278281, 294, 296, 355, 633, 778
type D2b (Beowulf),114, 173, 181, 204, 355,
633, 778
type E,134161, 467, 470, 520, 537, 563564,
637642, 721. See also individual systems

638640

653654

alternative scansion as subtype A1s,36,
141145, 240241, 266, 721

alternative scansion as type A1-,145148,
148150, 150155, 721

alternative scansion as type B,
605606

alternative scansion as type D,150153,
155161, 717718. See also type D/E

in Beowulf,138, 158160

cadence of,325328, 470, 639641
1074
Index of subjects

and Craigies law,325328
637639, 640641

first drop of,134, 136141, 142143,
145148

in the Heliand,158160

414416, 766767

prototype of,142143, 147, 148, 149, 721,
727, 728


229230, 232235

239241, 639

second drop of,138141, 145148,
641642

short first drop of,136138, 641


variation of,135, 357, 637638
type E*,49, 51, 141142, 144, 205, 430, 469,
642, 645
Vafrnisml (Vm),2, 574
Verschleifung. See resolution: Verschleifung
verse,9. See also hypermetric verse

a-verse,11, 573

b-verse,11, 573

c-verse (ljahttr),573, 665

defective,1, 23, 574, 765
verse classes. See also verse types

and alliteration,360371, 485489

and the cadence,309321, 331332,
333334, 429

and catalexis,198200

frequency of,206, 309311, 469470,
522, 538, 565566, 648649, 726

416421, 493494, 495, 766, 769, 770

organization of, in ljahttr,645652,
726735, 746

and resolution in ljahttr,746751
verse ending. See cadence; see also verse
opening
verse opening. See also cadence

and a-/b-verse distinction,687688,
792793, 797

and the cadence,646, 785, 792793

initial drop (drop + lift; /),331, 421, 641,
646, 687688, 792793

initial lift (lift + drop; / ),331, 421, 580,
597, 630, 646647, 687688, 730731,
785, 792793, 821823

785786
verse types,10. See also individual verse types
and subtypes; verse classes

basic,10, 163, 207, 468, 521, 646, 649,
728

expanded,128, 163, 205, 433, 437, 439,
440, 450, 457, 476, 477, 563, 567, 568,
646, 649

increased,163, 346, 347, 489, 728
reduced,163

system of, in Atlaqvia in grnlenzca
(Akv),521522

system of, in Beowulf (Beo),204205

system of, in fornyrislag,162163,
203207

system of, in Hamisml (Hm),537538

system of, in Hrbarzli (Hrbl),
565568

system of, in the Heliand (Hel),204205

system of, in ljahttr,645652,
725739

system of, in mlahttr,467470
vowel epenthesis. See svarabhakti vowels
Vlosp (Vsp),2, 6, 21
Vlsunga Saga,1
Vlundarqvia (Vkv),2, 6, 21
word classes,1112, 150. See also alliteration:
lexical basis of

class 1 (substantives),12, 35, 49, 51, 53,
58, 65, 6872, 116, 131132, 141, 150, 156,
161, 328, 335, 338, 359, 368, 371387,
430, 442, 456457, 461, 489492,
499500, 520, 525, 559560, 561, 564,
579, 581, 592593, 601, 607, 617, 621,
644, 647, 655659, 660662, 744745,
773774, 778, 781, 787, 793

class 2 (finite verbs and adverbs),12, 51,
70, 150, 154, 156, 191, 328, 343, 359, 368,
436, 503, 661662, 774

class 3 (function words),12, 51, 139, 150,
156, 191, 328, 436437
Index of subjects
occurrence of class 1 in the first drop,12,

3031, 58, 65, 6872, 131132, 359, 430,
456457, 499500, 525, 559560, 561,
564, 579, 581, 592593, 602, 607, 617,
621, 644, 773774, 781, 787
zero realization

of the verse-final drop,10, 25, 75, 83, 165,
188201, 207, 231, 234, 254, 330, 331,
350, 355, 359, 420, 452, 545, 628, 647,
1075
690, 693, 714715, 725, 730, 733, 779,

781, 788. See also catalexis
of the verse-initial lift,10, 25, 64, 163,
167, 204, 209, 250, 265, 316, 337338,
452, 552, 647, 726, 732, 733, 768, 781,
796. See also type A3; type A3*;
type A3-
jlfr r Hvinis Haustlng (Haustl),821

rymsqvia (rk),2, 6, 21
Index of verses
Vsp 1.2: 25
Vsp 1.4: 223
Vsp 1.7: 35, 116
Vsp 3.7: 125, 181
Vsp 3.8: 91
Vsp 4.5: 45
Vsp 5.4: 218
Vsp 6.1: 260
Vsp 6.5: 45
Vsp 6.9: 145, 146
Vsp 6.10: 212
Vsp 9.1: 260
Vsp 10.34: 340
Vsp 12.3: 36
Vsp 12.4: 150
Vsp 13.8: 42
Vsp 14.1: 69
Vsp 14.2: 315
Vsp 14.7: 357
Vsp 16.8: 161
Vsp 17.6: 119, 284
Vsp 19.3: 45, 114
Vsp 19.5: 56
Vsp 20.2: 161
Vsp 20.3: 138
Vsp 20.5: 154
Vsp 22.3: 226, 260
Vsp 22.5: 132
Vsp 22.6: 132
Vsp 23.1: 260
Vsp 23.7: 260
Vsp 24.3: 57
Vsp 24.7: 92
Vsp 25.1: 260
Vsp 25.8: 114
Vsp 26.1: 115
Vsp 26.5: 48
Vsp 26.7: 115, 236
Vsp 27.8: 133
Vsp 28.14: 133
Vsp 29.2: 138
Vsp 30.1: 93
Vsp 30.7: 115, 123
Vsp 32.5: 155, 156
Vsp 33.3: 212
Vsp 33.8: 133

Vsp 35.3: 43
Vsp 35.8: 133
Vsp 36.4: 151, 339
Vsp 38.4: 151
Vsp 39.10: 133
Vsp 40.1: 212
Vsp 41.3: 110, 141, 155
Vsp 41.5: 52, 212
Vsp 41.7: 52
Vsp 41.8: 133
Vsp 44.1: 121
Vsp 44.3: 46
Vsp 45.1: 212
Vsp 45.7: 52
Vsp 46.1: 212
Vsp 46.5: 54
Vsp 48.3: 218, 239, 256
Vsp 48.8: 133
Vsp 49.1: 55, 248
Vsp 49.7: 85
Vsp 50.2: 116, 118
Vsp 51.5: 116
Vsp 53.2: 150
Vsp 54.1: 166
Vsp 56.6: 213
Vsp 56.7: 218
Vsp 57.2: 150
Vsp 57.7: 313
Vsp 58.1: 55, 248
Vsp 59.4: 42
Vsp 59.6: 116, 118
Vsp 62.4: 36
Vsp 62.8: 133
Vsp 63.5: 245
Vsp 63.6: 133
Vsp 64.4: 60, 187
Vsp 66.2: 223
Vsp 66.3: 116
Vsp 66.6: 116
Hav 1.5: 605
Hav 6.2: 607
Hav 6.4: 602
Hav 6.8: 617
1078
Index of verses
Hav 7.3: 666

Hav 8.4: 642
Hav 8.5: 607
Hav 9.5: 617
Hav 10.2: 607
Hav 10.3: 680
Hav 11.2: 607
Hav 12.3: 718, 719
Hav 13.1: 579, 661, 662
Hav 16.1: 599
Hav 17.4: 601
Hav 19.1: 581
Hav 22.1: 574, 765
Hav 22.2: 574, 765
Hav 22.6: 680
Hav 23.4: 600
Hav 27.1: 644
Hav 30.1: 582
Hav 30.2: 607
Hav 30.4: 617
Hav 31.3: 758
Hav 31.5: 585
Hav 31.6: 683
Hav 32.4: 596
Hav 33.2: 621
Hav 34.6: 694
Hav 36.2: 574, 765
Hav 36.4: 626
Hav 37.2: 574, 765
Hav 38.2: 607
Hav 39.5: 574, 765
Hav 40.1: 644
Hav 42.2: 617, 621
Hav 43.2: 617
Hav 43.4: 641
Hav 43.6: 723
Hav 45.1: 609
Hav 47.6: 758
Hav 48.3: 690
Hav 49.3: 713, 723
Hav 51.3: 713, 722, 723
Hav 52.1: 644
Hav 53.6: 690
Hav 54.1: 644
Hav 54.5: 580
Hav 54.6: 712, 713
Hav 55.1: 644
Hav 55.4: 588
Hav 55.6: 703
Hav 56.1: 644

Hav 57.3: 717
Hav 60.1: 577
Hav 61.2: 607
Hav 63.4: 630
Hav 63.6: 722, 723, 752
Hav 64.2: 605, 661
Hav 65.5: 607
Hav 66.5: 617
Hav 67.3: 703
Hav 67.4: 621
Hav 68.3: 680
Hav 68.5: 617
Hav 69.1: 617
Hav 69.3: 672, 721, 724
Hav 69.4: 592
Hav 69.5: 617
Hav 70.1: 574, 765
Hav 70.2: 765
Hav 71.2: 631
Hav 74: 754
Hav 75.4: 592
Hav 76.1: 642, 644
Hav 76.4: 591
Hav 77.1: 644
Hav 80.3: 574
Hav 80.6: 574
Hav 88.1: 631
Hav 91.3: 758
Hav 92.3: 712, 713
Hav 94.2: 607
Hav 98.4: 589
Hav 100.3: 679
Hav 102.1: 621
Hav 103.7: 582
Hav 103.8: 585
Hav 103.9: 704
Hav 104.1: 644, 662, 663
Hav 105: 754
Hav 105.1: 641
Hav 105.4: 628
Hav 106.1: 644
Hav 106.6: 675
Hav 107.6: 697
Hav 108.4: 605, 641
Hav 109.3: 579
Hav 110.1: 592
Hav 111.1: 592
Hav 111.7: 661
Hav 112.1: 631

Hav 112.3: 667
Hav 112.4: 682
Hav 113.3: 667
Hav 113.5: 641
Hav 113.7: 683
Hav 114.1: 591
Hav 115.3: 667
Hav 116.3: 667
Hav 117.2: 609
Hav 117.3: 667
Hav 117.7: 717
Hav 118.3: 719
Hav 119.3: 667
Hav 119.8: 602
Hav 120.3: 667
Hav 120.7: 676
Hav 121.3: 667
Hav 122.3: 667
Hav 123.6: 717
Hav 124.4: 592
Hav 125.3: 667
Hav 125.5: 579, 661
Hav 125.6: 661
Hav 126.3: 667
Hav 126.8: 631
Hav 127.3: 667
Hav 128.3: 667
Hav 129.3: 667
Hav 130.3: 667
Hav 130.7: 703
Hav 131.3: 667
Hav 132.3: 667
Hav 133.4: 601
Hav 133.6: 676
Hav 134.3: 667
Hav 134.10: 626
Hav 135.3: 667
Hav 135.7: 682, 706
Hav 136.5: 602
Hav 137.3: 667
Hav 137.7: 582
Hav 137.9: 631
Hav 137.12: 579, 660, 661
Hav 138.6: 719
Hav 139.3: 722, 723
Hav 139.6: 713
Hav 142.7: 713, 752, 758
Hav 143.3: 719
Index of verses
Hav 145.1: 617

Hav 145.4: 592
Hav 146.1: 601
Hav 146.4: 626
Hav 149.1: 591
Hav 151.3: 759
Hav 153.3: 717
Hav 153.4: 628
Hav 154.1: 616
Hav 154.3: 703, 711
Hav 154.6: 759
Hav 155.1: 616
Hav 156.1: 609
Hav 160.2: 609
Hav 161.5: 638
Hav 162.8: 722, 723, 759
Hav 162.9: 722, 723
Hav 164.3: 679
Hav 164.8: 752
Vm 1.5: 602
Vm 1.6: 703
Vm 3.1: 596
Vm 3.2: 631
Vm 5.4: 574, 765
Vm 5.5: 574, 765
Vm 7.6: 706
Vm 10.6: 711
Vm 12.3: 690
Vm 14.4: 630
Vm 14.6: 680
Vm 15.6: 722, 723
Vm 16.3: 722, 723, 759
Vm 18.1: 641
Vm 20.3: 703
Vm 30.4: 609
Vm 33.6: 717
Vm 36.1: 637
Vm 37.1: 588
Vm 38.1: 616
Vm 38.4: 621
Vm 39.3: 703
Vm 42.4: 582
Vm 42.6: 721
Vm 45.4: 582
Vm 48.6: 717
Vm 53.1: 628
Vm 55: 574
1079
1080
Index of verses
Grm 1.1: 580

Grm 2.6: 641
Grm 3.3: 723
Grm 5.4: 599
Grm 5.5: 609
Grm 7.3: 672, 724
Grm 8.3: 679
Grm 8.6: 718
Grm 9.1: 592
Grm 9.3: 717
Grm 9.6: 666
Grm 10.1: 592
Grm 10.3: 717
Grm 14.1: 637
Grm 14.3: 667, 721
Grm 15.1: 637
Grm 15.6: 675, 759
Grm 19.5: 630
Grm 21.1: 644
Grm 21.3: 719
Grm 21.4: 642, 644
Grm 21.6: 717
Grm 23.1: 581
Grm 23.4: 661
Grm 24.1: 579
Grm 24.3: 711
Grm 25.4: 587
Grm 26.6: 713
Grm 27.3: 574
Grm 27.6: 722, 723
Grm 28.2: 592
Grm 30.2: 631
Grm 30.7: 644
Grm 31.1: 644
Grm 31.4: 661
Grm 31.5: 617, 661
Grm 33.4: 722, 723
Grm 33.5: 721, 724
Grm 34.6: 721
Grm 35.1: 626
Grm 36.9: 703
Grm 38.3: 717
Grm 39.4: 592
Grm 40.5: 577
Grm 43.3: 717
Grm 43.4: 644
Grm 46.6: 717
Grm 47.5: 588
Grm 47.7: 589
Grm 49.6: 719

Grm 49.7: 722, 723, 752
Grm 49.10: 721
Grm 53.1: 638
Grm 54.5: 631
Skm 1.1: 574, 765
Skm 1.2: 574, 765
Skm 3.6: 682
Skm 4.3: 722, 723
Skm 6.3: 718
Skm 7.6: 694
Skm 12.3: 574, 765
Skm 14.2: 644
Skm 14.4: 630
Skm 17.6: 711
Skm 18.6: 711
Skm 19.6: 704
Skm 20.2: 609
Skm 23.2: 589
Skm 24.1: 580
Skm 24.6: 626
Skm 26.1: 642
Skm 27.1: 638
Skm 28.3: 602
Skm 30.1: 592
Skm 31.1: 644, 645
Skm 31.4: 752
Skm 31.5: 752
Skm 31.7: 591
Skm 31.8: 705, 707
Skm 34.18: 426
Skm 34.3: 626
Skm 35.1: 638, 642
Skm 39.3: 713, 723
Skm 40.2: 668
Skm 41.3: 723
Skm 42.2: 596
Skm 42.6: 712, 713
Hrbl 3.2: 541
Hrbl 3.3: 544
Hrbl 3.5: 551
Hrbl 3.6: 553
Hrbl 4.1: 592
Hrbl 4.3: 574
Hrbl 5.2: 551
Hrbl 5.3: 544
Hrbl 6.1: 544
Hrbl 6.2: 564

Hrbl 6.3: 563
Hrbl 6.5: 541
Hrbl 7.1: 562
Hrbl 7.3: 549, 553
Hrbl 8.7: 541
Hrbl 8.10: 549
Hrbl 9.2: 555
Hrbl 9.6: 549
Hrbl 9.7: 544
Hrbl 10.2: 569
Hrbl 11.1: 555
Hrbl 12.3: 564
Hrbl 12.4: 555
Hrbl 13.1: 541
Hrbl 13.3: 564
Hrbl 13.5: 541
Hrbl 14.3: 560
Hrbl 15.1: 544
Hrbl 15.3: 549
Hrbl 15.4: 564
Hrbl 15.7: 541
Hrbl 16.2: 550
Hrbl 16.4: 550
Hrbl 17.1: 541
Hrbl 18.18: 426
Hrbl 18.7: 752
Hrbl 18.8: 722, 723, 752
Hrbl 19.4: 638
Hrbl 19.6: 602
Hrbl 21.1: 541
Hrbl 22.3: 752
Hrbl 23.1: 544
Hrbl 23.3: 562
Hrbl 23.5: 560
Hrbl 23.8: 555
Hrbl 23.9: 541
Hrbl 25.3: 672, 697
Hrbl 26.1: 617
Hrbl 26.8: 592
Hrbl 28.3: 541
Hrbl 29.1: 544
Hrbl 29.4: 549
Hrbl 29.7: 551
Hrbl 29.9: 541
Hrbl 30.1: 544
Hrbl 30.2: 545
Hrbl 30.4: 550
Hrbl 31.1: 541
Index of verses
Hrbl 32.1: 644

Hrbl 32.3: 574
Hrbl 35.2: 564
Hrbl 36.1: 541
Hrbl 37.2: 562
Hrbl 38.1: 544
Hrbl 39.2: 549
Hrbl 39.7: 541
Hrbl 41.1: 541
Hrbl 42.3: 545
Hrbl 44.1: 541
Hrbl 45.1: 541
Hrbl 46.1: 541
Hrbl 48.1: 560
Hrbl 50.1: 541
Hrbl 50.3: 550
Hrbl 51.1: 544
Hrbl 56.2: 544
Hrbl 56.6: 551
Hrbl 56.9: 545
Hrbl 57.1: 541
Hrbl 58.1: 555, 560
Hrbl 58.3: 541
Hrbl 59.3: 560
Hrbl 60.1: 541
Hym 2.3: 116
Hym 2.4: 318
Hym 2.6: 150
Hym 2.8: 35, 116
Hym 3.4: 151
Hym 3.6: 150
Hym 4.7: 33
Hym 6.3: 313
Hym 6.4: 151
Hym 8.2: 150
Hym 9.2: 151, 339
Hym 9.7: 25, 46
Hym 9.8: 117
Hym 10.5: 151
Hym 11.10: 151
Hym 12.3: 148, 149
Hym 13.5: 151
Hym 14.2: 151
Hym 15.1: 151
Hym 15.8: 117
Hym 16.8: 117
Hym 18.1: 151
Hym 19.5: 151
1081
1082
Index of verses
Hym 20.8: 69, 70, 138, 139

Hym 21.4: 123
Hym 21.8: 151
Hym 22.6: 58
Hym 24.1: 44
Hym 24.4: 35, 117
Hym 24.5: 317
Hym 24.6: 150
Hym 25.6: 150
Hym 26.2: 150
Hym 26.3: 91
Hym 28.5: 69, 70
Hym 28.7: 36
Hym 30.3: 245
Hym 30.6: 340
Hym 31.1: 151
Hym 31.5: 46
Hym 32.2: 150
Hym 32.5: 148, 149, 155, 326
Hym 33.8: 117
Hym 34.1: 226, 260
Hym 34.2: 36
Hym 34.4: 151
Hym 34.5: 236
Hym 34.6: 150
Hym 35.3: 141, 155
Hym 35.5: 56
Hym 36.6: 150
Hym 37.3: 110
Hym 38.2: 151
Hym 38.5: 130
Hym 38.6: 150
Hym 39.1: 138, 139
Ls 3.2: 631
Ls 11.4: 621
Ls 11.6: 719
Ls 12.6: 666
Ls 14.1: 662
Ls 14.2: 662
Ls 14.4: 642, 644
Ls 15.3: 713, 722, 723
Ls 17.2: 582
Ls 17.3: 717
Ls 19.6: 680
Ls 20.2: 591
Ls 21.4: 589
Ls 21.6: 717
Ls 22.6: 706
Ls 23.3: 706
Ls 23.6: 717
Ls 24.2: 641
Ls 25.6: 679
Ls 27.1: 662
Ls 31.4: 592
Ls 33.3: 722, 723
Ls 37.1: 601
Ls 37.2: 617
Ls 38.4: 577
Ls 39.4: 574, 765
Ls 39.5: 574, 765
Ls 43.1: 662
Ls 43.2: 641
Ls 43.4: 660
Ls 43.6: 676
Ls 47.3: 706
Ls 48.1: 589
Ls 48.6: 713
Ls 50.2: 605
Ls 51.6: 713
Ls 55.1: 588
Ls 56.6: 680
Ls 60.5: 631
Ls 65.6: 672, 724
rk 1.1: 69
rk 1.2: 93
rk 1.5: 25
rk 2.2: 151
rk 2.8: 30, 31
rk 3.4: 151
rk 4.1: 260
rk 4.2: 165
rk 5.2: 43
rk 7.56: 340
rk 7.6: 339
rk 7.7: 125, 130, 228
rk 8.1: 166, 356
rk 8.8: 138
rk 9.7: 138
rk 9.10: 151
rk 10.1: 101, 241
rk 10.4: 110
rk 11.2: 101
rk 11.3: 36, 130
rk 12.4: 151
rk 12.7: 260
rk 13.1: 69
rk 13.2: 102, 243

rk 13.3: 155, 434
rk 13.7: 165
rk 15.3: 248
rk 15.5: 32, 248
rk 17.1: 148
rk 18.78: 340
rk 19.1: 32, 248
rk 19.56: 341
rk 20.5: 260
rk 21.6: 117, 118
rk 21.7: 155
rk 22.1: 148
rk 23.56: 340
rk 24.10: 117
rk 25.1: 148
rk 25.4: 130
rk 25.6: 339
rk 26.56: 336
rk 26.7: 325
rk 28.56: 23, 335, 336
rk 29.3: 57
rk 30.1: 148
rk 30.7: 138, 139
Vkv 1.2: 29, 145
Vkv 1.3: 245
Vkv 1.6: 145, 146
Vkv 1.8: 45, 114
Vkv 2.3: 116
Vkv 2.5: 69
Vkv 3.2: 151
Vkv 4.3: 36, 141, 143, 145, 239, 240
Vkv 4.4: 48
Vkv 4.6: 105
Vkv 5.2: 93
Vkv 5.10: 260
Vkv 6.8: 165
Vkv 7.7: 30, 132, 579
Vkv 8.7: 71, 456
Vkv 9.1: 60, 187
Vkv 9.2: 114
Vkv 9.34, 335
Vkv 9.4: 23
Vkv 10.4: 110
Vkv 10.6: 44
Vkv 11.1: 132
Vkv 12.3: 42, 43
Vkv 15.1: 29, 145, 240
Index of verses
Vkv 15.2: 69
Vkv 15.4: 121
Vkv 17.7: 55, 138, 139, 248
Vkv 17.8: 161, 260
Vkv 17.9: 165
Vkv 18.8: 90, 165, 238
Vkv 18.9: 127, 258, 305
Vkv 18.10: 90, 165, 238
Vkv 19.1: 92
Vkv 19.3: 76, 138
Vkv 20.5: 151, 228
Vkv 20.7: 223
Vkv 21.3: 52
Vkv 21.5: 65, 69
Vkv 22.3: 82
Vkv 22.5: 243
Vkv 23.1: 125
Vkv 25.1: 56
Vkv 26.12: 23, 335
Vkv 26.5: 243
Vkv 28.5: 216
Vkv 29.5: 36, 141, 143, 145, 239, 240
Vkv 29.7: 40, 145, 146, 240
Vkv 30.6: 145, 146
Vkv 31.1: 148
Vkv 31.3: 138
Vkv 31.6: 32, 248
Vkv 31.7: 139, 145, 146
Vkv 32.3: 165, 248
Vkv 33.1: 139
Vkv 33.8: 119, 284
Vkv 33.9: 165, 174, 319
Vkv 35.5: 56
Vkv 37.1: 139
Vkv 37.3: 90, 165, 238
Vkv 37.6: 90, 165, 238
Vkv 38.1: 36, 141, 143, 145, 240
Vkv 38.3: 43, 166
Vkv 39.3: 125
Vkv 39.4: 71, 456
Vkv 39.5: 71, 456
Vkv 40.3: 247
Vkv 41.5: 236, 264
Alv 5.4: 582
Alv 9.1: 591
Alv 9.2: 631
Alv 9.3: 719
Alv 10.5: 637
1083
1084
Index of verses
Alv 10.6: 712, 713

Alv 11.3: 719
Alv 11.5: 574, 765
Alv 12.4: 587
Alv 13.3: 719
Alv 14.1: 661
Alv 14.6: 697
Alv 15.3: 719
Alv 16.3: 672, 758
Alv 17.3: 719
Alv 19.3: 719
Alv 21.3: 719
Alv 23.3: 719
Alv 25.3: 719
Alv 27.3: 719
Alv 29.3: 719
Alv 31.3: 719
Alv 33.3: 719
Alv 35.4: 592
HH 1.3: 141, 155, 223, 325
HH 1.5: 165
HH 2.1: 151
HH 2.3: 93
HH 5.2: 143, 146
HH 6.1: 56
HH 6.3: 117
HH 7.1: 151
HH 7.4: 117
HH 7.5: 69
HH 11.2: 135
HH 11.6: 25
HH 14.5: 145, 240
HH 14.7: 69
HH 16.3: 143, 146
HH 16.7: 117
HH 21.5: 121
HH 23.3: 130
HH 24.3: 69
HH 26.8: 152
HH 27.5: 143, 146
HH 29.1: 69
HH 29.2: 117
HH 32.5: 87
HH 33.2: 152
HH 37.8: 93
HH 39.1: 152
HH 39.4: 166, 239, 240, 255256, 258, 283
HH 40.1: 161, 223
HH 41.3: 135
HH 42.6: 117
HH 43.1: 152
HH 44.1: 152
HH 44.7: 218
HH 49.1: 213
HH 49.7: 45, 115
HH 50.2: 152
HH 51.1: 125, 132
HH 52.8: 80
HH 53.1: 152
HH 53.11: 165
HH 55.1: 69
HH 56.5: 69
HHv 2.7: 133, 166, 191
HHv 6.5: 45
HHv 9.6: 121
HHv 9.8: 117, 118
HHv 12: 389, 426
HHv 17.3: 711
HHv 17.4: 592
HHv 19.6: 672, 724
HHv 21.6: 713
HHv 23.6: 717
HHv 25.3: 703
HHv 25.5: 641
HHv 26: 426
HHv 26.7: 672
HHv 27.1: 589
HHv 28: 426
HHv 28.1: 579, 661
HHv 29.5: 607
HHv 29.6: 676
HHv 32.4: 218, 276
HHv 33.1: 152
HHv 33.12: 151, 228
HHv 34.3: 151
HHv 35.12: 340
HHv 35.3: 152
HHv 39.3: 133, 143, 146
HHv 40.4: 117
HHv 42.1: 152
HHv 43.2: 133
HHv 43.3: 135, 357

HH II 2.3: 58, 105
HH II 2.6: 117, 118
HH II 3.1: 115, 166, 223, 356
HH II 3.7: 186, 226, 260

HH II 4.9: 56
HH II 4.14: 143, 146
HH II 6.1: 69
HH II 7.8: 117
HH II 9.1: 139
HH II 9.3: 260
HH II 9.4: 117
HH II 10.1: 152
HH II 11.3: 110
HH II 11.5: 69
HH II 11.6: 36
HH II 13.1: 248
HH II 13.8: 143, 146
HH II 18.1: 152
HH II 18.7: 49
HH II 19.4: 145, 146
HH II 19.5: 139
HH II 21.3: 247
HH II 21.5: 69
HH II 25.3: 34
HH II 25.5: 69
HH II 28.5: 40, 145, 146
HH II 29: 754
HH II 30.7: 143, 146
HH II 32.1: 139, 188
HH II 32.5: 139
HH II 33.1: 133, 139
HH II 33.11: 133
HH II 35.3: 71
HH II 36.1: 139
HH II 36.3: 152
HH II 37.1: 165
HH II 40.4: 132
HH II 42.6: 69
HH II 42.8: 248
HH II 42.9: 93
HH II 43.1: 73: 329
HH II 44.7: 69
HH II 44.11: 85
HH II 45.1: 69
HH II 45.5: 125, 126, 130
HH II 47.4: 143, 146
HH II 48.9: 82
HH II 48.10: 276
HH II 49.1: 69, 359
HH II 49.4: 245
HH II 50.1: 152
HH II 50.9: 92
Index of verses
HH II 51.7: 125
Grp 3.4: 165
Grp 3.6: 71, 456
Grp 4.3: 69, 70
Grp 8.3: 119, 284
Grp 9.4: 117
Grp 10.2: 143, 146
Grp 10.5: 258, 304, 305
Grp 10.6: 117
Grp 12.5: 36
Grp 16.1: 213
Grp 16.2: 151
Grp 17.8: 125, 126, 130
Grp 21.3: 329
Grp 21.5: 152
Grp 23.2: 151
Grp 23.8: 247
Grp 24.1: 152
Grp 24.5: 152
Grp 24.6: 130
Grp 24.7: 156
Grp 25.5: 93
Grp 25.7: 152
Grp 28.7: 85
Grp 29.5: 148
Grp 30.3: 133, 134
Grp 31.5: 69
Grp 31.6: 151
Grp 32.2: 133
Grp 33.8: 133, 134
Grp 35.5: 40, 41
Grp 36.2: 133, 134
Grp 37.3: 145, 146
Grp 37.7: 143, 146
Grp 38.1: 152
Grp 39.5: 87
Grp 39.6: 110
Grp 40.1: 152
Grp 41.8: 117
Grp 42.6: 151
Grp 43.7: 156
Grp 44.4: 25
Grp 45.2: 133, 134
Grp 45.5: 166
Grp 48.2: 133
Grp 48.8: 133, 134
Grp 49.2: 151
Grp 50.2: 339
1085
1086
Index of verses
Grp 50.3: 29, 145, 240

Grp 53.5: 152
Rm 1.4: 644
Rm 4.1: 599
Rm 5.1: 82
Rm 6.3: 723
Rm 9.4: 644
Rm 11.8: 117
Rm 17.2: 60, 187
Rm 17.8: 152
Rm 18.1: 156
Rm 20.1: 601
Fm 2.1: 579
Fm 2.6: 713
Fm 4.5: 642
Fm 5.4: 605
Fm 6.4: 601
Fm 6.5: 621
Fm 6.6: 711
Fm 7.1: 662
Fm 8.4: 600
Fm 12.3: 713, 758
Fm 13.4: 617
Fm 13.5: 617
Fm 14.3: 713
Fm 16.4: 626
Fm 23.1: 592
Fm 23.6: 711
Fm 24.4: 711
Fm 24.5: 601
Fm 27.3: 676
Fm 27.4: 642, 644
Fm 30.3: 672
Fm 32.1: 33
Fm 32.5: 152
Fm 33.1: 33
Fm 33.2: 152
Fm 33.6: 117
Fm 35.1: 152
Fm 35.8: 85
Fm 41.3: 152
Fm 41.7: 90, 165, 238
Fm 44.7: 143, 146
Sd 3.1: 644
Sd 4.6: 676
Sd 6.4: 617
Sd 6.5: 617
Sd 8.6: 718, 719
Sd 10.1: 642
Sd 12.5: 600
Sd 12.6: 703
Sd 13.3: 717
Sd 19.2: 609
Sd 19.4: 672
Sd 19.8: 722, 723
Sd 25.1: 601
Sd 25.9: 675
Sd 30.4: 592
Sd 30.5: 617
Sd 33.1: 616
Sd 35.1: 616
Sd 36.5: 645
Sd 37.4: 644
Br 2.1: 73
Br 3.1: 57
Br 4.1: 71, 456
Br 4.2: 71, 456
Br 4.3: 71, 456
Br 5.1: 36, 142, 143, 145
Br 6.4: 151
Br 7.5: 53
Br 9.1: 139
Br 10.2: 114
Br 11.3: 156
Br 11.6: 258, 305
Br 12.5: 40, 41
Br 13.7: 152
Br 14.5: 236
Br 15.3: 152
Br 15.6: 145, 146
Br 16.3: 135, 148, 149, 155, 326
Br 16.12: 340
Br 17.3: 87
Br 18.3: 143, 146
Gr I 1.2: 145, 146
Gr I 3.5: 165
Gr I 6.1: 57
Gr I 6.2: 30, 141, 430
Gr I 6.3: 228
Gr I 8.12: 340
Gr I 8.3: 69
Gr I 8.7: 115, 166, 356
Gr I 13.6: 133, 134
Gr I 15.6: 152
Gr I 17.8: 340
Gr I 17.9: 186
Gr I 18.8: 340
Gr I 21.9: 101
Gr I 23.3: 148
Gr I 24.5: 255
Gr I 24.9: 161
Gr I 24.10: 184
Gr I 24.11: 60, 187
Gr I 26.1: 325
Gr I 26.8: 161
Gr I 27.1: 148
Sg 2.3: 29, 30, 145
Sg 2.6: 117
Sg 2.7: 260
Sg 3.8: 165, 497
Sg 4.3: 52
Sg 4.5: 184, 250
Sg 6.2: 76
Sg 6.34: 23, 335
Sg 6.5: 69
Sg 7.1: 152
Sg 7.2: 133, 340
Sg 7.3: 69
Sg 8.6: 139
Sg 8.10: 110, 115
Sg 10.2: 145, 146
Sg 12.1: 65, 69, 70
Sg 12.12: 70
Sg 13.12: 23, 335
Sg 13.3: 156
Sg 13.4: 133, 134
Sg 14.1: 145, 146
Sg 14.5: 67, 260
Sg 15.1: 54
Sg 15.3: 313
Sg 16.3: 69, 359, 457
Sg 17.3: 152
Sg 18.8: 340
Sg 21.1: 69
Sg 22.7: 80
Sg 23.1: 150
Sg 23.4: 133, 134
Sg 23.6: 152
Sg 25.4: 152
Sg 25.5: 40
Sg 28.1: 148, 149
Index of verses
Sg 28.2: 330
Sg 28.4: 152
Sg 28.8: 151
Sg 29.6: 139
Sg 31.2: 110
Sg 31.3: 139
Sg 31.7: 156
Sg 33.1: 30, 31, 132, 500, 525
Sg 34.5: 139
Sg 35.4: 56
Sg 35.6: 119
Sg 37.2: 150
Sg 37.3: 73
Sg 37.7: 148, 149
Sg 39.1: 148, 149
Sg 39.12: 335
Sg 39.2: 23
Sg 39.10: 119
Sg 40.8: 245
Sg 41.3: 143, 146
Sg 43.3: 30, 31, 132, 500
Sg 44.910: 340341
Sg 44.11: 148, 149
Sg 45.3: 30, 31, 132
Sg 48.2: 133, 134
Sg 50.12: 23, 335
Sg 51.4: 152
Sg 51.5: 69, 70
Sg 54.4: 241, 276
Sg 56.1: 127, 228
Sg 60.8: 139
Sg 61.3: 43
Sg 62.7: 60, 187
Sg 63.12: 335, 336
Sg 65.4: 117
Sg 65.7: 56
Sg 66.1: 133
Sg 68.6: 117
Sg 69.8: 69
Sg 70.6: 101, 184
Sg 71.1: 152
Hlr 1.5: 152
Hlr 2.8: 117
Hlr 3.1: 133
Hlr 10.4: 117
Hlr 11.5: 152
Hlr 14.7: 161
Hlr 14.8: 125, 264
1087
1088
Index of verses
Gr II 2.6: 165, 166, 180

Gr II 3.1: 165, 345
Gr II 3.6: 218
Gr II 4.4: 152
Gr II 4.5: 67, 69, 260
Gr II 4.8: 241
Gr II 5.5: 260
Gr II 5.6: 93
Gr II 5.8: 145, 146
Gr II 6.12: 340341
Gr II 7.1: 40, 41
Gr II 7.7: 34
Gr II 8.1: 250
Gr II 9.7: 35, 117
Gr II 10.1: 243
Gr II 10.3: 35, 117
Gr II 12.1: 152
Gr II 13.2: 117
Gr II 17.34: 336
Gr II 17.4: 23
Gr II 19.12: 336
Gr II 19.5: 152
Gr II 19.910: 336
Gr II 20.1: 152
Gr II 22.2: 117
Gr II 22.5: 80, 186, 330
Gr II 23.2: 117
Gr II 23.3: 110, 116
Gr II 23.7: 116
Gr II 24.3: 121, 161
Gr II 24.5: 125, 258, 305
Gr II 25.1: 54
Gr II 27.1: 152
Gr II 27.5: 153
Gr II 28.1: 40, 41, 212
Gr II 29.8: 245
Gr II 31.4: 151
Gr II 32.1: 40, 145, 146, 240
Gr II 33.1: 153
Gr II 33.5: 248
Gr II 34.2: 101, 276, 304
Gr II 34.5: 153, 340
Gr II 34.56: 341
Gr II 35.2: 117
Gr II 35.4: 69
Gr II 35.6: 117
Gr II 35.10: 117
Gr II 36.3: 117
Gr II 37.3: 117
Gr II 41.1: 25
Gr II 41.7: 33
Gr II 42.1: 25
Gr III 1.2: 151
Gr III 1.4: 165
Gr III 2.5: 57
Gr III 3.5: 87
Gr III 5.3: 165
Gr III 5.4: 30
Gr III 7.1: 30, 132, 579
Gr III 8.2: 40, 41
Gr III 8.6: 117
Gr III 9.1: 149
Gr III 11.6: 165

Od 1.6: 340
Od 3.10: 151
Od 4.1: 82, 330
Od 4.2: 60, 187
Od 6.1: 44
Od 6.5: 115
Od 10.1: 133, 139
Od 10.12: 340
Od 11.4: 151
Od 11.8: 165
Od 12.1: 55, 248
Od 12.12: 336, 337
Od 12.5: 30, 132, 236, 248
Od 14.7: 115
Od 15.3: 117
Od 15.8: 223
Od 16.2: 117
Od 16.34: 336
Od 17.1: 29, 145
Od 18.4: 166
Od 18.5: 151
Od 19.6: 117
Od 20.4: 166
Od 21.5: 133
Od 21.6: 186
Od 25.6: 165
Od 31.2: 117
Od 33.1: 156
Od 34.3: 151
Od 34.8: 110
Akv 1.1: 499
Akv 1.3: 500, 525
Akv 1.5: 504

Akv 2.8: 507
Akv 4.3: 519
Akv 5.1: 503
Akv 6.7: 511
Akv 6.8: 503
Akv 7.1: 507
Akv 7.2: 503
Akv 7.10: 516
Akv 8.3: 520, 526
Akv 8.4: 503
Akv 8.7: 499
Akv 12.5: 508
Akv 13.7: 511
Akv 14.3: 500, 525
Akv 14.6: 517
Akv 15.1: 503
Akv 15.2: 511
Akv 16.2: 504
Akv 16.6: 503
Akv 16.12: 503
Akv 16.13: 508
Akv 17.1: 499
Akv 19.5: 508
Akv 20.14: 499
Akv 21.6: 518
Akv 22.3: 519
Akv 26.7: 517
Akv 26.8: 508
Akv 27.6: 503
Akv 27.11: 509
Akv 28.4: 503
Akv 28.5: 520
Akv 28.6: 516
Akv 29.5: 499
Akv 29.6: 499
Akv 30.6: 507
Akv 31.1: 503
Akv 31.2: 503
Akv 31.3: 516
Akv 31.7: 507
Akv 31.10: 508
Akv 32.1: 508
Akv 32.2: 503
Akv 32.6: 499
Akv 32.7: 507
Akv 32.8: 500, 525
Akv 33.2: 503
Akv 33.3: 504
Index of verses
Akv 34.5: 517

Akv 35.2: 499
Akv 35.3: 499
Akv 37.4: 520
Akv 37.7: 518
Akv 37.9: 518
Akv 38.6: 509
Akv 39.1: 503
Akv 40.2: 499
Akv 40.4: 519
Akv 42.6: 503
Akv 43.7: 503
Akv 73.3: 503
Akv 81.8: 500
Am 1.1: 456, 457
Am 1.3: 463
Am 1.4: 465
Am 1.7: 479
Am 1.8: 453
Am 2.6: 435
Am 2.7: 468
Am 4.1: 430
Am 4.5: 451
Am 4.6: 430
Am 4.7: 455, 479
Am 4.8: 441
Am 6.4: 445
Am 8.2: 464
Am 9.1: 434
Am 9.8: 445
Am 11.5: 436
Am 12.1: 436
Am 12.5: 458
Am 12.7: 477
Am 12.9: 430, 457, 465
Am 13.6: 456
Am 15.3: 441
Am 16.4: 452
Am 17.1: 463, 466
Am 17.2: 447
Am 18.2: 465
Am 18.3: 430
Am 19.4: 465
Am 20.7: 447
Am 21.5: 429
Am 21.6: 429
Am 22.6: 437
Am 24.3: 456, 457
1089
1090
Index of verses
Am 24.6: 441
Am 26.3: 447
Am 26.5: 461
Am 28.2: 465
Am 29.4: 477
Am 30.1: 447
Am 30.5: 466
Am 31.2: 453
Am 32.3: 451
Am 32.5: 463
Am 32.8: 477
Am 33.4: 479
Am 34.4: 453
Am 34.5: 479
Am 35.1: 432, 479
Am 35.2: 447, 465
Am 36.4: 463, 479
Am 37.2: 461
Am 37.4: 434
Am 37.5: 463
Am 38.3: 430
Am 38.5: 460
Am 39.2: 453
Am 39.9: 477
Am 39.10: 441
Am 40.1: 453, 456
Am 40.2: 464
Am 40.3: 463
Am 43.4: 458
Am 46.3: 441
Am 47.1: 436
Am 47.2: 464
Am 47.3: 465
Am 47.5: 463
Am 47.8: 464
Am 48.3: 447
Am 48.8: 464
Am 49.6: 464, 465
Am 50.2: 465
Am 50.4: 435
Am 50.6: 465
Am 52.3: 458, 464
Am 52.4: 464
Am 52.7: 456, 458
Am 53.1: 465
Am 53.2: 464, 465
Am 53.3: 432
Am 53.4: 467
Am 53.6: 465
Am 53.9: 461
Am 54.5: 479
Am 55.4: 465
Am 56.3: 460
Am 56.8: 440
Am 56.9: 465
Am 56.10: 464
Am 58.6: 449
Am 59.1: 451
Am 59.3: 447
Am 59.4: 447
Am 60.4: 463
Am 60.5: 432
Am 63.4: 453
Am 63.7: 463
Am 65.4: 464
Am 66.6: 464
Am 68.5: 449
Am 68.6: 430
Am 70.8: 479
Am 71.4: 477
Am 72.1: 465
Am 72.5: 449
Am 73.3: 440, 444, 472, 479
Am 76.1: 447
Am 76.2: 447
Am 78.1: 447
Am 78.7: 456, 457
Am 79.2: 463
Am 79.4: 464
Am 80.8: 461
Am 81.7: 453
Am 81.8: 430, 500, 525
Am 82.2: 464
Am 85.3: 437
Am 86.6: 442
Am 86.11: 460
Am 87.2: 460
Am 87.6: 464
Am 89.5: 436
Am 89.6: 464
Am 89.8: 453
Am 90.8: 464
Am 91.4: 444
Am 92.3: 456, 457
Am 92.4: 479
Am 92.6: 449
Am 93.3: 466
Am 94.2: 463
Am 94.4: 447
Am 94.5: 453, 456
Am 95.2: 464, 465
Am 95.3: 466
Am 95.4: 465
Am 96.10: 464
Am 97.6: 465
Am 98.4: 479
Am 99.2: 461, 464
Am 100.3: 456, 457
Am 100.4: 464, 465
Am 100.5: 435
Am 100.7: 465
Am 101.1: 453
Am 101.7: 429
Am 101.8: 429
Am 103.3: 465
Am 103.5: 430, 463, 465
Am 105.4: 453
Ghv 1.3: 116
Ghv 3.5: 133
Ghv 4.3: 153
Ghv 4.4: 132
Ghv 4.9: 71, 456
Ghv 4.10: 71, 91, 456
Ghv 5.12: 23, 336
Ghv 7.1: 40, 145, 146, 240
Ghv 7.3: 255
Ghv 8.8: 165
Ghv 9.1: 127
Ghv 10.1: 49
Ghv 10.12: 340
Ghv 13.34: 23, 336
Ghv 14.5: 137, 149
Ghv 14.78: 23, 336
Ghv 15.7: 56
Ghv 17.1: 56
Ghv 17.2: 260
Ghv 18.12: 23, 336
Ghv 18.5: 125
Ghv 18.7: 153
Ghv 20.6: 139, 140, 141
Ghv 20.78: 23, 336
Ghv 21.5: 57
Hm 1.3: 525
Hm 2.1: 531
Hm 2.2: 528
Index of verses
Hm 2.3: 531
Hm 2.4: 534
Hm 2.8: 528
Hm 4.1: 530
Hm 4.3: 528
Hm 6.3: 529
Hm 6.7: 531
Hm 7.5: 527
Hm 9.5: 529
Hm 10.7: 527
Hm 11.1: 525
Hm 11.4: 528
Hm 11.5: 534
Hm 12.3: 530
Hm 13.5: 531
Hm 13.8: 534
Hm 14.1: 531
Hm 14.3: 528
Hm 14.5: 531
Hm 14.8: 528
Hm 15.2: 528
Hm 15.7: 532
Hm 16.1: 527
Hm 17.2: 535
Hm 17.3: 531
Hm 17.5: 529, 530
Hm 17.7: 530
Hm 18.5: 532
Hm 19.1: 525
Hm 19.2: 525
Hm 19.5: 528
Hm 19.6: 525
Hm 19.7: 528
Hm 21.7: 529
Hm 21.8: 530
Hm 22.1: 530
Hm 22.3: 529, 530
Hm 22.6: 528
Hm 22.7: 530
Hm 22.10: 531
Hm 23.3: 526, 565
Hm 23.4: 528
Hm 24.5: 535
Hm 24.78: 525
Hm 25.7: 528
Hm 25.8: 528
Hm 26.4: 532
Hm 26.5: 531
Hm 26.6: 528
1091
1092
Index of verses
Hm 27.3: 535
Hm 29: 574
Hm 30.1: 527
Hm 30.3: 534
Hm 30.5: 525526, 532
Hm 30.6: 532
Bdr 4.4: 260
Bdr 4.8: 151
Bdr 6.1: 29, 145
Bdr 6.2: 57, 69
Bdr 8.1: 40, 145, 146
Bdr 9.2: 33
Bdr 10.1: 40, 145, 146
Bdr 12.1: 40, 145, 146
Bdr 13.1: 40, 145, 146
Bdr 14.4: 153

R 2.1: 87
R 2.7: 153
R 3.1: 153
R 3.3: 153
R 4.11: 130
R 5.1: 153
R 5.3: 153
R 6.1: 149
R 6.2: 118
R 8.56: 336
R 8.6: 23
R 8.9: 161
R 9.6: 151
R 11.2: 153
R 11.4: 161
R 12.1: 153
R 13.1: 76, 153
R 13.3: 42
R 14.7: 153
R 15.1: 153
R 16.2: 330
R 17.1: 153
R 19.5: 153
R 20.1: 149
R 20.2: 118
R 21.3: 137
R 21.4: 45
R 21.6: 243
R 23.1: 153
R 23.5: 149
R 23.6: 145, 146
R 24.1: 153
R 24.3: 325
R 24.4: 151
R 25.1: 153
R 25.3: 115, 123
R 25.5: 151
R 26.4: 153
R 27.1: 133
R 27.5: 213
R 28.2: 186, 260
R 30.1: 153
R 30.3: 153
R 31.5: 153
R 32.1: 153
R 32.2: 69
R 32.6: 165
R 33.1: 153
R 33.3: 155, 156
R 33.5: 149
R 33.6: 118
R 38.6: 223
R 40.5: 153
R 42.1: 156
R 43.1: 186
R 43.3: 42
R 43.5: 153
R 47.1: 165
R 47.5: 153
R 47.78: 23, 336
Hdl 1.6: 36, 39, 139
Hdl 3.4: 8889, 165, 166, 238
Hdl 4.12: 340
Hdl 5.5: 70
Hdl 7.2: 153
Hdl 7.3: 58
Hdl 9.2: 260
Hdl 9.6: 165
Hdl 10.2: 260
Hdl 10.7: 48
Hdl 11.10: 340
Hdl 11.11: 155
Hdl 12.2: 71, 456
Hdl 12.3: 89
Hdl 13.1: 236, 248
Hdl 13.5: 132, 139, 239, 240, 258
Hdl 13.7: 248
Hdl 14.1: 137, 139
Hdl 15.3: 89
Hdl 16.1: 91
Hdl 16.2: 91
Hdl 16.7: 155
Hdl 16.9: 32, 248
Hdl 17.5: 32, 248
Hdl 17.7: 32, 236
Hdl 18.3: 145, 146, 248
Hdl 18.7: 236, 264
Hdl 18.9: 32, 236
Hdl 19.1: 132, 228
Hdl 19.3: 90, 165, 238
Hdl 20.1: 248
Hdl 20.5: 139, 153
Hdl 20.9: 32, 248
Hdl 21.1: 145, 240
Hdl 21.7: 32, 248
Hdl 23.6: 166, 321
Hdl 23.7: 32, 248
Hdl 24.9: 32, 248
Hdl 25.6: 90, 165, 238
Hdl 26.3: 60, 187
Hdl 26.7: 32, 248
Hdl 27.1: 145, 146
Hdl 27.9: 32, 248
Hdl 28.1: 110, 112, 140, 223, 625
Hdl 28.2: 71, 456
Hdl 28.7: 89
Hdl 28.11: 32, 248
Hdl 29.7: 186
Hdl 29.8: 130
Hdl 29.9: 32, 248
Hdl 30.3: 69
Hdl 31.1: 153
Hdl 31.3: 32, 55, 236
Hdl 32.2: 130
Hdl 32.4: 34
Hdl 34.1: 153
Hdl 34.3: 32, 55, 236
Hdl 35.5: 153
Hdl 36.1: 153
Hdl 36.3: 32, 55, 236
Hdl 37.12: 340
Hdl 39.1: 153
Hdl 39.3: 32, 55, 236
Hdl 40.1: 116, 118
Hdl 40.5: 153
Hdl 41.5: 69, 70, 250
Hdl 42.3: 116
Hdl 42.8: 165
Index of verses
Hdl 44.3: 165

Hdl 45.6: 165
Hdl 46.1: 130
Hdl 46.2: 153
Hdl 48.4: 118
Hdl 49.7: 133, 134
Hdl 50.8: 118
Grt 3.2: 110
Grt 5.3: 105
Grt 7.3: 153
Grt 7.6: 118
Grt 8.2: 135
Grt 8.6: 340
Grt 11.1: 116
Grt 12.5: 156
Grt 12.7: 42
Grt 16.7: 116, 223
Grt 17.2: 151
Grt 17.3: 149, 153
Grt 19.6: 213
Grt 23.6: 118
Grt 23.8: 153
Grt 24.2: 151
jlfr r Hvinis Haustlng 6: 821
Beo 2a: 257, 278, 284
Beo 9b: 444
Beo 11a: 317
Beo 23a: 318
Beo 25a: 444
Beo 46b: 284
Beo 93b: 444
Beo 107a: 444
Beo 177a: 277
Beo 183b: 149
Beo 186b: 149
Beo 208a: 277
Beo 258b: 257, 284
Beo 274b: 32
Beo 286a: 284
Beo 316a: 359
Beo 340b: 257, 284
Beo 372b: 284
Beo 386a: 304
Beo 402b: 444
Beo 414a: 345
Beo 467a: 245
1093
1094
Index of verses
Beo 468b: 284

Beo 535b: 284
Beo 564a: 368
Beo 623b: 136
Beo 666b: 444
Beo 720a: 250, 304
Beo 737a: 284
Beo 744a: 284
Beo 758b: 284
Beo 779a: 82
Beo 813b: 284
Beo 847b: 114
Beo 914a: 284
Beo 1004b: 284
Beo 1039b: 284
Beo 1155b: 284
Beo 1202a: 313
Beo 1210b: 284
Beo 1223b: 444
Beo 1233a: 313
Beo 1248a: 444
Beo 1308b: 284
Beo 1384a: 444
Beo 1514a: 82
Beo 1532a: 130
Beo 1547a: 305
Beo 1549a: 180, 444
Beo 1554a: 321
Beo 1682a: 277
Beo 1684b: 284
Beo 1728a: 82
Beo 1740b: 368
Beo 1827a: 368
Beo 1927a: 114
Beo 1930a: 277
Beo 1987a: 444
Beo 2042a: 278
Beo 2062a: 284
Beo 2087a: 368
Beo 2093a: 444
Beo 2161a: 284
Beo 2183a: 114
Beo 2206b: 285
Beo 2239a: 278, 283, 285
Beo 2247b: 444
Beo 2345a: 368
Beo 2382b: 284
Beo 2386b: 284
Beo 2424a: 284
Beo 2457b: 39, 249

Beo 2503b: 284
Beo 2570a: 313
Beo 2592b: 444
Beo 2643b: 368
Beo 2650a: 278
Beo 2673a: 158
Beo 2681a: 319
Beo 2694b: 284
Beo 2708a: 285
Beo 2738a: 444
Beo 2758a: 278, 285
Beo 2779b: 136, 278
Beo 2783a: 305
Beo 2908b: 284
Beo 2912b: 284
Beo 2958b: 284
Beo 3027a: 82
Beo 3056a: 82
Beo 3056b: 285
Beo 3128b: 278
Beo 3180b: 284
Capt 6b: 293
DEdg 31a: 293
DEdw 10b: 293
DEdw 18b: 293
DEdw 34b: 293
Mald 42b: 293
Mald 66a: 293
Mald 82b: 293
Mald 256b: 293
Mald 309b: 293
Mald 322a: 292, 293
Hel 46b: 32
Hel 82b: 287
Hel 91b: 287
Hel 125a: 305
Hel 130a: 287
Hel 140a: 300
Hel 159a: 291
Hel 187a: 317
Hel 200a: 313
Hel 222b: 119, 257, 287
Hel 235a: 82
Hel 245a: 290

Hel 263a: 319
Hel 278b: 287
Hel 317a: 291
Hel 319a: 195
Hel 331a: 313
Hel 362b: 287
Hel 384a: 287
Hel 464b: 119, 257, 287
Hel 490b: 32
Hel 503a: 205
Hel 526b: 287
Hel 537a: 291
Hel 568b: 289
Hel 573a: 82
Hel 585a: 304
Hel 619a: 291
Hel 631a: 291
Hel 765b: 287
Hel 775a: 290
Hel 781b: 287
Hel 796a: 205
Hel 813a: 290
Hel 928b: 289
Hel 971b: 32
Hel 997b: 291
Hel 998a: 290
Hel 1041a: 290
Hel 1097a: 290
Hel 1120b: 287
Hel 1197b: 289
Hel 1265a: 305
Hel 1297a: 290
Hel 1334a: 290
Hel 1422b: 289
Hel 1461b: 291
Hel 1472a: 287
Hel 1500a: 290
Hel 1501a: 290
Hel 1522b: 32
Hel 1530b: 289
Hel 1533a: 82
Hel 1619a: 290
Hel 1732b: 289
Hel 1766b: 290
Hel 1780a: 318
Hel 1802b: 245
Hel 1807b: 288
Hel 1813b: 289
Index of verses
Hel 1871a: 313

Hel 1893a: 289
Hel 1922b: 290
Hel 1939b: 287
Hel 1987b: 288
Hel 2037a: 288
Hel 2056b: 288
Hel 2087b: 291
Hel 2109a: 32
Hel 2114a: 287
Hel 2154b: 289
Hel 2244b: 287
Hel 2332a: 290
Hel 2337a: 290
Hel 2344b: 287
Hel 2367a: 82
Hel 2377b: 287
Hel 2443b: 287
Hel 2450a: 304
Hel 2473b: 289
Hel 2511b: 289
Hel 2517b: 289
Hel 2518b: 289
Hel 2620a: 290
Hel 2701a: 289
Hel 2712b: 289
Hel 2735a: 291
Hel 2752b: 289
Hel 2756a: 82
Hel 2767b: 257, 287
Hel 2836b: 32
Hel 2893a: 291
Hel 2914a: 291
Hel 2945b: 289
Hel 2981b: 287
Hel 2993a: 291
Hel 3001a: 291
Hel 3029b: 287
Hel 3033a: 291
Hel 3049a: 289
Hel 3059a: 290
Hel 3139b: 290
Hel 3240a: 290
Hel 3281b: 32
Hel 3296a: 290
Hel 3399a: 291
Hel 3452b: 288
Hel 3483b: 289
Hel 3489a: 290
1095
1096
Index of verses
Hel 3508a: 290

Hel 3586b: 290
Hel 3665a: 205
Hel 3693a: 82
Hel 3745b: 288
Hel 3832a: 32
Hel 3838a: 300
Hel 3873b: 288
Hel 3922a: 290
Hel 3925a: 290
Hel 3937b: 290
Hel 3954b: 290
Hel 3962a: 82
Hel 3974b: 290
Hel 4038a: 82
Hel 4038b: 290
Hel 4052a: 290
Hel 4114b: 290
Hel 4258b: 287
Hel 4268b: 290
Hel 4279a: 290
Hel 4313a: 290
Hel 4449a: 290
Hel 4544a: 288
Hel 4618a: 32
Hel 4703a: 290
Hel 4712a: 288, 289
Hel 4746b: 290
Hel 4756a: 289
Hel 4765b: 32
Hel 4861b: 32
Hel 4885b: 288, 289

Hel 4935a: 291
Hel 5017b: 32
Hel 5049a: 290
Hel 5087a: 290
Hel 5104a: 32
Hel 5191a: 32
Hel 5280b: 290
Hel 5314a: 290
Hel 5371a: 290
Hel 5398a: 290
Hel 5410a: 321
Hel 5427b: 291
Hel 5443a: 290
Hel 5476a: 290
Hel 5491a: 291
Hel 5558a: 290
Hel 5575b: 287
Hel 5635b: 290
Hel 5745a: 82
Hel 5789b: 287
Hel 5859a: 250
Hel 5873b: 290
Hel 5948a: 290
Hel 5959b: 290
Hild 4a: 285
Hild 5a: 286
Hild 5b: 286
Hild 47b: 286
Hild 55b: 286

The Meters of Old Norse Eddic Poetry

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The Meters of Old Norse Eddic Poetry

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Seiichi Suzuki

The Meters of Old Norse Eddic Poetry

To Hugo Gering (18471925) and Eduard Sievers (18501932)

influenced by the West Germanic tradition, and no less importantly implementing

Type A2a- (/ \ / [])80

The prosodic form P330

Part II. Mlahttr423

A peripheral variant of fornyrislag/mlahttr 1: Atlaqvia in

Type A3 ([/] /)530

Appendix 1: Catalogue of verse types799

Overview of eddic poetry: sources, meters, and numbers of stanzas

Table2.20. Type A3 (xPx and xPS) in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the

Table2.44. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeD according to

Occurrences of anacrusis in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the

Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeB according to

Table4.32. Occurrences of xpx, xpxx, xPx, and xP in fornyrislag, Beowulf,

Occurrences of the five verse classes in fornyrislag, Beowulf, and the

Alliterative pattern of typeB according to the monosyllabic and the

Occurrences in the b-verse of typeC with the long secondary-stressed

Table8.33. Occurrences of the disyllabic first drop in typeA1* according to

Table12.10. Verse distinction and alliterative pattern of typeA2a (with or without

Table12.34. Verse distinction of typeC according to size of the first drop619

Table12.60. Word classes and alliterative pattern in typeB657

Table14.11. Occurrences of stanzas according to constituent verse numbers in

Abbreviations and symbols

Abbreviations and symbols

Abbreviations and symbols

Neckel and Kuhn (1983) Meter

For Scrnis (Skm)

Helgaqvia Hirvarzsonar (HHv)

Helgaqvia Hundingsbana nnor (HHII)

Brot af Sigurarqvio (Br)

Baldrs draumar (Bdr)

The corpus of metrical data

Fornyrislag: Vsp55 54; 55 H 55; Vkv 26.78 26.56; Gr I 18.310

The corpus of metrical data

a. Clause particles such as conjunctions, finite verbs, adverbs, and sub

The corpus of metrical data

Fidjestls wholesale rejection of Kuhns thesis, however, seems to be far-fetched.

An overview of verse structure: metrical positions, verse types, and alliteration

1.2An overview of verse structure: metrical positions,

An overview of verse structure: metrical positions, verse types, and alliteration

Linearity-based (or Syntagmatic) scale of metrical positions:

following way: nominals or substantives, comprising nouns, adjectives (including

The meter as a prototype-based system of gradient organization

1.3The meter as a prototype-based system of gradient

specific formula based on the hypergeometric distribution.15 What concerns us most,

2Verse types and their realizations

Vsp1.2 helgar kindir [Px#Px]

Verse types and their realizations

429 (28.28%) 1088 (71.72%)

752 (36.95%) 1283 (63.05%)

Two instances of #x- (both b-verses) are included.

Verse types and their realizations

Table2.7.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 in the a-verse according to composition of the disyllabic

Table2.8.Alliterative pattern of typeA1 in the a-verse according to composition of the trisyllabic or

At this point, it is worth examining in detail the sequence PSPx (PS#x#Px or

Verse types and their realizations

PS#x#Px (proper names) > PSx#Px (proper names) > PS#x#Px/PSx#Px

Vkv 7.7 siau hundru allra [P#P(=x)x#Px]

secondary-stressed syllable, but in reverse order. Again, we may invoke a demotion of

2.1.2The second drop

Verse types and their realizations