Szawerna-Metaphorical Underpinnings of Panels in Comics

Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
Polish Academy of Sciences

Branch
Wroclaw
Philological School of Higher Education
in Wroclaw
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
Editor-in-chief
Piotr P. Chruszczewski
Honorary Editors
Franciszek Grucza
Stanisaw Prdota
Associate Editors
Katarzyna Buczek
Aleksandra R. Knapik
Jacek Mianowski
Wrocaw
2014
ACADEMIC JOURNAL OF MODERN PHILOLOGY

Editor-in-chief
Piotr P. Chruszczewski
Honorary Editors
Franciszek Grucza
Stanisaw Prdota
Associate Editors
Katarzyna Buczek, Aleksandra R. Knapik, Jacek Mianowski
Scientific Board of theCommittee for Philology of thePolish Academy of Sciences, Wrocaw Branch:
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Italy), Robin Dunbar (Oxford, UK), Katarzyna Dziubalska-Koaczyk (Pozna), Francesco Ferretti (Rome, Italy), Jacek Fisiak (Pozna),
James A. Fox (Stanford, USA), Stanisaw Gajda (Opole), Piotr Gsiorowski (Pozna), Franciszek Grucza (Warszawa), Philippe Hiligsmann
(Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium), Rafael Jimnez Catao (Rome, Italy), Henryk Kardela (Lublin), Ewa Kbowska-awniczak (Wrocaw), Tomasz
P. Krzeszowski (Warszawa), Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk (d), Ryszard Lipczuk (Szczecin), Lorenzo Magnani (Pavia, Italy), Witold
Maczak (Krakw), Marek Pary (Warszawa), Micha Post (Wrocaw), Stanisaw Prdota (Wrocaw), John R. Rickford (Stanford, USA), Hans
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MaczakWohlfeld (Krakw), Piotr Sawicki (Wrocaw), Dennis Scheller-Boltz (Innsbruck, Austria), Wojciech Soliski (Wrocaw), Marek
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Copyright by Oddzia Polskiej Akademii Nauk we Wrocawiu & Wysza Szkoa Filologiczna we Wrocawiu, Wrocaw 2014
All rights reserved
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
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Secretary / sekretarz: dr Jacek Mianowski, dr Aleksandra R. Knapik
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Alessandra Chiera
Language in Interaction: TheRole of Conscious Processes in Conversation
Katarzyna Klimkowska
Entrepreneurial Potential of theStudents of Applied Linguistics Programme,
Majoring in Translation
17
Mariola Majnusz-Stadnik
Zu Funktionen von Phraseologismen undphraseologischen Modifikationen
indeutschenundpolnischen Werbeanzeigen
27
Teresa Miek
Terminy nras, nirast wopowiadaniach Agjeja. ladysanskryckiej teorii estetyki rasa
wewspczesnejliteraturze hindi
43
Szymon Napieraa
A Hypothesis on theCatastrophic Emergence of Syntax and Phonetics
55
Serena Nicchiarelli
Formulaic Language: ALiving Linguistic Fossil foraHolistic Protolanguage
67
Carmen Florina Savu

More on theRhotic Tap and theImplications ofItsStructure
75
Micha Szawerna
Metaphorical Underpinnings of Panels in Comics
89
Kamila Turewicz
Jzyki ikultury etniczne wZjednoczonej Europie zhistori Dyirbala wtle.
Rozwaania jzykoznawcy kognitywnego
109
Maciej Widawski
Lexical Creation in African American Slang
119
Marcin Zabawa
Language Contact in theSemantic Field of Computers and theInternet:
TheNewest English Lexical Loans inPolish
127
Piotr Zazula
Neoarystoteliczna wizja natury ludzkiej wekopoezji ieseistyce Garyego Snydera
137
REVIEWS AND POLEMICS

Agata Draus-Kobucka
Recenzja ksiki Roberto Mansbergera Amorosa pt.LaJoven Europa y Espaa: la cuestin
de el arte porel arte. Barcelona, 2013: Laertes.
ISBN 978-84-7584-916-4, 466 stron
157
Maksymilian Drozdowicz
Recenzja ksiki Piotra Sawickiego iJitki Smiekovej pt. Srovnvac frazeologie
aparemiografie. Vybran studie ze slovanskch aromnskch jazyk / Frazeologia
iparemiografia porwnawcza. Wybrane studia zzakresu jzykw sowiaskich
iromaskich. Ostrava, 2010: Ostravsk univerzita v Ostrav. ISBN 978-80-7368-851-6, 198 stron
163
Dennis Scheller-Boltz
Barbara Alicja Jaczak Deutsch-polnische Familien: Ihre Sprachen und Familienkulturen
in Deutschland und in Polen (Sprache Kultur Gesellschaft, Beitrge
zueineranwendungsbezogenen Sozio- und Ethnolinguistik, Bd.11). Frankfurt am Main
u. a., 2013: Peter Lang Verlag. ISBN: 978-3-631-62525-5, 270 Seiten
169
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
716
Alessandra Chiera
Doctoral School in Cognitive Science, Messina, Italy
Language in Interaction: TheRole of Conscious

Processes in Conversation
Abstract
Consistent with the well-established tradition of cognitive pragmatics, this work hinges on the idea that human
communication has to be considered inferential in nature. Starting from theempirically-based insights of Relevance
Theory, Iwill focus on therole of pragmatic inference processes in real language use, specifically in conversation.
In order to address this question, Ipursue atwofold goal. On theone hand, Iintend to characterize thenature of
conversational exchanges, by identifying themain features that underlie their elaboration. On theother hand, my
goal is to provide some indications about thecognitive underpinnings of such conversational properties. Relevance
account states that language in context can be described as amatter of expressing and recognizing intentions and that
this procedure is driven by theexpectations of relevance automatically processed. In accordance with theclaim that
thecore of conversations lies in conveying and catching each others intentions, Iwill take into account thestrategies
employed by interlocutors and the cognitive mechanisms involved in this kind of process. Although Relevance
theorists account for some important features of language in use, my hypothesis is that they falter in explaining some
non-marginal aspects of real-time conversation because of two problematic issues: a) thepropensity to emphasize
thecomprehension process omitting to account for theproduction process; b) theidea that it all comes down to
processing relevance by means of amodular automatic device. Against these claims, Iwill argue that: a) conversation
is ajoint activity performed in coordination and requires complex abilities as on theside of thehearer as on theside
of thespeaker; b) automatic mechanisms cannot underlie some essential aspects inherent in conversation which are
better explained by therole of conscious processes. Although therelation between language and consciousness has
been traditionally neglected, theidea of putting consciousness back into thereflection on language in context has
important theoretical and empirical implications.
Keywords: pragmatic inference, communicative intentions, conversation, miscommunication, consciousness.
Alessandra Chiera
1. What do you mean?
Consider thefollowing conversation between Paul and Frank:

Paul: Would you come to thebeach with us?
Frank: Im finishing anarticle about pragmatics
Why are everyday human communicative interactions deeply characterized by such indirect forms
of sentences? Actually, Frank should have replied
(A): No, Icant
which is akind of answer more related to thetype of question made by Paul. But people usually do
not talk with each other making use of statements like (A). Not too often, at least! People use to converse
in everyday life as Paul and Frank do. They convey meanings without specifying too much details and by
saying ambiguous and incomplete expressions combined with gestures and other nonverbal elements. In
other words, people widely communicate in implicit terms much more than in literal sense. And usually
interlocutors comprehend theimplicatures conveyed by aspeaker looking beyond theconventional form
assigned to anutterance.
So thepoint at issue is why humans do not simply use language applying literal meanings and
how it is possible to communicate without thesafe unambiguousness of conventional codes. Cognitive
pragmatics is theresearch program that deals with these specific questions in acognitive perspective.
Looking at theways speakers use words to say much more than they literally mean, cognitive pragmatics
investigate the endless ambiguities of language and outlines an uncommon theory of meaning. This
approach relies on theassumption that meaning coincides with theway people use linguistic sentences and
not with linguistic sentences as such. It would appear that Humpty-Dumpty1 has been right! Consulted
by Alice about themeaning of glory, Carrolls big egg replies that he means theres anice knock-down
argument for you!. Netted in theunpredictability and unstableness of speech, Alice answers back that this
is not themeaning of glory but Humpty-Dumpty offers aclear reply: Meaning? When Iuse aword it
means just what Ichoose it to mean neither more nor less. Obviously, this is not exactly how we always
use language, but Carrolls wordplays catch how open-ended thecreativity of communication could be.
More specifically, Humpty-Dumpty manages to get thekey feature of human communicative processes:
the basic gap between language use and conventional language (Willems et al. 2010). According to
thepragmatics perspective, it is precisely because of this dissociation between real-time communication
and ideal literal language more exactly, between thesemantic structure asentence may encode and
theactual sense aspeaker intends to communicate by using that sentence in acertain situation that
meaning is considered to be presumptive in nature (Levinson 2000). To this extent, explaining how
people really communicate with each other involves explaining how they fill thegap.
Relevance Theory (Sperber & Wilson [1986] 1995, 2002) represents one of themost empirically
reliable approaches to human communication. It offers valuable insights about how people infer
the interpretation of sentences on the basis of informative stimulus. In developing an inferential
model of communication, relevance theorists call the classical code model or the conduit metaphor
of communication into serious question. According to the code model, a communicative interaction
could be described in terms of strict coding and decoding processes: aspeaker encodes her thoughts and
1
We are referring to thefictional character of Through theLooking-Glass (1871) by Lewis Carroll.
Language in Interaction
transmits them to therecipient; therecipient decodes themessage and reconstructs theintended meaning
using an identical copy of the code. Namely, communication is a matter of information transfer: it all
comes down to thecoding and decoding of meanings that are taken for granted. In fact, akey idea behind
this account is that interpretative processes have astable nature due to thesymmetry between thespeaker
and hearer because of thecommon code. By stressing on theambiguous nature of thelinguistic code and
on thegreat number of implicatures conveyed by utterances, Relevance Theory (RT) shows theweakness
of anapproach that considers meaning as apropositional truth-conditional. Take thefollowing example:
John: I would never be unfaithful to you, honey
Sarah: Who is she?
This ordinary piece of conversation illustrates how theimplicit content we can convey without
actually saying it in other words, we convey contents providing no contribution to thetruth-conditions
of the proposition expressed by what is said (Bianchi 2013). Carrying on such conversation requires
drawing inferences in order to yield aninterpretation of thespeakers meaning. And theinferential process
is driven by expectations of adifferent nature. Given that speakers and hearers do not generally share
thesame premises and inference rules, theinferential process cannot qualify as acoding and decoding
process. Namely, people generate implicatures on the basis of elements that are not linguistic in itself
but deal with the pragmatic context characterized by any information that can be used to manage
theconversational situation. In this sense, implicating is apragmatic phenomenon rather than alinguistic
one includable in coded expressions.
It looks like hearers, to achieve understanding, are more likely to be engaged in constructing
hypotheses about the speakers communicative intentions on the basis of the explicit and implicated
aspects of content. From this point of view, the decoding process is just one of the steps involved in
comprehension, and not themost crucial one. What really matters is shifting from what is said to what is
implicated (Grice 1957). Implicatures just provide evidence of what aspeaker might intend by producing
an utterance; thereby in the relevance-theoretic account the focus is on the cognitive non-linguistic
mechanisms that achieve thespeakers intention starting from thecontextual clues and theexpectations
about theagents behaviors. Specifically, relevance theorists point out that relevance expectations guide
theprocedure to themore acceptable interpretation providing thebalance between cognitive effects and
processing effort (Sperber & Wilson [1986] 1995).
Such considerations come out in favor of theclaim that accounting for thelanguage comprehension
and production processes involves describing how agents convey and recognize evidence in order to catch
communicative intentions. In accordance with this hypothesis, it is my contention that the dialectics
between expressing and recognizing intentions represents thecore of human communication. Specifically,
Iwould argue that thedistinctive ability to adjust and repair utterances in order to better communicate
and interpret intentions marks thelevel of conversation. Conversation is widely amatter of processing
intentions and, in order to process intentions, people need to elaborate thecontent that is enriched with
pragmatic elements that do not match with any literal constituents of thesaid.
Before delving into theprocesses underlying conversation, Imake aclarification about thetopic.
The analysis of a specific phenomenon of language like conversation is justified by the idea that
conversational exchanges represent themost natural way through which humans make use of language
(Ferretti & Adornetti 2012; Pickering & Garrod 2004). In this methodological move there is ashift from
thestudy of language in abstract terms to theanalysis of language in interaction: language in interaction
Alessandra Chiera
10
matches with conversation. Despite that, thestudy of natural dialogue is in avery preliminary stage. First
of all, it is considered to be too hard to investigate conversation with thecontrolled experimental tools.
Thepractical problem concerns how to evaluate thegiven elements in participants engaged in anatural
interactional exchange.
Another reason why psycholinguistics have put aside conversation is that theprevalent approach
in cognitive science has been computational for along time. In this account, explaining theproduction
and comprehension processes means describing the mechanisms underlying the production and
comprehension of isolated and decontextualized sentences. In fact, according to this traditional
perspective deeply embraced with thecode model theessence of communication lies in processing
abstract sentences whereas contextual components represent a secondary question. It follows that
conversation is viewed as being amarginal phenomenon.
In light of thecritiques introduced by RT, thethesis of adecontextualized nature of communication
is unfounded. Language is always constrained by its use and language use always involves non-linguistic
phenomena, strategies, hypotheses and activities that concern the interlocutors interactions. For this
reason in this paper Iassume that we should provide anaccount of conversation as thedimension par
excellence in which theclassical model of communication as astraightforward process does not work and
has to be overcome.
Emphasizing the inference processes involved in conversation, the key question becomes: is
there anything like full propositional truth-conditional meaning? In view of the above, the pragmatic
inferential process constrains referential ambiguity resolution and drives the recovery of intentions
during actual conversation. There is never aone-to-one correspondence between what is said and what is
communicated (Carston (ed.) 2002). In other words, theboundaries of meaning are veiled and variable
on thebasis of theconversational context: no proposition could be expressed without some unarticulated
constituent being contextually provided (Rcanati 1993: 260).
These considerations suggest that theclassical distinction between semantics and pragmatics has
to be rethought (Bianchi 2004; Jaszczolt 2010). Traditionally, semantics deals with thecompositionally
construed sentence meaning given by thetruth conditions of thesentence independently of its context;
then pragmatics intervenes in thecase of ambiguous or indexical expressions that need to be interpreted
in context. On the contrary, according to the pragmatic inferential model of language, the entire
communicative process is characterized by thephenomenon of semantic under determination: asentence
is not semantically associated with a truth-evaluable proposition independently of the broad context.
Hence, there is anything like afull truth-conditional representation before thecontribution of pragmatic
inference. To this extent theboundary between semantics and pragmatics is hardly blurred and, more in
particular, therole of pragmatics has to be widely expanded. In this perspective meaning is grounded in
interaction and built in language use.
In accordance with this view, thestarting point for analyzing how people actually found meaning
in conversation is to focus on thestrategies employed in order to express and recognize intentions beyond
thelinguistic information. Let us take on thechallenge!
2. Thenature of conversation
The key point to be tackled is how humans actually interact in conversation. Some scholars (de Ruiter
et al. 2010; Noordzij et al. 2010; Newman-Norlund et al. 2009) have tried to explore theinteractional
intelligence (Levinson 1995) underlying thecapacity of conveying and recognizing each others intention
by isolating it from the linguistic signs system. In this way, it is possible to investigate the strategies
employed by people in order to get across meaning when they do not have acommon code. For this end,
they have developed anexperimental study known as Tacit Communication Game (TCG). In thetask two
subjects (the sender and thereceiver) are engaged in anactivity of dialogic coordination using athree
by three grid and some geometrical shapes. In thecommunicative trial, thesender but not thereceiver
sees agoal configuration composed of thesender and receiver shapes both placed at specific positions
in acertain orientation in thegrid. Thesenders tasks are to move his shape to theright location and, at
thesame time, to communicate to thereceiver theposition and orientation of her shape by means of
moving his own shape in order to realize thegoal configuration together. Thesubjects show to achieve
ahigh success in spite of thesub-optimal circumstances. In particular, theresults reveal some interesting
data concerning theachievement of thetask.
First of all, there is no evidence of a trade-off in the planning time between the sender and
receiver, rather the difficulty of the communication problem weighs on both senders and receivers.
And secondly, feedback from receiver to sender heavily enhances the success of communication. In
thelight of theoutcomes, it seems that thehallmark of human dialogue relies on theinterrelated ability
to design thecommunicative intention and to recognize that intention. More specifically, thecomplexity
of theconversation resides in two intertwined problems: thehearer has to face theproblem of intention
recognition so that he has to be able to deduce theintention that motivated thespeakers act; on thesenders
side, the problem is a matter of recipient design, namely the ability to produce tailored messages for
specific addressees in order to modify his mental states. According to these findings, asender generates
anintentional communicative action on thebasis of aprediction of theintentions that thereceiver is most
likely to confer to that action; and theintention recognition process is driven by thelisteners awareness
that thesender has built aconceptual model of himself.
Such a hypothesis is confirmed by the neurophysiological analysis that compares cerebral
responses underlying both theproduction and comprehension of communicative actions: thesupporting
infrastructure of recipient design appears to be cerebrally implemented within theintention recognition
system of thelistener. In fact, there is acerebral overlap of brain activity in thesender during theplanning
of thecommunicative action and in thelistener during therecognition of that action. Specifically, both
theproduction and thecomprehension of communicative acts rely on theactivity of theright posterior
superior temporal sulcus (pSTS), anarea associated with joint attention and theattribution of others
general intentions.
Here the main aspect to be taken into account is the interactional character showed by
theconversational exchanges. Some works on ordinary verbal conversation (e.g. Brennan & Clark 1996)
that is, in situations wherein people share thesame code have revealed that thekind of interactive
intelligence analyzed above is required to overcome thepervasive haziness of communication. To this
extent, the sharing of a linguistic code makes no difference. Conversation remains an interactional
activity whose explanation requires an account of the interrelation between the production and
11
Alessandra Chiera
12
comprehension of intentions and thesimultaneous effort to build this exchange together. By stressing
the dialectics between the expression and interpretation of intentions namely, by stressing on
thecollaborative dimension of conversation my claim is that some critical considerations towards
RT must be moved.
Theoretically, RT states that communication is amatter of generating and recognizing intentions:
As speakers, we intend our hearers to recognize our intention to inform them of some state of
affairs. As hearers, we try to recognize what it is that thespeaker intends to inform us of. Hearers
are interested in the meaning of the sentence uttered only insofar as it provides evidence about
what thespeaker means. Communication is successful not when hearers recognize thelinguistic
meaning of theutterance, but when they infer thespeakers meaning from it. (Sperber & Wilson
[1986] 1995: 23)
On theside of thehearer, theinterpretation process consists on choosing themost relevant stimuli;

on the side of the speaker, in order to address the message you just need to attract the attention and
prompt contextual assumptions trying to be optimally relevant. In spite of thefact that relevance theorists
admit theimportance of both theproduction and comprehension processes, they are not committed to
account for themechanisms involved in thespeakers side. According to RT, theprocesses to be explained
in communication are thecomprehension ones (Wilson 1998). In this way, thefocus is on thespeakers
intention that represents aphenomenon already given rather than aprocess to be constructed. To this
extent, therole of thespeaker is strictly presumed.
The TCG results suggest that theproblem of thesender to modulate his utterances on thebasis
of the receivers feedbacks represents a complex process. Hence, the communicative intention is not
agiven entity but it is continuously constructed in thedialectics between thespeaker and listener. In light
of this fact, RT may offer alimited explanation of theinterrelated mechanisms that underlie language
processing at the conversational level. The hallmark of communication resides in how people adjust,
repair and monitor their expressions in conversation. Each interlocutor both speaks and comprehends
and changes his role by taking into account thebeliefs, purposes and knowledge of theconversational
participants (Coates 1990). This is thereason why communication is inherently cooperative and meaning
is constructed by each and every participant engaged in the shared task of attending to the others
intentions. Centering on thespeaker or hearer alone entails fragmenting aphenomenon whose identity
lies in being global and collective.
To this first critique to RT follows another critical consideration about themechanisms involved
in the pragmatic processes elaboration. Around this issue I will suggest some reasons that justify
theintroduction of consciousness in thestudy of conversation.
3. Get lost in conversation

In this section we will focus on thepsychological mechanisms that make conversation possible. In other
words, we will take astandpoint within themind of theinterlocutors in order to account for theprocesses
implicated in mentally generating thecommunication acts.
How does the inference process of production and comprehension work? Traditionally, in
cognitive science, language processing has been framed in anautomatic, and more specifically modular,
account (e.g. Chomsky 1988; Fodor 1983). RT agrees on themodularization of inference procedures at
thecomputational level: to this extent, high-order aspects of inferential reasoning should be reducible
to cognitive unconscious processes. In fact, from the relevance perspective pragmatic interpretation
is the result of the operation of an intuitive dedicated system (Sperber & Wilson 2002) pertaining to
the ability of mindreading; hence, comprehension is basically a variety of mindreading. In this view,
conversational elaboration maximizes information by employing spontaneous inferences because of
theautomatic relevance principle that drives theentire human cognition:
Our perceptual mechanisms tend automatically to pick out potentially relevant stimuli, our memory
retrieval mechanisms tend automatically to activate potentially relevant assumptions, and our
inferential mechanisms tend spontaneously to process them in themost productive way. (Wilson
& Sperber 2004: 254)
The idea that thetheory of mind reasoning has acentral role in pragmatic comprehension is
certainly shared among scholars (e.g. Tomasello 1999). Nevertheless, thedebate around themodularity
of thecommunicative intentions reading is controversial. As we have seen (cf. 2), theproduction and
comprehension processes involve aconceptual construction of each others mental states supported by
ageneral system: thepSTS nework. Several data show that intention is agraded phenomenon (Pacherie
& Haggard 2010) whose explanation often does not require specific metapsychological abilities.
Some findings support the idea that communicative intentions are designed by immediately taking
into account different components of context, for instance theknowledge, features and capacities of
thelistener (e.g. Nadig & Sedivy 2002; van Berkum et al. 2008). Themajority of these studies suggests
that communicative intentions can be interpreted by means of non-modular mechanisms, although
automatic ones. It is important to underline that therole of automatic processes in language elaboration
is anundeniable fact. For my purpose, thepoint of discussion is to understand if such processes are
sufficient for explaining how intentions change and merge together at thelevel of conversation. Iargue
that this interactional activity is likely to involve conscious processes. In order to test this hypothesis
against the RTs claim that conversation is driven by relevance principles automatically generated
I take into account a phenomenon strictly linked to the dialectics between speaker and hearer,
namely thedimension of failure and thefollowing dimension of repair. Theriddles that fill Carrolls
text mentioned above (cf. 1) illustrate thepotential territory of meaning and its power to generate
misunderstandings. In this paper I claim that the dimension of misinterpretation marks human
conversation in aconstitutive way.
Communicative failure can consist of misunderstanding, non-comprehension, refusal (Bara
2011; Bosco et al. 2006) and other cases that involve self-correction, repair strategies and adjustment
processes where hypotheses might be revised during the conversational exchange. In fact, in order to
guarantee successful communication, interlocutors should construct shared representations by aligning
with respect to theconversation topic. At this level, inferences are not guided by explicit premises but are
based on contextual information that is discovered within theprocess itself.
RT has considered that thepragmatic system can yield asub-optimal interpretation leading to err:
There may be many shortcomings, many cognitive sub-mechanisms that fail to deliver enough
effect for theeffort they require, many occasions when thesystems resources are poorly allocated.
(Sperber & Wilson [1986] 1995: 262)
13
Alessandra Chiera
14
Despite that, RT provides some very vague clues on how to explain and solve these cases. Infact,
relevance theorists refer to automatic mechanisms of epistemic vigilance (Sperber et al. 2010) orprocesses
of mutual adjustment between thepremises and conclusions of pragmatic inferences (Wilson & Sperber
2004) that measure theefficacy of conversation in terms of attempted relevance; thenotion of optimal
relevance driven by these devices consistent with the principle of cognitive economy ensures
a successful communication by solving the risk of misinformation. But they do not account for how
optimal relevance can play this crucial role (Mazzone 2013) hence do not offer acomprehensive model of
conversation. My claim is that RTs assumptions do not allow us to address outstanding questions such as
theinteractive character of repair strategies because of thestress on theautomatic nature of conversation
based on thefunctioning of apragmatic dedicated module. This criticism to RT lies on amore general
idea, namely that the ability to converse rests on the capacity to identify a unifying topic (van Dijk
1977). Because of the intrinsic asymmetry in the representational models of interlocutors (Ferreira
2004), this capacity requires costly pragmatic inferences that arise when theinterlocutors assumptions
have to be made consistent with amodel of theconversational context. In dialogue what is important is
theconstruction of asituational interpretation at theglobal meaning level (Cosentino et al. 2013). To this
extent, thedialectics between speaker and hearer makes conversation aninterpretative process unfolding
at theglobal level oriented to topic maintenance.
From this point of view, thesole reference to aspecific relevance-based module does not account
for the global nature of conversation. At this level topic maintenance seems more likely to be tied to
global coherence (Cosentino et al. 2013; Giora 1997), a feature that constrains and can explain some
main properties of conversational exchanges. Starting from thecriticisms to arelevance-based pragmatic
module and consistent with the idea that conversation is not bound only by the search for relevance
rather its interactional nature involves complex properties, my idea is that conversational processes
require other mechanisms. Specifically, the pervasion of hypotheses revisal and adjustment processes
makes conversation astrictly hypothetical phenomenon. Our knowledge of what others know, believe
and think is always tentative and probabilistic (Krauss & Fussell 1991). In this sense, dialogue is atrip
driven by abductive inferences (in Peirces terms). These kinds of processes are involved in monitoring
each others intentions and in constructing meaning ensemble. Abductive mechanisms are higher risk
inferences not supported by automatic modular devices. Rather, the repair strategies seem to involve
monitoring and self-monitoring (Horton & Keysar 1996) that some scholars (e.g. Levelt 1989) hold to be
controlled processes affected by complex inferential and processing load. More recently, Knudsen (2007)
has underlined therole of conscious attention in top-down control.
On the basis of such considerations, the reference to conscious processes may provide
important insights. Actually, various studies highlight that global operations are more related to
conscious experience than local ones (Baars 2002). Given that conversation requires both theglobal
orchestration of information in order to integrate context relations at thesituational level and some
on-line awareness of thespeakers mental state (Shintel & Nusbaum 2004) not only when something
goes wrong, my claim is that conscious processing in terms of global integrated networking should
be considered crucial in language processes. Theimplication is that, although every inference does not
involve amassive burden, we allocate extensive cognitive resources to theprocessing of communication
in order to keep conversation alive (Zlatev 2008). Because the contextual modulation that expands
inference elaboration to the conversational model is not an additional process, a hybrid model in
which both automatic and more conscious processes coexist seems necessary to capture thesubtlety of
language phenomena. Further theoretical reflection and empirical evidence are required to integrate
the assumptions developed here into a comprehensive model in order to account for the complex
balance underlying theflow of conversation.
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Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
1726
Maria Curie-Skodowska University in Lublin
Entrepreneurial Potential of theStudents of Applied

Linguistics Programme, Majoring in Translation
Abstract
Enterprise is currently adesired conduct or set or traits. Entrepreneurial people are more often successful in their
professional lives, both in terms of innovativeness, satisfaction as well as financially. Therefore, research has stressed
theneed to develop entrepreneurial potential in students so that, upon graduation, they are able to successfully adapt
to theever-changing conditions of thelabour market and, as aresult, bring their plans of professional careers to
asuccessful fruition. Enterprise is astrongly desired set of traits and attitudes in professional translators. The article
presents theresearch results of thenature of theentrepreneurial potential in students in thetranslation specialisation.
These results are presented in comparison with theentrepreneurial potential of students of different programmes.
Keywords: enterprise, entrepreneurial potential, translator, student of translation specialization.
The issue of enterprise has become anoften discussed subject during debates about thepath academic
education should take in its development. It is suggested that there is a need for activating a multilevel cooperation network between academic circles and thelabour market, as well as for theneed to
develop entrepreneurial potential in students (Herberger & Hermaszewski 2010; Strojny & Horska 2012;
Deszczyski 2007; Borowiec 2008; Pirg 2010).
Enterprise is a complex category. In the literature of the subject, different variations of its
interpretation can be found models, dimensions (Piecuch 2010; Kranicka 2002; Bawat 2003;
Wachowiak et al. (eds.) 2007; Kunasz 2008; Janowski 1998; Strojny 2010). It can be regarded as aprocess
an act of creating and the building of something new, a new company. Enterprise is an organised
process of activities aimed, under given conditions, at theuse of aninnovative idea in order to generate
18
aprofit on themarket (Janowski 1998). It can also be viewed as acomplex of characteristics or atrait of
character (Strojny & Horska 2012; Fabiaska & Rokita1986).
Publications on thesubject of enterprise, both theory as well as practice-oriented, offer various
models of this category. Czesaw Noworol (2005: 109) stresses thetimelessness of theclassic interpretation
of thecategory of enterprise which consists of four models: spontaneous based on thestrive towards
getting rich at any costs; developmental based on thenotion that everyone can become anentrepreneur;
moral based on thenorms and values of asocially accepted religious, philosophical and cultural system;
and promotional based on thepatronage of adeveloping state, implementing philosophical ideas of
anentrepreneurial society. These models may be realised in agiven field separately or eclectically.
As far as therange of thedimensions of enterprise, thetwo general ones include individual and
social. From thepoint of view of thetranslation profession and thepreparation for it, theparticularly
crucial one is theindividual enterprise which has impact on achieving success by people who are not
only entrepreneurs but who also practice other professions. Thus, it is understood rather as acardinal
trait, indispensable for flexible, resourceful and creative functioning in almost any sphere of human
activity (Strojny 2010: 178). Theabove definition shows that individual enterprise is anintegral part of
thetransgressive character of thetranslator profession.
Among thetraits attributable to entrepreneurial people are: dynamism, activeness, propensity to
take risks, theability to adapt to thechanging environment, noticing opportunities and ceasing them,
inventiveness and mobility. On thebasis of asurvey of 239 entrepreneurs, Thomas M. Begley and David
P. Boyd (1987) determined that thegroup with thegreatest professional successes, including financial,
was characterised by internal locus of control, tolerance of ambiguity, propensity risk-taking (making
decisions involving amoderate risk), need for achievement and Type Abehaviour. Teresa Piecuch, in
turn, shows that themain traits which characterise entrepreneurial people include:
creative disposition, faith in oneself and self-confidence, showing initiative, independence,
ability to work with people, desire for profit, inventiveness, comprehensive knowledge, creativity,
decisiveness, honesty, responsibility, courage, activeness, competence, thewill to lead and dominate,
work discipline, resourcefulness, composure, strong character and remaining open to thereality.
(Piecuch 2010: 6061)
This list of entrepreneurial traits shows that enterprise as acertain predisposition of anindividual
is a multidimensional construct. Whether or not a person shows an entrepreneurial behaviour or
attitude does not depend on their possession of one feature isolated from theabove list, but rather on
that individual having at their disposal acompilation of features which together account for that persons
individual modus operandi, their attitude or personality. Alina Haczek and Agnieszka Kos (2012: 96),
analysing theopinions on theentrepreneurial attitude which function in theliterature of thesubject, point
to thefact that it is not aset of features but amodus operandi which expresses anactive attitude towards
personal and professional problems. This activeness is viewed as aprocess of realization of particular
goals which should bring proportionate gains and lead to success. At the same time, being aware of
theimpact on their own professional career, such individuals should utilize all possible opportunities in
order to develop.
This review of various opinions about enterprise has shown that personal enterprise is highly
subjective. It assumes different forms, depending on theintensity of theentrepreneurial traits in agiven
case. Although thesource of certain propensities or traits can be found in innate characteristics of aperson,
Entrepreneurial Potential of the Students
Jacek Strojny (2007) stresses thefact that enterprise should be understood as anacquired trait. This means
that proper training of character traits, behaviours and skills leads to thedevelopment of entrepreneurial
predispositions in anindividual. According to Strojny, theshaping of such predispositions takes place
mainly through two processes: socialisation at anearly age and auto-creation1 which develops along with
thepsychological maturing of aperson.
The category of entrepreneurial potential was used by Krueger and Brazeal (1994: 94) to determine
an individuals readiness and pursuit of entrepreneurial actions. The researchers stress the fact that
possessing entrepreneurial traits does not translate directly onto entrepreneurial potential. Thedesire of
entrepreneurial action is thekey.
Enterprise, which was showed above, is astrongly desired set of traits and attitudes in professional
translators. Because of its nature, i.e. diversity of types of translations, thecomplexity of theprofessional
translation service, multiple forms of theemployment of translators, etc., theprofession of atranslator
(Gouadec 2007; Piekos 1993, 2003) requires the flexibility and involvement of the translator in all
theaspects of their profession in order to secure financial as well as emotional success (satisfaction).
The main aim of the research was to determine the nature of the entrepreneurial potential of
thestudents majoring in translation. Within themain aim, thefollowing specific aims were specified:
to know theopinion of thestudents on themeaning of enterprise in thetranslation profession;
to learn about thebeliefs of students with respect to their own entrepreneurial traits and their
entrepreneurial plans;
to learn about theopinions of students about thecontribution of thetranslation studies to
thedevelopment of their own enterprise;
to learn about the expectations of the students with respect to the actions undertaken by
theuniversity in order to support thedevelopment of their enterprise.
The research was conducted with the method of diagnostic survey. The technique used was
amodified questionnaire of thesurvey by Tomasz Bernat, Jarosaw Korpysa and Marek Kunasz (2008)
developed to determine thelevel of enterprise in students.
The respondents were agroup of 68 students of the1st and 2nd year of their full-time studies in
applied linguistics programme, majoring in translation. Thestudents were from thefollowing language
groups: English-German, English-French, English-Russian and German-English. Thestudents of the2nd
year formed the majority (48) of respondents in this survey. Because of the nature of the humanities
programmes, i.e. their clear feminisation, therespondents included 56 women and 12 men.
The analysis of the entrepreneurial potential of translators-to-be was started with determining
theopinions of thestudents on therelation of enterprise with thetranslation profession. Thedata presented
in thetable prove that thesurveyed students are almost unanimous as to thefact that theentrepreneurial
traits are quite important in thetranslation profession (92.86%). Such adistribution of answers proves
that thetranslators-to-be are well aware of thenature of theprofession they have chosen. Aprofessional
organisation of acomprehensive translation service, as well as themultitude of career paths for translators
requires ahigh competence in thespheres which are closely related to enterprise.
Acomprehensive study of theproblem of auto-creation in thedevelopment of anadult person was done by Lucjan Turos
(2006).
19
20
Table 1. Opinions of students about theimportance of entrepreneurial traits in thetranslation profession

and their development in university programmes in translation. Source: theauthors own research
Are entrepreneurial traits important
in thetranslation profession?
Do majors in translation develop

entrepreneurial traits in students?
Definitely yes
48
70.59
5.88
Rather yes
15
22.09
34
50.00
Difficult to say
4.41
28
41.18
Rather not
2.94
2.94
Definitely not
0.00
0.00
Total
68
100.00
68
100.00
With regard to the value of translation programmes in developing entrepreneurial traits in

students, the respondents expressed mostly positive opinions, however much less so than when
replying to theprevious question (55.88%). When explaining their response, thestudents said that it is
most visible at consecutive, simultaneous and specialist translation classes. However, therespondents
also said that this depends on the teacher much more than on the subject. The respondents also
showed strong indecisiveness when asked for anevaluation of their study programmes with regard to
enterprise.
Another issue addressed in theresearch was to determine thebeliefs of thestudents on thesubject
of thetraits characterising anentrepreneurial person. Theexploration of this area was expanded with
astudents evaluation of their personal entrepreneurial traits. Thesurveyed students also pointed out that
thetraits are developed at their programmes.
The data presented in Table 2 show that, according to thesurveyed translators-to-be, themost
important traits of an entrepreneurial person are 1) go-getting and creativity, 2) diligence and
3)thereadiness to search for new solutions. Acomparison of theresults with thesurveys of students
from different programmes which were carried out by Kunasz (2009), and Herberger and Hermaszewski
(2010) showed that all three groups of respondents differ slightly in their choices. The respondents
showed preferences which very strongly imply aconnection with thenature of thetranslation profession.
The process of preparing oneself for this profession, as well as its performance require diligence,
thereadiness to search for new solutions and creativity, thus transgressive and proactive actions. Thegogetting-ness is also atrait desired in translators. Its value is clearly revealed particularly in relation to
the search for commissions, auto-presentation during oral translations or in the broadly understood
sphere of translatorclient contacts.
In the light of the examination, it was also important to determine if the students regarded
themselves as entrepreneurial individuals. Therespective data are presented in Table 3.
Table 2. Traits of anentrepreneurial person, according to thesurveyed students. Source: theauthors own
research, *source: Kunasz (2009: 207), ** source: Herberger & Hermaszewski (2010: 72)
Traits of anentrepreneurial person
Acc. to surveyed
students of
applied linguistics
N = 68 (ranks)
Acc. to Polish
students
surveyed*
N = 603 (ranks)
Acc. to students
of PWSZ in
Gogw**
N = 376
(datainn)
Readiness to raise responsibility
186
Willingness to search for new solutions
114
Ability to predict and calculate risks
198
Practical education
10
51
Industriousness
136
Intuition
10
36
Diligence, meticulousness care
91
Go-getting-ness and creativity
77
Adaptation to changing conditions
65
Communicativeness
114
Table 3. Selected indicators of enterprise of thesurveyed students. Source: theauthors own research
Do you consider yourself
anentrepreneurial
person?
Do/Did you work

during your studies?
Are you active outside

your basic university
classes?
Definitely yes
4.41
18
26.47
10.29
Rather yes
24
35.29
19
27.94
16
23.53
Difficult to say
27
39.71
4.41
21
30.88
Rather not
14
20.59
20
29.41
24
35.29
Definitely not
0.00
11.76
0.00
Total
68
100.00
68
100.00
68
100.00
The surveyed translators-to-be gave an equal number of responses showing their conviction
of their own enterprise (39.71%) and those showing their indecisiveness in thematter. One of four of
therespondents did not find in themselves entrepreneurial traits. In thegroup of students surveyed by
Kunasz, thepercentage who regarded themselves as entrepreneurial increased to 73.2%, and 62.23% in
thegroup at PWSZ in Gogw. Thus it is clear that thesurveyed translators-to-be were most cautious in
theevaluations of their personal entrepreneurial characteristics.
21
22
Such obvious differences in the perception of their own enterprise showed the comparative
surveys may be caused by thefact that theauthors of thecited reports used in thequestion on dichotomy
criteria yes/no, while thesurvey of thelinguistics students was modified and acriteria consisting of five
categories was used. This was done intentionally because theauthor attempted to determine theintensity
of thestudents belief in their own enterprise. It was also assumed that theneutral category of difficult to
say would provide vital information for theorganizers of academic education. Thepurpose of this was
to reduce therisk of obtaining answers from therespondents which would not really reflect their beliefs,
but which would rather be dictated by thedesire to present apositive self-image. Thus, attention should
be paid to thefact that almost 40% of thesurveyed students of linguistics had difficulty with determining
if they were entrepreneurial or not entrepreneurial individuals. Such clearly displayed indecisiveness can
be regarded as arisk factor in thesuccessful transition to thelabour market.
With regard to thestudents actions which may be indicators of their enterprise (Table 3), it was
determined that over half of therespondents (54.41%) worked or work during their studies. Themost
frequent occupations included: private classes in aforeign language, written translations for friends, work
in theservice sector shop assistants, barmen, waiters, etc. With regard to that group of students, finding
ajob during studies is agood signal for their future professional achievements. However it should also be
pointed out that theremaining surveyed students, who graduated from BA programmes and are about
to finish their MA programme, have not yet worked. Such behaviour is risky with regard to thenature
of the contemporary labour market. The fact of being a student of a full-time programme and being
financially provided for by parents are not sufficient reasons for not looking for work (even part-time)
until after graduation.
Important information is provided by thedata on thelevel of involvement of thetranslators-to-be
in some activity outside university. One in three respondents admitted that they are involved in some
extra academic actions, most of which are hobbies, trainings, and other forms of education courses,
post-graduate courses, etc. Theremaining 66.18% of thetranslators-to-be admitted that their activities
are limited to their academic responsibilities, or they could not determine thelevel of their involvement
in any extra academic activities.
Of theentrepreneurial traits indicated by thesurveyed students, themost important was diligence
(Diagram 1).
The greatest difference was recorded in the case of go-getting-ness and creativity. On the one
hand, the students regarded this trait as the main trait in entrepreneurial people. On the other hand,
they admitted that they themselves were characterised by it theleast of all theother analysed traits. Such
adistribution of results is quite surprising. Bearing in mind thenature of thestudies, it is difficult to assume
that thestudents of bilingual translation programmes are not very creative individuals. Theexplanation
of this situation can be thefact that therespondents probably evaluated their own level of go-getting-ness
which in thediscussed survey was presented in thesame category. These features are very distinct and
they do not always coexist. However, in spite of being aware of thecontroversy of such acombination,
the author purposefully did not change the criteria suggested by Kunasz so that comparative analysis
could be performed. Thus, it is probable that thesurveyed translators-to-be were creative individuals but
characterised, in their own minds, with little go-getting-ness.
24
It should be stressed that the surveyed translators-to-be did not have any difficulty in naming
actions which theuniversity could undertake to improve their chances of developing their entrepreneurial
competences. According to the rank, the students would like the linguistics programme, even
independently of themajor in translation of teaching methodology, to offer thefollowing:
A. more practice where they could learn various segments of thelabour market;
B. practical subjects, e.g. training in managerial skills, soft competences;
C. meetings with employers;
D. classes or workshops which would prepare for setting up their own company.
Only two of therespondents claimed that thecurrently realised level of entrepreneurial education
in their studies is sufficient and that they did not see theneed to add other elements to their programme.
Thesurveyed translators-to-be also showed that their needs with respect to theactions to be taken by
theuniversity coincide with such needs of thestudents of PWSZ in Gogw (Herberger & Hermaszewski
2010).
The students also showed what kind of entrepreneurial knowledge they need most. Thetranslatorsto-be named training in business plan preparation as themost important. They also admitted that, due
to the nature of the translation profession which is often in the form of self-employment, they also
value theknowledge of theprocedure of setting up your own company, how to run your business and
thepossibilities of obtaining funds for opening acompany.
The presented results of thesurvey on entrepreneurial potential do not fully exhaust thesubject.
They do, however, give a good guidance as to the nature of entrepreneurial behaviours and mindsets
of thesurveyed translators-to-be. Theanalyses have shown that aconsiderable number of thestudents
possess resources which point to asignificant entrepreneurial potential. On theother hand, asizeable
percentage of the students proved to be characterised by indecisiveness in their assessments or by
alow degree of certainty as to their entrepreneurial traits. It is impossible to conclude on thebasis of
theconducted analyses if thestudents do not possess entrepreneurial traits, or if they do possess them
but they cannot see them. And if they cannot see them, then what is thecause of that. But for university
teachers this is avital piece of information which can help them learn from their students opinions on
thediscussed matter.
The demand to include entrepreneurial education into academic programmes can be found in
numerous theoretical publications and research results. Regardless of theresearched aspects of enterprise,
i.e. attitudes, traits, behaviour, beliefs of thestudents on this matter, researchers agree that theuniversity
plays avital role in theprocess of developing and forming entrepreneurial attitudes in students (Strojny
& Horska 2012; Kunasz 2008; Herberger & Hermaszewski 2010; European Commission 2008). Being
abridge between education and thelabour market, and enjoying ahigh status in society, universities have
enormous possibilities to provide students with aplatform to become entrepreneurs.
Some of practical suggestions for universities are provided by the Directorate-General for
the European Commission Enterprise and Industry (2008: 23) which argues that entrepreneurship
education programmes can have different objectives, such as:
developing anentrepreneurial drive among students (raising awareness and motivation);
training students in what is needed to set up abusiness, and to manage its growth;
developing theentrepreneurial abilities needed to identify and exploit business opportunities.
The European Commission named some main elements of entrepreneurship education (in
different fields of study). According to them (2008: 26), through appropriate methods of delivery (),
programmes and courses should be geared to theacquisition of generic and horizontal skills, aiming to
make students:
more creative/innovative; highly motivated; pro-active; self-aware; self-confident; willing to
challenge;
better communicators; decision-makers; leaders; negotiators; networkers; problem solvers;
team players; systematic thinkers;
less dependent; less risk averse; able to live with uncertainty; capable of recognising
opportunities.
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Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
2742
Universitt Opole
Zu Funktionen von Phraseologismen

undphraseologischen Modifikationen
indeutschenundpolnischen Werbeanzeigen
Es gehrt bekanntlich zu den heikelsten Aufgaben derLinguistik,

Funktionen sprachlicher Erscheinungen zu beschreiben,
zu klassifizieren und systematisch zu begrnden.
(Harald Burger)
Abstract
Functions of Phrasemes and Their Modifications in Polish and German
Press Advertisements
The aim of this paper is to determine thefunctions of phrasemes and their modifications in press advertisements.
To ensure solid foundations for theabove mentioned intention, thefunctions have been divided into 1) theones
resulting from the function of advertisements, and 2) the ones resulting from phraseme functions. Phrasemes
in their nature contribute to the fact that thanks to their known form, addressees memorise the advertising
message more quickly, because phrasemes become more quickly acquired thanks to thefact that they are based
on well-known and recorded in thememory patterns, or thanks to associating thenew elements of thephraseme
with theold ones. In this way theeffort necessary for fixing thenew information in thememory is reduced. Thanks
to their commonly known and unique form, phrasemes increase thereliability of thephrase and evoke positive
emotions among potential customers. Besides, phrasemes and their modifications often perform advertising
functions. First, thanks to theuse of acommonly known phrase or askillfully transformed modification, they
focus potential customers attention on themselves, inviting them in this way to get to know theadvertising text
in more detail. Second, they may become informed not only about the existence of a product, but also about
product or service benefits. Third, they may provide potential customers with thearguments supporting theidea
of the product purchase. Besides, in the epoch of information overload and advertisements, advertisement
28
creators conveying their message need to provide enjoyable entertainment to customers. Phrasemes and their
modifications in advertisements perform this function, too.
Keywords: phraseme, phraseme modification, press advertisement, functions.
Nach Packard ist Werbung die Kunst, auf den Kopf zu zielen und die Brieftasche zu treffen (zit.
nach: Teich 2008: 116). Daraus ergibt sich dieprimre Funktion derWerbung: den Kunden zum Kauf
eines bestimmten Produktes zu verleiten. Um dieses Ziel zu realisieren, werden in Werbeanzeigen
unter anderem usuelle oder modifizierte Phraseologismen eingesetzt. Nach Burger und Koller erfllen
dievom Kontext isolierten Phraseologismen keine spezielle Funktion, deswegen wird dieFunktion von
Phraseologismen kontextgebunden betrachtet (vgl. Burger 2003: 148; Koller 1977: 69). In diesemBeitrag
wird eine Analyse des funktionalen Mehrwertes von Phraseologismen und ihren verschiedenen
Modifikationen in denWerbeanzeigen prsentiert. Dafr mssen dieFunktionen einerWerbeanzeige und
dieWirkungen einesPhraseologismus betrachtet werden. Den Ausgangspunkt fr dieseUnternehmung
bildet die Hypothese, dass ein Phraseologismus bzw. seine Modifikation grundstzlich polyfunktional
einsetzbar ist. DiePolyfunktionalitt ist das Ergebnis derFunktionen, welche durch dieBasisfunktionen
derWerbeanzeige determiniert sind, als auch solcher, diedurch dieWesensmerkmale derPhraseologismen
bestimmt sind.
1. Untersuchungen zur Funktionalitt derPhraseologismen

in denWerbetexten
In derLinguistik wurden bereits Untersuchungen zur Funktionalitt von Phraseologismen vorwiegend in
deutschen Werbetexten durchgefhrt. Einewichtige Klassifikation prsentiert Koller, derdiefolgenden
Funktionen von Phraseologismen in Werbetexten unterscheidet:
A. bertragungs- und Vereinfachungsfunktion Phraseologismen dienen wegen ihres bildhaften
Charakters der einleuchtenden Darstellung komplexer Sachverhalte. Dadurch werden sie leichter
interpretierbar und verstndlich.
B. Anbiederungsfunktion Phraseologismen verringern die Distanz zwischen der Erfahrungswelt
desProduzenten und desRezipienten (auffllig bei Politikerreden, wodurch einegewisse Volksnhe
postuliert wird).
C. Funktion der Argumentationsersparnis und Unschrfe Phraseologismen zeichnen sich durch
eine gewisse Allgemeingltigkeit aus. Dadurch wirken sie berzeugend und werden bei
derArgumentation anstelle oder zur Untersttzung von Argumenten eingesetzt.
D. Anschaulichkeitsfunktion aufgrund ihres bildhaften Charakters dienen sie dazu, komplexe
Zusammenhnge zu veranschaulichen.
E. Funktion des Autorittsbezugs wer Phraseologismen in Form von Sprichwrtern oder geflgelten
Worten verwendet, beruft sich auf dieAutoritt und Erfahrung derGemeinschaft (vgl. Hagmann &
Hartmann 1998: 49).
Weitere typische Funktionen von Phraseologismen in derWerbung sind in Anlehnung anVesalainen

(vgl. Vesalainen 2007: 296300):
A. Aufmerksamkeitserregung Werbebotschaften mssen, um wahrgenommen zu
dieAufmerksamkeit erregen. Diese Funktion erfllen Phraseologismen par excellence.
werden,
B. Unterhaltung Rezipienten suchen in der Werbung nicht nur Informationen, sie wollen durch
die Werbeanzeige auch unterhalten werden (vgl. Kroeber-Riel 1992: 612613). Das wird durch
Einsatz von Phraseologismen erreicht, die den Werbetext interessant und abwechslungsreich
gestalten.
C. Produktprsentation und argumentative Funktion Phraseologismen werden in derWerbung eingesetzt,
um den speziellen Wert des Produktes hervorzuheben. Mit ihrer Hilfe knnen produktbezogene
Aussagen vermittelt und Argumente fr den Kauf des Produktes den Rezipienten nhergebracht
werden.
D. Erinnerungssteigerung Ziel jeder Werbeanzeige ist es, dieWerbebotschaft, das beworbene Produkt
oder das werbende Unternehmen in der Erinnerung der Rezipienten zu verankern. Um diese
Aufgabe zu erfllen, bedient sich die Werbung der Phraseologismen, die dank ihrer Bekanntheit
derErinnerungssteigerung dienen. Des Weiteren macht Vesalainen in Anlehnung anHcki Buhofer
und Hemmi darauf aufmerksam, dass durch die Einschaltung des zweiten Kodierungssystems,
des bildhaften bzw. imaginren Kodes die Speicherungsmglichkeiten, die Behaltensleistung und
dieVerarbeitungsflexibilitt verbessert werden (Hcki Buhofer 1989: 172175; Hemmi 1994: 42, zit.
nach: Vesalainen 2007: 299).
E. Hervorrufen von Vertrautheit Durch dieBekanntheit derPhraseologismen wird beim Rezipienten
das Gefhl der Vertrautheit erzeugt, was eine positive Einstellung zum Produkt erzeugen kann.
Lange hat in seiner Studie festgestellt, dass ein betrchtlicher Anteil der Phraseologismen
aus der Umgangssprache stammt. Die Verwendung umgangssprachlicher Elemente schafft
eineAtmosphre derVertrautheit, dievom Leser mit dem Produkt oder derDienstleistung verknpft
werden kann (Lange 1998: 193195). Des Weiteren rufen Phraseologismen wie Sprichwrter,
Sentenzen und Maximen durch das Bekannte den Eindruck derVertrautheit hervor. Sie schaffen
eine gemeinsame, kognitive Basis, auf deren die Argumentation fr das Neue (das Produkt)
wirkungsvoll entfaltet werden kann (zit. nach: Stckl 1999: 300).
2. Funktionen von Phraseologismen in deutschen

und polnischen Werbeanzeigen
In der vorliegenden Analyse wird auer den in der Klassifikation von Vesalainen (2007)
genannten Funktionen (Aufmerksamkeitserregung, Unterhaltung, Hervorrufen von Vertrautheit,
Erinnerungssteigerung, Produktprsentation und argumentative Funktion) auch folgender Mehrwert
derPhraseologismen festgestellt: Informationsverdichtung und kontextuelle Anpassung. Dabei werden
die Funktionen in solche unterteilt, die aus der Funktionalitt der Werbung resultieren und solche,
diedurch dieWesensmerkmale desPhraseologismus hervorgerufen werden.
29
2.1. Aufmerksamkeitserregung
30
Eine der bedeutsamsten Funktionen, die Phraseologismen und deren kreative Umgestaltungen
in einer indirekten, persuasiven Kommunikationsform wie der Werbesprache erfllen, ist
die Bindung der Aufmerksamkeit des potenziellen Kunden. Wird diese Funktion nicht erreicht,
wird die Werbeanzeige gar nicht beachtet, so dass der Phraseologismus bzw. seine Modifikation
keiner Funktion gerecht werden kann. Die Funktion der Aufmerksamkeitserregung ist stark durch
die Platzierung des Phraseologismus bzw. seiner Modifikation determiniert und kann nur von den
typografisch hervorgehobenen Anzeigenelementen, wie der Headline, realisiert werden. Deswegen
werden in den deutschen Werbeanzeigen in der Headline vor allem modifizierte Phraseologismen
eingesetzt, um den Rezipienten durch ihre okkasionelle, kreative sprachliche Gestaltung zu intrigieren.
Lange macht bereits darauf aufmerksam, dass das Abweichen vom vertrauten Wortlaut primr
derAufmerksamkeitserregung dient (vgl. Lange 1998: 173; Balsliemke 2001: 261265). Sandig formuliert
dieses Phnomen folgendermaen: Abweichen dient dazu, die Aufmerksamkeit auf das Besondere
zu lenken (Sandig 2006: 153). Balsliemke betrachtet Modifikationen in der Werbung als kognitive
Hindernisse, die zu einer Auseinandersetzung mit der Anzeige veranlassen (Balsliemke 2001: 316).
Auch in den polnischen Werbeanzeigen werden modifizierte Phraseologismen in der Headline mit
dem Ziel eingesetzt, die Aufmerksamkeit des potenziellen Kunden an sich zu binden und ihn zur
weiteren Beschftigung mit derWerbeanzeige zu veranlassen. Hier einpassendes Beispiel: Diepolnische
Versicherungsanstalt PZU versucht dieAufmerksamkeit derLeser mit derHeadline Maa firma imoe
(Die kleine Firma, die es kann) zu gewinnen, deren Struktur auf den Titel der Novelle von Ernest
Hemingway Stary czowiek imorze (Deralte Mann und das Meer) zurckgeht (s. Werbeanzeige 1). Diese
Formulierung erscheint dem Rezipienten zwar bekannt, aber erst im Zusammenspiel mit dem Bild,
das hnlich aufgebaut ist wie der Buchdeckel der Novelle (ein kleines Boot mit einem Fischer hier
ausnahmsweise im Anzug, dergerade einengroen Fisch geangelt hat, wird im Hintergrund desMeeres
dargestellt), erfolgt dieErklrung. Durch dieZusammenstellung derSubstitution und desBildes erkennt
derRezipient einenweiteren bildlichen Phraseologismus, denman in Zusammenhang mit derHeadline
folgendermaen interpretieren soll: Die kleine Firma, die sich sogar einen dicken Fisch angeln kann.
DerTextkorpus mit folgendem Wortlaut dient dabei derErklrung:
Dziki gwarancjom ubezpieczeniowym kontraktowym nawet najmniejsza firma moe podpisa
wymarzony kontrakt. Teraz staniesz si wiarygodnym partnerem biznesowym dla kadego,
najwikszego czy najbardziej wymagajcego kontrahenta.
Durch diese kreativ gestaltete Headline und den kreativen Umgang mit sprachlichen Vorlagen geben
die Werbegestalter dem Rezipienten ein Rtsel auf und laden ihn zur Dekodierung der versteckten
Botschaft ein. Diebekannte formale Vorlage weckt seine Aufmerksamkeit und liefert ihm einenGenuss
am Entziffern des Sprachspiels. Zimny stellt sogar die Behauptung auf, dass das Dekodieren
derWortspiele nicht nur einenLeseanreiz fr den Rezipienten darstellt, sondern auch zustzlich sein
Selbstwertgefhl steigert:
Dla odbiorcy nagrod jest satysfakcja zodszyfrowania peni znacze wyaniajcych si zkomunikatu
ipoczucie przynalenoci do bliej nieokrelonej, wskiej grupy, ktra jest wstanie odczyta tak
zakodowany przekaz. (Zimny 2008: 153)
Auch in derWerbeanzeige von Renault wird durch dieGestaltung derHeadline Aufmerksamkeit geweckt
(s. Werbeanzeige 2). DieHeadline Viel Tamtam. Gratis Tomtom wirkt geheimnisvoll, lyrisch und kann
erst nach der Werbelektre entziffert werden. Dabei wurde der usuelle Phraseologismus viel Tamtam
um etwas machen (groes Aufheben um etw. machen) auf seine Schlsselbegriffe reduziert und mit
einerphonetisch parallel gestaltenden Ellipse zusammengesetzt.
2.2. Informationsverdichtung
Das Hauptziel derWerbung liegt darin, den Kunden ber Produkte, Neuerungen und Qualittsmerkmale
zu informieren. Die Beschrnkung auf relativ wenig Platz und die meistens geringe Motivation
des Werbeempfngers zum Lesen eines Werbetextes haben dabei zur Folge, dass die Werbegestalter
in knapper Form mehrere Informationen integrieren mssen. Diese Aufgabe erfllen oftmals
Phraseologismen, die durch die formale Modifikation der phraseologischen Basis oder die formale
Stabilitt und semantische Umwandlung platzkonomisch zustzliche Informationen in den Werbetext
integrieren knnen. Eine besondere Rolle erfllen hier idiomatische Phraseologismen und deren
Modifikationen, hier vor allem solche, bei denen diedenotative Bedeutung derphraseologischen Basis
trotz Vernderung der formalen Struktur im Hinterkopf mitschwingt. Betrachten wir zur Illustration
die Werbeanzeige der Firma Kneipp aus der deutschen Presselandschaft, in deren Headline: Lassen
Sie Ihre schlechte Stimmung baden gehen die Textverdichtung durch gleichzeitige Realisierung
der phraseologischen und literalen Bedeutung ohne formale Vernderung der phraseologischen Basis
umgesetzt wird. DerPhraseologismus baden gehen hat in dieser Werbeanzeige zwei Bedeutungsebenen,
dieliterale, diedurch das Bild derWerbeanzeige gesttzt wird, und diephraseologische (etw. vernichten,
aus derWelt schaffen). Auf diese Weise vermittelt dieFormulierung einerseits, dass man sich mit Kneipp
in seinem Badezimmer eineWellness-Oase schaffen und bei einem Bad hervorragend entspannen kann,
andererseits wird jedoch darauf hingewiesen, dass man dadurch seine schlechte Stimmung zerstrt.
Demnach knnen alle semantischen Modifikationsverfahren der Polysemantisierung die Funktion
derInformationsverdichtung ohne grere Schwierigkeiten realisieren.
Prdestiniert fr eine syntaktisch kompakte Informationsverdichtung ist zweifelsohne
diephraseologische Substitution. Hierdurch werden lange und komplexe Erklrungen vermieden. Als
Beispiel sei die Werbeanzeige fr Heringsfilets der Fischfabrik Lisner angefhrt (s. Werbeanzeige 3).
In der Headline lesen wir: Mniam! Zowiem zdrowy ksek (dt.: Mhm. Ich habe mir ein gesundes
Hppchen geangelt). Das Substituendum wurde metasprachlich durch eineandere farbliche Gestaltung
unterstrichen. Obwohl diephraseologische Basis (zwei lexikalisierte Varianten: smaczny/akomy ksek)
modifiziert wurde, bleibt ihre denotative Bedeutung (ein Leckerbissen, etw. Begehrenswertes) erhalten.
Durch den Substituendenaustausch smaczny/akomy in zdrowy werden zustzliche Informationen in
dieWerbeanzeige integriert. Dadurch vermittelt dieSubstitution in konomischer Weise, hier in nur drei
Worten: DieHeringsfilets sind nicht nur lecker und sehr beliebt, sondern auch gesund.
Die Erweiterung der phraseologischen Basis spielt in diesem Zusammenhang ebenso
eine herausragende Rolle, in deren Rahmen durch die Einfgung eines Lexems zustzlich wichtige
Informationen in den Werbetext integriert werden. Eine weitere Werbeanzeige von Lisner wirbt
mit folgender Headline: Co si tu pysznie kroi fr italienischen Salat (s. Werbeanzeige 4). Durch
die Erweiterung des Adverbs pysznie wird Ambiguitt hervorgerufen und eine doppelte Menge
anInformationen bermittelt (co si kroi phraseologische Bedeutung: etw. wird passieren, wrtliche
31
32
Bedeutung: etw. kleinschneiden) und gleichzeitig ber den wohlschmeckenden italienischen Salat
berichtet.
Auch andere formale Modifikationsverfahren weisen die Fhigkeit zur komprimierten
Informationsprsentation auf, wie dieReduktion, bei dereine oder mehrere obligatorische Komponenten
eliminiert werden. Ein interessantes Beispiel liefert die zweiseitige Werbeanzeige von Volkswagen, in
derdieHeadline: Ich mag Ecken und Kanten. Aber blo keinen Schnickschnack eingesetzt wird. In
dieser Werbeanzeige wurde dertraditionelle Phraseologismus Ecken und Kanten haben um dieverbale
Komponente reduziert. Obwohl in dieser Werbeanzeige dieverbale Komponente weggelassen wurde, ist
der Phraseologismus (Menschen, die ihre Eigenheiten haben, zwar etwas schwierig im Umgang sein
knnen, sich aber dennoch positiv von ihren allzu glatten und angepassten Mitmenschen unterscheiden,
Duden 2007) problemlos zu interpretieren.
2.3. Unterhaltungswert
Eine weitere Funktion von Phraseologismen und deren Modifikationen ist dieUnterhaltung desLesers.
Schon der Prsident des Zentralausschusses der Werbewirtschaft Helmut Sihler hat im Jahr 1985
festgestellt: Wenn Werbung mehr Spa machte, wrde sie auch besser akzeptiert (vgl. Teich 2008: 55).
Daraus lsst sich ableiten, dass sich unterhaltende Werbung besser dazu eignet, das Publikum trotz aller
Wiederholung ansich zu fesseln. Aus diesem Grunde werden heutzutage von derWerbung ein Minimum
anUnterhaltung und ein angenehmer Zeitvertreib erwartet. Dadurch versucht man zu verhindern, dass
sich Zielgruppenmitglieder durch Weiterblttern derWerbemanahme entziehen. Dieses Ziel wird unter
anderem durch das Hervorrufen einesberraschungseffektes mittels Verfremdung desPhraseologismus
durch formale oder semantische Modifikationsverfahren erreicht.
Ein anschauliches Beispiel dafr findet sich in derWerbeanzeige von Toyota mit derHeadline:
Przyjeda Toyota do doktora, a doktor te Toyota (dt.: Ein Toyota kommt zum Doktor und
derDoktor auch ein Toyota!). Diese basiert auf einem klassischen polnischen Witz: Przychodzi baba
do lekarza, alekarz te baba (dt.: Ein Weib kommt zum Arzt, und derArzt ist auch ein Weib).
Obwohl in dieser Werbeanzeige alle Autosemantika substituiert wurden und nur dieformale Struktur
und dieSynsemantika erhalten geblieben sind, ist diephraseologische Basis relativ einfach zu erkennen.
Erstens erfolgt derAustausch derKomponenten im Rahmen eineslexikalischen Paradigmas: Dieverbalen
Substitutionspartner stellen Synonyme derFortbewegungsart bei Mensch und Fahrzeug (poln: chodzi
und jedzi, dt. gehen und fahren) dar; dieSubstitutionspartner im Akkusativobjekt wiederum unterliegen
einergemeinsamen synonymischen Makrostruktur. Zweitens geht dererste Teil derHeadline nicht nur
auf einenklassischen polnischen Witz zurck, sondern er stellt ein standardisiertes Konstruktionsschema
einerganzen Serie polnischer Witze dar, womit gesichert wird, dass jeder polnische Sprachtrger diese
Konstruktion erkennt. Diese Faktoren frdern die Identifizierung der phraseologischen Basis. Durch
diese Modifikation bringt derAutor kompakt und unterhaltsam zum Ausdruck, dass, wenn ein Toyota
wieder einmal zum Doktor muss (in diesem Fall zum TV, vor dem Urlaubsausflug), derToyota-Service
gnstig und professionell zur Verfgung steht. Durch die Anspielung auf den bekannten Witz wirkt
dieWerbung originell und witzig und dient derUnterhaltung desLesers (s. Werbeanzeige 9).
2.4. Produktprsentation
Phraseologismen sollen ferner den speziellen Wert einesProduktes hervorheben. Mit ihrer Hilfe knnen
produktbezogene Aussagen vermittelt und Argumente fr den Kauf einesProduktes andenRezipienten
gebracht werden, nicht zuletzt, da Phraseologismen durch ihren allgemeingltigen Charakter
berzeugend wirken.
Eine Koordinierung desusuellen Phraseologismus kurz und gut und deren Substitution lang und
gut findet sich in derWerbeanzeige derDeutschen Bahn. Dieelliptische Zwillingsformel kurz und gut wird
aufgrund ihrer Positionierung neben deren antonymischer Substitution nicht mehr im phraseologischen
Sinne verstndlich, sondern sie wird literal verstanden. Durch die Einbettung in einen bestimmten
Kontext, explizit ber dielexikalische Rekurrenz von kurz (Und fr kurze Zeit knnen Sie sogar noch mehr
sparen: bis 13.6 auf kurzen Strecken bis 250 km.) und lang (Mit dem Dauer-Spezial derBahn reisen Sie
gnstig und bequem quer durch Deutschland.) im Text und im Bild (Fr kurze Zeit auf kurzen Strecken und
Dauerhaft gnstig durch ganz Deutschland) wird ersichtlich, dass hier primr diewrtliche Bedeutung
zu erfassen ist. Dadurch prsentiert dieKoordinierung desusuellen und substituierten Phraseologismus
nicht nur dieDienstleistung, sondern sie liefert in elliptischer Form Argumente fr ihre Beanspruchung.
DieBotschaft dieser Werbeanzeige knnte folgendermaen zusammengefasst werden: ber kurz oder
lang Sie fahren gnstig und bequem mit derDeutschen Bahn.
Das Land Kroatien ldt mit derHeadline Pikna ibliska (dt. DieSchne und dieNahe) zu sich
in dieSommerferien ein. Diephraseologische Basis geht auf den Titel desfranzsischen Mrchens Pikna
i Bestia (Die Schne und das Biest) zurck. Durch die Substitution des zweiten Teiles des geflgelten
Wortes und die Gleichheit von Anlaut und Silbenzahl der Substitutionspartner ist die Identifizierung
derphraseologischen Basis sichergestellt.
2.5. Kontextuelle Anpassung

Phraseologismen passen sich thematisch dem Werbetext an und wirken mithin spezifizierend.
Diese Funktion wird insbesondere durch die Substitution realisiert: Durch den Austausch einer oder
mehrerer Komponenten wird dem Textproduzenten erlaubt, den Sinn der phraseologischen Basis
derart umzugestalten, dass sie mit der Intention der Werbeanzeige bereinstimmt. Dadurch wird
die inhaltlich-thematische Kohsion des Werbetextes gewhrleistet. Somit knnen die Werbegestalter
aus einerbegrenzten Menge anusuellen Phraseologismen zahlreiche kontextgebundene Substitutionen
gestalten (vgl. Ptashnyk 2009: 199). Hierzu ein Werbebeispiel: Diepolnische Fluggesellschaft LOT wirbt
mit derSubstitution: Kto pierwszy, ten leci (Phraseologische Basis: kto pierwszy, ten lepszy; wrtliche
bers.: Wer zuerst kommt, fliegt zuerst statt Wer zuerst kommt, mahlt zuerst). Diephraseologische Basis
ist hier unschwer zu erkennen, weil nur die letzte phraseologische Komponente ausgetauscht wurde.
Dadurch wird das altbekannte Sprichwort andas Werbeprodukt adaptiert (s. Werbeanzeige 6).
Eine hnliche, kontextbezogene Substitution findet man in einerWerbeanzeige derFluggesellschaft
KoreanAir. In derHeadline: Wir fliegen zu Ihren Diensten wird diese durch den Austausch derverbalen
Komponente (fliegen statt stehen) kreativ und aufwandsarm an Dienstleistung und Kontext angepasst
(s.Werbeanzeige 7).
Die kontextuelle Anpassung kann jedoch auch infolge einer Erweiterung realisiert werden.
So findet man beim Mobilfunkanbieter BASE die okkasionelle Zusammensetzung: Frohes
33
34
Rederederederederederedefest!. Durch die Erweiterung um das Determinativkompositum wird

dieRoutineformel frohes Fest andie Dienstleistung und dieWerbebotschaft angepasst.
Diese Funktion kann auch durch eine semantische Modifikation realisiert werden. In
der Headline der Versicherungsgesellschaft Allianz Direct: Kierowcy do 35 lat! Znika dla Modej
Polski findet man den onymischen Phraseologismus Moda Polska, dessen denotative Bedeutung
zustzlich durch die Groschreibung und den Key-Visual unterstrichen wurde. Die kontextuelle
Anpassung desPhraseologismus erfolgt in dieser Werbeanzeige infolge destextlichen Zusammenhangs,
der die Bedeutungsebene der phraseologischen Einheit spezifiziert. Den Phraseologismus als
eineRichtung desModernismus bzw. Gruppe von Knstlern, diein Polen in den Jahren 1890 bis 1918
existierte zu entziffern, wre unsinnig. Diekontextuelle Anpassung wurde in dieser Werbeanzeige durch
das Hervorrufen derwrtlichen Bedeutung derphraseologischen Basis realisiert.
2.6. Hervorrufen von Vertrautheit

Eine weitere Funktion, welche insbesondere usuelle Phraseologismen in derWerbesprache erfllen,
ist das Hervorrufen des Gefhls von Vertrautheit, wodurch positive Einstellungen auf das beworbene
Produkt bzw. auf dieangebotene Dienstleistung bertragen werden.
Sie [Phraseologismen] schaffen eine gemeinsame, kognitive Basis, auf deren Hintergrund
dieArgumentation fr das Neue (das Produkt) wirkungsvoll entfaltet werden kann. (Vesalainen
2007: 300)
Besonders prdisponiert sind hier wegen ihres hohen Bekanntheitsgrades die satzwertigen
Phraseologismen, wie Sprichwrter und Gemeinpltze (z.B. Volksbanken Raiffeisenbanken: Den lieben
Gott einenguten Mann sein lassen, Opel: Kto szuka, ten znajdzie).
Die Phraseologismen knnen das Gefhl von Vertrautheit auch hervorrufen, wenn
sie einer Modifikation unterliegen. Das ausschlaggebende Kriterium ist die Identifikation
derphraseologischen Basis. Ein Beispiel liefert diebereits erwhnte Headline von LOT: Kto pierwszy,
ten leci!. Obwohl die phraseologische Basis substituiert wurde, ist das zugrundeliegende Sprichwort
problemlos wiederzuerkennen: Kto pierwszy, ten lepszy. Durch den beibehaltenen Rhythmus und
den Klang des Ursprungsphraseologismus wird beim Rezipienten das Gefhl von Vertrautheit
hervorgerufen, dasdann auf das beworbene Produkt bzw. dieangebotene Dienstleistung bertragen wird.
Die Traditionsmarke Mondamin setzt in ihrem neuesten Slogan die Substitution Seid lecker
zueinander ein (s. Werbeanzeige 5). Derbiblische Grundsatz Seid tolerant zueinander (Mt. 13, 2430) dient
hier als phraseologische Basis. Durch den hohen Bekanntheitsgrad dieses Zitats wird beim Rezipienten
das Gefhl von Vertrautheit erzeugt. DerAustausch einerKomponente fhrt zur Hervorhebung positiver
Assoziationen: Harmonie, Schmackhaftigkeit, Gemeinschaft und Toleranz. Als Aufforderung zum WirGefhl folgt derSlogan dem aktuellen Trend zur Gemeinschaft, dersich bereits in unserer Slogan-Studie
Werbetrends 2009 nachweisen lie (http://www.slogans.de/index.php?Op=Newsletter&Id=64, Stand:
15.05.2013).
2.7. Reduzierung desSpeicheraufwandes

Das Ziel jeder Werbeanzeige ist die Verankerung der Werbebotschaft, des beworbenen Produkts
oder des werbenden Unternehmens im Gedchtnis der Rezipienten. Da Werbung aber oft marginal
wahrgenommen wird, muss sie durch das Einsetzen bestimmter Mittel im Gedchtnis verankert werden.
Dank der Bekanntheit der phraseologischen Basis wird der Speicherungsaufwand reduziert, was zum
besseren Einprgen im Gedchtnis fhrt und somit derErinnerungssteigerung dient.
Der Deutsche Anwaltverein wirbt fr seine Dienstleistungen mit dem Slogan Vertrauen ist gut.
Anwalt ist besser (s. Werbeanzeige 8). Diephraseologische Basis Vertrauen ist gut. Kontrolle ist besser ist
in derdeutschen Sprache allgegenwrtig und besagt, dass man sich nur auf das verlassen sollte, was man
auch eigens nachgeprft hat. Durch den Austausch derKomponente Kontrolle in Anwalt wird betont,
dass man heutzutage nur seinem Anwalt Vertrauen schenken kann.
Das Einsetzten einesallgemein bekannten Gemeinplatzes reduziert also den Speicherungsaufwand
erheblich.
3. Fazit
Zusammenfassend kann man feststellen, dass Phraseologismen durch ihre bekannte Form per se dazu
beitragen, dass derWerbetext fr lange Zeit im Gedchtnis haften bleibt. Der Empfnger kann sich dabei
auf ihm bekannte, im Gedchtnis gespeicherte Muster sttzen, bzw. das ihm Neue mit dem Alten assoziieren
und es sich so rascher aneignen (vgl. Schatte 1997: 183). Dadurch wird das Memorieren erleichtert
und der Speicherungsaufwand reduziert. Phraseologismen wecken durch die allgemeinbekannte und
einzigartige Form bei potenziellen Kunden positive Gefhle: Gedanken und Argumente verschwinden
ganz rasch wieder aus dem Kopf. Aber Emotionen, dievon Bildern geweckt worden sind, behlt man oft
jahrelang (Focus 1994, Nr. 35: 167).
Des Weiteren erfllen die Phraseologismen und deren Modifizierungen werbeorientierte
Funktionen:
Erstens wird dieAufmerksamkeit despotenziellen Kunden durch dieallgemeinbekannte Wendung
oder die spielerisch umformulierte Zusammensetzung gefesselt und dadurch wird der Rezipient zur
weiteren Beschftigung mit derWerbebotschaft eingeladen.
Zweitens knnen Phraseologismen ber die Existenz und auch Vorzge des Produktes bzw.
derDienstleistung informieren. Semantische Modifizierungen machen das besonders platzsparend, denn
auf einem relativ engen Raum knnen sie in einerphraseologischen Einheit mindestens zwei verschiedene
Informationen zum Ausdruck bringen.
Drittens knnen Phraseologismen und deren Modifizierungen Argumente fr den Kauf
eines Produktes liefern, denn durch ihren allgemeingltigen Charakter wirken sie berzeugend
und werden deswegen zur Untersttzung der Argumente in der Werbeanzeige eingesetzt. Es
kommt ergnzend hinzu, dass es heute bei weitem nicht mehr ausreicht, eine informative, gut
argumentierende und berzeugende Werbeanzeige zu gestalten, sondern dieWerbegestalter mssen
derForderung von Sihler nachgehen und durch das Rezipieren derWerbebotschaft einenangenehmen
Zeitvertreib gewhrleisten (vgl. Teich 2008: 55). Nur auf diese Art und Weise kann Werbung, trotz
vieler Wiederholungen, die Aufmerksamkeit an sich binden. Dafr eignen sich hervorragend
diePhraseologismen und deren Modifikationen.
35
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42
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
4354
Teresa Miek
Uniwersytet Wrocawski
Terminy nras, nirast wopowiadaniach

Agjeja. ladysanskryckiej teorii estetyki rasa
wewspczesnejliteraturze hindi
Abstract
The Terms nras, nirast in Ajeyas Short-Stories: Tracing therasa Theory
of Aesthetics in Contemporary Hindi Literature
The main focus of this paper is to admit apossibility of interpreting some ideas present in modern Hindi literature
in terms of theSanskrit theory of aesthetics, originally conceived for stage performing arts. Theauthor is aiming
at presenting a symbolic context of rasa and its validity for usage in literature. Examples from Ajeyas shortstories point towards thepossible connotations of theterm nras with theterminology of Sanskrit aesthetics rasa.
Thecontribution of Saccidnand Hrnand Vtsyayn known as Ajeya in Hindi literature is presented in short. Some
meanings of rasa known from Nyastra, especially thesymbolic meaning of colors, are depicted as employed in
modern literary criticism. Hindi terms: nras without sap, without taste and nirast dullness, emptiness are
discussed in relation to theSanskrit term rasa juice, taste, aesthetic experience, aesthetic category and to its
symbolic colors. Theresults of this discussion could serve as proof for anunbroken flow of Indian literary tradition
since 500 BC till nowadays. Moreover, they acknowledge Ajeyas affirmative attitude towards theSanskrit tradition.
Keywords: Hindi literature, Hindi short-stories, Ajeya, Sanskrit aesthetics, rasa theory, Nyastra.
Teresa Miek
1. Wprowadzenie1
44
W eseju Turculent clay Agjej napisa: As long as he [the poet] goes on adding to thetradition, he renews
himself, frees himself. This liberation-in-process is theonly freedom for apoet (Vatsyayan 1982: 17). Ta
wypowied ilustrujca postaw pisarza wobec wasnej tradycji literackiej uprawnia do poszukiwa wjego
twrczoci wpyww staroindyjskiej poetyki. Terminy nras, nirast, uyte przez Agjeja wopowiadaniach2
Alikhit kahn (Nienapisane opowiadanie), Gaigrn (Gangrena)3, Kavit aur jvan. Ek kahn (Poezja
i ycie. Opowiadanie) oraz Darog Amcand (Nadzorca Amianad), budz skojarzenia z terminem
rasa znanym zsanskryckiego Traktatu oteatrze pt. Nyastra. Wszstym rozdziale tego traktatu rasa
wystpuje jako termin techniczny, ktry sta si fundamentem staroindyjskiej teorii estetyki.
Agjej debiutowa jako pisarz w latach trzydziestych XX wieku zbiorem opowiada Na zej
drodze (Vipathag) i tomikiem wierszy Zawiedziony posaniec (Bhagndt), rozgos zyska dziki
powieci ekhar biografia (ekhar: ek jvn). W1964 roku zosta nagrodzony przez indyjsk Akademi
Literatury, a w 1978 uhonorowany najwyszym indyjskim odznaczeniem w dziedzinie literatury
Jnph Puraskr. Jednake dopiero w2011 roku ukazao si pierwsze kompletne wydanie jego utworw
pt. Ajneya racnaval wserii, wktrej indyjska Akademia Literatury publikuje dziea najznakomitszych
pisarzy przez ni wyrnionych (por. Ajeya 2011). Dorobek twrczy Agjeja to 21 tomikw wierszy, 11
zbiorw opowiada, trzy powieci, jeden utwr dramatyczny, pamitniki, eseistyka iprace translatorskie.
Twrczo Agjeja zainteresowaa w latach siedemdziesitych indologw amerykaskich, niemieckich,
atake polskich. Pierwszy polski przekad jego utworw to opowiadanie Wrg (Droh) pira Tatiany
Rutkowskiej z roku 1975 (Aggiej [1971] 1975: 396399), a kolejny opublikowany dopiero w 2012 to
opowiadanie miech anti (ant hast th) wtumaczeniu Danuty Stasik (Agjej [1964] 2012: 9395).
WPolsce ukazay si take przekady wybranych wierszy Agjeja (Agjej [1986] 2005: 95). Orosncym
zainteresowaniu jego twrczoci wiadcz nowe opracowania iprzekady autorstwa badaczy europejskich
iamerykaskich (Agyeya [1989] 2007; Lutze 2011; Dalmia (red.) 2012).
Agjej, po pocztkowym okresie konspiracyjnej dziaalnoci, wynikajcej z jego antybrytyjskiej
postawy, sta si na ponad 30 lat gwn postaci ycia literackiego Indii pnocnych. Wbrew przyjtemu
pseudonimowi (ajeya znaczy w sanskrycie niepoznawalny) jako twrca wywar przemony wpyw
na postaw kilku pokole pisarzy hindi. Zainicjowa nurt eksperymentalizmu (prayogvd), torujc
drog nowatorstwu formy itreci wpoezji, atake wgatunkach prozy. Wten sposb przyczyni si do
powstania szk literackich Nowa Poezja i Nowe Opowiadanie. Utwr Agjeja pt. Fabua nowego
opowiadania (Nay kahn k plo) z1936 roku uzna mona za prekursorski wstosunku do nurtu nay
kahn. Nowatorskie idee Agjeja wyprzedziy jego powstanie oponad 20 lat. Rutkowska iStasik (1992:
200) oceniaj Agjeja jako twrc wszechstronnego, zarwno jeli chodzi odobr tematyki, jak istylu.
Pisarz jest jednym zreprezentatywnych twrcw opowiadania hindi, ktre jako gatunek literacki osigno
dojrzao w pierwszych dziesicioleciach XX wieku za spraw utworw Premanda4 i Jayaankara
1 Publikacja jest prezentacj wybranych rezultatw badawczych autorki, pochodzcych z pracy doktorskiej zatytuowanej
Opowiadania S. H. Watsjajana (Agjeja) wwietle staroindyjskiej teorii estetyki rasa.
2 Przekad polski wzmiankowanych opowiada i nowelek Agjeja jest przygotowywany do druku, a zamieszczony zosta
waneksie do mojej pracy doktorskiej.
3
Utwr ten publikowany by take pt. Roz (Codzienno).
Premand (18811936) to pisarz uznany za ojca opowiadania hindi, prozaik, twrca nurtu realistycznego.
Terminy nras, nirast w opowiadaniach Agjeja
Prasada5, a w okresie pocztkowym ksztatowao si pod wpywem prozy angielskiej, bengalskiej,

sanskryckiej, urdu oraz perskiej (McGregor 1974: 98; Sudhakar Mody 2008: 138139). Byrski nazywa
XX wiek wliteraturze hindi epok opowiadania iuwaa, e wanie wtej formie literackiej spotkay si
najbardziej gusty Wschodu iZachodu, aza specyfik indyjskiego opowiadania uznaje jego nastrojowo,
to, e chwyta lepiej atmosfer, wewntrzny puls wydarze, powicajc jak gdyby mniej uwagi narracji
(1980: 116). Cecha ta charakteryzuje rwnie opowiadania inowele Agjeja zaliczane do gatunku kahn.
Pisarz czsto ju wrozpoczciu utworu, atake wmiar rozwoju akcji, zamieszcza opisy atmosfery
towarzyszcej wydarzeniom ioddajcej przeycia postaci. Najczciej wtym kontekcie wnarracji pojawia
si wyraz hindi vtvara o znaczeniu atmosfera, klimat. Termin ten wystpuje m.in. wutworach:
Gangrena (Gaigrn), Nienapisane opowiadanie (Alikhit kahn), Kaczki Hili-bon (Hl-bon k
battakh). WAlikhit kahn pisarz wprowadza angielski wariant tego terminu atmosphere, wskazujc
na obecno wpyww angielskich wliteraturze hindi. Wzorce pynce zprozy europejskiej, ksztatujc
nowy gatunek literacki, jakim byo opowiadanie wliteraturze hindi, cieray si ztradycj rodzim, ktrej
wyrazem byy spisane bd funkcjonujce wycznie wprzekazie ustnym opowieci czerpice zprozy
sanskryckiej typu kath igadya kvya (Gaeffke 1978: 35).
Niewtpliwie rodzimym wpywem we wspczesnej indyjskiej literaturze ikrytyce literackiej jest
obecno teorii rasa, zwanej dosownie teori smaku, abdcej wistocie teori przeycia estetycznego.
Wywodzi si ona ze staroindyjskiego teatru, a najstarszym zachowanym tekstem j prezentujcym
jest Nyastra (N), sanskrycki traktat o teatrze przypisywany legendarnemu Bharacie6. Tekst ten
datowany jest w najszerszym zakresie na okres pomidzy 500 rokiem p.n.e. a 600 n.e. (Ghosh 1967:
5962; Byrski 2007: 681). Wikszo badaczy lokuje N pomidzy 200 rokiem p.n.e. a200 n.e., tak jak
De, ktry jednak przyznaje, e data powstania poszczeglnych jej czci pozostaje kwesti sporn, gdy
najstarsze komentarze zaginy (De 1923: 23). Traktat o teatrze skupia si na scenicznej prezentacji
utworw dramatycznych wraz z jej wszystkimi elementami, jak mimika i gesty, sowo mwione,
dekoracja icharakteryzacja, muzyka itaniec. N kompendium wiedzy zkilku dziedzin nauki staa si
fundamentem sanskryckiej estetyki iju wczasach staroytnych zapocztkowaa wIndiach trwajc do dzi
debat na temat definicji ifunkcji terminw technicznych teorii rasa, wyoonej wjej szstym rozdziale.
Wczeni komentatorzy traktatu, wyjaniajc rasa, skupiali uwag na jzyku i tekcie w odrnieniu
od teoretykw pniejszych, zainteresowanych natur tego doznania w kontekcie metafizycznym
imistycznym. Abhinavagupta, autor najwaniejszego komentarza do N pt. Abhinavabhrat zX wieku
n.e., wyznacza cezur dla takiego rozwoju sanskryckiej szkoy rasa. Pollock (2010: 143184) uwaa, e
wtym okresie nastpia transformacja hermeneutyczna wrozwoju staroindyjskiej estetyki. Wspczenie
teoria rasa jest wykorzystywana nie tylko jako kryterium oceny dozna generowanych przez teatr, ale
jako uniwersalna teoria estetyki, stosowana take jako narzdzie analizy krytyczno-literackiej. Nie
wszyscy badacze s zgodni co do zasadnoci uycia tego narzdzia w krytyce literackiej (Rayan 1972:
41; Kushwaha 1991: 8081). Ci, ktrzy je stosuj, najczciej wkryteriach rasa analizuj utwory liryczne
idramatyczne, proz zdecydowanie rzadziej (Subhramanian 1988; Gerow 1978b: 212239; Gregory 2003).
Istniej rwnie prace porwnujce idee staroindyjskiej estetyki zkoncepcjami zachodnimi (Prasad 1994;
Ray 2008). W Polsce zagadnienia rasa s znane dziki licznym publikacjom badaczy zajmujcych si
teatrem iestetyk staroindyjsk (Schayer [1935] 1988; Cielikowski 1975; Byrski 2007).
5
Jayaankar Prasad (18891937) poeta, powieciopisarz inowelista, dramaturg.
Bharata lub Bharatamuni mg by tylko mitycznym mdrcem, ale te aktorem zwanym naa; oproblemie autorstwa N pisze
m.in. Kane (Kane 1994: 27).
45
Teresa Miek
2. Teoria rasa wN
46
Termin rasa wystpuje wN wwicej ni jednym znaczeniu. Rasa to sok, esencja (N.proza.23 po
6.31)7, smak (N.6 proza.7 po 31, N.6.73), efekt doznania estetycznego jako sens artha (N.proza.1 po
6.31), doznanie estetyczne (N.6.2, N.6 proza.1 po 6.31), smak teatru (N.6.3233).
Z analizy teorii estetyki, ktra zawarta zostaa w szstym i sidmym rozdziale N8, wynika, e
odwouje si ona do caej sfery emocjonalnej czowieka, aosiem stanw uczuciowych (bhva) uznaje za
najistotniejsze, zdolne do nasycenia smakiem, zwanym rasa, caoci utworu podczas jego percepcji przez
odbiorc (N.6.15, N.6 proza.3 po 6.31, N.7 proza.2 po 7.7). Smaki (rasa) teatru staroindyjskiego
wswoich nazwach odwouj si do uczu. Ich wzbudzanie odbywao si wsposb niebezporedni, aza
pomoc vibhv ianubhv9 okrelajcych dobr uwarunkowa postaci iokolicznoci, atake gr aktorsk
abhinaya, bdc jej skodyfikowanym jzykiem znakw10. Bharata w N objania suchaczom osiem
smakw oraz ich wzajemn zaleno wzgldem odpowiadajcych im omiu motyww przewodnich
(sthyibhva). WN smakom, awkonsekwencji rwnie ich motywom, przypisane zostay elementy
symboliczne kolory ibstwa, co ilustruje ponisze zestawienie utworzone na podstawie N.6.4245.
Tabela 1. Zestawienie symboliki kolorw ibstw dla omiu rasa na podstawie N.6.4245
Smak (rasa)
1. mio
gra
2. komizm
hsya
3. wspczucie
karua
4. gniew
raudra
5. bohaterstwo
vra
6. groza
bhaynaka
7. odraza
bbhatsa
8. zachwyt
adbhuta
Barwa
ciemna (zielona a po czer):
ciemnozielona, ciemnoniebieska, ciemnoszara,
ciemnobrzowa, niada
yma {6.42}
biaa (jasna, wietlista)
sita {6.42}
szara (gobia)
kapota {6.42}
czerwona (miedziana)
rakta {6.42}
zota (szafranowa)
gaura {6.43}
czarna (ciemnoniebieska)
kra {6.43}
niebieska (ciemnoniebieska, ciemnozielona, indygo, czer)
nla {6.43}
ta (tawa, malana)
pta {6.43}
Bstwo
Wisznu
Viu {6.44}
Pramatha
Pramatha {6.44}
Jama
Yama {6.44}
Rudra
Rudra {6.44}
Mahendra (Indra)
Mah+indra {6.45}
Kala
Kla {6.45}
Mahakala
Mah+kala {6.45}
Brahma
Brahm {6.45}
Numeracja prozy wN zostaa przyjta umownie.
8 Tekst szstego i sidmego rozdziau N i jego roboczy przekad zamieszczony w aneksie do mojej pracy doktorskiej
zostazaczerpnity zrecenzji przechowywanej wBarodzie, opublikowanej przez Nagara (Nagar (red.) 2009).
9
Te sanskryckie terminy wpracy doktorskiej tumacz jako uwarunkowanie motywu iekspresja motywu.
10 Gerow pisze: rasa ... is theapprehension of theemotion suggested in theplay (Gerow 1978a: 135).
Sanskrycki termin oznaczajcy kolor to vara (N.6 proza.1 po 6.41, N.6 proza.1 po 6.45).
Wsowniku Moniera-Williamsa vara ma nastpujce znaczenia: wygld zewntrzny, forma, ksztat,
kolor, barwa, barwnik, pigment (MW 1997: 924,2). Termin ten by uywany ju wRigwedzie dla
oznaczenia jakoci, rodzaju. Westetyce indyjskiej jako termin techniczny funkcjonuje jeszcze inny
wyraz sanskrycki oznaczeniu kolor rga. WN.7 wers.6 po 119 termin rga oznacza pikno utworu
literackiego kvya. Najczciej oznacza on barw, gwnie czerwon. Sudyka wskazuje na pochodzenie
tego terminu od sanskryckiego rdzenia raj, oznaczajcego czynno barwienia, kolorowania, oraz
na jego funkcjonowanie w znaczeniu zarwno barwy, jak i mioci, a take kadego uczucia czy
emocji (Sudyka 2006: 3738). W sowniku Moniera-Williamsa rga to akt barwienia, kolor,
barwnik, pigment, melodia (MW 1997: 872,1). Jednoznaczne przetumaczenie uytych wN.6.42
45 sanskryckich terminw okrelajcych barwy omiu smakw estetycznych ze wzgldu na ich
rodowd ze wiata natury jest wyzwaniem, ktremu nieatwo sprosta, o czym wiadcz objanienia
zawarte wsowniku Moniera-Williamsa:
1. yma:
kolor czarny bd ciemny: ciemnozielony, granatowy, ciemnobrzowy, ciemnoszary iniady,
uchodzcy za oznak urody (MW 1997: 1094,2);
2. sita:
barwa wiata dnia, kolor biay, jasny, czysty, wietlisty, wiato ksiyca (MW1997: 1214,2);
3. kapota:
gob, kolor gobi (MW 1997: 251,2);
4. rakta:
kolor czerwony, czerwonawy, mied, krew (MW 1997: 861,2);
5. gaura:
kolor biay, tawy, czerwonawy, szafran, zoto (MW 1997: 369,3);
6. kra:
ciemny, czarny, ciemnoniebieski, kukuka, renica oka (MW 1997: 305,1);
7. nl:
ciemny, ciemnoniebieski, ciemnozielony (MW 1997: 566,1);
8. pta:
tawy, ty, wkolorze masa, oleju (MW 1997: 629,3).
Proces wzbudzania doznania estetycznego przez utwr literacki mona wtym kontekcie odczyta
jako nasycanie go nie tylko smakami, jak sugeruje N m.in. we fragmencie prozy po wersie 6.31, ale
te symbolicznie kolorami. Takiemu rozumieniu rasa daje wyraz Agjej w wierszu Tkam cisz (Ek
sann bunnt h) (Ajeya 1980: 290)11, wktrym porwnuje tworzenie poezji do tkania, ajej odbir
przez czytelnika do zatopienia go wsmakach ikolorach:
Najpierw tkam cisz.
Dobieram dla niej sznurki sw.
Osnowa: osnowa musi by jak drut: skd j wzi?
Bo jest kto, kto j odmieni,
kto zatopi j wsmakach inasyci kolorem, wtedy si rozpromieni12.
11 Zamieszczony poniej przekad polski tego wiersza pochodzi zprzygotowywanej do druku pracy doktorskiej autorki.
12 W oryginale Agjej uywa terminu ras dla smak irajit karn dla wypeni kolorem.
47
Teresa Miek
48
Przedstawione wtabeli nazwy omiu smakw, jak iprzypisane im symboliczne barwy, pozwalaj
odczyta terminy nras, nirast wopowiadaniach Agjeja wszerszym kontekcie ni znaczenie sownikowe.
3. Terminy nras, nirast u Agjeja

W sowniku McGregora wyraz hindi nras to przymiotnik irzeczownik rodzaju mskiego oznaczeniu:
1. bez soku, 2. bez smaku, bez klimatu, 3. suchy, opustoszay, 4. pusty, nieciekawy, 5. nieczuy,
obojtny, 6. (m) sucho, szaro, monotonia (MG 1993: 577). Jest to wyraz typu tatsama, a wic
wywodzi si zsanskrytu iw niezmienionej formie przetrwa do nowo-indoaryjskiego okresu rozwoju
jzykw indoaryjskich. Funkcjonuje whindi take wzapisie niras jako przymiotnik oznaczeniu: 1.bez
soku, 2. bez smaku, mdy, bezbarwny, 3. nieczuy (MG 1993: 566). Termin hindi nirast jest
rzeczownikiem abstrakcyjnym rodzaju eskiego, na co wskazuje sanskrycki sufiks -t, posiada to samo
znaczenie, co rzeczownik nras (MG 1993: 578).
Agjej zdaje si wprowadza te terminy do swoich utworw wcelu przygotowania czytelnika na
nowe doznania iich przeycie wsposb odmienny od znanego zcodziennego ycia. Podkrelanie braku
smaku, braku barw, szaroci imonotonii, a take chci wprowadzenia klimatu suy przygotowaniu
czytelnika na okrelone doznania poprzez wygaszenie, usunicie innych, aby zgodnie zteori rasa zN.6
proza.7 po 6.31 tylko te prezentowane, odpowiednio nasycone smakiem, wzbudziy dreszcz radoci
(hara) i czyst przyjemno. W opisie kulminacji dozna bohaterw Agjej wprowadza wielokrotnie
termin dreszcz (romc; prakamp), ktry znany by ju wN jako towarzyszcy momentowi doznania
estetycznego rasa. Pisarz czyni to m.in. wutworze W cieniu Tadu (Ajeya 1992: 277) iwNienapisanym
opowiadaniu (Ajeya 1992: 234). Wtym samym celu zdaje si wprowadza do swoich utworw nazwy
kolorw, aby jako symbole okrelonych smakw estetycznych (rasa) na wzr N wzbudziy skojarzenia
wanie z nimi i skupiy wyobrani czytelnika na ich motywie przewodnim (sthyibhva). Terminy
nras, nirast zostay uyte przez Agjeja wkilku opowiadaniach inowelach. Jakie kolory jako motywy
czy wtki chce wprowadzi wtych utworach pisarz wmiejsce szaroci, pustki, braku barw? Ijakim
smakom maj one suy? We wspomnianym wierszu Agjeja Tkam cisz pisarz daje wyraz swojemu
przekonaniu, e literatura wzbudza doznanie estetyczne rasa. Poeta przypisuje kolory (rag) wtkom,
motywom wutworze, rwnie wzbudzenie okrelonych dozna uczytelnika postrzega jako nasycenie ich
symbolizujcymi je kolorami.
W nowelce Agjeja Kaczki Hilibon (Hl-bon k battakh) czerwie (ll) moe si naturalnie
kojarzy ze zoci i gniewem kademu czytelnikowi, nie tylko znajcemu symbolik smaku raudra
z N. Wanie temu smakowi w N przypisany zosta, jak wskazuje na to zamieszczone w tabeli
zestawienie, kolor rakta czerwony, czerwonawy, kolor krwi; whindi odpowiada mu termin ll.
Hili-bon opara miot o krat werandy w ogrodzie za domem i stana prostujc plecy. Swymi
bardzo zmczonymi oczyma patrzaa nie na ma powlekajc kaue w lepkiej, zabarwionej
czerwieni glebie ogrodu, ale naczyst podog. (Ajeya 1992: 536)13
13 Ten i kolejne cytaty z opowiada Agjeja w przekadzie autorki pochodz z tumacze zamieszczonych w aneksie do
pracy doktorskiej przygotowywanej do druku. W nawiasach podane zostay strony, na ktrych te cytaty mona odnale
woryginaach whindi.

W jednym miejscu zagrody byo jakie dziesi kaczek. Wsamym rodku ziemia bya czarna od
krwi, a dookoa porozrzucanych byo mnstwo pir. Wszdzie poniewieray si resztki nek
ipazurw. (Ajeya 1992: 537)
Agjej od pocztku nasyca utwr kolorem ll jest to czerwie ziemi, krwi, ran. Kolor ten symbolizuje
tematyk utworu, jak jest zo na lisa, krzywdziciela i zabjc kaczek, wyraana w pragnieniu jego
ukarania, co odpowiada smakowi gniewu.
Nazwy kolorw wykorzystane w utworze Naczelnik Amiand nie wywouj ju tak
bezporednich skojarze, jak w poprzedniej nowelce. Wymagaj one objanie, ktrych dostarczy
moe N. Pierwszoosobowy narrator tej nowelki, jednoczenie jeden zbohaterw utworu, by odmieni
atmosfer wiziennej nudy imonotonii, zapowiada:
Pojad do Haripuru14, niech tam, wtym olbrzymim wizieniu bdzie zapewne ciekawiej, bardziej
kolorowo. Troch czerni, nieco czerwieni, bieli, amoe ipomaraczowy kolor si trafi. Na takie
urozmaicenie wanie liczyem, aju najbardziej wierzyem wczer, jako e nowy nadzorca Hazary
uchodzi za nie lada tyrana. (Ajeya 1992: 182)
W nowelce tej kolory wyranie oznaczaj pewien rodzaj przey. Uyty wutworze wyraz hindi
syh, odpowiednik sanskryckiego yma, oznacza czer isymbolizuje smak przeraenia. Zgodnie zN
jest nim rasa bhaynaka. Wyrazy ll-ujal-narag, zapisane z cznikami, to czerwie, biel ipomaracz,
symbolizujce kolejno smaki gniewu (raudra), komizmu (hsya) ibohaterstwa (vra). Wsanskrycie
kolorom tym odpowiadaj wyrazy rakta, sita igaura. Graficzne zespojenie cznikami nazw trzech kolorw
sugeruje ich strukturaln przynaleno. Czytelnikowi znajcemu indyjsk rzeczywisto skojarzy si one
mog zszafranow barw szat hinduistw, znawcy rasa ze smakiem bohaterstwa zN.6.43, ktrego
symbolem zgodnie zprzedstawion tabel jest gaura kolor biay, tawy, czerwonawy, szafranowy,
zoty. Prawdziwym bohaterem nowelki jest nie tytuowy Amiand, nadzorca kolonialnego wizienia,
astary, mdry, bezimienny wizie, ktry metod biernego oporu na wzr Gandhiego doprowadzi do
omieszenia ciemiyciela oraz do jego dymisji.
Terminy nras, nirast uyte zostay rwnie w utworze Nienapisane opowiadanie. Take tu
narrator i jednoczenie bohater opowiadania stara si odmieni pozbawione wrae ycie i domow
nud. Narrator bdcy pisarzem hindi swoje bezbarwne ycie nazywa nras, anud, ktra je wypenia
nrast:
Jestem pisarzem opowiada wjzyku hindi. APani15 mojego domu jest pani domu pisarza hindi.
Czy twrcy hindi mog liczy na jakkolwiek inn Pani ni ta? Nasze wsplne ycie jest zupenie
bezbarwne. Nic innego poza ktni nie ma nawet szansy, by zaistnie. Idlatego nasza ktnia jest
nieunikniona Ztego powodu, od czasu do czasu, za pomoc klimatu moich opowiada usiuj
odmieni t nud, ktra przenika nasze ycie. (Ajeya 1992: 230)
Zapowied wprowadzenia pewnego klimatu kontrastujcego z nud codziennoci jest

celowym zabiegiem pisarza, stymulujcym wyobrani czytelnika isucym wyostrzeniu jego percepcji
na to, co jest smakiem, ktry zamierza wzbudzi. Narrator zapowiada to wprost:
14 Haripur to nazwa miasta wpn.-zach. Indiach.

15 Woryginale hindi uyte zostao zoenie grhalakm, w ktrym Lakm oznacza popularne imi eskie iprzydomek indyjskiej
bogini pomylnoci.
49
Teresa Miek
50
I czasami prbuj rwnie tego, eby zamiast zatraca si w klimacie moich opowiada, przenie
ten wanie klimat do naszego domu, abymy oboje mogli zazna jego smaku, c, skoro wtedy
dochodzi do ktni (Ajeya 1992: 230)
W oryginale hindi wyrazowi smak odpowiada termin ras. Agjej wprowadza do opowiadania
motywy zoci, mioci, smutku i z waciwym jego pisarstwu dowcipem wplata je w histori dwch
bohaterw zamonego i szanowanego Tulsiadasa oraz biednego, ponianego Tulsu ktrych ycie
upywao w jednakim szczciu do momentu kltwy rzuconej na nich przez ony. Pisarz porusza
wutworze zagadnienie sawy iniemiertelnoci wkonfrontacji zupadkiem imierci. Posta Tulsu uosabia
bezradno wobec indyjskiej rzeczywistoci, jego rozpacz i samobjstwo budz smak wspczucia
(karua). Sekwencja zdarze w historii Tulsu jest zgodna z wymienionymi w N.6 proza.2 po 6.61
uwarunkowaniami (vibhva) motywu smutku (oka), jakimi s: kltwa, cierpienie, upadek, rozka
zukochan osob, utrata mienia, zabjstwo, uwizienie, ucieczka, cios, nieszczcie. Motyw przewodni
smutku wzbudza wodbiorcy smak wspczucia.
Motyw ten wystpuje take w opowiadaniu Gangrena. Tu termin nras bezbarwny
wykorzystany zosta wopisie gwnej bohaterki Malti, awszczeglnoci jej obojtnoci spowodowanej
monotoni, szaroci ycia, jakie wiedzie. Jej postawa zjednej strony wzbudza wspczucie, zdrugiej
zdziwienie:
Usyszaem, jak Malti mwi zupenie od niechcenia, gosem bez uczucia, bezbarwnym, wsposb
mechaniczny, jakby dochodzi z zepsutego automatu: czwarta wybia tak, jakby tylko na
odmierzaniu tego niechcianego czasu upywao jej rwnie mechaniczne ycie; tak, jak licznik
prdkociomierza automatycznie odmierza metry, tak mechanicznie, zmczonym gosem mwi
do kogo! Do mnie, e zdecydowaem si sam przemierzy taki szmat drogi. (Ajeya 1992: 211)
Wykorzystujc termin nras wopisie obojtnoci Malti, Agjej zmierza do wzbudzenia skojarze
zca gam smakw ibarw, ktrych brak wyciu bohaterki. Wspczucie czytelnika rodzi jej sytuacja
jako modej matki, ony prowincjonalnego lekarza, ktra porzucia wasne zainteresowania i ambicje
dla wychowania dziecka. Bohaterka to moda, ale zobojtniaa izgorzkniaa kobieta, ktrej nie wzrusza
ani pacz wasnego dziecka, ani wizyta drogiego przyjaciela sprzed lat. Monotonia, brak kolorw s
gwnym tematem utworu. Termin nras wystpuje w tym opowiadaniu rwnie w opisie pokrytego
upkami dachu, ktry spowity noc zdaje si by pozbawiony barw, dopiero wiato ksiyca wydobywa
jego blask ipikno.
Zaczem patrze wniebo. Bya penia, niebo byo bez chmur Zauwayem, e nawet upkowe
pokrycie dachu wpobliskiej rzdowej dzielnicy, ktre za dnia wydawao si suche ipozbawione
barw, wwietle ksiyca mieni si wieoci idelikatnoci, tak, jakby zstpi na blask ksiyca
i skpa je w swojej powiacie Zorientowaem si, e w powiewie wiatru drzewa sosnowe
uschnite od aru, zakurzone sosny, jakby niemiao pieway jak agodn rag, ale nie wtonie
wspczucia, raczej pen niepokoju, ale niezbyt gwatown Obserwowaem, jak na skraju
zasnutego granatem nocy nieba jaki stwr zatacza bezdwiczne krgi To te byo pikne.
(Ajeya 1992: 214)
Opis ten suy nie tylko ukazaniu pikna natury, ale take wyraeniu moliwoci odmienienia
bezbarwnego ycia bohaterki, ktre tak jak upkowe pokrycie dachu tylko pozornie jest bez barw.
Autor zdaje si sugerowa, e wystarczy spojrze uwaniej, winnym wietle, aby zauway pikno, kolory.
Przytoczone tu fragmenty opowiadania potwierdzaj indyjsk specyfik opisywania pikna; jest ono
symbolizowane przez kolor ismak (ras).
W utworze, ktrego tytu Poezja i ycie. Opowiadanie zapowiada zderzenie poetyckoci
zrealizmem, tematem jest poszukiwanie natchnienia. Bohater poeta oimieniu iwsundar (Pikny jak
bstwo iwa) szuka inspiracji do napisania wiersza. Nie mogc jej odnale, bezskutecznie zmienia
miejsca pobytu. Wtym wanie kontekcie pojawia si termin nras:
W nocy, kiedy lea wku, wci zadawa sobie pytanie, dlaczego owo uniesienie nie nadeszo, nie
mg znale adnego wyjanienia. Zaczo go za to ogarnia zniecierpliwienie. Przysypia co jaki
czas iznw si budzi. Akiedy wsta, nie wiadomo dlaczego poczu si bardzo osamotniony iodczu
wcieko. Wydao mu si, e jego ycie jest wyzute zwszelkiego smaku, potrzebowa poezji, by
y, potrzebowa wymownego pikna (Ajeya 1992: 458)
W tym opowiadaniu smak (ras) ponownie wystpuje jako rwnowanik pikna. Pragnienie
odnalezienia niewymownego pikna nie zostaje zakoczone spenieniem. Proza ycia, zjak styka si
bohater, zdaje si by go pozbawiona. Ale nie proza literacka Agjeja. Pisarz po mistrzowsku iz dowcipem
pokazuje, jak nasyci liryzmem proz. Odwouje si przy tym do sanskryckiego traktatu Shityadarpaa,
ktrego autorem by jeden z teoretykw rasa z XIV wieku, Vivantha. Agjej cytuje jego fragment
zawierajcy definicj poezji, awszerszym ujciu literatury (kvya): wypowied charakteryzujca si
smakami estetycznymi to literatura16. Pisarz zdaje si przekonywa, e rwnie proza moe wzbudza
doznanie rasa, nie ogranicza go tylko do poezji. Nawet jeli efektem literatury bd nowe smaki, jak
gorzki smak dumy icierpki smak przeznaczenia, to budzi ona doznanie pikna. Tak oto Agjej po raz
kolejny zdradza skonno do bycia nie tylko pisarzem, ale iteoretykiem, ktry zabiera gos wdebacie
na temat smakw estetyki, anawet, jak wtym przypadku, przeformuowuje ich terminologi. Wten
sposb jako twrca odnajduje wolno inie odrzuca tradycji.
4. Wnioski
Agjej wprowadza do swoich opowiada inowelek terminy nras, nirast, oznaczajce brak smaku, brak
barw, wsposb zamierzony iprzemylany. Pisarz zdaje si w ten sposb dy do wzbudzenia wczytelniku
skojarze, jakie wywouje dobrze znany indyjskiej tradycji literackiej termin rasa, czyli smak. wiadomie
stosuje symbolik barw znan z N i przypisan smakom staroindyjskiej estetyki. Konsekwentnie
wykorzystuje t symbolik do nasycania utworu okrelonymi motywami (bhva) oraz do wzbudzania
konkretnego doznania estetycznego (rasa). Podkrelanie wnarracji braku smaku, braku barw moe
suy skupieniu uwagi czytelnika na doznaniach oferowanych podczas lektury utworu literackiego, po
uprzednim wygaszeniu wrae zcodziennego ycia, co ma uatwi wzbudzenie przyjemnoci przeywania
literatury. Wprowadzenie terminw nras, nirast w cytowanych utworach jest wic przemylanym
zabiegiem Agjeja, torujcym drog smakom, sokom, ktrymi pisarz zamierza nasyci utwr. Maj
one wmyl staroindyjskiej estetyki wywoa okrelone doznanie (rasa) wodbiorcy, ktry ju nie jest
widzem, jak wczasach N, ale czytelnikiem. Zabieg ten mona porwna do pustej sceny wteatrze, ktra
za chwil wypeni si dekoracjami, aktorami iich gr. Teatr staroindyjski poprzez gr aktorsk zwan
16 W sanskrycie vakya rastmaka kvyam (Shityadarpaa, 1.23).
51
Teresa Miek
52
abhinaya, dopenion sceneri, muzyk itacem, doprowadza widza zwanego prekaka (N.6 proza.7
po 6.31) do doznawania szczcia inieszczcia, sukha-dukha (N.7 proza.1 po 7.53) wsposb inny
ni ten znany zcodziennoci, gdy dostarczajcy tylko przyjemnoci, anigdy cierpienia. Agjej wjednym
zopowiada pt. Tj k chy m uywa odpowiednika hindi sukh-dukh dla tego sanskryckiego zoenia
(Ajeya 1992: 276). Teoretycy rasa uznali, e jedyne wswoim rodzaju przeycie pikna moliwe jest dziki
procesowi sdhrankaraa uoglniania. Ta idea, wpeni rozwinita przez pniejszych teoretykw
rasa, Bhaanyak iAbhinawagupt, obecna ju bya wN (Byrski 1980: 153). Zakada ona, e wteatrze
obowizuje inny porzdek czasu i przestrzeni ni w rzeczywistoci, uoglnione postaci i ich uczucia
wyraane idiomatyk gry aktora pozwalaj utosami si zbohaterami, ich szczciem inieszczciem,
ale nie nawizywa osobistej relacji do konkretnego czasu iprzestrzeni. Agjej stara si doprowadzi do
takiego stanu dozna wspczesnych czytelnikw. Czyni to m.in. poprzez wprowadzenie do opowiada
terminw nras, nirast. Odczytane wkontekcie staroindyjskiej estetyki zyskuj szersze znaczenie. Pisarz
jest najwyraniej przewiadczony okoniecznoci stworzenia odpowiednich warunkw dla wzbudzenia
jedynych wswoim rodzaju dozna pyncych zodbioru sztuki, jak jest literatura. Zanalizy uytych przez
niego terminw nras, nirast pynie wniosek, e utwr literacki, rwnie pisany proz, moe doprowadzi
do wzbudzenia smaku rasa dziki wykorzystaniu waciwych sobie rodkw wyrazu. Odwoania
wutworach Agjeja do sanskryckiej teorii rasa dowodz zjednej strony afirmatywnego stosunku pisarza
do staroindyjskiej tradycji estetyki, a z drugiej potwierdzaj moliwoci stosowania jej zaoe we
wspczesnej krytyce literackiej. Dokumentuj one obecno wzorcw rodzimych wprozie hindi, ktra
wduej mierze poddana bya wpywom obcym od chwili wprowadzenia jzyka angielskiego do edukacji
indyjskiej ju wpierwszej poowie XX wieku. Teoria rasa, fundament indyjskiej estetyki, czyni odbiorc
centrum swoich zainteresowa. Wopowiadaniach Agjeja wyrana jest dbao oczytelnika, zktrym
pisarz stara si pozostawa wcigym kontakcie, stymulujc jego wyobrani idoznania. Podczas lektury
jego utworw narasta wraenie owej specyficznie indyjskiej nastrojowoci, atmosfery, ktr autor
kreuje, zastpujc monotoni sygnalizowan terminami nras inirast. Wykorzystuje wtym celu m.in.
nazwy kolorw symbolizujce smaki staroindyjskiego teatru, ktrego tradycj indyjski odbiorca dobrze
zna, take zform teatru ludowego iprzekazu ustnego. Czytelnik niezaznajomiony zt indyjsk tradycj
moe mie utrudnione zadanie, jeli chodzi opene odczytanie znacze iprzesania utworu. Przyblione
tu niektre zaoenia teorii rasa, wcznie zsymbolik kolorw, mog mu wtym dopomc. Agjej to pisarz
wiadomy przemian tak literatury wIndiach, jak ijej odbiorcw. Jednoczenie jest to twrca, ktry usilnie
dy do ocalenia zdobyczy rodzimej tradycji, wrd nich idei rasa, wmyl ktrej doznanie pikna ma
swoj barw ismak (ras).
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Naukowe (Sprawozdania z Czynnoci i Posiedze Naukowych, R. 29, nr 9).
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Kushwaha, Mahesh Singh (1991) The Validity and Scope of Rasa as a Critical Concept. [W:] Closepet Dasappa
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Lutze, Lothar (2011) Agyeya im Deutschland. [W:] Sachchidananda Vatsyayan (Ajneya) Tanz auf dem Seil.
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Abhinavaguptcrya. T. 14. Delhi: Parimal Publication.
Pollock, Sheldon (2010) What Was Bhaa Nyaka Saying? The Hermeneutical Transformation of Indian
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of Robert P. Goldman. Delhi: Manohar; 143184.
Prasad, Gupteshwar (1994) I. A. Richards and Indian Theory Of Rasa. New Delhi: Sarup & Sons.
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& Sons.
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Subhramanian, Abhinavan Venkatesa (1988) The Aesthetics of Wonder. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
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Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
5565
Szymon Napieraa
Adam Mickiewicz University, Pozna
A Hypothesis on theCatastrophic Emergence of Syntax

and Phonetics
Abstract
There are two major theories about theorigin of human syntax: evolutionary and catastrophic, thelatter appears
more probable on theoretical and empirical grounds, themost serious reason being theproblem with imagining
theintermediate stages between protosyntax and full-blown syntax (Bickerton 1998). Themissing link is recently
often associated with recursion, a sole element of human syntax considered specifically human and specifically
linguistic. Some accounts associate this trigger with asubpart of recursion, either operation Merge or asubpart of
Merge, operation Label (Hornstein 2009) which by breaking theinitial symmetry provides asine qua non condition
for asymmetric syntax in terms of endocentricity, phrase structure and, consequently, recursive embedding. My
hypothesis is that assuming thecatastrophic scenario, more than one catastrophic event must have happened in avery
short time. Given that human vocal tract and human phonetics and phonology have several unique features compared
with Great Apes (hierarchical but non-recursive structure, speech imitation skills, abundant use of formants, lack
of laryngeal air sacks in thevocal tract) and given that thephonological form constitutes theinterface of thehuman
syntax, themere addition of Label to thealready existing operations of theprotolanguage is insufficient, since (1) it
does not account for theemergence of thephonologically interfaced syntax, (2) it fails to explain theindisociability
of non-syntactic elements of language in terms of phonology, semantics and syntax as evidenced in Jackendoff
(2011). Consequently, I assume that human language emerged as a result of at least two catastrophic processes:
catastrophic emergence of phonetics and catastrophic emergence of syntax accompanied by therapid expansion of
thelexicon, thelatter possibly as aresult of aquantitative rather than qualitative development. Theemergence of
human phonology might have occurred gradually, but as aresult of thecatastrophic emergence of phonetics.
Keywords: language faculty, catastrophic scenario, gradual scenario, recursion, Merge, Label.
Szymon Napieraa
1. Introduction
56
The question of the origin of language, a scientific question so fundamental to humankind and our
civilization, was once asubject of scientific censorship. Remarkably for some, this scientific censorship
did not happen in theMiddle Ages, but in 1866 in post-revolutionary and post-Enlightenment France
when the Linguistic Society of Paris imposed a ban on discussing the issue, considering the problem
unsuitable for scientific investigation. Later on the topic again attracted scientists attention, despite
thefact that exploring thetopic is highly speculative given theoft-repeated dictum that language does not
fossilize. Today there are two major trends with respect to theorigin of language: evolutionary (gradual)
and catastrophic (saltational). Theformer treats theorigin of language as alinear evolutionary process of
developing human language out of thecommunication systems of non-human animals. Thelatter assumes
that at some point in history human language suddenly emerged, without intermediate stages between
animal communication and full-blown human language as we know today.1 Below I argue in favor of
the catastrophic scenario. I will briefly summarize the selected syntacticocentric hypotheses that relate
theproblem of theinstantaneous emergence of language with acatastrophic emergence of syntax and show
that these are insufficient, since human syntax is inherently interfaced with phonology, which is based on
human phonetics. Thelatter, as Iargue, must also have arisen catastrophically, since human phonetics does
have some unique human-specific features that are absent in primates. As aresult of theevidence provided
by Fitch (2000), such features are not human-specific in theabsolute sense, as they have equivalents in
thephonetic repertoires of sea mammals and some birds, yet these are not considered possible candidates
for any possible evolutionary ancestors of humans. Therefore, I find it justifiable to conclude that
theemergence of human syntax and human phonetics were two related catastrophic processes, or even
asingle manifestation of asingle catastrophic process of theemergence of human language as awhole.
2. Catastrophic emergence of language evidence

Catastrophic emergence of language vs. gradual language evolution
The catastrophic emergence of language, improbable though it appears for those who believe that
themost natural explanation is astep by step process, appears on thecontrary to be thesimplest and
best empirically accounted for hypothesis for Bickerton who concludes that () theburden of proof lies
squarely upon theshoulders of those who would claim theemergence of syntax as agradual process or
aseries of several events, rather than asingle catastrophic process (Bickerton 1998: 351). His arguments
are based on attested processes of theemergence of syntax-ful languages from syntax-less protolanguage,
i.e. formation of creoles from pidgins and first language acquisition, or thereverse processes of thereturn
from syntax-ful language to protosyntactic protolanguage in language-related disorders (aphasias and
disphasias).2 Besides, Bickerton (1998) mentions that had language evolution been agradual process, it
1
A separate problem is theorigin of language variation after theemergence of full-blown human language. Iacknowledge this
problem, but its discussion is beyond thescope of this article.
2 Of course, the problem is actually much more complex. However, the comparative studies of various kinds of pidgins
or various types of language related disorders is beyond the scope of this paper. The argument concerning first language
development is indirectly referred to in thesubsequent part of thepaper while discussing Jackendoff and Wittenbergs (2011)
A Hypothesis on the Catastrophic Emergence of Syntax and Phonetics
would have left some traces in terms of archeological evidence: some form of agradual development of
civilization correlated with thegradual language evolution, something that is not attested by archeological
evidence. On the contrary, as Bickerton (1998) emphasizes, the archeological evidence indicates that
civilization and syntax-ful language are correlated, as there is no indication of civilization at the time
before human language is assumed to have originated and there is abundant evidence for civilization in
thepost-linguistic era. All things considered, Bickerton (1998) concludes that intermediate stages between
protosyntax and syntax are not only empirically disproven but even theoretically hard to imagine, there
is either syntax or no syntax at all, but not some form of semi-syntax.3
A different perspective is entertained by Jackendoff and Wittenberg (2011). In their hierarchy of
natural grammars they propose thefollowing intermediate stages between syntax-less protolanguage and
syntax-ful language:
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
a.
b.
c.
One-word grammar
[Utterance Word]
[Traditional notation: Utterance Word]
Two-word grammar
[Utterance Word (Word)]
[Utterance Word (Word)]
Concatenation grammar [Utterance Word]
[Utterance Word]
Simple phrase grammar
[Utterance Word/Phrase]
[Phrase Word Word] (2-word phrase) or [Phrase Word] (unlimited phrase)
Recursive phrase grammar
[Utterance Word/Phrase]
[Phrase Word/Phrase]
Compounding:
[Word Word Word]
Affixal morphology:
[Word {Word/Stem, Affix}] (either order)
(Jackendoff & Wittenberg 2011: 2, their examples 14)
However, Ido not consider their hierarchy of grammars neither theoretical nor empirical evidence
against thecatastrophic scenario. Actually, thecatastrophic scenario does not necessarily entail thelack
of any stages at all. Clearly, numerous diachronic processes of language change, both quantitative and
qualitative, occur gradually. This might also have been thecase with thebeginning of language variation
after theperiod of asingle human language. Yet Iperceive such gradual changes as either changes within
the syntax-less protolanguage or as changes within syntax-ful language, not as intermediate stages
between language and protolanguage. For example, assuming that Everett (2005, 2009) is indeed right
with respect to his point that Pirah language does not make use of linguistic recursion and that it replaces
recursive embedding with parataxis (see also Nevins et al. 2009 for acontrary view), one may argue that
Pirah might in the future develop recursive embedding by undergoing a gradual change of the type
(2)(3). But this would be adiachronic change within asingle syntax-ful language, since in line with
both Everett (2005, 2009) and his critics (most notably Nevins et al. 2009) Pirah is asyntax-ful language.
It is alanguage of amonolingual speech community that makes use of some very complex structures in
hierarchy of grammars, which theauthors consider to reflect theprocess of first language acquisition. Below Iargue that even
if their hierarchy of grammars is correct, it is not aconvincing argument for thegradual scenario.
3
I discussed Bickertons arguments in more detail in Napieraa (2009).
57
Szymon Napieraa
58
terms of morphology and tonal system, hence it is not asyntax-less pidgin or acontact language that
one might classify as protolanguage. By thesame token, it is possible to imagine achange like (1a)
(1b) (1c), but this would most probably be adiachronic change within asyntax-less protolanguage,
for example in agiven pidgin or in theprocess of first language acquisition. Therefore, Iconclude that
thenumerous stages provided by Jackendoff and Wittenberg (2011) are not to be interpreted as evidence
for the gradual scenario. Even if we assume that all these stages are legitimate given that syntax-less
protolanguage and syntax-ful language differ qualitatively rather quantitatively, which is even observable
at apretheoretic level, thefollow change in (5) would still be saltational, no matter where thechange in (5)
should be located with respect to thecontinuum of stages (1)(4), e.g. at thestage (1c) (2).
(5)
syntax-less protolanguage
syntax-ful language
What might be this theoretical link with respect to the hierarchy of grammars proposed by
Jackendoff and Wittenberg (2011)? Ithink that thesatisfactory answer to thequestion about themissing
link is very difficult to be found regarding thehierarchy of grammars for theoretical and empirical reasons.
Given thefact that recursion in linguistics does not have aprecise definition, such as, for example, in
computer science (cf. Parker 2006), thedistinction between (2) and (3) may not be as conspicuous as
assumed by Jackendoff and Wittenberg (2011). But given thepopular view that it is linguistic recursion
that makes syntax-ful language different from pre-syntactic protolanguage (Hauser et al. 2002 and
much of the subsequent literature), the difference between the two is equivalent to (2) (3). Yet if
recursion is equated with the combinatorial operation Merge, as it is often thecase in theminimalist
literature, Ifind no reason to claim that recursion is present in (3) and absent in (2) or even in (1c) since
simple phrase grammar in (2) (or even 1c?) does make use of some form of Merge. Theother possible
problem for thehierarchy of grammars is thefact that some words appear to be problematic in regards
to their position in this hierarchy. Bartosz Wiland (2012, personal communication) pays attention to
contractions, differences between morphological, syntactic, phrasal and phonological features, or even
worse, partial overlap of these features, e.g. forms like isnt, arent, [Polish] bymy, etc.. For me, this is
still another argument in favor of thesaltational scenario, as it is unclear how to posit these on theabove
hierarchy of grammars, anissue that is worth exploring in future research.
As for empirical evidence, it is worth bearing in mind that Pirah is reported to have a rich
morphology, even by Everett (2005) who argues for thesyntactic simplicity of this language. This means
that Pirah is alanguage at stage (2) combined with (4), but without (3). This makes theoverall picture
quite complex, which Itreat as anargument against thegradual process of (5). All things considered, even
if thehierarchy of grammars from Jackendoff and Wittenberg (2011) is thecorrect way to capture various
stages of linguistic organization, and if recursion was avital step in theorigin of language (both claims
Idoubt), it would still not be anargument for thegradual scenario, since then one set of stages would be
intermediate stages within thesystem of aprotolanguage, theother set of changes would be intermediate
stages within thesystem of language (e.g. some diachronic processes), and some other stage, e.g. (1b)
(1c) or (1c) (2) or (2) (3) would still be asaltational change in order to account for thequalitative
difference between syntax and no syntax.
3. Faculty of language in thenarrow sense what is it?

3.1. Syntacticocentric approaches: recursion, Merge and Label
In regards to thediscussion concerning apossible scenario of language origin, it is necessary to mention
thenotion of thelanguage faculty (FL), subdivided into language faculty in thebroad sense (FLB) and in
thenarrow sense (FLN). Thenomenclature comes from Hausers et al. (2002) seminal paper concerning
thenature of thehuman language faculty. According to thedefinition from Hauser et al. (2002), FLB
includes all elements of FL that are neither specifically human nor specifically linguistic, which means
that they are shared between human and non-human animals or between human language and nonlinguistic domains, such as for example music or mathematics. FLN, in line with their definition, includes
only theelements that are both specifically human and specifically linguistic, i.e. not occurring in any
other domain apart from human language. Hauser et al. (2002) hypothesise that almost all elements of FL
are part of FLB, and FLN is delimited to asingle element, i.e. () thecore computational mechanisms
of recursion as they appear in narrow syntax and themappings to theinterfaces (Hauser et al. 2002:
1573). Thus, thecapacity for recursion, whatever it actually means in linguistics, would be amissing link
between syntax-less protolanguage and syntax-ful language.
Their paper triggered off numerous debates, themost famous being Pinker and Jackendoff (2004)
where thetwo authors claim that FLN includes much more, suggesting that therecursion-only hypothesis
of Hauser et al. (2002) is based on animplicit reliance on theminimalist program (MP) that is based
on theidea of avery simple syntax, delimited solely to therecursive operation Merge, thesimplicity of
syntax being achieved at thecost of relegating unwanted syntactic complexities to semantics in order
to have anelegant minimalist theory, but at thecost of ignoring much of theempirical evidence. Also,
Pinker and Jackendoff (2004) show that Hauser et al. (2002) ignore numerous elements of FL that are
specific to thehuman linguistic domain, such as speech production, speech perception, phonology and
some elements of morphosyntax like case or agreement. Even if some of them, like speech production
and human phonology, are indeed shared by some nonhuman animals, these animals are in no way
linked to any possible evolutionary ancestors of humans, as the animals capable of imitating human
speech are sea mammals and some birds, not primates. Thus, the feature sharing is not a matter of
homology but analogy. Therefore, Pinker and Jackendoff (2004) include such features in FLN, which,
Ithink, is theright solution.
The debate inspired numerous papers concerning theproblem of whether recursion is indeed
themissing link between protosyntax and full-blown syntax and whether it is indeed thesole element
of FLN. Ialready summarized some of these debates in Napieraa (2009) and below Ionly mention one
minimalist hypothesis I have not discussed therein. In the minimalist framework, recursion is often
equated with operation Merge, therefore, one might suggest that Merge is this missing link. However,
some claim that is just a subpart of Merge that constitutes FLN. The solution recently proposed by
Hornstein (2009) is that Merge is acomposite operation, comprising Concatenate, which is part of FLB,
as it is also present in animal communication, and Label, which is specifically human and specifically
linguistic, hence it constitutes FLN.4 The operation Label captures the phenomenon of syntactic
asymmetry, constituency and endocentric phrase structure whereby two elements concatenate, but only
4 Interestingly, however, Hornstein (2009) does not discuss the nature of the specifically-human character of Label and its
absence in animal communication or animal cognition of any animal species.
59
Szymon Napieraa
60
one of them gets more prominence and assigns its label (projection) to theproduct of concatenation, as
expressed in abstracto in (6).
(6)
{{,}}
A more concrete representation of (6) is provided in (7) under thestandard X-bar theoretic notation
or in (8) in away more compatible with theallegedly more natural Bare Phrase Structure convention.
(7)
a.
b.
(8)
a.
b.
[the] + N[park]
[in]
+ DP[D[the] N[park]]
P
D
Merge {the, park}

Merge {in, {the {the, park}}}
[ [the] N[park]]
[in[
[ [the] N[park]]]]
PP
DP D
DP D
{the {the, park}}

{in {in, {the {the, park}}}}
In his work Hornstein (2009) suggests that it must have been the origin of Label that broke
theoriginal symmetry of theprotosyntax and allowed for thehierarchical endocentric phrase structure
that make use of recursive embedding. Interesting though it may appear, Ido not find this hypothesis
convincing. Leaving aside thetechnical syntactic discussion on whether Label is indeed needed for human
syntax or not (Collins 2002), or whether Label is asyntactic or asemantic issue, Ithink that theMerge
addition of Label to the Concatenate-based protosyntax is not enough to explain the catastrophic
emergence of language.
This is because FLN appears to contain more elements than just recursion, no matter whether
recursion is defined in terms of the embedding of elements/phrases within the elements/phrases of
the same type, or in terms of a hierarchical phrase structure grammar, or in any other way. Actually,
recursion itself is not implausibly even unnecessary for human language as such (cf. Parker 2006),
theproblem Idiscussed more extensively in Napieraa (2009) and briefly acknowledge below. Theproblem
is not easy to solve at present, since solving theproblem would necessitate examining all animal species in
terms of their potential for recursion, which is animpossible task, as theproblem whether agiven animal
species makes use of recursion or of some alternative algorithm is by no means aneasy task, as shown
for example in thedebate on whether Gentners et al. (2006) starlings did master some rules for phrase
structure grammar or whether they learnt theartificial songs in analternative way. Interestingly, this is not
only amethodological and empirical problem for animal communication research but even for linguistic
research on humans, as evidenced by Fitch and Hausers (2004) experiment that allegedly showed that
humans were capable of parsing both recursive phrase structure grammar and non-recursive finite state
grammar, while cotton-top tamarins were only capable of the latter. As Kochanski (2004) concludes,
theeffect attributed to theparsing phrase structure grammar constructions, not only by tamarins but
even by humans, could also be made by any other algorithms (Kochanski 2004).
A different point of argumentation is theproblem whether full-blown syntax-ful languages can
make use of alternative strategies to recursion, such as parataxis.5 Theongoing discussion of thePirah
language described by Everett (2005, 2007, 2009) may still shed more light on theissue. For thetime being
5 Etymologically, however, one might contrast syntaxis and parataxis. Thedifference might be deeper than just etymological,
as thetwo terms might be located at two opposite extremities of asymmetry/antisymmetry dimension, theissue Idiscuss in
Napieraa, forthcoming.
thephenomenon of Pirah is either interpreted as acounterargument to Hauser et al. (2002) recursiononly hypothesis (e.g. Parker 2006) or as evidence based on methodological errors, as maintained in
Nevins et al. (2009). It is beyond my capabilities to try to evaluate thepertinent conclusion of thedebate,
so Ileave it to those more competent than me. However, no matter whether recursion finally turns out to
be asine qua non condition for human syntax, or whether languages can either make use of recursion or
analternative means, such as parataxis (not only in thecase of Pirah but also in thecase of other possibly
recursion-less languages, themost famous being perhaps Riau Indonesian described by Gil (2009)), Istill
assume that FLN must contain more elements.
3.2. Semantics and lexicon

There are many of them. One might be what Hurford (2004) calls semantically compositional syntax.6 It
means that syntactic alterations are correlated with particular semantic alterations. Except for thepresence
of this feature in honeybee dance, this feature will be classified as FLN given theabove criterion that it is
biological homology that relegates FL elements to FLB, not biological analogy, especially such ahighly
specific analogy as honeybees semantically compositional syntax. To illustrate how specific this analogy
is, it is worth quoting Hurford (2004) in full:
Perplexingly, the best example of semantically compositional communication outside humans
has been found in aspecies only very distantly related to us, honeybees. Honeybees communicate
thelocation of food by atwo-part signal; one part conveys thedistance of thefood from thehive,
and theother conveys thedirection. Composing distance and direction yields location. This system
differs in many ways from human languages. Most obviously, it is extremely limited; it is also innate,
and iconic, rather than symbolic, as theindividual parts of thesignal are iconically related to their
meanings (faster waggle means nearer food, angle of dance to thevertical means angle of flight to
thesun). (Hurford 2004: 556)
Of course, theissue of semantically compositional syntax being part of FLN cannot be definitely
established, as it is by far easier to prove that something exists rather than to prove that something does
not exist. Although one might follow Hurfords further argumentation that thesemanticity of complex
birdsongs or of some primates songs are expressed holistically and there is no evidence for theoverlap
between thesyntactic (or, perhaps more precisely, protosyntactic) organization and semantic organization,
yet it appears to be ahardly possible task to examine all species of birds, primates, dolphins, etc. with
respect to semantic compositionality. As it is often the case, some future research might prove some
correlation between protosyntax and semantics therein. But even if this is finally proven, it is quite likely
that semantic compositionality in humans and some animals might appear to be not only quantitatively
but even qualitatively different, just theway it is with still another property of FLN in line with Hurford
(2004), i.e. learned symbolic lexicon.
As for arbitrary lexicon, Hurford (2004) classifies it as auniquely human feature, even though he
admits that thedifferences between humans and animals are quantitative, not qualitative. Even though
Hurford (2004) stresses the fact that animal symbolic communication is often inborn (as is the case
with thepreviously discussed honeybee dance), yet he acknowledges that some human symbols are also
inborn, while some animal symbols are also clearly arbitrary. Thewell-known examples of Great Apes
6
This section is basically based on Hurford (2004) and my reflections concerning his arguments.
61
Szymon Napieraa
62
trained in American Sign Language clearly demonstrate that these primates are capable of using arbitrary
learned symbols. Many other animals, e.g. dogs, cats and horses, can also properly react to theverbal
instructions used by humans. Therefore, Ionly acknowledge theproblem concerning thelexicon without
discussing theissue in more detail, since thedifferences between humans and other animals (including
primates) are not qualitative, which makes thegradual scenario more likely here. Yet thegradual scenario
of thedevelopment of human lexicon is perfectly compatible with thesaltational emergence of human
language as such, since by thegradual process only theprotolanguage originates in aprocess equivalent
to pidgin formation or first language acquisition.
3.3. Phonetics and phonology

Interestingly, I daresay that human phonetics in general should be classified as part of FLN. The idea
is not novel, as theuniqueness of phonology in terms of FLN considerations was discussed in Pinker
and Jackendoff (2004), relying both on the well-known facts concerning the qualitative differences
between humans and Great Apes with respect to phonetics as well as on theliterature review, especially
on Mark Libermans hypothesis that Speech is special. However, when Pinker and Jackendoff (2004)
discuss phonetics, they use thename phonology, which is somewhat imprecise in this context. As Bartosz
Wiland (2012, personal communication) rightly noticed, many aspects of phonology are possible without
phonetics, as it is thecase with sign language which has phonology but not phonetics. Therefore, what
Itreat as FLN is phonetics, not phonology. As for phonology, Iclassify it as FLB, since many animals
properly react to human phonemes. Below I argue for the catastrophic emergence of phonetics, not
phonology, even though human phonology interfaced with human syntax is certainly intertwined with
human phonetics. This is arelevant point, since all syntax-ful languages of speech communities capable
of speaking are vocal languages. Discussing theissue at length is beyond thescope of this paper, however.
Interestingly, the evidence I provide below is mostly based on the interdisciplinary research
summarized in Fitch (2000), which is somewhat surprising given thefact that two years later William
Tecumseh Fitch argued in favor of theabovementioned recursion-only hypothesis in Hauser et al. (2002).7
As for his arguments from Fitch (2000: 258), he claims that () most aspects of speech acoustics,
physiology and neural control are shared with animals, and thus open to empirical investigation, though
except for theconstruction of thevocal tract and theability to imitate speech. These two appear to be
uniquely human among primates.
As for theuniqueness of theconstruction of thehuman vocal tract, Fitch (2000) pays particular
attention to the lowered larynx. This makes the phonetics used by human languages possible. Other
primates, including Great Apes, are incapable of producing most human sounds from human phonetic
inventory. Therefore, theape language projects are based on sign language. Even though thetrained apes
certainly have the motivation to learn human language, they cannot master human phonetics due to
the difference in vocal tract. Ape vocalizations make use of vowels, whereas human phonetics makes
use of consonants and vowels, languages varying from more to less consonantal cross-linguistically. As
theresults from theresearches summarized in Fitch (2000), there is currently no evidence for thegradual
evolution of larynx. This feature is not attested at any pre-Homo sapiens stage. Although Fitch (2000)
7 Fitch (2000: 258) claims that () theevolution of speech can be studied independently of theevolution of language. In
thecurrent paper Iclearly disagree with Fitch (2000) with regard to this separationist approach. Actually, Ido not see any
rationale for treating theorigin of language and speech as independent on both empirical and occamist considerations.
admits that lowering thelarynx is possible, as it is thecase in human ontogenesis, thecurrent evidence
appears to support some catastrophic process resulting in theemergence of thehuman vocal tract as such.
Apart from thelowered larynx, Fitch (2000) discusses anumber of features of thehuman vocal tract that
are unique or almost unique among primates. First, Fitch (2000) mentions thelack of laryngeal air sacks
in thehuman vocal tract, which is dissimilar to all Great Apes and most primates. Although he states
that therelevance of laryngeal air sacks has not been conclusively established, thelack thereof is certainly
worth mentioning. Second, he mentions thequantitative difference between humans and other mammals
in theuse of formants, since () humans make unusually heavy use of formants: they are thesingle most
important parameter in human speech (Fitch 2000: 260). However, as aquantitative change, this is of
less importance for FLN considerations. Third, Fitch (2000) discusses thehierarchical (but probably nonrecursive) structure of human phonology marked by () hierarchical organization of speech segments
(consonants and vowels) into higher-order structures (syllables, words, sentences) (Fitch 2000: 261).
Even though this pertains to phonology which Iconsider part of FLB, this is also linked with articulatory
phonetics: Great Apes are incapable of producing such hierarchical structures, no matter what kind of
rewards are offered to thelearning apes. This is theresult of theforegoing problem of thedifference in
the vocal tract morphology responsible for the qualitative difference between human speech and ape
calls. This is also a good argument for the catastrophic emergence of human phonetics. In regards to
theability to imitate speech, Fitch (2000) provides ample evidence for its qualitative uniqueness among
primates, which Ifind worth quoting in full:
() there is one clear and undisputed difference between human vocal control and that of other
primates. We are consummate vocal imitators, easily learning to produce whatever speech sounds
we grow up with, together with musical sounds like singing and whistling. In sharp contrast, no
nonhuman primates can learn to produce numerous sounds outside their ordinary species-specific
repertoire. Attempts to change thevocal repertoires of monkeys by cross-fostering them with other
species have been disappointing. Although evidence for vocal matching in primates exists, and
primates can be trained, with difficulty, to modify their calls, the amount of acoustic variability
observed is trivial compared with that necessary for human speech or song. Even chimps raised
in human families, with extensive training and abundant rewards, fail to produce more than afew
spoken words. By contrast, many studies have demonstrated that apes have thecapacity to learn new
gestures, pair them dependably with meanings and use them communicatively. Despite these good
communicative abilities, and acapacity for perceptual learning of new soundmeaning pairings,
theability of nonhuman primates to produce learned sounds is limited or nonexistent.
This fact is made more curious by theabundant documentation of vocal imitation in nonprimate
species. (Fitch 2000: 261)8
However, thenonprimate species with theability to vocal imitation (seals and cetaceans mentioned by
Fitch (2000)) and so-called talking birds like parrots, mynas, and to acertain extent also starlings and
ravens capable of imitating human speech with human-specific phonetics and phonology are not assumed
to be in any evolutionary ancestral relation to humans, hence their interesting imitative behavior does not
pose achallenge to my FLN hypothesis and thecatastrophic scenario.
8 An inquisitive reader is invited to get acquainted with this passage in theoriginal source, as his claims are supported with
numerous links to bibliography Iomit in this paper.
63
Szymon Napieraa
4. Summary of theresults: general picture of FL
64
As illustrated above, human language appears to be a complex phenomenon, contrary to the central
idea of theMinimalist Program. It appears to have some uniquely human features (FLN), which have
analogy in animals not considered to be possible candidates for human ancestors, but do not have any
analogies in Great Apes, theclosest candidates for analternative evolutionary scenario. These features
include at least human syntax and human phonetics. Apart from that, there are numerous aspects of
language (FLB) that are shared between humans and other primates, but with quantitative rather than
qualitative differences, like arbitrary and learnt lexicon. Elements of syntax, semantics, phonetics-based
phonology are all parts of FL, with complex interactions among them all. The complex interactions,
with partial overlaps among several modules and partial mismatches among them resemble thegeneral
model of FL somewhat similar to Jackendoff s (2011) Parallel Architecture Model in my opinion. Given
thevalidity of Bickertons (1998) argumention concerning thelack of evolutionary time for thegradual
emergence of such acomplex phenomenon as human language, archeological and theoretical evidence
against theevolutionary scenario, as well as thearguments against thegradual scenario of theemergence
of speech, Ideem thesaltational scenario more probable.
5. Conclusion
The current paper has analyzed thecontroversial issue of theemergence of human language that was once
subject to scientific censorship in modern times with respect to selected arguments for thegradual and
catastrophic scenario from thetheoretical and empirical point of view. It has shown that Jackendoff and
Wittenbergs (2011) idea of thegradual scenario, even if assumed to be theright one despite thetheoretical
problems their hierarchy of grammar poses, does not contradict the possibility of the catastrophic
scenario. On thebasis of Bickertons (1998) arguments that it is even hard to imagine theconcept of semisyntax and theample evidence against its gradual evolution based on theempirically attested processes
of theformation of syntax from protosyntax, Iassume that syntax emerged catastrophically. On thebasis
of theclear evidence that speech imitative skills and theability to produce human speech are uniquely
human among primates and given thelack of any archeological evidence for thegradual evolution of
speech, I conclude that the origin of human syntax must have been accompanied by a catastrophic
emergence of phonetics. Not implausibly some other aspects of language might also have been connected
with thetwo catastrophic changes, like semantically compositional syntax. However, given thealmost
impossible task of conducting comparative interdisciplinary research on human language and its possible
counterparts in all animal species, aplethora of questions will remain open for future research.
References
Bickerton, Derek (1998) Language Evolution and theMinimalist Program. [In:] James R. Hurford, Michael
Studdert-Kennedy, Chris Knight (eds.) Approaches to theEvolution of Language: Social and Cognitive
Bases. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 341358.
Collins, Chris (2002) Eliminating Labels. [In:] Samuel D. Epstein, T. Daniel Seely (eds.) Derivation and
Explanation in theMinimalist Program. Oxford: Blackwell; 4264.
Everett, Daniel (2005) Cultural Constraints on Grammar and Cognition in Pirah. [In:] Current
Anthropology46(4); 621646.
Everett, Daniel (2009) Pirah Culture and Grammar: A Response to Some Criticisms. [In:] Language 85;
405442.
Fitch, William Tecumseh (2000) The Evolution of Speech: AComparative Review. [In:] Trends in Cognitive
Sciences 4 (7); 258267.
Fitch, William Tecumseh, Marc Hauser (2004) Computational Constraints in a Nonhuman Primate. [In:]
Science 303; 337380.
Fitch, William Tecumseh, Marc Hauser, Noam A. Chomsky (2005) The Evolution of theFaculty of Language:
Clarifications and Implications. [In:] Science 303; 337380.
Fortuny, Jordi, Angel J. Gallego (eds.) (2009) Catalan Journal of Linguistics. Barcelona: Grup de Gramtica
Terica de la Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona.
Gentner, Timothy, Kimberly Fenn, Daniel Margoliash, Howard Nusbaum (2006) Recursive Syntactic Pattern
Learning by Songbirds. [In:] Nature 440; 12041207.
Hauser, Marc, Noam A. Chomsky, William Tecumseh Fitch (2002) The Faculty of Language: What Is It, Who
Has It, and How Did It Evolve? [In:] Science 298 (5598); 15691579.
Hornstein, Norbert (2009) A Theory of Syntax: Minimal Operations and Universal Grammar. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Hornstein, Norbert, Paul Pietroski (2009) Basic Operations. [In:] Jordi Fortuny, ngel J. Gallego (eds.)
Catalan Journal of Linguistics. Barcelona: Grup de Gramtica Terica de la Universitat Autnoma de
Barcelona; 113139.
Hurford, James R. (2004) Human Uniqueness, Learned Symbols and Recursive Thought. [In:] European
Review 12 (4); 551565.
Hurford, James R., Michael Studdert-Kennedy, Chris Knight (eds.) (1998) Approaches to the Evolution of
Language: Social and Cognitive Bases. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kochanski, Greg (2004) Comment of Fitch and Hausers Computational Constraints in aNonhuman Primate.
[In:] Science 5656; 318320.
Napieraa, Szymon (2009) The Controversies about the Role of Recursion in Narrow Syntax and Language
Evolution. Unpublished M.A. dissertation. Pozna: Adam Mickiewicz University.
Nevins, Andrew, David Pesetsky, Cilene Rodrigues (2009) Pirah Exceptionality: A Reassessment. [In:]
Language 85; 355404.
Parker, Anna (2006) Evolving theNarrow Language Faculty: Was Recursion aPivotal Step? [In:] Proceedings
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Everett, Daniel (2007) Cultural Constraints on Grammar in Pirah: AReply to Nevins, Pesetsky and Rodrigues.
Available at: http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz/000427
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PU-David-Gil-Riau-Indonesian-.-.-..pdf
Jackendoff, Ray (2011) What Is theHuman Language Faculty? Two Views. [In:] Language 87 (3); 586624.
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Jackendoff, Ray, Eva Wittenberg (2011) Even Simpler Syntax: A Hierarchy of Grammatical Complexity.
Available at: http://ase.tufts.edu/cogstud/incbios/RayJackendoff/simplersyntax
65
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
6773
Serena Nicchiarelli
Roma Tre University, Italy
Formulaic Language: ALiving Linguistic Fossil

foraHolistic Protolanguage
Abstract
Humans today have theability to use language. Thecommon ancestor of chimpanzees and humans probably did
not. During recent decades evolutionary linguists have attempted to explain how thegap between anon-linguistic
ancestor and our linguistic species was bridged. In this direction, it has become common to invoke thenotion of
a protolanguage as a stable intermediary stage in the evolution of language. A key dispute among the currentlyavailable hypotheses of protolanguage is represented by the distinction between holistic and synthetic accounts:
did human protolanguage consist of holistic utterances later segmented into single words or did it start with
simple units that were added together into more complex structures? Thesynthetic account is generally recognized
as thestandard model, thus assuming that theearliest forms of apresumed protolanguage were compositional,
that is built up from single words, where one word corresponds to one concept. However, recent years have seen
theconsolidation of thealternative idea: each element of aprotolanguage would have been linguistically unanalyzable
and referred to awhole situation. This paper presents thecase of formulaic language as evidence aliving linguistic
fossil which corroborates arguments in support of aholistic protolanguage account.
Keywords: language origins, holistic protolanguage, formulaicity.
Holistic vs. Synthetic: anongoing debate

With Arbib (2005) let us define aprotolanguage as asystem of utterances which we may recognize as
aprecursor to human language, but which is not itself ahuman language in themodern sense.
Until relatively recently, the dominant theory of the evolution of complex language from
protolanguage being the synthetic approach, which is most clearly articulated in the work of Derek
Serena Nicchiarelli
68
Bickerton (1990, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2003) and Ray Jackendoff (1999, 2002). This account posits that modern
language evolved from anearlier stage involving only single words, or simple concatenations of words,
without any additional phrasal or grammatical structure. By such models, it is hypothesized astage with
avocabulary, which is formed on thebasis of pre-existing cognitive concepts (i.e. theprototypes of nouns
and verbs), and asimple protolanguage, which allows these proto-words to be combined, but which does
not constitute anactual grammar (Tallerman 2005, 2006, 2007).
In theories of this nature, words come first, and syntax emerges later, creating structure which
utilizes these words; thus, in Bickertons (1996: 51) view syntax could not have come into existence until
there was asizeable vocabulary whose units could be organized into complex structures.
Protolanguage, in thesynthetic account, exhibits thefollowing properties:
the order of elements is relatively random;
no hierarchical syntactic structure constrains surface order;
different word orders have no link to information structure (Tallerman & Gibson 2012: 482).
Although it is unquestionable that we did not inherit fossilized language output from our hominin
ancestors, nevertheless we have thepossibility to refer to living fossils, namely types of communication
used by modern humans that are close to, but do not share all thefeatures of, fully-modern language
(Kirby 2009: 674). In this perspective, Bickerton (1995, 2009, 2010) proposes three subtypes of this living
linguistic fossils:
pidgins;
the language of children under theage of two;
the output of language-trained apes.
What he notes is that all these basic systems of communication, just as protolanguage, are
characterized by simple words which can be combined into longer strings, with a minimal structure,
a limited inflectional morphology and reduced stylistic or socio-linguistic variability (Dessalles 2000,
2006).
A very different perspective characterizes other recent works, mainly by Alison Wray (1998, 2000,
2008a, 2008b, 2010 (ed.)) and Michael Arbib (2002, 2003, 2005), proposing that words emerge from
longer, completely arbitrary strings of sounds holophrastic utterances via aprocess of fractionation
(Arbib 2003, 2005). In this holistic approach, protolanguage consists of asmall inventory of holistic
utterances, each representing a complete communicative act (Arbib et al. 2008: 154), exclusively
associated with one proposition in which themeaning is taken from thewhole and not from thesum of
its parts, and in which there are no component units that could be recombined to create anew message.
In fact, theparts are not considerable as words at all but just components of theutterance, similarly as
theitems by, and and large are not in any useful sense separate words in theexpression by and large (Wray
1998, 2009). Itis very significant to emphasize this point, because it is ademonstration that having no
grammar implies having no component words and no novelty that can be spontaneously understood and
shared by others. In agrammarless system, theonly way to accomplish anefficient communication is to
establish that aspecific sequence of words is related to acertain meaning, and no other meanings should
be taken into account for that particular sequence. Thus, if we are reasoning about alanguage without
grammar, we should not start with words, but with theholistic utterances with anagreed meaning.
In contrast to thesynthetic model, theholistic account posit that theinitial pairing between form
and meaning mapped entire propositions to complex but undecomposable forms (Fitch 2005: 218).
Formulaic Language: A Living Linguistic Fossil
Complex form preceded words in themodern sense (Arbib 2003) and each utterance would be phonetically
arbitrary, without any relation in sound to even those utterances with asimilar meaning.
The utterance that we might translate as give her thefood could be, say, /mbita/ and that for give
me the food /ikatub/. Each utterance would be kept separate from others by contrasts that we
might term phonemic, so, for example, /mabu/ might carry themeaning keep away while /madu/
meant take thestick. Protolanguage would, then, be aphonetically sophisticated set of formulaic
utterances, with agreed function-specific meanings, that were adirect development from theearlier
noises and gestures, and which had, like them, no internal structure. (Wray 1998: 51)
A language with no grammar may have no need of words, but it does need utterances and these,
therefore, must have come first. Individual holistic signals, lacking in internal morphological structure,
conveyed entire complex propositions, rather than semantic atoms; they are intended to have aneffect
upon the world of the speaker, by manipulation of other individuals through commands and threats,
greetings and requests (Wray 1998: 52). Since acomplete utterance, with anagreed meaning, is processed
as if it were a single irreducible item, a relevant effect of the holistic strategy is that certain ways of
expressing anidea become fixed as thepreferred ones in thespeech community.
Despite being non-intuitive, there is increasing evidence that such models should be taken
seriously (Wray 2000), e.g. childrens one-word utterances operate as whole propositions (consider for
example theinfants up: it means please pick me up, and is certainly different from common adults
meaning of theproposition up), or adult language: it is full of holophrasis (Jackendoff 1999; Wray 2000),
and contains many phrases with theun-decomposable form/meaning pairings (consider abracadabra
for therevealing of amagic trick, or kick thebucket as to die) (Fitch 2005).
Formulaic language: living clue for holistic protolanguage

As seen above, Wray argues that the holistic processing strategy may predate theemergence of single
referential words and theanalytic grammar that combines them. In this perspective, first communications
of our ancestors were completely holistic, and this fact limited them to using only afixed set of routine
manipulative utterances. Turning first to living fossils, Wrays work draws attention to a common
characteristic of language, namely theexistence of formulaic utterances: although they may seem to be
composed of individual words in theconventional way, these constructions cannot be changed internally,
but operate as awhole, inseparable chunk.
Formulaic language plays acentral role in our linguistic behaviour today. Much of what we say
is prefabricated in multiword units for aswift retrieval, without any necessity to activate grammar rules
(e.g. Wray 1998, 1999, 2000; Wray & Perkins 2000). In order to define formulaic sequences, Wray (2000)
describes arange of types of pre-stored word string, including ones which:
are undoubtedly holistic in nature, because they can not be generated by grammar, e.g. by and
large; to go thewhole hog;
are grammatically sound but semantically holistic, e.g. to pull someones leg; theoldest profession;
appear both grammatically and semantically ordinary but have transformational restrictions,
e.g. Ididnt sleep awink, I slept awink; He was fed up,The encounter had fed him up (Wray
&Perkins 2000);
69
Serena Nicchiarelli
70
consist of aspecific form of words with anagreed social function, e.g. happy birthday; Inow
pronounce you man and wife;
are indistinguishable from novel utterances, except that, within acertain speech community
or individuals idiolect, they are preferred over other equally possible formulations, e.g. put
thekettle on, will you? vs. please would you make me ahot drink?
Even though some of these constructions could be analyzed, they are stored, retrieved and used
as prefabricated strings referring to awhole situation, or aiming at aspecific effect; they are processed
quickly, and perceived as if they are single items rather than multi-part units. We use anotable number of
these holistic utterances in everyday conversation, and theidea is that they speed up retrieval, production
and processing time precisely because they do not require analysis. For this reason, although formulaic
sequences are infrequently the only way of expressing a particular idea, they are certainly very often
thepreferred way. Thus, even if Do not step on thelawn and Please perform anact of kindness for me are
comprehensible, we are much more likely to encounter Keep off thegrass and Would you do me afavour?
However, thefunction related to formulae seems to be more relevant than form; e.g. consider that
themeaning of Can Ihelp you? is something more than asimple Am Iable to give anassistance to you?
So, it is possible to recognize three primary socio-functional classes, which indicate the way of using
formulae in our language today:
the incisive manipulation of others;
group membership;
fluency and holding theturn.
It seems that if utterances with certain kinds of social functions, such as requesting, ordering and
negotiating, have atendency to take on apreferred form. What they share is that they are used to elicit
aparticular response in thehearer; in fact we use them to get others to change our world for us, whether
physically (pass me thesalt; present arms!), mentally (tell me what happened; could you repeat that?) or
emotionally (say you love me; leave me alone). As such, it seems plausible that theadvantage in their being
formulaic is that it makes them easier for thehearer to recognize and decode, something that is clearly
entirely in thespeakers interest in this kind of directive utterance. Thus, such formulae seem to survive
exactly because they are unanalyzed, even sometimes unanalyzable in term of the speakers grammar
(Tallerman 2007: 15; Kirby 2009).
Therefore, a striking proportion of formulaic expressions are used to manipulate others into
physical, emotional, and perceptual reactions. The manipulative functions of our formulaic language
correspond closely with those observed in the communicative behaviour of chimpanzees in the wild.
As seen above, in holistic protolanguage, each unit would have been alonger, indivisible and arbitrary
string of sounds which constituted awhole proposition. Just as anon-human primate call might mean
I want to play with you, or Beware, theres apredator!, so aprotolinguistic string would correspond
in full to awarning, agreeting, or arequest. Chimpanzees use their noise and gesture system to bring
out changes in their world, maintaining social structure and express theplace of theindividual within
it. It seems that thefunctions of holistic utterances in chimp communication represent asubset of those
in human language. In both species, in fact, they are used for social interaction, where their purpose is
themanipulation of thehearer, either to act in theinterest of, or to recognize theidentity and status of,
thespeaker (Wray 2000; Knight et al. (eds.) 2000).
On the basis of this parallel, it is possible to argue that the holistic strategy for expressing
manipulative messages in phonetic form may be considerably more ancient than theanalytic strategy.
The holistic cries and gestures of our pre-human ancestors were transformed, over along period of
time, into aphonetically expressed set of holistic message strings, each with amanipulative function
such as greeting, warning, commanding, threatening, requesting, appeasing. Theholistic delivery
of such messages is something that we still prefer, though, clearly, our holistic forms today are not
direct descendants of those original ones. What we have inherited is not theforms themselves, but
thestrategy of using holistic linguistic material to achieve these key interactive functions. We resolve
modern problems of interaction (including that of getting thehearer to react in adesired way) in
part by using anancient holistic processing strategy, applied to our modern linguistic formulation.
(Wray 2010: 115)
Even if there is thereasonable possibility that there is nothing in common between theholistic
language we use today and theholistic communication used by primates, but thefact to be both holistic,
when we compare thefunctions of formulaic sequences today with those for which holistic noise-gesture
utterances appear to be used in primates, we find astrikingly close correspondence (Reiss 1989).
On thebase of this cross-species correlation, it does not indeed seem unreasonable to suppose that
in protolanguage too, everyday social interactions were achieved by means of holistic utterances.
If the holistic system is not taken into account when examining linguistic performance, its
effectiveness in transmitting semantically complex messages at relatively restricted processing cost may
be erroneously interpreted as aclue of agreater analytic competence in thelanguage than actually exists
(McMahon & McMahon 2013). This is clarified when we consider the case of our ancestors: despite
theabsence of grammar, their interaction was both complex and subtle.
This section demonstrates that modern formulaic language plays significant roles that pivot on
social interaction. It is reasonable to ask why should we need them, now that we rely upon agrammarbased analytic system. Themost convincing answer is that so that we do not have to go through thelabour
of generating anutterance all theway out from S every time we want to say something (Becker 1975:
17). Thus, during our usual communications, we seem to have therecourse to holistic processing, not
because using ananalytic system is impossible, but because it is anexpensive strategy (Wray 1998: 63).
Conclusions
The aim of this paper was to take aposition into theongoing debate about whether thewords in thefirst
language spoken by humans expressed single concepts or complex holophrases.
We argued that theholistic processing strategy, used for achieving manipulative interaction, has
to be considered as predating theemergence of single referential words and theanalytic grammar that
combines them. Early interactions of our ancestors were completely holistic, i.e. they are restricted to use
only afixed set of routine manipulative utterances. In this perspective, we analyzed thecase of aformulaic
language as aliving linguistic fossil in support of theholistic strategy. In fact, formulaic expressions are
geared to reducing thespeakers processing effort and to facilitate thehearers processing and reaction. Thus,
thehearer recognizes thestring and decodes it holistically; in this way its length and internal structure are
no hindrance to swift processing, and that increases thelikelihood of successful comprehension.
71
Serena Nicchiarelli
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73
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
7587
Carmen Florina Savu

University of Bucharest, Romania
More on theRhotic Tap and theImplications

ofItsStructure
Abstract
The topic of this paper is therhotic segment with one constricted interval, thetap. This sound is typically considered
to be, from the phonetic point of view, a simple small constricted interval because this is how it appears on
aspectrogram when it is in intervocalic context. More recent studies (Stolarski 2011; Savu 2011, 2012) consider and
argue that thetap is actually comprised of two vowel-like elements flanking this small constriction. After presenting
theargument leading to this conclusion and briefly discussing thequality of thetaps vocoids as shown by phonetic
experiments, Iapproach theimplications of this sound having theaforementioned structure. Specifically, Iaddress
the consequences for the status of syllabic /r/ in Macedonian and the different perception of /C()rC/ sequences
by speakers of Romanian and Slavic languages with syllabic /r/. In addition to this, Ishow how this structure of
thetap suggests apossible phonetic account for vowel-rhotic metathesis between consonants as themigration of
theconstriction on avocalic continuum provided by thetap and thefull vowel.
Keywords: rhotics, tap, vocalic elements, constriction, syllabic consonant, acoustic phonetics.
1. Introduction
The tap, represented in IPA by thesymbol [], is therhotic sound involving a fast, ballistic tongue-raising
gesture and ashort apicoalveolar contact (Recasens & Espinosa 2007: 1). At first sight, it would appear
that, on aspectrogram, this is translated as abrief constricted interval. In some studies (Stolarski 2011
and references cited therein) it is maintained that thetap actually contains two vocalic elements, one on
each side of theconstriction. Savu (2011, 2012) concurs with this claim and explains why this should be
so. Section 2 of this paper is dedicated to thediscussion of this argument, showing how different phonetic
Carmen Florina Savu
76
contexts can hide one or both of these vocalic elements. In section 2 Ialso briefly elaborate on thequality
of thevocoids of thetap, showing them to be, on average, mid-high and relatively central.
Section 3 is dedicated to theimplications of thetap being partly comprised of mid-high central
vocalic elements. I suggest that this vocalic character of the tap is the cause of the difference in how
speakers of Romanian and speakers of Slavic languages with syllabic /r/ perceive thesame acoustic input.
With regards to thestatus of syllabic /r/ in Macedonian, thevocoids of thetap provide anexplanation for
why this should not be anissue. Finally, thestructure of [] suggests apossible phonetic explanation for
vowel-rhotic metathesis between consonants.
2. On thephonetic structure of thetap

This section of the paper is dedicated to the phonetic structure of the tap. Specifically, I present
the argument that [] contains more than one brief constricted interval. It actually encompasses one
vowel-like element on each side of said constriction. Ithen proceed to thedescription of thequality of
theaforementioned vocoids.
2.1. Putting together thepuzzle

When [] is in intervocalic position (context VrV), spectrograms show it to be asingle closure of about
20ms (Ladefoged & Maddieson 1996, cited in Baltazani 2009), characterizing the quick articulatory
gesture that is made to produce it (see Figure 1). As can be seen from Figure 1, there is ashort interruption
in the acoustic energy in the vocalic background provided by the two full vowels flanking the rhotic.
Theconspicuous constriction would therefore make [] look like ashort (alveolar) stop, which means that
thesound would belong to thenatural class of obstruents, as argued by Baltazani (2009). Thetap would
also look like theclosure phase of atrill (Lindau 1985). In fact, Lindau (1985: 166) suggests that a trill
can be regarded as aseries of taps.
Figure 1. Theending of theGreek word rioro fast with atap in context VrV (Baltazani 2009)
The interesting phenomena happen when the tap is not in an intervocalic context. When
[] has a full vowel on one side, but a consonant or a pause on the other, a brief vowel-like element
systematically appears between theconstriction of thetap and said consonant or pause (see Figures 2
and3). Thephenomenon is especially salient if what [] borders with is apause or astop consonant. This
is because pauses and stop consonants are alike in that they appear as interruptions in theacoustic energy,
contrasting with vowel-like material, thereby emphasizing thelatter and making it clearly delimited.
More on the Rhotic Tap and the Implications of Its Structure
77
Figure 2. TheGreek word roa wheel showing atap in context #rV, with thevocoid clearly visible (Baltazani
& Nicolaidis 2011)
In Figure 2, thebrief vocoid appears right before theconstriction of [], since it borders with anonvocalic component on theleft. Thus, thestructure is consonant/pause vocoid constriction full vowel.
Figure 3 below shows thevocoid appearing after theconstriction because therhotic is bordered
by theconsonant on theright (VrC). This structure is thereverse of that in Figure 2, namely full vowel
constriction vocoid consonant/pause.
Figure 3. The Spanish word importante important, with the vocoid after the constriction delimited
(Schmeiser 2009)
In each of thecontexts #rV, Vr#, CrV, VrC there is one salient, clearly delimited vocoid separating
the short constricted interval of [] from the consonant or pause flanking it. The vocoid has been
systematically observed in these contexts in many languages (see Baltazani 2009; Baltazani & Nicolaidis
2011 for Greek; Ramrez 2006 among others for Spanish; Avram 1993 for Romanian).
The vowel-like element has received various interpretations in the literature. Traditionally, it is
considered epenthetic1 (Ramrez 2006, among others). This term implies that it is not part of thetap, but
anextra element that may not appear. However, its systematic cross-linguistic appearance suggests that
this is not thecase.
Schmeiser (2009) uses the term vowel intrustion to describe the phenomenon. In his view,
anepenthetic vowel would add asyllable to theword, while thevocalic element in question does not.
Bradley and Schmeiser (2003) consider thevocoid as theresult of aless than maximal overlap between
adjacent consonantal gestures. It is in this sense that thebrief vocoids are intrusive.
Another interpretation given to thevocoid is that of apart of another realization of therhotic
phoneme (Avram 1993; Baltazani 2009). In this view, therhotic is realized as asimple tap in intervocalic
1
Other terms that are used to describe thevocoid are svarabhakti vowel and excrescent vowel (Schmeiser 2009, footnote 2).
Carmen Florina Savu
78
context, but as tap plus vocoid in other contexts. This interpretation would again place thevocoid outside
thetap, making it anextra element.
An important piece of thepuzzle is provided by Slavic languages. They have /r/ in therarer contexts
where it is not in theimmediate vicinity of any full vowel: CrC, #rC, Cr#. Studies done on Serbo-Croatian,
Slovak, and Polish (Guduri & Petrovi 2005; Pavlk 2008; Stolarski 2011) report that in rhotics with one
closure, there are two vocalic elements, one on each side of theconstriction. This happens with syllabic,
as well as non-syllabic /r/. An example from Slovak is given in Figure 4.
[ n
Figure 4. TheSlovak word navrh proposal, containing asyllabic tap in context CrC (Pavlk 2008)
Taking into account all thecontexts described above, thepicture that emerges is thefollowing:
abrief, clearly delimited vocoid appears flanking theconstriction wherever therhotic does not border
with afull vowel. Thus, theshort vocoids may appear only on theleft of theconstricted interval (CrV and
#rV), only on theright (VrC and Vr#), on both sides (CrC, Cr# and #rC), or on neither side (VrV).
2.2. Thegeneral structure: vocoid constriction vocoid

The picture presented in section 2.1 suggests a possible unified view of the structure of the tap. This
is arguably preferable to considering that there are different realizations of the rhotic containing one
closure, depending on thephonetic context. In Savu (2011, 2012) it is argued that thestructure of thetap
is, in all cases, theone we see in contexts with no full vowels in its vicinity, namely vocoid constriction
vocoid (see Figure 5). Thereason we do not see both vocoids all thetime is that thephonetic context
may hide one of them, or even both.
Figure 5. Thestructure of []
This structure is easy to see only when [] has no full vowels around, since a consonantal
environment would contrast with thevocoids, rendering them salient (see Figure 6). This is why contexts
CrC, Cr# and #rC, found in theSlavic languages, are so important for thestudy.
Figure 6. Thetaps structure as viewed with no vowels in its vicinity
When [] has aconsonant (pause) on one side and afull vowel on theother, only one vocoid is
clearly delimited. Theother one is still there, but it is indistinguishable from thefull vowel.
Figure 7. Thetap in CrV or #rV
Figure 8. Thetap in VrC or Vr#
79
Carmen Florina Savu
80
Figures 7 and 8 illustrate how thetap would look with one full vowel in its vicinity. In both cases one
of thetaps vocoids is delimited by theconstriction on one side and theconsonant or pause on theother
side. Theother vocoid blends into thefull vowel. This is thereason why thetap appears to have only one
vocoid in these contexts, which are easier to encounter than theSlavic CrC, Cr# and #rC.
Obviously, when [] is flanked by full vowels on both sides, both its vocoids are immediately
continued by thefull vowels and are not clearly delimited.2 Thetap would appear to be comprised only of
abrief constriction. Thegeneral picture of this is shown in Figure 9.
Figure 9. Thetap in VrV
At this point, it is worth mentioning that the trill can, indeed, be regarded as a series of taps,
as Lindau (1985) suggests. However, rather than viewing thetrill as asuccession of taps separated by
vocoids, it would appear that thetwo sounds are even more alike, in that theonly difference between
them is thenumber of closures (constrictions).
Figure 10. Atrill is aseries of taps

2 See Savu (2011, 2012) for theargument that thefull structure of thetap is discernible in VrV as well, though obviously we
cannot be sure where thetaps vocoids end and thefull vowels begin.
Figure 11. Thequality of thetaps vocoids (Romanian data from Savu 2011, 2012; Polish data from Stolarski 2011)
81
Carmen Florina Savu
2.3. On thequality of thevocoids
82
After having established that the rhotic tap has two vowel-like elements as part of its internal phonetic
composition, let us now briefly look at thequality of these vocoids, as indicated by previous phonetic studies.
The vocalic elements of [] have been shown to have similar qualities to that of thecentral vowels
[] and [] (Avram 1993; Ramrez 2006; Vago & Gsy 2007; Stolarski 2011). This would place them in
themid-high central area of thevowel space.
Other studies report that the vocoids are similar to the nuclear vowels in their vicinity (for
the languages in which /r/ in such contexts were studied), albeit more central (Quilis 1993 cited in
Schmeiser 2009; Baltazani 2009, among others). For example, the vocoid appearing in a Cvre context
would be higher and more front than thevocoid in Cvra.
Savu (2011, 2012) presents a detailed experiment on /r/ in Romanian, in contexts (V1)CrV1,
V1rC(V1) and #rV, designed to measure thequality of thevocoids of [], in order to see how much it can
vary. Theresults showed 86% of all /r/ tokens to be taps, while other realizations of /r/ were not taken
into consideration, since thefocus of theexperiment was theone vocoid appearing in each of thewords.
Unfortunately, Romanian does not have contexts CrC, Cr# and #rC. To cover this gap, thePolish
data from Stolarski (2011) were used for comparison. Figure 11 plots thevocoids in Romanian and Polish
as compared to theaverage quality of theRomanian full vowels. Participants were asked to utter tokens of
theseven Romanian vowels as part of theexperiment described above.
The graph in Figure 11 shows the vowel space of the average quality for the Romanian vowels
(thelarger symbols). Thesmaller symbols represent thevocoids and match theshape of thefull vowel(s)
that /r/ had in its vicinity. For example, thesmall filled triangles represent thevocoids in contexts (i)Cri,
irC(i) and #ri, thesmall squares are thevocoids in words containing thesequences (e)Cre, erC(e) and #re,
etc. Thegraph also contains thevocoids in Polish words (two vocoids per each word), for CrC, Cr# and
#rC. They are represented by theempty circles and diamonds, and plusses.
As the graph clearly shows, the taps vocalic elements consistently stay mid-high and central.
TheRomanian vocoids also exhibit atendency to go towards thefront area of thevowel space and more
generally towards thequality of thefull vowel /r/ borders with, while Polish vocoids, which are influenced
only by consonants, stay central and relatively high. All thevocoids, for all contexts, stay away from [o],
[u] and [a], meaning they are never low or back.
The vocalic elements in both Polish and Romanian appear to be very similar to theRomanian []
and fairly similar to []. These two are, then, thevowels that mostly resemble thevowel-like parts of [].
To conclude this section, it would appear that thestructure of [] is that of asmall constricted
interval flanked by two mid-high, central vocoids. As already stated, thefollowing section focuses on
some of theimplications this structure might have.
3. Implications of thetaps structure

Section 2 discussed thedetails of thestructure of [], showing this sound to have theinternal structure
mid-high central vocoid constricted interval mid-high central vocoid. In section 3 Iwould like to
argue that thestructure of thetap may lead to aphonetic explanation for certain phenomena.
3.1. /CrC/ vs. /CrC/

The first topic that would be interesting to approach having in mind thevocoid constriction vocoid
structure of [] is the perception of (Slavic) words in the Romanian vocabulary that contain, for
theRomanian speaker, /CrC/ sequences. Take, for example, theRomanian word trg bazaar. This word
is perceived as /trg/ in Romanian, (/CrC/), but aspeaker of Serbian or Macedonian would say there is
no vowel there, and theword is /trg/ (/CrC/). /r/ can do thejob of avowel and be thesyllable nucleus.3
Inother words, for aRomanian speaker it seems that thespeaker of Slavic does not perceive thevowel
that is definitely there, while theSlavic speaker would say Romanians perceive anextra vowel.
The interesting observation to make is that Slavic languages with syllabic consonants do not
have // or // (mid or high central vowels) in their inventories (according to theinventories in Sussex
&Cubberley 2006: 154).4 Therefore, it is only to be expected that they should not be able to distinguish
these vowels. If [] itself has vocalic elements, then thedifference between how Romanians perceive trg
and how speakers of Slavic do is adifference in parsing what is between thetwo consonants at theedges,
/t/ and /g/ in this case. Whatever mid-high central vocalic material exists between thetwo consonants will
be parsed by aspeaker of Macedonian or Serbian as part of thevocoids of [] (see Figure 12).
Figure 12. Theentire vocalic parts between /t/ and /g/ are part of [] for theSlavic speaker
Figure 13. Romanian speakers cut aportion of thefirst vocalic element

3 In Savu (2011, 2012), it is suggested that it is precisely the taps strong vocalic component that enables it to function as
asyllable nucleus.
4 An exception might be Slovenian, but the existence of syllabic /r/ in Slovenian is debatable (Sussex & Cubberley 2006).
Bulgarian clearly has // as part of its vowel inventory and this language does not have syllabic /r/.
83
Carmen Florina Savu
84
Romanian, however, does distinguish both // and // and does not have syllabic consonants. Thus,
speakers of Romanian cut a portion of what for the Slavic speaker is the first vocoid of [] and this
becomes the//, thesyllable nucleus, in /trg/. This is shown in Figure 13.
In conclusion, thestructure of [] helps us understand why speakers of Serbian or Macedonian
and speakers of Romanian differ in their judgments with regard to such sequences. Thedifference rests
in thephonologies of these languages, to which their respective speakers have access when processing
thesame acoustic input.
3.2. /r/ vs. /r/ in Macedonian

A similar rationale to that in section 3.1 can be used to argue that theMacedonian language does indeed
have syllabic /r/.
Sussex and Cubberley (2006: 156157) mention that thestatus of syllabic /r/ in Macedonian is
debatable because /r/ can be frequently heard. However, thelack of // in other contexts in Macedonian
suggests that /r/ would not be thebest analysis.
The structure of thetap, if therealization of /r/ in Macedonian turns out to be [], provides further
support for thesyllabic /r/ analysis. Since [] itself partly consists of mid-high central vocalic elements,
any short [] interfering between theconstriction and theconsonants in CrC would be considered apart
of [], though non-native speakers may parse it separately, just like Romanians perceive theSlavic CrC
sequences as CrC. Arguably, Macedonian speakers do not distinguish //, since it is not part of thevowel
inventory of thelanguage.
It may be argued, therefore, that theoccurrence of amid central vowel should not raise difficulties
for syllabic /r/ in Macedonian. Thevocoids are there because they are part of [], and theway they are
perceived and parsed depends on thevowel inventory of each persons native language.
The line of thought outlined in sections 3.1 and 3.2 suggests apossible diachronic development.
Alanguage which loses mid or high central vowels may develop syllabic /r/ instead. This is because if //
and // are lost in other contexts, native speakers lose theability to distinguish them. When they are in
theimmediate vicinity of [] they may become part of thevocoids of therhotic. Away to visualize this is
thestructure in Figure 13 turning to theone in Figure 12.
3.3. Vowel-rhotic metathesis

Another issue that is interesting to consider at this point is vowel-rhotic metathesis between consonants
(CVC turning into CVC or vice-versa). The taps structure suggests a phonetic explanation for this
phenomenon.
Let us consider that between the two consonants at the edges there is a vocalic continuum
formed by thefull vowel plus thevocoids of thetap, interrupted by theconstriction. Since theconstriction
is needed for there to be [], thedifference between CVC and CVC lies in where theconstriction is
placed on this vocalic continuum. CVC would have aconstriction near thefirst consonant, to theleft
of thevocalic continuum, while in CVC theconstricted interval is near thesecond consonant, meaning
more to theright. This is illustrated in Figures 14 and 15.
85
Figure 14. CVC
Figure 15. CVC
Since thetap is perceived where theconstriction is, methathesis could be taken as themovement of
theconstricted interval to theleft or to theright of thevocalic continuum. Thus, moving theconstriction
to theright in CVC would turn it into CVC, just like moving theconstriction to theleft in CVC would
turn it into CVC.
4. Conclusion
This paper outlines the details of the phonetic structure of the rhotic tap, [], and considers some of
the implications thereof. The sound in question is argued to have the following structure: mid-high
central vocoid constricted interval mid-high central vocoid. These vocoids that enter thecomposition
of the tap are shown to shed light on certain phenomena. The perception of the same acoustic input
as /CrC/ and /CrC/ by speakers of Romanian and Macedonian or Serbian respectively may be seen as
Carmen Florina Savu
86
adifference in parsing what is between theconsonants at theedges, according to thevowels each language
distinguishes. Similarly, thetaps containing vocalic parts supports thesyllabic /r/ analysis in Macedonian.
Another problem that thestructure of [] provides insights into is thevowel-rhotic metathesis between
consonants, which can be seen as themovement of theconstricted interval along thevocalic continuum
formed by thevocoids of therhotic and thefull vowel.
References
Avram, Andrei (1993) Cercetri experimentale asupra consoanelor lichide din limba romn. [In:] Fonetic
i dialectologie 12; 820.
Baltazani, Mary (2009) Acoustic Characterization of theGreek Rhotic in Clusters. [In:] Proceedings of the18th
International Symposium on Theoretical and Applied Linguistics. Vol. 1; 8795.
Baltazani, Mary, Katerina Nicolaidis (2011) Production of theGreek Rhotic in Initial and Intervocalic Position:
An Acoustic and Electropalatographic Study. Paper presented at the10th International Conference on
Greek Linguistics, Komotini, Greece, September 0104, 2011.
Bradley, Travis G., Benjamin S. Schmeiser (2003) On thePhonetic Reality of // in Spanish Complex Onsets.
[In:] Paula M. Kempchinsky, Carlos-Eduardo Pieros (eds.) Theory, Practice and Acquisition: Papers
from the 6th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium and the 5th Conference on the Acquisition of Spanish and
Portugese. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press; 120.
Guduri, Sneana, Dragoljub Petrovi (2005) O prirodi glasa [r] u srpskom jeziku. [In:] Zbornik Matice za
Filologiju iLingvistiku 48; 135150.
Ladefoged, Peter, Ian Maddieson (1996) TheSounds of theWorlds Languages. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
Lindau, Mona (1985) The Story of /r/. [In:] Victoria A. Fromkin (ed.) Phonetic Linguistics: Essays in Honor of
Peter Ladefoged. Orlando: Academic Press; 157168.
Pavlk, Radoslav (2008) K niektorm otzkam kvalitatvnych akvantitatvnych vlastnost slovenskch vibrnt.
[In:] Jazykovedn asopis 52 (12); 6597.
Quilis, Antonio (1993) Tratado de fonologa y fontica espaolas. Madrid: Editorial Gredos.
Ramrez, Carlos J. (2006) Acoustic and Perceptual Characterization of the Epenthetic Vowel between
the Clusters Formed by Consonant + Liquid in Spanish. [In:] Manuel Daz-Campos (ed.) Selected
Proceedings of the Second Conference on Laboratory Approaches to Spanish Phonetics and Phonology.
Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project; 4861.
Recasens, Daniel, Aina Espinosa (2007) Phonetic Typology and Positional Allophones for Alveolar Rhotics in
Catalan. [In:] Phonetica 63; 128.
Savu, Carmen F. (2011) Another Look at theStructure of theRhotic Tap: Constricted Intervals and Vocalic
Elements. Paper presented at the R-atics 3 Workshop, Free University of Bozen-Bolzano, Italy,
December23, 2011.
Savu, Carmen F. (2012) An Acoustic Phonetic Perspective on thePhonological Behavior of theRhotic Tap.
Paper presented at ConSOLE XX, University of Leipzig, Germany, January 48, 2012.
Schmeiser, Bradley (2009) An Acoustic Analysis of Intrusive Vowels in Guatemalan Spanish /C/ Clusters.
[In:] The University of PennsylvaniaWorking Papers in Linguistics 15 (1); 193202.
Stolarski, ukasz (2011) Vocalic Elements in theArticulation of thePolish and English /r/. Paper presented at
Languages in Contact 2011, University of Wrocaw, Poland, June 1112, 2011.
Sussex, Roland, Paul Cubberley (2006) TheSlavic Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Online sources
Vago, Robert M., Mria Gsy (2007) Schwa Vocalization in theRealization of /r/. [In:] Proceedings of the16th
International Congress of Phonetic Sciences; 505509. Available at: http://www.icphs2007.de/conference/
Papers/1080/1080.pdf
87
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
89107
Micha Szawerna
University of Wrocaw
Philological School of Higher Education in Wrocaw
Abstract
In thefield of comics studies, which evolved from amere topic area into aburgeoning field of inquiry at theturn of
1980s and 1990s, thedialogue about meaning in comics was initiated by practicing cartoonists, who proposed new
lines of research and introduced serviceable terminology which remains in use even today. These early contributions
may have provided asolid basis for theinvestigation of meaning in comics, but they were repeatedly criticized for
their lack of anacademic orientation prerequisite for serious-minded comics scholarship. With theonset of thenew
millennium, it was linguistic theory that came to be called upon with increasing frequency to provide themissing
orientation. Recent observers point out that for over a decade linguistics in general, and cognitive linguistics in
particular, has informed much of the most insightful comics research. This paper is an attempt to contribute to
the intersection of cognitive linguistics and comics scholarship by demonstrating that a number of conceptual
metaphors whose linguistic manifestations have been studied in considerable detail facilitate, either separately or
jointly, theconceptualization of themain formal unit of comics: theso-called panel. It appears that depending on
what individual panels are taken to refer to (events, states, periods of time, visual fields, portions of theworld of
thestory), they are metaphorized in different ways (as objects, containers, windows onto theworld of thestory),
in accordance with a central tenet of conceptual metaphor theory whereby metaphors highlight some aspects of
themetaphorized concept and simultaneously hide others. On theone hand, this paper adds to thegrowing body of
research demonstrating that metaphor is aconceptual mechanism which transcends language; on theother, it adds
to thedialogue about how comics achieve meaning by discussing themetaphorical underpinnings of thepanel, and
by framing this discussion in terms of cognitive linguistics, ascholarly tradition with which comics studies have
successfully intersected.
Keywords: metaphor, comics, events, summary scanning, nominalization, image schemas.
Micha Szawerna
90
In this paper, situated at the intersection of conceptual metaphor theory and contemporary comics1
scholarship, I attempt to demonstrate that the main formal unit of sequential narratives collectively
referred to as comics the so-called panel is readily interpretable (Potsch & Williams 2012: 14) despite
its conventional form because it is conceptualized with recourse to several metaphors underlying ahost
of conventional linguistic units of English. This demonstration is intended as amodest contribution to
conceptual metaphor theory as well as contemporary comics scholarship. As regards theformer field of
academic endeavor, my findings add to thegrowing body of research which aims to corroborate acentral
tenet of conceptual metaphor theory whereby metaphor is aconceptual mechanism which transcends
language. As indicated by Charles Forceville (2009), this body of research focuses on metaphors
underlying signs belonging to such non-linguistic representational systems, or modes (Forceville 2009:
22), as thepictorial mode, thegestural mode, thesonic mode, themusical mode, etc., which may combine
with each other and with thelinguistic modes (writing and speech) to yield multimodal representations
characteristic of such genres (Forceville 2009: 34) as advertising, cartoons, design, films, videoclips,
etc. (for anoverview, see Forceville 2009). As concerns thelatter field of study, this paper contributes
to thedialogue about aproblem that is pivotal to comics studies the problem of how comics achieve
meaning (Heer & Worcester 2009: xiii) by discussing themetaphorical underpinnings of panels in
comics, and by framing this discussion in cognitive-linguistic terms, with an emphasis on conceptual
metaphor theory, a scholarly tradition with which comics studies have been repeatedly shown to
successfully intersect, as evidenced by ahost of papers by, among others, Michael Abbott and Forceville
(2011), Neil Cohn (2010), Forceville (2005, 2011), Forceville, Tony Veale, and Kurt Feyaerts (2010),
Elizabeth Potsch and Robert F. Williams (2012), Kazuko Shinohara and Yoshihiro Matsunaka (2009),
and Bart Eerden (2009) (for acomprehensive overview, see Cohn 2012).
Before I delve into the metaphors facilitating theconceptualization of panels in comics, let me
provide some background for theensuing discussion by offering ahandful of suggestions on (1) what
comics are, (2) what kinds of representation they comprise, and (3) why metaphor should be involved
in the way readers make sense of these representations, but also in the way these representations are
conceived by creators of comics.
Viewed as cultural commodities in thesense of Bob White (2000), comics are best regarded as
anatural category comprising anarray of subordinate categories exemplified by such publication formats
as daily comic strips, Sunday comic strips, comic books, comic albums, comic magazines, graphic
novels, manga magazines, and webcomics. Pascal Lefvre (2000: 100) captured the differences among
themajor comics formats in terms of such multivalue attributes as thenumber of pages per publication,
thenumber of panel tiers per page, thesize of thepage, thequality of thepaper, color, thetype of binding
used, publication rhythm, thenumber of artists involved in thecreative process, thespeed of reading,
and the direction of reading. Characterized in this way, reminiscent of a frame-theoretic description,
individual comics formats appear as combinations of values along some or all of Lefvres (2000: 100)
attributes: while only some of them apply to single-tiered monochrome comic strips printed in most
1
In this paper, Ifollow Scott McClouds ([1993] 1994) usage of theEnglish noun comics, which has become standard in comics
scholarship. In accordance with this usage, the plural form comics combined with a singular verb refers to the medium
itself (McCloud [1993] 1994: 4), thesingular form comic combined with asingular verb refers to anindividual publication
aspecific object (McCloud [1993] 1994: 4), and theplural form comics combined with aplural verb refers to aset of such
objects.
American newspapers on weekdays, all of them apply to American comic books and Japanese manga
magazines. As Ipointed out in arecent publication (Szawerna 2013a: 132133), these latter formats differ
in thevalues selected along several of their shared attributes: atypical comic book is amonthly soft-cover
pamphlet of medium size, printed on paper of moderate quality, comprising about 30 pages divided into
three tiers of colored panels, created by ateam of artists, read from left to right, and intended for fast
reading, while atypical manga magazine is aweekly large-sized soft-cover book of several hundred threetiered pages, printed in black and white on low-quality newsprint, developed by acreative team, read
from right to left, and intended for very fast reading.
As Lefvres (2000: 100) list of attributes could be easily expanded,2 many more differences
between comics formats could certainly be discerned. This, however, is not my purpose here. Instead of
focusing on thedifferences obtaining between comics formats, Ipropose to focus on their commonalities,
as it is the meaningful elements found in all comics panels arranged in narrative sequences, visual
representations of events and states that come under scrutiny in theanalytical portion of this paper.
Most comics scholars explicitly characterize comics as narratives.3 They often do so intuitively,
without considering theelusive notion of narrativity, and support their assertion by invoking what they
regard as theprincipal function of comics: to basically tell stories (Sabin 1993: 6). This definite intuition
whereby comics are narratives ties in very well with acognitively flavored post-structuralist strand of
narrative theory dubbed transmedial narratology (Herman 2004: 47). Its proponents, most notably
Marie-Laure Ryan, view any narrative as abipolar structure, pairing atext, which may consist of signs of
any kind, with astory, or narrative meaning (Ryan 2004: 8), understood as a cognitive construct (Ryan
2004: 8) of spatio-temporal nature: a diegetic world4 composed of a number of elements (specifically,
characters, objects, and their properties) which undergoes changes of state in aseries of interconnected
events involving these elements. With relation to Ryans bipolar model, the textual pole of a comics
narrative, made up of static visual signs (pictorial as well as linguistic) combined in aunique way,5 is
embodied in its material support: aspecific publication exemplifying one of thecomics formats referred
to above (a comic strip, acomic book, agraphic novel, etc.). This textual pole pairs with acorresponding
semantic pole: the conceptual diegetic world constructed by the reader of the comic in response to
thetext (Ryan 2004: 8) comprised of thesigns this comic embodies.
But thenarrative meaning of acomic, like any diegetic world, may be hypothesized to reside not
only in themind of theinterpreter, but also in themind of thecreator. Comics scholars Randy Duncan
and Matthew J. Smith (2009: 713), who look at comics from theperspective of communication studies,
2 In anearlier paper (Szawerna 2012), Ianatomized adozen definitions of comics and compiled alist of 22 attributes grouped
in clusters pertaining not only to the form of comics, their production, and the way they are interpreted by readers, but
also to theartistic aspects of comics, their narrativity, their functions, thethemes they address, and their status as market
commodities.
3 Of the13 researchers whose definitions of comics were examined in Szawerna (2012), 10 David Carrier (2000: 5051, 74),
Randy Duncan and Matthew J. Smith (2009: 4), Will Eisner ([1985] 2008: 53, 61), Thierry Groensteen ([1999] 2007: 4, 21, 105,
128), Robert C. Harvey (1994: 89, 1996: 3), M. Thomas Inge (1990: xi), David Kunzle (1973: 23), Roger Sabin (1993: 5), and
Mario Saraceni (2003: 7) refer to comics as narratives.
4 This term is borrowed from film theory, where, according to Frank E. Beaver ([2006] 2009: 77), it is used to refer to
acinematically encoded story.
5
In thewords of Saraceni (2003: 5), [a]lthough theuse of both words and pictures together, as such, is not aunique characteristic
of comics, theway in which linguistic and pictorial elements interact with each other certainly is.
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Micha Szawerna
92
explain that it is creators of comics who, by deploying various representational conventions they have
at their disposal, encode diegetic worlds in textual form, which is subsequently decoded by comics
readers. According to Duncan and Smith (2009: 155), these representational conventions include three
major types of static visual signs, or images: sensory diegetic images, which represent the characters,
objects, and sensory environment (Duncan & Smith 2009: 155) of the diegetic world; non-sensory
diegetic images, representing specific memories, emotions, or sensations (Duncan & Smith 2009: 155)
experienced by characters inside their diegetic world that are sensorically undetectable to them and their
fellow characters; and hermeneutic images, which do not, strictly speaking, belong to thediegetic world,
but influence theway in which it is constructed in themind of thereader.
To theextent that these images, either drawn or written,6 are recognizable as pertaining to comics
narratives, they are symbols, i.e. signs agreed upon to be used as signs for given purposes () with
areferentiality and ameaning that are determined by conventional usage (Johansen & Larsen [1994]
2002: 43). Additionally, some of them may be regarded as images in thenarrow semiotic sense of Charles
Sanders Peirce, i.e. realistic, or mimetic, signs that have simple qualities (Peirce 2.277,7 quoted in Nth
[1990] 1995: 123) color, shape, size, etc. in common with their referents. These partially symbolic and
partially imagic signs belong to thecategory of sensory diegetic images and represent objects that are
visible to characters in their diegetic worlds (people, animals, buildings, vehicles, etc.). Theremaining
diegetic images are non-mimetic as they do not share simple qualities with their referents due to
an insurmountable discrepancy between their concrete form (marks on paper) and the more elusive
(temporal, non-visual, conceptual) nature of their referents. This is thecase of sensory diegetic images
representing the property of being in motion ascribed to physical objects, henceforth referred to as
motion signs, which pair static visual forms with referents perceivable by characters over stretches of time
elapsing in thediegetic world. This is also thecase of sensory diegetic images representing sounds audible
in the diegetic world, henceforth referred to as sound signs, which pair static visual forms with nonvisual referents transpiring over stretches of diegetic time. As regards non-sensory diegetic images, which
visualize thepsychological experience of comics characters, all of them are non-mimetic to thedegree
that they pair concrete forms (static visual representations) with abstract referents (dreams, emotions,
memories, etc.). Last but not least, hermeneutic images are necessarily non-mimetic inasmuch as their
referents do not belong to thediegetic world.
It seems that in spite of their conventionality and non-realistic form, non-mimetic images found
in comics are interpreted more or less effortlessly by comics readers, even on first encounter (Miodrag
2013: 196). Let me suggest that theapparent ease with which many of these signs are interpreted may in
large measure stem from their metaphoricality, from thefact that they instantiate conceptual metaphors
that are familiar, albeit at an unconscious level, to creators as well as readers of comics. Viewed from
the communicative perspective adopted by Duncan and Smith (2009), metaphoricity of non-mimetic
images in comics comes as no surprise. It stands to reason that creators of comics, motivated by adesire
to ensure effective communication with comics readers by overcoming theformal limitations of comics
6 With theproviso that in comics pictures and writing make up acontinuum. Prominent researchers, such as Eisner ([1985]
2008: 15), McCloud ([1993] 1994: 49), and Saraceni (2003: 2027), point out that in comics pictures may take on thesymbolic
characteristics of writing, and writing may take on theiconic characteristics of pictures, with many images simultaneously
exhibiting iconicity and symbolicity in roughly equal proportions.
7
This reference indicates volume 2, paragraph 277 in Peirces Collected Papers (19311958).
(the static, purely visual nature of comics dictated by thephysical constitution of their material support),
intuitively tapped into thepool of conceptual metaphors they shared with comics readers and developed
a range of images which successfully cue and guide the readers construction of the more elusive
components of thediegetic worlds of comics (motion, sound, psychological experience) because theform
of these images activates a host of well-entrenched conceptual metaphors which greatly facilitate this
constructive effort.
While all of thepreviously referenced cognitive studies of comics comment on themetaphorical
basis of an array of non-mimetic images typically found inside panels specifically, signs of emotion
(Abbott & Forceville 2011; Cohn 2010; Eerden 2009; Forceville 2005, 2011; Forceville, Veale & Feyaerts
2010; Shinohara & Matsunaka 2009), sound signs (Forceville, Veale & Feyaerts 2010), and motion signs
(Potsch & Williams 2012) none of them discusses themetaphorical underpinnings of thepanel itself.
Theremainder of this paper is anattempt at filling this gap.
As Iexplained above, in comics interconnected events making up narrative meaning are visualized
in the form of static images printed on paper. Principal among them is the panel, a type of sensory
diegetic image typically representing anindividual story event an occurrence characterized by clear
temporal boundaries (Casati & Varzi 2006) which belongs to thediegetic world of acomic. Since panels
capture theunfolding of story events in spatial form, they may be regarded as spatial concretization or
reifications of thepassage of time. It is arguable that visualization of events in theform of panels is in
many ways analogous to the kind of reification underlying thegrammatical process of making nouns
out of verbs, or deverbal nominalization, as characterized in terms of cognitive grammar by Ronald W.
Langacker (1987a, 1987b: 207208, 1991: 2250, 2012).
As Langackers account of nominalization is part and parcel of his semantic treatment of nouns
and verbs (Langacker 1987a, 1991: 59100), let me briefly outline theway in which these word classes
are approached in cognitive grammar before Idiscuss nominalization itself and move on to theanalogies
between thekind of conceptual reification it involves and thespatial reification of events as panels in
comics.
To Langacker, nouns designate things, conceived of as regions comprising interconnected entities
of varying abstractness which are construed holistically, or roughly in parallel (Langacker 1987b:
248). This cumulative (or: additive) mode of cognitive processing is referred to as summary scanning
(Langacker 1987b: 248). In contrast, Langacker characterizes verbs as designating processes. Aprocess
consists of a configuration of entities making up its component states, which are processed in series
rather than in parallel (Langacker 1987b: 248). This serial mode of cognitive processing, whereby
theevolution of aprocess is followed through time, is referred to by Langacker as sequential scanning
(Langacker 1987b: 248). Importantly for my considerations, Langacker (1987b: 258262) draws aparallel
between count nouns, which are said to designate bounded regions (regions featuring boundaries in their
makeup) and perfective verbs, which are said to designate bounded episodes (bounded temporally by
virtue of containing aninitial and afinal state as parts of their makeup).
As Iindicated previously, nouns are derived from verbs in thecourse of thegrammatical process
referred to as deverbal nominalization. At the semantic level, deverbal nominalization transforms
a process (the semantic structure of a verb) into a thing (the semantic structure of a noun). Viewed
from theperspective of cognitive grammar, this transformation, referred to by Langacker as conceptual
reification (1991: 22), involves a switch from sequential to summary scanning which often results in
93
(cf.Langacker 1987b: 6970). According to Gnter Radden and Ren Dirven (2007: 78), thenature of
this extension is metaphorical Radden and Dirven explicitly refer to reification, which they regard as
theconceptual gist of any nominalization, as ontological metaphor (2007: 78) and subsequently capture
theconceptual reification involved in episodic nominalization as episodic events are objects (Radden
& Dirven 2007: 82), using thefamiliar format established by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson ([1980]
2003). It is my contention that this ontological metaphor, underlying countless episodic nominalizations,
greatly facilitates the interpretation of panels as representations of events making up the narrative
meaning of comics.
At this juncture, let me discuss several analogies observable between the semantic structures
designated by episodic nouns and the visual structures typical of panels in mainstream comics, with
aview to demonstrating that both types of structure may be viewed as instantiations in different modes
(linguistic vs. visual) of theontological metaphor episodic events are objects.
Firstly, all episodic nouns and most panels are representations of events. As I showed above,
episodic nouns designate reified events by definition. As regards panels, theresults of asmall-scale study
reported by Scott McCloud ([1993] 1994: 7480) demonstrate that panels representing individual events
are by far themost common panel type in mainstream American, European, and Japanese comics, with
theproviso that panels may also be used to represent portions of events (McCloud [1993] 1994: 70) as
well as entire event sequences (McCloud [1993] 1994: 9597). Secondly, like thesemantic structure of
anepisodic noun, diagrammed in Figure 1 as theinner box on theright, apanel constitutes abounded
region. It is bounded inasmuch as its spatial extension is necessarily limited, irrespective of whether or
not there are actual panel borders (Duncan & Smith 2009: 131). Additionally, just as theboundedness
of the region designated by an episodic noun makes this region replicable and determines the nouns
countability (cf. Langacker 1987b: 204), theboundedness of apanel makes it replicable too: in atypical
comic, multiple panels coexist on every page and are simultaneously available to the perception of
thereader. Last but not least, thesemantic structure of anepisodic noun resembles thevisual structure
of many apanel in terms of its content. As shown in theinner right-hand box of Figure 1, thebounded
region in thesemantic structure of anepisodic noun contains all of theconstitutive states making up
thenominalized perfective process. Similarly, many comics panels contain cumulative visualizations of
theentire event they represent: from start to finish.9
Let me now turn to specific techniques used by creators of comics to visualize story events in
a cumulative fashion. These techniques are deployed with varying frequency in panels representing
events of different kinds, including motion events, acoustic events (linguistic and non-linguistic alike),
events which consist in physical transformation of aphysical object, and events which consist in transfer
of abstract, non-physical entities.
In other panels, theconstitutive states of areified event are referred to metonymically: Eisner ([1985] 2008: 107110) explains
that in atypical panel anindividual component state representative of thereified event is visualized, or frozen into thepanel
in ablock of time (Eisner [1985] 2008: 107). This individual state is understood to stand for all of theconstitutive states of
thereified event, instantiating theconceptual metonymy part for thewhole, which has countless linguistic manifestations,
including thefollowing expressions, listed by Vyvyan Evans and Melanie Green (2006: 313314): My wheels are parked out
theback, Lend me ahand, Shes not just apretty face.
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Micha Szawerna
96
Figure 2. Multiple drawings of amoving object
Figure 3. Multiple drawings of ashape-shifting object
Figure 4. Adrawing of amoving object and its trajectory
The diagram of Figure 2 is aschematic rendition of one visual technique employed by creators of
comics to produce panels representing motion events in a cumulative fashion. This technique consists
in deploying multiple, often partially overlapping drawings of amoving object. To anyone familiar with
this technique (or with multiple-exposure photography, which produces asimilar effect), thediagram of
Figure2 is readily interpretable as arepresentation of amotion event in which acircular object traverses
an arc-shaped trajectory from a starting point in the lower left-hand corner of the diagram to an endpoint in thelower right-hand corner of thediagram. Panels exemplifying this technique are found easily
enough in mainstream comics. Nevertheless, let me discuss acouple of pertinent examples in some detail. In
anAmerican comic titled TheTomb of Dracula (serialized by Marvel Comics in theyears 19721979), panel
1.35.23.410 shows one of thecharacters a Mr. Bolt perform anacrobatic exercise. Mr. Bolts somersault is
visualized in theform of multiple, partially overlapping silhouettes of thecharacter performing theexercise,
with only small differences in the position of thesilhouettes observable between theadjacent drawings.
Similarly, in amanga titled Buddha (originally serialized in amanga magazine Kibou no Tomo in theyears
19721983), panel 1.78.411 shows one of the characters a boy named Chapra throw a stone at his
opponent. Thefling of Chapras arm is visualized in theform of multiple, partially overlapping drawings of
theboy performing this action, with minor differences in his position observable between thesuccessive
drawings. What makes these panels, and many others like them, unique is that their visual structure
exemplifies theschema of Figure 2, which closely resembles thesemantic structure of anepisodic noun,
diagrammed in Figure 1 as theinner box on theright. In both cases therepresentations are of cumulative
nature, with theconstitutive states of thereified event processed in parallel, or, in theparlance of cognitive
grammar, scanned in asummary fashion.
In comics, the use of multiple, partially overlapping drawings is by no means limited to
representations of motion events. Thediagram of Figure 3 is aschematic rendering of avisual technique
used by comics artists to produce panels representing a shape-shifting object. To a reader of comics,
the diagram of Figure 3 is effortlessly interpreted as a representation of a metamorphosis whereby
a triangular object changes shape, from the acute triangle on the left-hand side of the diagram into
the obtuse-angled triangle on the right-hand side of the diagram. This technique is characteristic of
comics in thegenres of horror, fantasy, and science-fiction, in which certain characters (shape-shifters,
metamorphs, transformers, etc.) are able to change shape and do so on aregular basis. Let me discuss
acouple of pertinent examples in some detail. In Marvel Comics TheTomb of Dracula, panel 1.10.27.6
depicts the vampire Count Draculas transformation into a bat. Draculas metamorphosis is visualized
in the form of a series of four partially overlapping drawings of the characters head changing shape.
Each successive drawing corresponds to aseparate stage in Draculas metamorphosis, with theleftmost
image representing the initial state of the event, the rightmost image representing the final state of
theevent, and theremaining images representing theevents intermediate states. Similarly, in DC Comics
Warlord (1976ongoing), panel 1.22.16.3 shows awerewolf turn into awoman, with themetamorphosis
visualized in theform of aseries of four partially overlapping drawings of thecharacters head changing
shape. In this panel, each successive drawing corresponds to anindividual stage of thetransformation,
with therightmost image representing theevents initial state, theleftmost image representing its final
state, and theimages in between representing theintermediate stages of theevent. Like thepreviously
referenced panels containing multiple drawings of moving objects, these visualizations of shape-shifting
characters in TheTomb of Dracula and Warlord, both of which exemplify theschema of Figure 3, qualify
10 In this paper, references to panels in American comic books consist of aseries number, apamphlet number, apage number,
and apanel number. Thereference 1.35.23.4 thus signifies thefourth panel on page 23 in the35th pamphlet of thefirst series
of Marvel Comics TheTomb of Dracula.
11 In this paper, references to panels in Japanese comics apply to their English-language editions and consist of avolume number,
apage number, and apanel number. Thereference 1.78.4 thus signifies thesecond panel on page 165 in thefirst volume of
theEnglish-language edition of Buddha (serialized by Vertical in theyears 20042006).
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Micha Szawerna
98
as cumulative event representations, analogous to the semantic structure of an episodic noun, with
theconstitutive states of thereified events simultaneously available for cognitive processing.
After a brief detour, let me turn back to the discussion of the conventions followed by comics
artists in thecourse of creating cumulative representations of motion events. Figure 4 diagrams another
technique deployed by creators of comics to execute panels representing motion events in acumulative
way. This technique consists in drawing amoving object only once and situating it at theend of one or
more lines representing theobjects path of motion (or: trajectory). To comics readers, thediagram of
Figure 4 is easily interpretable as arepresentation of amotion event in which acircular object traverses
anarc-shaped trajectory from astarting point in thelower left-hand corner of thediagram to anendpoint in the lower right-hand corner of the diagram. Inasmuch as exemplifications of this technique
are particularly numerous in comics of any kind, Iwill at this point narrow my discussion to asingle
pertinent example. In Buddha, panel 1.165.2 shows thecharacter of Chapra being attacked by his fencing
master. The skilled swordsman takes a powerful swing at Chapra, who barely escapes unscathed. In
this panel, themoving object the fencing masters sword is drawn only once, and thestates making
up theentire motion event are represented cumulatively in theform of parallel curved motion lines
(McCloud [1993] 1994: 111), signifying theswords trajectory. This representation, and many others like
it, may be considered image-schematic in thesense of Mark Johnson (1987). Specifically, it may be argued
to exemplify thesource-path-goal schema, with thesource (starting point) marked by thebeginning
of themotion lines in thecenter of panel 1.165.2, thepath (trajectory) delineated by themotion lines, and
thegoal (end-point) specified by theposition of thesword in theupper right-hand corner of thepanel.
In addition to its many uses in cumulative representations of motion events, thesource-pathgoal schema may also be used to visually represent transfers of abstract, non-physical entities. In Buddha,
panel 1.128.1 shows acharacter named Tatta, endowed with theability to possess animals, transfer his
consciousness into thebody of ahorse. In this example, thesource (starting point) of thetransfer is Tattas
head, enclosed in awhite halo which looks like aball of light, thegoal (end-point) is thehorses head,
enclosed in a similar halo, and the path rendered as awhite streak connecting thehalos, reminiscent
of alightning bolt. In this example, thesource-path-goal schema is integrated with thecontainer
schema in acumulative representation of atransfer of consciousness: Tattas consciousness, visualized as
bright light filling his head, travels along abright streaky path to thehead of thehorse and fills it.
In mainstream comics, a combination of the source-path-goal schema and the container
schema is frequently used in panels reifying linguistic events (or: utterances). Thesensory diegetic image
representing acharacters utterance is referred to in comics scholarship as thespeech balloon. It consists
of the main body, a circular outline enclosing a written representation of a characters direct speech,
and aprojection, or tail, which indicates thecharacter who is speaking (Saraceni 2003: 9). This visual
representation simultaneously instantiates the source-path-goal schema and the container schema
inasmuch as it visualizes a characters utterance in the form of a pictorial container (the main body of
theballoon) travelling along apath (partially visualized by theballoons tail) from asource (the speaking
character) to agoal (the addressee of theutterance, who may remain implicit), in accordance with Michael
Reddys ([1979] 1993) conduit metaphor, which models thenave (or: folk) understanding of linguistic
communication.12
12 Forceville, Veale and Feyaerts (2010: 67) were thefirst to consider comics balloons as avisualization of Reddys ([1979] 1993)
conduit metaphor.
What have you

been up to?
Figure 5. Avisual reification of alinguistic event
A panel reifying alinguistic event is shown in Figure 5. In this panel, thecharacter on theleft
addresses thecharacter on theright. Areification of thespeaking characters utterance in theform of
aspeech balloon is situated half-way between thefigure of thespeaker and thefigure of theaddressee,
along a trajectory that is partially visualized as the balloons tail, connecting the figure of the speaker
with theballoons main body. Importantly for my considerations, thekind of reified utterance shown in
thepanel of Figure 5 constitutes acumulative representation of alinguistic event analogous to thesemantic
structure of anepisodic noun because thetemporal progression of thesounds making up acharacters
utterance corresponds to thespatial left-to-right and top-to-bottom arrangement of letters in thewritten
representation of theutterance (cf. Szawerna 2013b: 64), and theletters are simultaneously available to
thereaders perception. Unlike theactual utterance, which is characterized by rapid fading (the property
of spoken signals whereby they vanish quickly, leaving thechannel free for further messages Nth [1990]
1995: 235), its written representation is apermanent recording of theconstitutive sounds of theutterance
stored cumulatively by means of letters.
Like visualizations of characters utterances, onomatopoeic visualizations of non-linguistic
sounds13 encountered in comics constitute cumulative sound event representations for thereason that
they are permanent recordings of rapidly fading sound events stored cumulatively in written form.
Anexample of this kind of sensory diegetic image is shown in thepanel of Figure 6.
CRASH!
Figure 6. An onomatopoeic visualization of anon-linguistic sound
13 In arecent paper (Szawerna 2013b: 63), Iobserved that in comics thecategory of non-linguistic sounds comprises non-speech
vocalizations produced by characters as well as sounds collectively referred to as thesonic environment, including biological
sounds produced by animals, non-biological sounds originating with characters and thedevices they operate, non-biological
sounds originating with non-human organisms (both plants and animals) and inanimate objects, sounds associated with
natural phenomena, and abroad range of mechanical sounds.
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So far Ihave explored theanalogies observable between two kinds of cumulative representations
of events: (1) semantic structures of episodic nouns, which, according to Radden and Dirven (2007:82),
invariably instantiate the metaphor episodic events are objects, and (2) comics panels, which
typically represent individual events in stories encoded in comics. Sketchy though it was, my discussion
of thevisual techniques used by comics artists to create panels goes some way toward demonstrating that
panels representing individual events in mainstream comics constitute visual instantiations of Radden
andDirvens ontological metaphor (2007: 78) episodic events are objects, analogous in more ways
than one to their linguistic counterparts: semantic structures of episodic nouns. In the remainder of
this paper, Iwill try to show that theinterpretation of typical panels is further motivated by additional
conceptual metaphors, of which some are compatible with thepreviously discussed metaphor episodic
events are objects, while others invite theconstrual of panels that is incongruous with this metaphor.
These alternate metaphorical construals of panels are determined by what apanel is taken to refer to:
astretch of time, thevisual field, or apoint of access to thediegetic world encoded in acomic.
The interpretation of a panel as representing a stretch of time is most likely facilitated by
the conceptual metaphor periods of time are containers, which is instantiated linguistically by
such expressions as He did it in three minutes and It happened in 1968. In these expressions, theuse of
thepreposition in, which prototypically designates aspatial relation between acontainer and its contents
(Tyler & Evans 2003: 183184), in combination with clauses describing events (He did it, It happened)
and nominals referring to periods of time (three minutes, 1968) invites the metaphorical construal of
these periods as temporal containers for events (cf. Freeman 2000: 266), in accordance with apresumably
universal tendency whereby temporal concepts are metaphorized in spatial terms for purposes of
linguistic expression (Yu 1998: 86).
Figure 7. Duration of stretches of story time metaphorized as width of panels
In comics, themetaphor periods of time are containers finds anon-linguistic manifestation.

In accordance with this metaphor, apanel visualizes abounded stretch of time in theform of apictorial
container14 whose boundary, typically marked by theframe of thepanel, encloses avisual representation of
astory event. With relation to panels, themetaphor periods of time are containers is compatible with
14 A comics panel qualifies as acontainer, albeit apictorial one, because it consists of aboundary (the panels frame) which
distinguishes aninterior from anexterior (cf. Lakoff 1987: 271).
themetaphor episodic events are objects in thesense that both metaphors give rise to ametaphorical
entailment whereby the spatial extension of a comics panel corresponds to the temporal extension of
thevisualized event or time period: thewider thepanel, thelonger thestretch of time that has lapsed
in thediegetic world of acomic (Saraceni 2003: 78). Figure 7 is aschematic representation of panel
sequences found in many comics, including Buddha (panels 1.18.14) and The Spirit (panels 16 in
Eisner [1985] 2008: 34). In such sequences, thepanels making up theupper tier are readily understood
as representing brief events and thepanel below is understood to represent alonger stretch of time, in
accordance with theentailment which metaphorically relates thewidth of thepanel to theamount of
thevisualized time. Observe that this entailment has its linguistic analogues in expressions like ashort
time/event and along time/event, which capture theamount of atime period as length.
Another metaphor which takes theimage-schematic concept of container as its source domain
and is arguably invoked in theinterpretation of panels in mainstream comics is referred to as visual
fields are containers. This metaphor, initially discussed over three decades ago by Lakoff and Johnson
([1980] 2003: 30), is linguistically instantiated by such expressions as It was well within my field of vision,
My field of vision was entirely filled by thehuge crowd, He came into view, It was outside of my field of vision,
and He went out of view. In these examples, theuse of linguistic expressions which prototypically refer to
spatial configurations, such as be within, be filled by, come into, be outside of, and go out of, with reference
to thevisual field invites theconstrual of thevisual field in terms of containment. According to Lakoff
andJohnson, this metaphor has anexperiential basis:
[t]he metaphor is anatural one that emerges from thefact that, when you look at some territory
(land, floor, space, etc.), your field of vision defines aboundary of theterritory, namely, thepart
that you can see. Given that a bounded physical space is a container and that our field of
vision correlates with that bounded physical space, themetaphorical concept visual fields are
containers emerges naturally. (Lakoff & Johnson [1980] 2003: 30)
In comics, this metaphor is visually instantiated by a panel as long as it is interpreted as

a representation of the visual field of the virtual observer of the story events included in the plot of
a comic. This virtual observer may be situated either outside or inside the comics diegetic world. In
anarticle on narration, focalization, and ocularization in comics, Derik A. Badman (2010: 98) refers to
these two eventualities as, respectively, external ocularization and internal ocularization. According
to Badman (2010: 98), [m]ost comics are predominantly in external ocularization. In either case,
however, thepanel is apictorial container with clearly delimited boundaries, which usually take theform
of apictorial frame in theshape of arectangle.
The metaphorical construal of panels as containers, motivated by thepreviously invoked metaphor
visual fields are containers, is sometimes creatively utilized in representations which achieve their
dramatic effect through transgression of theboundaries of thediegesis (metalepsis) (Miller 2007: 130).
In Buddha, panel 1.86.3 depicts the character of Tatta running to the rescue of his mother and sister,
whose lives are at stake. In this cumulative visualization of amotion event, made up of multiple images of
thecharacter and motion lines, Tatta is running so fast that he keeps bumping into thewalls of thepanel,
bouncing off them, and, as aresult, tilts thepanel off its vertical axis. What is more, in thelower portion
of panel 1.86.3 Tatta breaks through therear wall of thepanel, disappears behind it, and then reemerges
inside thepanel by breaking through its rear wall once again. It is quite apparent that this metaleptic
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representation turns theframe of thepanel into thewalls of athree-dimensional container acharacter can
interact with inside thediegetic world he inhabits.
Of the conceptual metaphors which are arguably invoked in the interpretation of panels in
mainstream comics, the last one I wish to discuss is the metaphor whereby the panel is construed as
awindow to thediegetic world of thecomic. Theconstrual of comics panels as windows is aninstantiation
of a conceptual metaphor, pervasive in our culture, which prompts us to construe any representation
(linguistic, pictorial, photographic, filmic, etc.) of any kind of world (real or imaginary) as a window
providing access to this world. This metaphor is particularly prominent in theartistic domain of painting.
As Lisa Siraganian puts it, [t]he history of western art is also ahistory of picture frames () understood as
windows onto another world (2012: 83). This metaphor, which may be phrased as representations of
aworld are windows onto this world is linguistically instantiated by such expressions as Television
provides us with auseful window on theworld (Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English, 5th edition),
It gave me an intriguing window into the way people live (Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary, 8th
edition), and The film provides a window on the immigrant experience (Cambridge Advanced Learners
Dictionary, 3rd edition).
In comics, this conceptual metaphor is sometimes playfully exploited in panels transgressing
theboundaries of thediegetic world. In his seminal book, Eisner ([1985] 2008: 51) provides examples
of images of windows and doorways serving as panels. In Buddha, panel 5.54.2 shows thecharacter of
Tatta running from anenraged rogue elephant. In this panel both theelephant and Tatta are drawn in
linear perspective, with their outlines partially overlapping theframe of thepanel, as if they were crossing
over from thediegetic world of thecomic to thereality of thereader through thewindow of thepanel.
In theseries Dororo (originally published in amanga magazine Shkan Shnen Sand in theyears 1967
1968), panel 1.86.5 shows the eponymous character, who, having heard an unidentified speaker utter
some words in theimmediately preceding panel, addresses thereader. This panel is readily interpretable
as avisualization of theentailment of themetaphor representations of aworld are windows onto
this world whereby the people situated on the opposite sides of a window may see each other and
communicate through thewindows opening. Last but not least, in anepisode from aclassic American
comic strip Little Sammy Sneeze (19041906), reproduced below in Figure 8, thecharacter of Sammy
sneezes so hard that thewindow of thepanel (the frame as well as thepane) shatters into pieces. This
image which may be taken to visualize theentailment of themetaphor representations of aworld
are windows onto this world whereby apanel may be broken up into pieces just like awindow.
The foregoing discussion of arange of visual techniques employed by artists who create pictoriallinguistic narratives subsumed under theumbrella term of comics demonstrates that panels, thebasic
building-blocks of any comic, may be construed in multiple ways, as representing individual events,
stretches of time, visual fields, and points of access to thediegetic worlds encoded in comics. Thegist of
this discussion is that these multiple construals of panels are licensed by conceptual metaphors which are
linguistically exemplified by anarray of conventional expressions metaphors like episodic events are
objects, periods of time are containers, visual fields are containers, and representations
of aworld are windows onto this world. Viewed in this way, panels found in mainstream comics
appear as visual signs which transcend their otherwise undeniable symbolicity inasmuch as their creation
and interpretation is facilitated by anumber of metaphorical mappings residing in theminds of creators
as well as readers of comics.
It is by no means clear, however, to what extent therelationship between theform of panels and
their meaning in comics representing distinct, albeit related, traditions of creating these sequential
narratives can be considered arbitrary and to what degree it can be regarded as motivated by themetaphors
discussed in themain body of this paper. All of thelinguistic data invoked in this discussion come from
English, and all of themetaphors licensing this data were originally investigated in thecontext of and with
reference to this language. It is therefore anempirical question whether or not thepreviously examined
metaphors, which have been argued to facilitate interpretation of panels, are linguistically exemplified
in languages like French or Japanese a question that needs answering before metaphoricity of panels
can be postulated for Franco-Belgian bandes dessines and Japanese mangas, which share all of thevisual
conventions discussed in this paper with their American counterparts: comic strips and books. At this
point let me observe that Polish creators of comics make use of all of thevisual techniques described in
this paper, and thePolish language abounds with expressions licensed by themetaphors episodic events
are objects, periods of time are containers, visual fields are containers, and representations
of aworld are windows onto this world, which goes at least some way toward corroborating my
working hypothesis whereby panels are similarly metaphorized in English as well as non-English speaking
cultures. Theready availability in Polish of linguistic expressions licensed by themetaphors in question
may in turn result from the fact that these metaphors feature no culture-bound notions and instead
consist of concepts that appear to be fairly universal: event, period of time, visual field, world,
object, container, and window.
Figure 8. Little Sammy Sneeze, 1905.09.24.1615
15 In this paper, references to panels in American comic strips consist of theyear, themonth, and theday of publication followed
by panel numbers. Thereference 1905.09.24.16 thus signifies panels one to six making up thestrip published on September
24th, 1905.
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This paper also shows that metaphors licensing semantic structures of linguistic expressions situated
at any point along thelexicogrammatical continuum may be invoked to motivate thevisual structures of
panels in comics. While episodic events are objects qualifies as agrammatical metaphor in thesense
of Klaus-Uwe Panther and Linda L. Thornburg (2009), whereby grammatical metaphors motivate
distributional properties of function words, grammatical morphemes, and word classes (Panther &
Thornburg 2009: 16), and representations of a world are windows onto this world qualifies
as alexical metaphor (motivating thedistributional properties of thenoun window), periods of time
are containers and visual fields are containers may be argued to combine features of lexical as
well as grammatical metaphors. Interestingly, it is panels licensed by what is perhaps themost lexical of
themetaphors discussed in this paper, representations of aworld are windows onto this world,
rather than panels licensed by theuncontroversially grammatical metaphor episodic events are objects
or any of thetwo remaining lexicogrammatical metaphors, that come to acquire innovative, unanticipated,
experimental forms in representations transcending theboundaries of diegetic worlds encoded in comics.
Thepropensity of panels licensed by themetaphor representations of aworld are windows onto
this world for pushing theenvelope of comics form, demonstrated in thepreceding discussion, seems
to tie rather well with thetendency observable in language whereby themost striking manifestations of
metaphor are found in poetic texts, less conspicuous manifestations of it are found in metaphorical senses
of lexical items that have been conventionalized in fixed linguistic expressions used on aneveryday basis,
and theleast noticeable manifestations of metaphor appear to be encoded in grammatical elements.
On thewhole then, this paper does add to thebody of research aiming to corroborate acentral
tenet of conceptual metaphor theory whereby metaphor is aconceptual mechanism which transcends
language. It seems that in spite of the previously formulated reservations, which have prevented me
from formulating unwarranted generalizations concerning the metaphorical underpinnings of panels
in Franco-Belgian bandes dessines and Japanese mangas, thediscussion presented in this papers main
body demonstrates quite clearly that thecreation as well interpretation of panels in comics created and
read in English speaking countries may be argued to involve a considerable amount of metaphorical
construal facilitated by metaphors licensing a broad array of linguistic expressions situated along
the entire lexicogrammatical continuum. Additionally, this paper adds to the discussion initiated in
thearea of contemporary comics scholarship of theways in which comics achieve meaning by considering
themetaphorical aspects of creating and interpreting panels and framing this discussion in cognitivelinguistic terms. While the discussion presented here is far from exhaustive undoubtedly, there are
many other metaphors, as well as metonymies, underlying panels, but also other signs used in comics it
does provide auseful point of departure for amore comprehensive study of visual figuration in comics
and other narrative media.
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Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
109118
Kamila Turewicz
Akademia Humanistyczno-Ekonomiczna wodzi
Jzyki ikultury etniczne wZjednoczonej Europie

zhistori Dyirbala wtle. Rozwaania jzykoznawcy
kognitywnego
Abstract
Ethnic Cultures and Their Languages in United Europe through theStory
of Dyirbal: ACognitive Linguists Perspective
In view of thegrowing interest in thenature of culture language interface, on theone hand, and thesocio-political
developments inherent in European integration processes, on theother, three issues are perhaps worth addressing for
linguists and cultural studies specialists: (i) whether theevolutionary processes of cultural integration can influence
thestructures of ethnic/national languages; (ii) theextent to which changes in language structure may result in aloss
of certain elements characteristic of theculture related to thelanguage; (iii) what that long-term (socio-political)
consequences may be as aneffect of theremarkable weakening and subsequent disappearance of theelements of
ethnic cultures that function as determinants of ethnic/national identity. Considering thesize of this article, none
of theaforementioned issues will be solved. Nevertheless, some aspects of languageculture interface are identified,
while theproblem of ecological interdependence between language and culture is illustrated in thecase of thedeath
of Dyirbal. Changes in Dyirbal and examples of language expressions from English and Polish illustrating thecultural
imprints in language structure are discussed from theperspective of cognitive methodologies.
Keywords: ethnic cultures, cognitive linguistics, cultural integration, ethnic/national language.
Kamila Turewicz
Wstp
110
Szczeglna rola dialektu czy jzyka etnicznego, ktry przyswajany jest przez dziecko jako pierwszy kod
jzykowy, wynika zfaktu, e proces nabywania go odbywa si wkonkretnym kontekcie kulturowym1.
W konsekwencji nabywanie jzyka jest rwnoczenie nabywaniem kultury, stanowicej a system of
standards of perceiving, believing, evaluating, and acting (Kramsch 1998: 121) [system standardw
postrzegania, wierze, oceniania i dziaania] (tum. moje K. T.). Naturaln konsekwencj procesw
integracyjnych w Europie jest zacieranie si rnic kulturowych midzy pastwami czy regionami.
Jeeli nabywanie jzyka etnicznego jest nierozczne znabywaniem kultury ztym jzykiem powizanej,
wiadomo procesw integracyjnych daje podstawy do sformuowania kilku pyta na temat przyszoci
jzykw ikultur wEuropie: (i) czy ewolucyjna integracja dziedzictwa kulturowego poszczeglnych grup
etnicznych moe w sposb istotny wpyn na przebudow struktury jzykw Europy?; (ii) w jakim
zakresie zmiany jzykowe mog prowadzi do zanikania wyznacznikw danej kultury etnicznej?; (iii)jaki
dugofalowy efekt moe przynie osabienie i zaniknicie elementw kultur, ktre stanowi swego
rodzaju wyznacznik tosamoci etnicznej, narodowej czy pastwowej?
Artyku niniejszy nie stanowi prby udzielenia odpowiedzi na sformuowane powyej
kwestie. Moim zamierzeniem jest raczej zasygnalizowanie potrzeby podjcia i intensyfikacji bada
nad postawionymi pytaniami. Podjcie takich bada wymagaoby zmierzenia si zarwno z kwesti
zgromadzenia materiau badawczego, jak iprzyjcia waciwych rozwiza metodologicznych.
Materia badawczy imetodologia

Istota wspzalenoci midzy kultur etniczn istruktur jej jzyka jest trudna do uchwycenia przede
wszystkim dlatego, e wspzaleno ta pozostaje poza wiadomoci rodzimych uytkownikw jzyka.
Pytanie typu Co dany element jzyka znaczy? moe dostarczy badaczowi wydatnie rnicych si
odpowiedzi, naley jednak przyj, e adresat zrozumie, oco badacz pyta. Pytanie owskazanie elementw
kulturowych wstrukturze jzyka, ktry jest medium powszedniej komunikacji, prawdopodobnie okae
si niezrozumiae. Jednoczenie to, e jzyki i kultury krajw europejskich rozwijaj si w bliskoci
geograficznej, moe zaciera wymiar iwag zmian wstrukturze badanych jzykw, zachodzcych pod
wpywem zmian zachowa kulturowych. W zwizku z powyszym uznaam, e signicie do jzyka
i kultury odlegych typologicznie, geograficznie i antropologicznie moe stanowi dobr ilustracj
problemu. Dlatego wcelu zobrazowania zakresu, wjakim jzyk jest systemem ekologicznym wstosunku
do kultury, przywoam wyniki moich bada dotyczcych wspzalenoci midzy kultur i jzykiem
(Turewicz 2000, 2002) zainspirowanych ksik Lakoffa (1987), przeprowadzonych na podstawieprac
Dixona (1972, 1987, 1991) iSchmidt (1985) na temat jednego zjzykw etnicznych Australii, Dyirbala.
Jak zasygnalizowaam wczeniej, rwnie wanym problemem zwizanym zbadaniem wspzalenoci
midzy jzykiem ijego kultur jest kwestia metodologii, ktra umoliwia interdyscyplinarne podejcie do
danych jzykowych. Potrzeb rozwizania problemu metodologicznego definiuje Chruszczewski, piszc:
1 Tomasello et al. (1993) omawiaj miejsce izakres oddziaywania elementw kultury rodowiska wkolejnych etapach rozwoju
poznawczego dziecka.
Jzyki i kultury etniczne w Zjednoczonej Europie

() tylko odwana prba wyjcia poza schematyzm terminologiczny jednej zdyscyplin iwysiek
poczenia niektrych aspektw wymienionych dziedzin szeroko pojtych nauk humanistycznych
moe nas w przyszoci zbliy do sukcesu wypracowania narzdzi badawczych o orientacji
jzykowej, kulturowej, socjologicznej czy antropologicznej. (Chruszczewski 2011: 121)
Cho sowa te wypowiedziane s wkontekcie bada nad konsiliencj komunikacyjn2, stosuj

si one rwnie do wyzwa metodologicznych zwizanych zbadaniem relacji midzy struktur jzyka
ielementami kultury, ktre on koduje. Wpracach Lakoffa (1987) i Langackera (1991, rozdz. VII) znajduj
si przykady zastosowania metodologii kognitywnych do analizy jzykw odlegych typologicznie,
uTurewicz (2000, 2002) perspektywa kognitywna suy zinterpretowaniu zwizkw midzy zmianami
jzykowymi ikulturowymi. Langacker (2011) iKvecses (2011) ilustruj zakres, wjakim metodologie
kognitywne pozwalaj wydoby kulturowe determinanty w strukturze jzykw. Std przedstawiona
analiza osadzona jest wkontekcie podej kognitywnych iw tym sensie artyku moe stanowi (kolejny3)
przykad tego, wjakim stopniu metodologie kognitywne, poprzez swoje integralne podejcie, pozwalaj
wydoby kody kulturowe przenoszone wjzyku tej kultury.
Jzyk jako odzwierciedlenie tradycji kulturowej

Udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytania owag iistot zachowania specyfiki kulturowej wkontekcie procesw
globalizacji, dowiadczanych przez spoeczestwa Europy na mniejsz lub wiksz skal, jest otyle trudne,
o ile trudnym zadaniem jest wyodrbnienie jakiego jednego elementu ycia spoeczno-kulturowego,
ktry mona by uzna za wyznacznik stanu bezpieczestwa kultury etnicznej. W sposb naturalny
poszukiwania takiego wyznacznika oscylowayby wok literatury, muzyki, malarstwa, architektury czy
te filmu. Jzyk ojczysty wwiadomoci jego uytkownikw wydaje si elementem kultury narodowej
poprzez literatur pikn, ktra wykorzystujc jego zasoby w sposb twrczy stanowi pewn
nobilitacj systemu codziennej komunikacji midzyludzkiej.
Pojmowanie zwizku midzy jzykiem a kultur przez pryzmat literatury jest naturaln
konsekwencj tradycji definiowania jzyka jako systemu opartego na dychotomii znaczenieregua,
w ktrym znaczenie zakodowane w sowie ma wymiar uniwersalny, a regua jest bytem formalnym,
pozbawionym zawartoci konceptualnej, a wic take motywacji semantycznej. Zasadnicza zmiana
w sposobie definiowania jzyka naturalnego postulowana w ramach jzykoznawstwa kognitywnego,
wtym wszczeglnoci encyklopedyczna istota semantyki (Langacker 1987), otwiera inn perspektyw na
jako zwizku jzykkultura. Mwic precyzyjniej, analizy kognitywne spajaj zawarto konceptualn
schematw gramatycznych i leksyki z charakterystycznym dla danej grupy uytkownikw jzyka,
okrelonym kulturowo sposobem interpretowania dowiadcze poznawczych, stanowicych fundament
struktury pojciowej jako bazy dla struktury semantycznej.
2 rozumienie wspzalenoci midzy modelami komunikacyjnymi zachowa wrnych sytuacjach wynikajcych czsto
zpozajzykowego wiata komunikujcych osb, okreli mona mianem konsiliencji komunikacyjnej (Chruszczewski 2011:
121).
3 Zbir pod redakcj Turewicz (red.) (2011) zawiera prace ilustrujce moliwoci, jakie stwarza lingwistyka kognitywna dla
bada kulturowych kodw wstrukturze jzyka naturalnego.
111
Kamila Turewicz
Rnice semantyczne adeterminanty kulturowe
112
Przykadem ilustrujcym kulturowe rda rnic w strukturze semantycznej polskich leksemw

i ich angielskich odpowiednikw jest analiza znacze polskiego sowa ksika i angielskiego book
przedstawiona uTurewicz (2000). Oparta na etymologii izgodna zpostulatem oencyklopedycznej naturze
semantyki analiza znacze pary leksemw bookksika, dokonana w Langackerowskiej koncepcji
wspzalenoci profil/baza4, pozwala wysnu ostrone wnioski na temat sposobu traktowania ksiek
wtradycji kulturowej Polakw inorm postpowania zbooks funkcjonujcych wkulturze anglosaskiej.
Mianowicie, etymologia wskazuje, e kulturowe korzenie ksiki5 okrelaj j jako przedmiot szczeglnej
wagi, wktrym zapisane s do odczytania wite teksty, podczas gdy etymologia sowa book6 sugeruje,
e w anglosaskiej tradycji kulturowej jest to przedmiot szczeglny, bo sucy do zapisywania na nim
(adokadniej wnim) wanych tekstw (sakralnych) wcelu ich przechowania.
Istot postulowanej analizy nie jest sugerowanie, e polskie dziecko, nabywajc jzyk ojczysty,
najpierw poznaje definicj sowa ksika wjej etymologicznym wymiarze iw wyniku poznania definicji
wie wprzyszoci, jak zni postpowa. Waniejsze jest to, e analiza znaczenia oparta na etymologii
wychwytuje zaleno uczenia si przez dziecko sowa ksika rwnoczenie z pewn kulturowo
uwarunkowan norm postpowania ztym przedmiotem; wpolskich domach ksiki si czyta idzieci
tradycyjnie nie s uczone pisania w/na/po ksice. Naley zauway, e cho w sownikowej definicji
ksiki jej etymologia faktycznie nie jest przywoywana, aspekt kulturowy jest tak mocny, e dla okrelenia
przedmiotu fizycznie podobnego, ale funkcjonalnie rnicego si od tego, co desygnuje sowo ksika,
jzyk polski posiada sowa ksieczka (do pisania, do rysowania) i ksiga (pamitkowa, rachunkowa).
Dla porzdku naley zauway, e wangielskich domach books su wsposb naturalny zarwno temu,
by znich czyta, jak idokonywa wnich okrelonych zapisw: notebook [notatnik], copybook [zeszyt do
przepisywania], workbook [zeszyt do prac (domowych)], exercisebook [zeszyt do wicze]. Ponadto mona
zauway wpeni umotywowany semantycznie zwizek midzy rzeczownikiem book iczasownikiem to
book jako nazw czynnoci polegajcej na zapisywaniu, utrwalaniu wypowiedzi wcelu ich zachowania,
przechowania. Taki zwizek nie jest moliwy wprzypadku polskiego sowa ksika. Mona zaryzykowa
stwierdzenie, e to etymologicznie motywowany element znaczenia przedmiot, ktry zawiera wite
litery do odczytania nie pozwala na przeprofilowanie (w sensie naoenia na profil rzeczownikowy
profilu relacji temporalnej7) tego rzeczownika na potencjalny czasownik ksikowa. Warto przy tym
zauway, e takie przeprofilowanie jest moliwe wprzypadku rzeczownika ksiga, ajego wynikiem jest
czasownik ksigowa8.
4
Dopuszczajc pewne uproszczenie, mona powiedzie, e istot wspzalenoci profil/baza jako narzdzia analizy struktury
semantycznej, jest to, e wiedza encyklopedyczna zwizana zpewnym elementem rzeczywistoci dostarcza bazy pojciowej
dla jzykowego zobrazowania go poprzez uwypuklenie tego fragmentu bazy, ktry najlepiej oddaje istot konceptualizowanej
rzeczywistoci jest wyprofilowany zbazy.
Sownik etymologiczny jzyka polskiego Aleksandra Brcknera (1957: 277) wskazuje jako rdo staro-cerkiewno-sowiaskie
sowo oznaczajce szereg liter tworzcych fragment tekstu, czyli istniejcy zapis tekstowy do odczytania.
Websters Collegiate Dictionary (1990: 167) wskazuje jako rdo staroangielskie bok w znaczeniu a piece of hard wood
beech ithe early Germanic practice of curving runic characters on beech wood tablets.
Zob. Langacker (1987, 1991).
8 Przykad podany przez prof. Prdot wczasie dyskusji po wykadzie wygoszonym na zaproszenie Oddziau Wrocawskiego
PAN iWyszej Szkoy Filologicznej we Wrocawiu, 22.03.2013.
Jak ilustruje powyszy przykad, wydobywajc zalenoci midzy znaczeniem elementw jzyka
atypem dowiadczenia poznawczego zakorzenionego wkonkretnym kontekcie spoeczno-kulturowym,
kognitywne analizy znaczenia uwypuklaj rol jzyka etnicznego jako systemu, wktrym zakodowane
s i przez to przechowywane charakterystyczne dla danej grupy elementy dziedzictwa kulturowego.
W zwizku z powyszym analizy daj podstaw do przyjcia tezy, e jzyk etniczny jest miernikiem
odzwierciedlajcym stan zachowania tradycji kulturowej, wktrej jest on zakorzeniony.
Ilustracja problemu na przykadzie jzyka zagroonego

Nabywanie jzyka jako sposb przyswajania elementw kultury etnicznej
Przykadem, ktrym chciaabym zilustrowa zaleno midzy istnieniem struktury jzyka i czci
kultury etnicznej danej grupy uytkownikw, jest opisany przez Dixona (1987: 147165, 1991: 191)
jzyk tabu Jalnguy, nazwany jzykiem teciowej, funkcjonujcy w jednym z jzykw aborygeskich
w Australii, Dyirbalu, jzyku albo raczej grupy 10 powizanych dialektw ktrym posugiwali si
rdzenni Australijczycy, zamieszkujcy pnocno-wschodni obszar Queensland.
Istnienie jzyka tabu miao wymiar jzykowy i spoeczno-kulturowy. Jak ju wspomniaam,
Dyirbal by rodzin dialektw, ktrymi posugiway si ssiadujce terytorialnie grupy plemienne. Dixon
(1972, 1991) iSchmidt (1985) podkrelaj, e rnice midzy poszczeglnymi dialektami sprowadzay si
do rnic wsownictwie. Te stosunkowo ograniczone rnice jzykowe byy jednak niezmiernie istotne
z perspektywy socjologicznej dla ssiadujcych grup plemiennych, gdy osoby posugujce si innym
dialektem miay ograniczone prawo przebywania na terytorium przynalenym danej grupie etnicznej.
Biorc to pod uwag, interesujce wydaje si, e jzyk tabu danego dialektu wpewnym sensie nawizywa
do ssiednich dialektw, tzn. rni si od stylu codziennego Guwal danej grupy plemiennej tym, e
wykorzystywa sownictwo dialektw ssiednich, araczej ich formy fonetyczne, przypisujc im jednak
zawarto pojciow nawizujc do znaczenia odpowiednikw w jzyku codziennym Guwal, tyle e
treci te cechowa wyszy poziom schematycznoci. Dla przykadu styl Guwal cechowao istnienie nazwy
na kady rodzaj jadalnego pdraka, wskazujcej drzewo, wktrym mona byo go znale, wJalnguy
funkcjonowaa tylko jedna nazwa jadalny pdrak. Innymi sowy, poprzez swoj struktur jzyk tabu
funkcjonowa wdanej spoecznoci jako element zapobiegajcy nawizywaniu bliskich ibezporednich
relacji, czyli suy budowaniu iutrzymywaniu dystansu komunikacyjnego midzy osobami, ktre byy
zobowizane zwraca si do siebie wtym jzyku.
Spoeczna waga jzyka tabu nabiera peniejszego wymiaru, kiedy docieramy do sedna sprawy.
Komunikacja wJalnguy obowizywaa midzy dorastajcym dzieckiem akuzynem/kuzynk bdcymi
dziemi brata matki lub siostry ojca, ktrzy mogli by wprzyszoci potencjalnymi ziciami lub synowymi,
albo dla ktrych to dziecko mogo si sta teciem lub teciow. Istot funkcjonowania jzyka tabu
wDyirbalu byo to, e dziecko przed okresem dojrzewania przyswajao sobie drugi styl mwienia razem
zwiedz / zasadami spoecznymi funkcjonowania wgrupie. Umiejtno posugiwania si obydwoma
sposobami komunikacji Guwal iJalnguy zapewniaa poczucie stabilizacji kadej osobie wdanej grupie
plemiennej i w pewnym sensie gwarantowaa waciwe z punktu widzenia caej spoecznoci relacje
wewntrz grupy.
113
Kamila Turewicz
114
W rezultacie rola jzyka tabu wykraczaa daleko poza aspekt czysto jzykowy, tzn. umiejtno
odpowiedniego doboru sw wczasie rozmowy z(potencjalnymi) teciow, teciem, synow, ziciem.
Waniejsze z punktu widzenia grupy etnicznej byo to, e rwnoczesne przyswojenie sobie kodu
jzykowego i zasad posugiwania si nim stanowio warunek prawidowego funkcjonowania grupy,
jej stabilnoci i bezpieczestwa wewntrznego, a take zachowania istotnego elementu dziedzictwa
kulturowego.
Spoeczny wymiar zmian jzykowych

Upadek struktury plemiennej, przesiedlanie plemion, rozdzielanie rodzin poprzez lokowanie dzieci
w obkach i przedszkolach w celu ucywilizowania Aborygenw spowodoway, e ju w latach
trzydziestych XX wieku jzyk tabu przesta funkcjonowa, a ostatnie osoby znajce Jalnguy umary
na przeomie lat siedemdziesitych iosiemdziesitych ubiegego wieku. Jest bardzo prawdopodobne,
e luka powstaa wskutek zaniku jzyka tabu przyczynia si wistotnym stopniu do rozpadu struktury
spoecznej w grupie, co zauwaa Schmidt (1985) w swojej pracy na temat procesu umierania
Dyirbala. Zwraca ona uwag m.in. na brak wyranej struktury rodziny wrd spoecznoci Jambun,
ktr w1985 roku stanowia grupa okoo 100 osb zamieszkujcych jedno ztakich osiedli zaoonych
przez rzd Australii. Wczasie zbierania materiau badawczego istniaa tam grupa osb najstarszych,
posugujcych si jeszcze Dyirbalem w jego pierwotnej formie, grupa modsza komunikujca si
midzy sob kodem jzykowym zawierajcym wybrane elementy struktury Dyirbala, wyranie
podobne w zakresie zawartoci konceptualnej do struktury australijskiego angielskiego (Turewicz
2000), oraz grupa najmodsza, dzieci imodzie, ktrych rodzice, dowiadczywszy trudnoci wszkole
z powodu tego, e ich pierwszym jzykiem by Dyirbal, zdecydowali, e dzieci te bd uczyy si
angielskiego jako jzyka pierwszego, aDyirbala naucz si potem. Wwietle analizy przeprowadzanej
przez Schmidt, owo potem nie zaowocowao przywrceniem Dyirbalowi funkcji podstawowego kodu
jzykowego wspoecznoci Jambun, aspoeczno ta zatracia moliwo efektywnego komunikowania
si midzy pokoleniami. Doprowadzio to do utrwalenia si rozdziau midzy dziemi i rodzicami
rwnie z powodu narastajcego braku szacunku do niewyksztaconych rodzicw, niemwicych
Standardowym Australijskim Angielskim (SAE), dziemi idziadkami zpowodu braku wsplnego
kodu jzykowego, midzy najstarszymi aich dziemi iwnukami zpowodu braku wsplnego kodu
jzykowo-kulturowego.
Spord przyczyn prowadzcych do wymierania Dyirbala dwie zasuguj na szczegln uwag,
gdy u ich podstaw ley dziaanie majce na celu dobro uytkownikw tego jzyka: po pierwsze, dziaania
rzdu zmierzajce do stworzenia lepszych szans yciowych dla potomkw rdzennej spoecznoci
Australii, takie jak obowizek edukacyjny wprowadzony wlatach szedziesitych XX wieku, po drugie,
decyzje rodzicw, majce na celu stworzenie jak najlepszych warunkw dla penego wykorzystania
przez dzieci stworzonych przez ustawodawstwo moliwoci. U podstaw tych przyczyn nie leaa ch
wyeliminowania jzyka etnicznego. Powodem mierci Dyirbala wydaje si wic by wznaczcym stopniu
zanik charakterystycznych elementw etnicznej kultury, w ktrej by on zakorzeniony. Przyjmujc za
kognitywizmem, e podstaw semantycznej zawartoci jzyka jest konceptualizacja odzwierciedlajca
typ dowiadczenia, zasadnym wydaje si poczenie tempa umierania jzyka zodejciem elementw
kultury etnicznej stanowicych baz dla tych konceptualizacji. Krtko mwic, zanik elementu kultury
zakodowanego wwyraeniu jzykowym oznacza pozbawienie formy fonetycznej tego wyraenia treci
reprezentujcej typ dowiadczenia, z ktrym ta forma jest zwizana. W efekcie oznacza to mier
wyraenia, ktre przywouje dowiadczenie poznawcze ju utracone. Innymi sowy, kognitywna analiza
znaczenia wyrae jzykowych implikuje, e obok warunkw socjalnych ipolitycznych, ktre mog by
rdem zagroenia dla jzyka, zanik elementw kultury etnicznej stanowicych dowiadczaln baz dla
jego struktury semantycznej ogranicza ipozbawia dany jzyk jego podstawowej funkcji jako narzdzia
komunikacji iprowadzi do jego obumierania. Wmetajzyku gramatyki kognitywnej mona powiedzie,
e pozbawiona zawartoci konceptualnej symboliczna struktura jzykowa pozostaje tylko struktur
fonetyczn i jako taka traci swoj uyteczno i zanika lub czy si z inn zawartoci konceptualn
(struktur semantyczn), budujc now struktur symboliczn, ktra zakorzeniona jest w innym
dowiadczeniu poznawczym, by moe zwizanym zinn kultur etniczn.
Elementy tradycji kulturowej zakodowane wjzyku polskim

Rodzaj gramatyczny
Kognitywna analiza systemu rodzajnikw funkcjonujcych wDyirbalu przedstawiona wpracy Lakoffa
(1987) zwraca uwag na zawarto konceptualn tych rodzajnikw ikulturowe aspekty systemu, ktry
tworzyy. Wszerszej perspektywie analiza ta sygnalizuje moliwo ipotrzeb bada wkierunku odkrycia
prawdopodobnych konceptualnych uwarunkowa rodzaju gramatycznego wyraanego systemem
rodzajnikw i/lub zaimkw osobowych wjzykach takich jak polski czy niemiecki.
Jak sygnalizowaam wczeniej, dla rodzimego uytkownika danego jzyka zwizki jzyka ikultury
pozostaj najczciej niezauwaone, tak jak niezauwaony moe by zwizek midzy moliwoci
poruszania si astanem neuronw odpowiedzialnych za przekazywanie informacji do mini. Posugujc
si jzykiem ojczystym na co dzie, nie zadajemy sobie pyta, dlaczego wybieramy wanie takie, anie
inne wyraenia jzykowe. Przykadowo nie rozwaamy, dlaczego wjzyku polskim rzeczowniki takie
jak ksika iosoba s rodzaju eskiego, dziecko ijabko rodzaju nijakiego, tramwaj imczyzna
rodzaju mskiego, przy czym jednoczenie jzyk stwarza moliwo mwienia omczynie (rodzaj
mski) za pomoc sw posta czy osoba (rodzaj eski). Taki system okrelania rodzaju jest dla Polakw
tak naturalny (cho luno powizany zpotocznie rozumianym sowem naturalny), e Polacy uczcy si
jzyka angielskiego musz niejednokrotnie we wstpnej fazie nauki pokonywa tendencj stosowania
angielskich zaimkw osobowych zgodnie z logik jzyka polskiego: o ksice she [ona], o kocie he
[on], o dziecku it [ono]. Naley jednoczenie zauway, e z perspektywy rodzimego uytkownika
jzyka angielskiego, rodzaj gramatyczny jzyka polskiego czy niemieckiego (dziewczynka jest rodzaju
nijakiego) to systemy cakowicie i arbitralnie kategoryzujce rzeczowniki na eskie, mskie inijakie bez
jakiejkolwiek motywacji semantycznej9.
Przekonanie, e rodzaj gramatyczny jzykw takich jak polski czy niemiecki to oderwane od
znaczenia zjawisko formalne, moe okaza si jednak nieuzasadnione. Wystarczy chwila refleksji
i mona dostrzec, e rodzaj gramatyczny w jzyku polskim wyraa uwarunkowany kulturowo sposb
postrzegania iinterpretowania wiata, chociaby wzakresie mskich rl wspoeczestwie itych, ktre
mog w rwnym stopniu by realizowane przez mczyzn i kobiety. Przykadowo, chocia kobieta
9 By moe takie wanie spojrzenie na jzyk polski jest najbardziej racjonalne, prowadzi ono jednak do uproszczonych opinii
na temat atwoci gramatyki jzyka angielskiego iniezwykej trudnoci gramatyki jzyka polskiego.
115
Kamila Turewicz
116
wPolsce wykonuje zawd nauczyciela czciej ni mczyzna ifunkcjonuje nazwa nauczycielka rodzaj
eski, to mwimy jednak ozawodzie nauczyciela bardziej ni nauczycielki (chyba, e chodzi tu ozawd
miosny nauczycielki).
Wyraenie gospodyni domowa jest formalnie eskim odpowiednikiem wyraenia gospodarz
domu, jednake wyraenia te przywouj rne dowiadczenia poznawcze, albowiem osoby bdce
potencjalnymi referentami tych wyrae rni typ obowizkw, ktre s im przypisane. Mwic okim to
jest dobra gospodyni, mamy inn motywacj dla uycia przymiotnika dobra ni dla uycia przymiotnika
dobry wzdaniu to jest dobry gospodarz. Syszc okobiecie ona jest dobrym gospodarzem, mamy tendencj
interpretowania tego jako wyraz doceniania osoby, podczas gdy zdanie on jest dobr gospodyni jest
niejednoznaczne odnonie do tego, czy mwi si onim dobrze.
Formy dystansujce
Dyirbal jest geograficznie, typologicznie iantropologicznie odlegy od Polski ijzyka polskiego. Funkcja,
jak peni wnim jzyk tabu, nie jest wtakiej formie realizowana przez struktur jzyka polskiego, bo te
nie ma iby moe nie byo kulturowych uwarunkowa podobnych do tych, wktrych zakorzeniony jest
Dyirbal. Isnieje jednak wjzyku polskim element penicy rol dystansujc osoby pan/pani. Formy
te w sposb istotny wyrniaj jzyk polski od angielskiego, a przede wszystkim stanowi kulturowo
zdeterminowany wyraz pewnego typu postpowania Polakw w stosunku do osb z ich otoczenia,
interakcji zotoczeniem przez pryzmat uznawania pewnych osb za bliskie idystansowania si od innych.
Podobnie jak wprzypadku jzyka tabu wDyirbalu, dzieci polskie, uczc si zasad stosowania form pan/
pani, poznaj istotny element polskiej tradycji kulturowej normy kontaktowania si ze wiatem ludzi
dorosych, apniej postpowania wwiecie dorosych. Nie podejmujc tutaj prby precyzyjnej analizy
etymologii iuy tej formy, pragn jedynie zwrci uwag na fakt, e jest ona elementem jzyka, ktrego
funkcj stanowi porzdkowanie relacji wspoeczestwie: do osoby, do ktrej zwracamy si za pomoc
sowa pan, pani, uywamy szczeglnych sformuowa, unikamy bezporednich i jednoznacznych
wypowiedzi. Forma ta wyraa szacunek, ale te suy zachowaniu dystansu midzy rozmwcami; tak
dugo jak zwracamy si do siebie per pan/pani, nie pozwalamy sobie na rozmowy od serca osprawach
osobistych, intymnych, aosprawach trudnych mwimy eufemistycznie. Podsumowujc, uycie wyrazu
pan/pani nie jest zabiegiem formalnym. Gbsza analiza mogaby wykaza, e ten element jzyka
polskiego wduej mierze koduje rodzaj zachowania kulturowego przyjtego wrd uytkownikw tego
jzyka, ato przypomina funkcj, jak peni jzyk teciowej wDyirbalu. Idc dalej, mona zaryzykowa
stwierdzenie, e nagminne, zwizane ze strategi marketingow zwracanie si do konsumentw zuyciem
imienia, skraca dystans w rozmowie, ale te wypiera pewn norm zachowania kulturowego, wedug
ktrej zwracanie si do osoby starszej per pani Krysiu byo oznak zego wychowania. Przypominajc
sobie sytuacj wJambun opisan przez Schmidt, mona zada pytanie, czy odejcie od normy jzykowej
zwizanej zezwrotem pan/pani moe doprowadzi do znaczcej przebudowy wrelacjach spoecznych
iwefekcie zmian kulturowych, skutkujcych cakowitym zanikiem tej formy.
Podsumowanie
Uoglniajc powysze rozwaania, naley zauway, e waga zwizkw midzy jzykiem akontekstem
kulturowym uwypukla si dramatycznie w sytuacji, kiedy zmiany kulturowe osigaj takie rozmiary,
e cz struktury jzyka traci swoj zawarto konceptualn, bo w wiecie rzeczywistym przestaje
funkcjonowa typ dowiadczenia poznawczego zakodowany w formie jzykowej. W takim przypadku
zwizek ten moe spowodowa zanik istotnego elementu jzyka, czego ilustracj jest los jzyka tabu
w Dyirbalu, gdzie zaamanie struktury grupy plemiennej i rodziny wymazao z ycia uytkownikw
Dyirbala typ dowiadczenia zwizany ze stylem tabu ipotrzeb nauczania Jalnguy. Na uwag zasuguje
przy tym fakt, e chocia dziki pracom Dixona udao si zapisa spore fragmenty jzyka tabu nagrane
przez ostatnich uytkownikw tego stylu, wsytuacji, kiedy bezpowrotnie odszed ten element spoecznokulturowy, praktycznie nie istnieje szansa na odtworzenie jzyka teciowej, bo w nowej strukturze
spoecznoci Jambun ten szczeglny kod nie ma adnego zastosowania.
Przytoczony powyej przykad losu rdzennego jzyka Australii pozornie nie wydaje si mie
zwizku z sytuacj jzykw etnicznych czy narodowych w Europie. A jednak, jak pokazuje przykad
Dyirbala, stan bezpieczestwa jzyka etnicznego ikultury wnim zakodowanej moe pozostawa poza
sfer wiadomoci izainteresowa spoeczestwa do momentu, kiedy jzyk etniczny jest ju tak zagroony,
e waciwie trudno mie pewno, czy zdoa on powrci do swojej funkcji. Proces wypierania go
moe trwa jednak wsposb niezauwaony przez dziesitki lat iwydaje si by uwarunkowany tempem
zastpowania przez przychodzce pokolenia elementw wasnej kultury etnicznej przez elementy innej,
bardziej ekspansywnej. Czy znaczy to, e procesy integracyjne mog stanowi zagroenie dla zachowania
tosamoci kulturowej poszczeglnych narodw tworzcych Zjednoczon Europ? Czy stanowisko Rady
Europy (ETS 148, 5.XI.1992) podkrelajce warto kultur narodowych jest wystarczajcym gwarantem
zachowania przynajmniej najistotniejszych elementw dziedzictwa kulturowego poszczeglnych
narodw i rangi jzykw z tymi kulturami zwizanymi? Jakie znaczenie moe mie dla Zjednoczonej
Europy zachowanie lub utracenie przez pastwa czonkowskie odrbnoci kulturowej i wyonienie
wdalszej perspektywie jednego systemu komunikacji jzykowej?
U podstaw powyszych uwag nie ley niech do idei zjednoczenia Europy. Przeciwnie, powodem
powyszych rozwaa i postawienia pyta jest troska o to, by za kilkadziesit lat, kiedy Europejczycy
bd mogli korzysta wpeni zdobrodziejstw zjednoczenia, nie pojawiy si tendencje nacjonalistyczne,
rozsadzajce Zjednoczon Europ, wynikajce z poczucia braku wasnego dziedzictwa kulturowego
zachowanego we wasnym jzyku etnicznym.
W Europie przeomu wiekw jzyk angielski staje si jzykiem drugim raczej ni obcym. Tendencja
do uczenia si tego jzyka nie musi jednak sta si zagroeniem dla kultur ijzykw europejskich, tak
dugo, jak jednym zpriorytetw polityki Zjednoczonej Europy bdzie propagowanie dorobku kulturowego
poszczeglnych narodw igrup etnicznych poprzez stworzenie iwspomaganie programw uczenia si
jzykw takich jak grecki, duski, flamandzki, polski, czeski, adziki nauce jzyka poznawanie kultury
ssiada iwnikanie wjego sposb dowiadczania wiata.
Niedocenianie potrzeby zachowania wielojzycznego iwielokulturowego charakteru Europy moe
zamieni ide zjednoczenia wtwr przypominajcy pastwa-kontynenty opisywane przez Orwella, gdzie
zuboona oaspekt kulturowy nowo-mowa jedyny dopuszczalny sposb komunikowania pozbawia ludzi
ich wymiaru humanistycznego. Wielojzyczno iwielokulturowo Europy trzeciego tysiclecia moe by
gwarantem trwaoci Unii Europejskiej, bdcej Zjednoczon Europ Jzykw iKultur Narodowych.
117
Kamila Turewicz
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Chruszczewski, Piotr P. (2011) Jzykoznawstwo antropologiczne. Zadania imetody. Wrocaw: Oddzia Polskiej
Akademii Nauk we Wrocawiu.
Dixon, Robert M. W. (1972) TheDyirbal Language of North Queensland. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Dixon, Robert M. W. (1987) Words of Julujis World. [W:] Derek J. Mulvaney, John P. White (red.) Australians
to 1788. Sydney: Fairfax, Syme & Weldon Associates.
Dixon, Robert M. W. (1991) A Changing Language Situation: The Decline of Dyirbal, 19631080. [W:]
Language in Society 20. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 183200.
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Kvecses, Zoltan (2011) Cross-Cultural Aspects of Metaphor. [W:] Kamila Turewicz (red.) Cognitive
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Macbeth Speech. d: Wydawnictwo Akademii Humanistyczno-Ekonomicznej w odzi; 3748.
Kramsch, Claire (1998) Language and Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lakoff, George (1987) Women, Fire and Dangerous Things. What Categories Reveal about theMind. Chicago:
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Mulvaney, Derek J., John P. White (red.) (1987) Australians to 1788. Australia: Fairfax, Syme & Weldon
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Oleksy, Wiesaw (red.) (2002) Language Function, Structure, and Change. Essays in Linguistics in Honor of
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Schmidt, Anette (1985) Young Peoples Dyirbal: An Example of Language Death from Australia. Cambridge:
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Tomasello, Michael, Ann Cale Kruger, Hilary Horn Ratner (1993) Cultural Learning. [W:] Behavioral and
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Turewicz, Kamila (2000) Applicability of Cognitive Grammar as aFoundation of Pedagogical/Reference Grammar.
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Turewicz, Kamila (2002) Grammatical Structure as Conceptual Structure: Evidence form Language Death.
[W:] Wiesaw Oleksy (red.) Language Function, Structure, and Change. Essays in Linguistics in Honor of
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Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
119125
Maciej Widawski
University of Social Sciences, Warsaw
Abstract
Lexical creation is an important part of African American slang and involves such mechanisms as coinage,
onomatopoeia, reduplication, and phoneticism. They are enormously productive and account for numerous slang
expressions. Their productivity testifies to great linguistic creativity of African Americans; moreover, as in thecase
of phoneticism, it shows that lexical creation can be used consciously for sociocultural reasons stemming from
theAfrican American experience. This paper presents these processes in detail. Partially drawing from thebook
African American: ALinguistic Description (Widawski, forthcoming) and anearlier publication on African American
lexicon (Widawski & Kowalczyk 2012), the presentation is based on lexical material from a sizable database of
citations from contemporary African American sources collected through extensive fieldwork in theUnited States
in recent years.
Keywords: AfricanAmerican English, slang, sociolinguistics, word-formation, morphology, coinage.
1. Introduction
Lexical creation can be understood as theprocess of inventing entirely new expressions, and is usually
contrasted with expressions created by morphological processes such as compounding, affixation
or derivation. Lexical creation principally involves such mechanisms as coinage, onomatopoeia,
reduplication, and phoneticism. While they are rarely used in standard English, they are conspicuous in
African American slang which abounds in numerous expressions formed in this way. This paper presents
these mechanisms in detail, and thus falls within thebroad spectrum of descriptive studies of African
American lexicon (for instance, see Baugh 1983; Major 1994; Rickford 1999; Smitherman 2000, 2006).
Maciej Widawski
120
Partially drawing from my book African American: ALinguistic Description (forthcoming) and anearlier
publication on African American lexicon (Widawski & Kowalczyk 2012), the presentation is based
on lexical material from asizable database of citations from contemporary African American sources
collected through extensive fieldwork in the United States in recent years, and research at academic
institutions such as Columbia University, Yale University, Stanford University, and the University of
California at Berkeley.
The term slang is often misunderstood or misinterpreted, so it would be sensible to start with its
definition. Broadly speaking, its avery informal type of vocabulary. More precisely, it is
a highly informal and unconventional type of vocabulary; it is perceived as expressive, catchy, and
undignified; it consists of standard expressions modified in some way or appended with new, often
figurative, meanings, and sometimes of entirely novel expressions; slang is coined chiefly by members
of social, occupational or ethnic groups which are typically separate from mainstream society, yet it
is often adopted by larger social segments; it is employed in place of standard expressions to convey
some extra information of apsychological, social or rhetorical nature; it thus provides alternative,
highly informal synonyms for things referents already named in thelanguage, but sometimes gives
names for referents for which there are no standard expressions, or which have yet to be named.
(adapted from Widawski & Kowalczyk 2012: 18)
All this can be said about theslang used and coined by African Americans.
The term African American also requires a definition. Broadly speaking, it is a very general and
neutral term for thespeech of African Americans who live in or come from theUnited States of America.
More specifically, as observed by Baugh (in Mesthrie 2001: 709), it refers to thespeech of thedescendants of
African slaves rather than thespeech of recent immigrants to theUnited States, and it is thelegacy of slavery
and its specific historical context that adds to thesociolinguistic meaning of theterm. Moreover, African
American is often appended with thequalifier Vernacular, and this addition signals that this kind of speech
is used by common working-class speakers rather than by theaggregate of African American population.
To summarize, theterm African American Slang can be understood as ahighly informal type of
vocabulary created and used by African Americans in theUnited States; it is conditioned by aspecific
historical, social, cultural and ethnic context resulting from theaggregate of sociolinguistic experience of
African Americans in this country.
2. Coinage
The most obvious but at the same time the most infrequent process of lexical creation is coinage.
Instandard English, there are very few new words coined ex nihilo, or from nothing, among which one
can list googol, nylon, or quark (see Steinmetz & Kipfer 2006: 166169). This can be explained by thefact
that most words are produced in conformity with theusual standard but fairly productive wordbuilding
(ormorphological) mechanisms rather than by coinage.
Generally speaking, creating entirely new words from scratch is also relatively rare in African
American slang. This is because most of slang used by African Americans recycles existing words which
beget new meanings, often through metaphorization or through semantic shifting. However, there
is at least a handful of slang expressions which seem to have been created out of nothing, although
they belong more to thesphere of linguistic mystery since it is impossible to establish their etymology
definitely. Consider thefollowing expressions:
Lesson One: How to smoke dank [= marijuana] and be cool at thesame time YouTube, 2013
She was hanging around with some fays [= white persons] University of California Berkeley
Student, 2013
Gimme some space to luficate [= beat, strike or hit] you so bad, homie! Hip Hop Indo, 2010
I fugure they probably need to make abit more skrilla [= money] before they address that Yelp, 2013
Michelle drinks yack [= brandy or cognac] out thebottle in abrown paper bag Twitter, 2013
However, creating can also involve anew combination of two or more existing words, or acombination
of a word and an affix, for example infotainment, rockumentary, speed-dating, staycation, or upload.
Bythis rationale, numerous African American slang expressions are products of such neological creation.
They may be composed of existing and well known words or affixes, but their particular combination
creates theeffect of lexical novelty and freshness. Note that theelements used to form such combinations
may themselves be either slangy, standard or both. Here is ahandful of relevant examples from African
American slang:
The Wu-Tang leader faces off with theBlack Keys in arestaurant to determine who really is thebaddest
[= best] Rolling Stone, 2012
Living with thesibling and her crumb-snatcher [= baby or alittle child] isnt fun Twitter, 2013
I loved that he called Tucker Carlson afatherfucker [= contemptible or despicable man] Jezebel,
2009
To overstand [= understand fully and completely] thepathology thats destroying theplanet, you
must see this documentary Twitter, 2013
After me there will be no more like me, you underdig [= understand or comprehend] what Im
sayin? Black Planet, 2008
African American slang abounds in such neological creations. This can be explained by avibrant
tradition of creative wordplay and lexical experimentation rooted in African American culture, in recent
times demonstrated by hip-hop culture and rap lyrics. Thecitational corroboration yields thefollowing:
That girls is blackalicious [= excellent or admirable, especially if connected with African
Americans] with them pretty eyes and thick thighs Urban Dictionary, 2013
I need to stop being your frienemy [= someone who pretends to be ones friend but who is not,
especially because of their jealousy] 30 Rock, NBC-TV series, 2008
Yo, much love to everyone in Illadelphia [= Philadelphia, Pennsylvania]! Play Cloths, 2010
She had ahoe with her named Bama, abig bad mama-jamma [= sexually attractive woman]
Snoop Dogg, 1996
I will not waste your time with such shiznit [= nonsense] in thefuture! Word Press, 2013
3. Onomatopoeia
Onomatopoeia is another mechanism of lexical creation. It involves the production of new words
from natural sounds, or their visual change to suggest acertain sound, as in boom, buzz or ding-dong.
Onomatopoeia is not very productive in English. Although there are a few dozen onomatopoeic
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Maciej Widawski
122
expressions, their usage is rather restricted to exclamations, and used in comic books or in advertising
(McArthur 1992: 729).
While onomatopoeic expressions are also relatively infrequent in African American slang, their
manner of associating sound and meaning in afairly succinct way makes them fairly useful. Consider
thefollowing selection:
Nice bling [= piece of jewelry, especially aring] for your woman? Read on at Purist Pro! Twitter,
2013
Hey, is this Jody? TheJody that got my boo [= girlfriend] pregnant? Baby Boy, film, 2001
I havent even done theboom-boom [= sexual intercourse] with him yet! Watt Pad, 2013
The motherfucker aloud and smelly poot [= expulsion of intestinal gas through anus] University
of California Berkeley Student, 2013
I love all therazzmatazz [= noisy activity intended to attract attention or impress], pumped up egos
and superhero names Twitter, 2012
4. Reduplication
While reduplication may be understood as aspecial case of compounding, it is closely linked with sound
symbolism and neologism, and thus also falls within the spectrum of lexical creation. Reduplication
involves therepetition of aword or its part, or therepetition of aparticular sound, especially vowel, to
achieve thedesired effect of syncopated rhythm and catchiness.
African American slang abounds in expressions formed by means of reduplication. This may be
linked with African Americans predilection for rhyming, so often employed in hip-hop and rap music.
Therhyming quality of reduplication signals verbal vividness, forcefulness, and quite often, humor.
Reduplication falls into two main categories. Thefirst category is exact reduplications. They involve
precise repetition of thewhole word in its exact form. Possibly for this reason, they are relatively rare.
Ontheother hand, because of their rhythmic qualities, they are extremely popular and frequently used by
African Americans, especially in hip-hop culture. Consider thefollowing expressions:
White man gonna try to keep ablack man down from birth. But bo-bo [= white person], he couldnt
do it to this black man George Pelecanos, 2002
They were so caught up in fighting that we had to stay in amo-mo [= motel] YouTube, 2013
If you hear someone yell the po-po [= police]s comin, run!!!! Urban Dictionary, 2013
We made a stop on the way-way [= freeway] from Bakersfield to San Francisco University of
California Berkeley Student, 2013
I said Whoa whoa [= wait or slow down]. Dont point it at me! Myrtle Beach Sun News, 2011
The second category is non-exact reduplications. These involve only partial repetition, typically
with thebeginning of thereduplicated element being altered. Non-exact reduplication is more common
that theprevious category, and it accounts for numerous slang expressions in African American slang.
Here is aselection of representative citational examples:
I hope we get to see this mama-jamma [= sexually attractive woman] this weekend! Facebook,
2013
This mo-fo [= contemptible or despicable man] just jacked my rap name! Twitter, 2013
I hate to use thewords, but it seems like abunch of mumbo-jumbo [= meaningless or deceptive talk,
especially jargon] News, ABC-TV program, 2013
Sometimes its valuable to look beyong therazzle-dazzle [= noisy confusion or chaos, especially if
deliberate] Huffington Post, 2013
Underneath all therazzmatazz [= noisy activity intended to attract attention or impress], there is
very little beauty New York Magazine, 1989
5. Phoneticism
Phoneticism entails deliberate misspelling of anexpression. While it does not per se involve creation of
new words, it accounts for dozens of new variant forms and is closely linked with neologization and lexical
creation. Themotivation behind manipulation of spelling is chiefly thejocular effect, and, as observed by
Coleman (2012: 40), phoneticism features especially strongly in advertising as well as in text messaging
on social networking sites, as evidenced by such expressions as Blu-Tack, Froot Loops or M8. Moreover,
it can be used to imitate someones speech, especially an accent, usually in order to mock or ridicule
it, for instance Pahk yoah cah in Havahd Yahd, meant to represent Boston accent. Note that theresults
of phoneticism are always perceived as informal or colloquial because they break the orthographical
conventions of standard language.
Phoneticism is one of the most salient features of African American slang, where it is used
extensively. This can be explained by thetraditional interest in wordplay and lexical experimentation
among African Americans, in recent times visible in hip-hop and rap lyrics. Moreover, thedeliberate
breaking of orthographical conventions suggests independence from and rebellion against thewhite
majority, and so in African American slang phoneticism is employed to signal an important
sociolinguistic message: to make a political point. Here is a short selection from the long list of
examples:
Ryan, let me ax [= ask] you aquestion. You gonna keep it going for no-shave November? Facebook,
2013
Hes abadd [= tough, bold, and severe] man. And thats badd with two Ds! Detroit Free Press, 2010
I just learned that Denise is areal biatch [= contemptible or despicable woman] Facebook, 2013
That new track that DJ Kush laid down is da bomb [= something excellent or admirable]! Urban
Dictionary, 2013
People are mean. Its afack [= fact] of life, period! University of California Berkeley Student, 2013
Let me get thewhole Hilfiger hookup, huh? Definitely, mos def [= definitely] Bamboozled, film,
2000
Justin Bieber is phat [= excellent or admirable]: perfect, hot, awesome, tempting! Facebook, 2013
Go call the PO-lice [= police], go call the Govah-bah! Or better yet, go call the govahn-ment!
Twitter, 2013
He abrutal, jagged edged, totally ruffneck [= street tough guy or thug] Snoop Dogg, 1993
She is not a yeller [= light-skinned African American, especially a sexually attractive young
woman] New York Times, 2000
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Maciej Widawski
124
Phoneticism is also frequently employed to represent peculiar African American speech patterns
such as monopthongization, postvocalic r-dropping, and consonant-cluster reductions. In most cases,
phoneticisms function as variant forms of existing slang expressions, but they may also function on their
own, as entirely new lexical items. There are hundreds of African American slang expressions created in
this way. Here is aselection from along list of examples:
Imah so sick and tired of theBig Foe [= urban police detectives, especially brutal and arrogant]
startin mess Heather Buchanan, 2007
Man, its ablack thang [= any sociocultural practice, behavior or attitude characteristic of African
Americans], you wouldnt understand Urban Dictionary, 2013
The music sounds butta [= excellent or admirable] as ever, nice to see youre doing shows man! My
Space, 2009
Trayvon Martin was agangsta [= member of acriminal gang]. How do we know? Digital Journal,
2013
Dont be a hata [= envious person who is trying to prevent someone from doing something
successful or funny], be amotivata! Pinterest, 2013
What if shes ahoe [= prostitute or promiscuous woman] and she cant help it? Yahoo Answers,
2013
These stupid niggaz [= fellow African Americans] wanna be American Idols Public Enemy, 2006
Hey, what part of No Coast [= Midwestern USA] are you guys from? Slumz Boxden, 2009
When will my sistas [= African American women] learn that theopportunities that are open to our
brothers are open to us as well? Ebony, 2009
Its only cause shes asexy yella [= light-skinned African American, especially asexually attractive
young woman] Twitter, 2009
Phoneticism may also be linked with cryptic function. Such use is very rare, but slang may be
occasionally created from various cryptic devices to serve as akind of acode (see Coleman 2012: 96
99). These include reordering of syllables in theword, often accompanied by theaddition of affixes, or
attaching meaningless sounds or letters at thebeginning or end of aword, or specifically, before or after
each syllable.
The infix -izz- (or -iz-) serves such function. Although it is no longer in vogue, adecade ago it
was probably themost widely used phoneticism used in thecryptic function, enormously productive in
African American slang and peculiar to rap and hip-hop parlance. While carrying no meaning, it was
beside its jocular and rhythmic value often applied to hide themeaning of anexpression, and thus
applied in thecryptic function. Here is therelevant citational corroboration:
Jordan, do you have any plans? We should all go get adrizzink [= drink] Twitter, 2013
Actually, call me by my rap name. Were in my hizzouse [= house], so its cool Tumblr, 2013
That lousy motherfucker got out of jizzail [= jail] University of California Berkeley Student, 2013
Dont forget to wear something warm. Its gonna be kizzold [= cold] Uptown MPLS, 2006
They are trying. But they wont get shizzit [= absolutely nothing (from shit)]! Twitter, 2013
Another widely known device used in phoneticism used in thecryptic function is thesuffix -izzle
(or -izle). Much like theabove -izz- infix, it is no longer in vogue but has nevertheless been employed to
create numerous expressions characteristic of rap and hip-hop culture. Again, while carrying almost no
meaning, it was popular because of its cryptic, but also jocular qualities. Consider thefollowing examples:
The chick needed some fizzle [= sex or thesex act] University of California Berkeley Student, 2013
If you need to process it, thats what were here for, my nizzle [= fellow African American] Facebook,
2011
Consider this aninvitation for to my gangster nation. For rizzle [= real]? Urban Dictionary, 2013
Oh, we could take their paychecks for shizzle [= certain]! Salt Lake City Weekly, 2010
6. Summary
Lexical creation is animportant part of African American slang. It involves such mechanisms as coinage,
onomatopoeia, reduplication, and phoneticism. While they are fairly rare in standard English, they are
frequent in African American slang, where numerous slang expressions have been created in this way.
Their popularity and productivity, especially in hip-hop slang, attests to the great lexical creativity of
African Americans. It also shows as in the case of phoneticism that lexical creation can be used
consciously for sociocultural reasons stemming from theAfrican American experience.
References
Baugh, John (1983) Black Street Speech: Its History, Structure, and Survival. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Coleman, Julie (2012) TheLife of Slang. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Major, Clarence (1994) From Juba to Jive: ADictionary of African American Slang. New York: Penguin Books.
McArthur, Tom (1992) Oxford Companion to theEnglish Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Mesthrie, Rajend (2001) Concise Encyclopedia of Sociolinguistics. Kidlington, Oxford: Elsevier Science.
Rickford, John (1999) African American Vernacular English: Features, Evolution, Educational Implications. New
York: Blackwell.
Smitherman, Geneva (2000) Black Talk: Words and Phrases from the Hood to the Amen Corner. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin.
Smitherman, Geneva (2006) Words from the Mother: Language and African Americans. Boston: Houghton
Mifflin.
Steinmetz, Sol, Barbara Kipfer (2006) TheLife of Language. New York: Random House.
Widawski, Maciej (forthcoming) African American: ALinguistic Description.
Widawski, Maciej, Magorzata Kowalczyk (2012) Black Lexicon. Gdask: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu
Gdaskiego.
125
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
127136
Marcin Zabawa
University of Silesia, Katowice
Language Contact in theSemantic Field of Computers

and theInternet: TheNewest English Lexical Loans
inPolish
Abstract
Nowadays more and more people are using computers and theInternet; consequently, they are continually in touch
with computing terminology. Thestudy and analysis of such terminology thus seems very important not only from
thepoint of view of alinguist, but from one of anaverage computer user as well. Polish language for computers and
theInternet is in astate of constant change today: new terms, mostly borrowed from English, enter thelanguage
all thetime. Theaim of thepresent paper is to analyze theorigin of thenewest lexical borrowings of English, many
of which have not been noted in thedictionaries and/or discussed in theliterature on thesubject, used in Polish
language for computers and theInternet. Special attention will be devoted to themorphology of such loans; among
other things, special morphological processes will be discussed, such as theformation of diminutives of computer
terms. Theresearch is based on acorpus, collected and analyzed by theauthor of thestudy. Thecorpus comprises of
texts taken from various Internet message boards devoted to computers and theInternet.
Keywords:lexical loans, semantic loans, loan translations, corpus studies, computing terminology, Internet
terminology.
1. Introduction
It is awell-known fact that English heavily influences present-day Polish; such changes are most readily
detectable in thearea of vocabulary (for more on this, cf. Maczak-Wohlfeld 2006; SZA 20101). Naturally,
not all semantic fields in Polish are affected by English to anequal extent. Thearea of computing and
1
Theabbreviations of thetitles of English and Polish dictionaries used in thepresent study are listed and explained in thefinal
section of thepaper.
Marcin Zabawa
128
theInternet appears to be among therichest in theelements borrowed from English (cf. OtwinowskaKasztelanic 2000; Zabawa 2012, 2014). Theaim of thepresent paper, as thetitle suggests, will be to describe
thenewest borrowings of English origin found in thesemantic area in question. Thearticle focuses on
lexical loans, but selected examples of semantic borrowings and loan translations will also be provided.
It must be noted at thebeginning that computing and Internet terminology has avery distinct
character when compared to theterminology used in other fields, such as, e.g. physics or chemistry. More
and more people are using computers nowadays (Feliksiak 2010), either as ahobby or as apart of their
work; consequently, they are continually in touch with IT terminology. As aresult, thestudy and analysis
of such terminology seems very important not only from thepoint of view of alinguist, but from theone
of anaverage computer user as well.
Computing and Internet terminology is developing very quickly. On theone hand, theterms used
previously only by IT specialists have now penetrated into general Polish and are used also by nonspecialists (cf. e.g. skaner, program antywirusowy scanner, antivirus program/software). On theother
hand, computer terminology borrows words from general Polish and assigns special meanings to them
(cf. e.g. plik file). Theflow of words is thus bidirectional: from general Polish to amore specialized one
and from aspecialized variety to ageneral one.
What is more, thelanguage of computers and theInternet is in constant change nowadays: new
terms enter thelanguage all thetime; they are frequently, albeit not always, borrowed from English. As
for examples, cf. thefollowing words noted in SZA (2010) but not in theearlier dictionaries: USJP (2003)
and WSWO (2003): clocking, hacking, overclocker or trolling. Furthermore, many of theolder terms tend
to disappear: for example, one could mention such forms as dysk sztywny (lit. stiff disk), dysk stay (lit.
permanent disk), both now replaced by dysk twardy (lit. hard disk) or footer, header, now largely
replaced by Polish translations stopka, nagwek.2 Consequently, constant research in thefield is anecessity.
It would appear that two layers of Polish computing and Internet terminology can be distinguished:
(1) theformal, official terminology (used, e.g. in thepress dealing with computers, computer games and
theInternet, such as, e.g. Chip, PC Format, CD-Action) and (2) theinformal, unofficial one (such as, e.g.
theone used on theInternet message boards, instant messaging, chat rooms as well as in conversations
on computers). Thepresent paper will concentrate on theunofficial variety, i.e. theone used in informal
situations. First, however, some general information will be given.
2. Computing terminology and borrowings from English

As was mentioned in theIntroduction, computing and Internet terminology, both formal and informal,
is one of the richest (in terms of English borrowings) semantic fields in Polish.3 One of the first
semantic classifications of English borrowings in Polish was carried out by Fisiak (1970), who divided
theEnglish loans used in Polish into 12 semantic categories; computers were, however, not included as
aseparate category: only thegeneral class of science and technology was introduced. Another scholar,
2 The terms dysk sztywny, dysk stay, footer, header were discussed in the article by Cudak and Tambor (1995) as regular
computing terms used in Polish.
3 Naturally, thesame holds true for many other languages apart from Polish; see, e.g. Sosnowski (2000) for thediscussion on
English borrowings in thesphere of computers in Polish and Italian.
Language Contact in the Semantic Field of Computers
Maczak-Wohlfeld, was among thefirst Polish linguists who introduced thesemantic field of computers
and theInternet as aseparate category (in connection with theexistence of English borrowings). In her
work, she divided theEnglish loans into 45 semantic categories,4 including computers and (as aseparate
group) cybernetics (Maczak-Wohlfeld 1995: 6873).
It is very difficult, if not impossible, to establish even the approximate number of English
borrowings used in thePolish computing and Internet terminology. It is only possible to speculate on
their number on the basis of the general (i.e. not intended for specialists) dictionary of Polish (USJP
2003). The dictionary in question includes 374 entries (headwords) marked with the label inform.
(informatyczny, computing).5 Out of those 374 entries, 120 are additionally marked with ang. (angielski,
i.e. coming from English); consequently, it can be stated that approximately 32% of thecomputing terms
in Polish are of English origin.6 Additionally, it must be noted that many such terms have numerous
variant forms, both at the level of spelling (e.g. driver/drajwer driver, interface/interfejs interface,
bootowa/botowa/butowa to boot) and morphology or syntax, e.g. pokj czata, pokj czatu, pokoje
wczacie, pokoje zczatu (lit. room chat-gen., room chat-dat., rooms in chat-loc., room from chatdat.) (Zabawa 2010: 84). This shows that many of the terms borrowed from English, not necessarily
thenewest ones (cf. e.g. interfejs, noted already in USJP7), are still far from fully assimilated.
3. Thecorpus
The present study is based on acorpus, collected and analyzed by theauthor of thestudy. Thecorpus
comprises of texts taken from thefollowing Internet message boards devoted to computers and theInternet:
Forum Bajt (http://forumbajt.pl/forum.php), Forum komputerowe (http://forumkomputerowe.pl/),
Forum PC (http://www.forumpc.pl/). All theforums included in thestudy are intended for non-specialist
computer users.
It has been decided to exclude texts published on Usenet groups (such as, e.g. pl.comp.lang.pascal,
pl.comp.mail, etc.), since these groups are mostly intended for computer specialists (either professionally or
as ahobby) and thelanguage used there does not seem representative of Polish computer users in general.
The topics have been randomly selected from the above-mentioned three Internet forums and
included into thecorpus. It contains theentries both on computer hardware and software. Thematerial
was gathered in February and March 2012. Altogether, thecorpus taken into account in thepresent study
comprises 106 721 words.8
4 Even such detailed classification is not complete, however. As Maczak-Wohlfeld (1995: 73) admits herself, new borrowings
are appearing constantly and they may not fit into any of thecategories singled out and described before.
5 It must be noted, however, that thenumber given here (i.e. 374) is only anapproximation, as thedictionary also contains
terms connected with computers not marked with thelabel inform.
6
The problem is, however, that thedata may be, and most probably is, out-of-date as USJP was published in 2003, which means
that thelinguistic material must have been gathered and compiled even earlier.
7 USJP lists only theform interfejs (not interface). It must be added here that such re-anglicisation (which can also be termed
de-assimilation) is not a new phenomenon: Maczak-Wohlfeld (1993: 281), for example, notes that the form business is
sometimes preferred over biznes or gin over dyn (cf. also Zabawa 2011: 211).
8
The number of running words has been determined with thehelp of acomputer program TextSTAT.
129
Marcin Zabawa
4. Examples of English lexical borrowings found in thecorpus
130
Numerous new borrowings of English origin have been found in the corpus. Many of them have not
been registered in the dictionaries, including the newest dictionary of English borrowings in Polish
(SZA 2010). Examples of such terms include:9 bady (bad sectors), bluescreen (a type of fatal error
leading to crash; normally ablue screen with theerror announcement is displayed, hence thename),
bot (a kind of computer program performing automatically various operations, e.g. responding to users
input; sometimes aprogram designed to mimic human operations), crash (a state when thecomputer
hangs and no longer works), firmware (an operating system, programs, etc., implemented permanently
into computers memory by the manufacturer), fullscreen (a mode of running a program or a game
on theentire screen, rather than in awindow), key (a kind of apassword used, e.g. to install or run
aprogram, game, etc.), lagi (delays occurring during, e.g. playing computer games in themultiplayer
mode via the Internet), rootkity (harmful computer programs, a kind of computer viruses), setup
(options of acomputer program or agame where auser can configure theprogram/game to suit his/
her needs, e.g. by changing thecolours, theresolution, keyboard shortcuts, thelevel of difficulty, etc.),
shutdown (the act of turning off acomputer), speaker (loudspeaker), support (technical help provided
by themanufacturer of agiven device, e.g. aprinter10), switch (a button for turning thecomputer on
or off ), toolbar (a set of icons in agiven computer program, used to navigate theprogram and choose
various functions, located usually in thetop part of thewindow), tutorial (a mode of using acomputer
program or playing acomputer game, with various kinds of hints and helpful comments displayed on
screen, designed for beginner users). All of theabove-mentioned borrowings are thus visible proof of
theconstant development of Polish computing language.
Moreover, the corpus contains numerous abbreviations and/or acronyms. In fact, the use of
acronyms and abbreviations can be seen as one of the most characteristic features of the Internet
language.11 As for examples, the following abbreviations/acronyms have been found, among others:
BSOD/bsod12 (Blue Screen of Death), OC/oc (overclocking), OS (operating system), PnP (Plug and Play),
p (pixel), PDF/pdf (Portable Document Format), fps (frames per second), CPU/cpu (Central Processing
Unit). The frequent use of abbreviations and acronyms facilitates fast keyboarding and reading, thus
saving both time and space.
Interestingly enough, most of theEnglish borrowings described in theprevious paragraph, despite
being relatively new in thelanguage, have already been adapted, especially at thelevel of morphology,
cf. theinflected forms (for theperson, number, gender, tense and/or aspect in thecase of verbs, thecase
and/or number in the case of nouns):13 bugu (from bug), tutoriali (from tutorial), crackujc (from
9 The meanings have been determined by theanalysis of thecontext(s) in which agiven word appeared. Moreover, English
monolingual dictionaries have been consulted (ODE, OALD) and in some cases (i.e. when theword was used in Polish in
exactly thesame meaning as described in ODE or OALD for its English counterpart) thedefinitions have been formed with
thehelp of them.
10 This word is included in SZA, but in adifferent meaning.
11 This is afeature found across languages, both in Polish and English (cf. e.g. Grzenia 2007: 145149; Crystal 2006: 8992).
12 Many of theabbreviations/acronyms found in thecorpus have variant graphic forms, i.e. both theforms spelt with capital and
small letters have been documented.
13 Some of thebase forms listed in thepresent paragraph have been noted in SZA.
crackowa), toolbary (from toolbar), touchpada (from touchpad), backupu (from backup), supportu (from
support), boxowe14 (from box), and spatchowany (from patch). What is more, they serve as abasis for new
derivatives, cf. the following examples taken from the corpus:15 the adjective trialowy (from the noun
trial), theform lagowanie (from thenoun lag/lagi), theadjective desktopowe (from thenoun desktop),
the prefixed imperative form wybootuj and the prefixed form zbootowa, zabootowa (from the verb
bootowa). What is more, even theproper nouns associated with computers and theInternet can be used
as abase for derivatives, cf. theprefixed forms of verb pogooglowa and wygooglowa (from theproper
noun Google). As for abbreviations and/or acronyms, many of them have been adapted morphologically
as well, cf. such forms as BSODy/bsody, PDFy/pdfy, fpsy (the plural forms of BSOD, PDF, fps).
Thus, as one can see, theprocess of morphological adaptation takes place very quickly and usually
precedes the adaptation at the level of spelling:16 although the forms are frequently inflected, their
spelling usually remains English. Occasionally, however, theassimilation at thelevel of spelling is also
documented, cf. e.g. bootowa, used also as butowa. Such duality shows that theprocess of assimilation
at thelevel of spelling has been initiated, but is still far from completed as theform bootowa is still more
frequent than butowa (cf. e.g. theNational Corpus of Polish, www.nkjp.pl).17
It is also worth noting that not infrequently English lexical borrowings coexist side by side with
thenative (or borrowed, but already fully assimilated) counterparts, cf. thefollowing pairs: software
oprogramowanie; hardware sprzt (komputerowy); cookies ciasteczka; key klucz; link odnonik;
engine silnik; patch ata, atka; screen zrzut (ekranowy). As one can see, at least some of thePolish
counterparts should perhaps be termed quasi-Polish counterparts, as they are frequently loan translations
or loan renditions from English. Still, it appears that theEnglish forms are often preferred because of their
brevity. Naturally, in some cases thePolish constructions are as short, or even shorter, as their English
counterparts; in themajority of cases, however, theEnglish forms are shorter, which makes them well
suited for electronic communication. Interestingly enough, in some cases theEnglish borrowings coexist
side-by-side with their Polish counterparts and neither form seems to disappear or squeeze out thesecond
one: software and oprogramowanie (or simply programy) is agood illustration of this case.
Apart from new derivatives (cf. the examples given above), the corpus contains also numerous
examples of new words formed by means of clipping. This morphological process is quite untypical
in Polish: it occurs mainly, or perhaps even exclusively, in theinformal variety, e.g. in thelanguage of
young people (spoko instead of spokojnie all right; OK; dont worry, etc., nara instead of na razie bye
for now, etc.). Thecorpus, as was mentioned in theIntroduction, is composed of anunofficial variety of
computing language, hence thetendency of clipping appearing in theinformal variety has been retained.
14 Also spelt as BOXowe and BOXowe.
15 Again, some of thebase forms (but not derivatives) listed in thepresent paragraph have been noted in SZA.
16 Interestingly enough, some borrowings from English never become assimilated at thelevel of spelling, even though they may
be fully assimilated at thelevel of morphology: weekend is acase in point. Theword is anold borrowing; yet, despite being
morphologically assimilated (cf. such inflected forms as weekendu, weekendy and derivatives weekendowy, weekendowo),
theword is still used with foreign spelling (double e is very un-Polish). Occasionally, one can encounter such forms as ykent
or ikend, but they are used only humorously as some kind of alinguistic joke.
17 The neologism butowa (not noted in USJP at all) functions as ahomonym, as it can be used informally as theassimilated
variant of the computer form bootowa or, also informally, as the verb meaning to kick somebody, from the noun but
(shoe).
131
Marcin Zabawa
132
As for examples, the following forms have been found, among others: admin (from administrator,
administrator, usually of an Internet forum), antywir (from antywirus, i.e. program antywirusowy,
antivirus program/software), grafa (from grafika, i.e. karta graficzna, graphic card), gwara (from
gwarancja, guarantee), klawa (from klawiatura, keyboard), komp (from komputer, computer), mod
(from moderator, moderator), pen (from pendrive, memory stick), proc (from procesor, processor),
soft (from software), stery (from sterowniki, drivers), sygna (from sygnatura, signature, usually used
by a given user on, e.g. an Internet forum), defrag18 (from defragmentowanie, defragmentator, [disk]
defragmentation, defragmenter), viry (from wirusy, [computer] viruses, or directly from theEnglish
form viruses), win19 (from Windows).20 Most of theinstances of clipping, as one can see, can be classified
as back clippings (considered as themost frequent type of clipping, cf. Plag 2003: 154).
Furthermore, theclipped forms are often morphologically adapted and, consequently, inflected, cf.
thefollowing examples taken from thecorpus (the base form is given in brackets): antywira (antywir), grafy
(grafa), kompa, kompem (komp), pena (pen), softu (soft), sterw (stery). Such morphological adaptation
indicates that the clipped forms are already quite well assimilated and accepted by the community of
theusers of Internet forums. What is equally important is thefact that such forms have been found in all
three forums analyzed in thepresent study: this indicates that they are already relatively widely diffused
and do not seem to be restricted to one community of speakers.
It must be added at this point, however, that it is sometimes unclear whether such forms have
been formed (clipped) in Polish or rather borrowed as ready-made units from English. The second
hypothesis may be strengthened by the fact that some of the above-discussed forms have been noted
in thedictionaries of English. This is thecase of comp, defrag and admin, noted in OALD and/or ODE
(usually marked additionally with thelabel informal). Thus theforms admin, defrag and komp used in
Polish may well be lexical borrowings from English. Other forms, nevertheless, such as antywir, grafa or
klawa are most probably genuine examples of clipping in Polish.
Furthermore, thecorpus contains interesting examples of diminutives, formed usually by means of
another word-formation process, or rather by acombination of thetwo processes: clipping and affixation.
Examples of such constructions found in thecorpus include: lapek or lapciak (from laptop) and procek
(from procesor). Interestingly enough, many such constructions are formed from proper names, usually
thenames of companies and/or their products, cf. thefollowing examples: xpek21 (from Windows XP),
hapek (i.e. aprinter manufactured by HP company), maczek (from Macintosh) and toka (i.e. alaptop
manufactured by Toshiba company). Most probably, such forms can be classified as emotionally loaded
terms: theauthors stress their positive attitude towards theobjects.
18 Also appearing in theform defragler.

19 Also appearing in theconstruction dyski zwinem (a play on words, as winem is ahomonym here: hard disks with Windows
and hard disks with wine).
20 Additionally, the corpus contains abbreviations of words not specifically connected with computers, cf. e.g. org or oryg
(from orygina, an original computer game/program), zdj (from zdjcie, a photograph) and info (from information). Info,
however, can also be treated as apure lexical borrowing from English. Apart from those, thecorpus contains also examples of
abbreviations of aspecial type, with thevowels dropped, e.g. wgl (w ogle, in general), bd (bd, bdzie, I will, it will).
21 Also appearing as theinflected form xpka.
5. Semantic innovations
The study focuses mainly on lexical loans; it is interesting to note, nevertheless, that the corpus also
contains numerous examples of semantic innovations; while some of them are most probably formed in
Polish and can be seen as aresult of theinternal development of thePolish language, many others are
most probably theresult of theinfluence of English in thesphere of semantics.22
As for theformer group, i.e. new meanings formed most probably without theinfluence of English,
selected examples include winda (sometimes also capitalized: Winda), lit. a lift/an elevator, used to denote
thename of theoperating system Microsoft Windows (a play on words Windows and winda, which are
graphically similar) or twardziel, lit. a tough man, used to denote ahard disk (Polish dysk twardy; again
aplay on words: twardziel is semantically related to twardy, lit. hard). As one can see, theconstructions
used in thenew meanings can be seen as examples of linguistic creativity: thenew forms can be formed
on thebasis of semantic similarity (twardziel/twardy) or merely graphical one (Windows/winda).
The latter group, i.e. new meanings formed on thebasis of English models, include such words as,
e.g. awatar (used on themodel of English avatar, i.e. an icon or figure representing aparticular person
in computer games, Internet forums, etc.; ODE), pokj (on themodel of English (chat) room, i.e. anarea
on the Internet or other computer network where users can communicate, typically one dedicated to
a particular topic; ODE), biblioteka (on the model of English (software) library, i.e. a collection of
programs and software packages made generally available, often loaded and stored on disk for immediate
use; ODE), moderator and its abbreviation mod (on themodel of English moderator, i.e. a person who
moderates anInternet message board or chat room; ODE); for more examples of this kind cf. Zabawa
2010: 8090 and Zabawa 2012).
6. Loan translations
Apart from lexical and semantic loans, thecorpus contains also numerous examples of loan translations
modelled on English (i.e. literal translations from English). Some of such constructions are well assimilated
and are not felt as foreign, cf. e.g. dysk twardy (on the model of English hard disk), pomoc techniczna
(on themodel of English technical help or technical support), dysk zewntrzny (on themodel of English
external disk).23 Others, however, have been formed relatively recently and can be difficult to understand
without thetranslation into English. Selected examples of this kind of English influence include niebieski
ekran (bluescreen), niebieski ekran mierci (blue screen of death), aktywne/pasywne chodzenie (active/
22 It must be noted at this point that it is not always easy to distinguish between semantic innovations triggered by English (i.e.
semantic loans) and those formed as aresult of theinternal development of Polish. Some scholars, e.g. Markowski (2004: 39),
argue that it is reasonable to assume that agiven Polish word is asemantic loan when there is acorrespondence between its
new meaning and theolder meaning of its English (or other foreign-language) counterpart. In other words, if asemantic
change in Polish is analogous to theone that happened earlier in English (or anEnglish word was used in agiven meaning
from thebeginning) then it is reasonable to assume that thechange in Polish was triggered (or at least intensified) by English
(for more on this, cf. Zabawa 2012). Thesummary of various other criteria used to distinguish between thetwo groups of
semantic innovations can be found in Witalisz (2007: 8489); it must be noted, nevertheless, that thecriteria are relative rather
than absolute and in many cases theorigin of agiven word can only be hypothesized but not proved.
23 Theposition of theadjectives is, however, reversed (postpositive in Polish as opposed to attributive in English). For thediscussion
of theinfluence of English upon theposition of adjectives in Polish, cf. Otwinowska-Kasztelanic (2000: 103107).
133
Marcin Zabawa
134
passive cooling), budetowe konstrukcje (budget constructions), ze sektory (bad sectors), magiczna
partycja (magic partition), powierzchnia dysku (disk surface) and meneder dysku (disk manager). In
fact, such constructions can be seen as being on theborderline between loan translations and semantic
borrowings. The construction budetowe konstrukcje, for example, can be seen as a pure example of
a loan translation from English budget constructions, but it may also be discussed from the point of
view of semantic changes of theword budetowy in Polish. Traditionally, theword was used in Polish
in the meaning of connected with a budget; relating to a budget (cf. the definition in USJP, where
theword is additionally marked with thelabel ekon., i.e. belonging to thesemantic sphere of economics);
in theconstruction in question, however, theword is used in thesense of inexpensive on themodel of
theEnglish adjective budget. Asimilar situation can be detected in thecase of theconstruction meneder
dysku: it can be discussed as a typical example of a loan translation; it may, however, also be seen as
anexample of asemantic borrowing: meneder24 in Polish (a lexical borrowing from English itself) is
used in two meanings: (A) a person responsible for organization and management of a company
and (B) a person who organizes the performances of an artist (or artists), sportsman/sportswoman
(or sportsmen/sportswomen) and takes care of their financial matters (cf. USJP). In theconstruction
meneder dysku, however, theword in question clearly does not refer to aperson; its use is modelled on
English manager: one of its uses, marked additionally with thelabel Computing, is defined by ODE as
follows: a program or system that controls or organizes aperipheral device or process.
7. Conclusions
To sum up, it must be underlined once again that thesemantic field of computers is one of therichest
in terms of the number of English lexical borrowings.25 The semantic area in question can also be
characterized by constant changes in vocabulary; new terms are not, however, mere additions to alexicon.
In fact, two opposing tendencies can be observed here. On theone hand, English borrowings existing in
Polish in thepast (mostly in the1990s) have been replaced to alarge extent by thePolish counterparts,
usually literal translations from English. Such translations, performed on arelatively large scale, can be
seen, among others, as aresult of producing Polish versions of computer software, especially theoperating
system Microsoft Windows and theoffice program Microsoft Office. Thus window was translated as okno,
tools as narzdzia, footer as stopka, header as nagwek, etc. On theother hand, new borrowings of English
origin are constantly introduced, some examples of which have been discussed in thepresent article.
Other opposing tendencies that can be noticed in thesemantic field in question are connected
with morphology and theassimilation of English loanwords. On theone hand, English lexical borrowings
in thePolish semantic field of computers and theInternet tend to assimilate very quickly, especially at
thelevel of morphology, as they are inflected (e.g. case endings are added or plural forms are created
in the case of nouns) and new derivatives are constantly formed. On the other hand, however, many
constructions have variant forms, both at the level of spelling and morphology or syntax. This shows
that, despite their quick assimilation, many users are still unsure as to their form, i.e. thespelling, and
24 It is worth noting that USJP gives three variant spellings for thesame word: meneder, menader and manager. Theword is
marked with thelabel biznes., i.e. relating to thesemantic field of business.
25 Semantic borrowings and loan translations are also very frequent.
morphology/syntax, e.g. thepreposition that should be used in agiven construction. Thedictionaries

of Polish and/or of foreign terms appear not very useful, as most of theproblematic terms are new and,
consequently, they are not (yet) included in thedictionaries available on themarket.
Most of thelexical borrowings seem necessary, considering thefact that they do not have native
counterparts. Some of them are naturally translated into Polish, but such constructions can hardly be
termed native equivalents, as they are still of foreign origin (semantic borrowings or loan translations).
The dictionaries of Polish, as was mentioned in the previous paragraph, cannot by definition present
thenewest constructions used in thesemantic field in question. Thus, it must be stressed once again that
theconstant linguistic research in thefield of computers and theInternet is anecessity.
References
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Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
137156
Piotr Zazula
Akademia Polonijna, Czstochowa
Neoarystoteliczna wizja natury ludzkiej wekopoezji

ieseistyce Garyego Snydera
Abstract
A Neo-Aristotelian Vision of Human Nature in the Writings of Gary Snyder
Close-reading selected poems and essays by Gary Snyder, the article examines an apparent epistemological
contradiction in Snyders environmentalist message. As arule Snyder consistently relies on essentialist discourse,
with his frequent references to human nature, the collective unconscious, mankinds generic identity and mans
inner voice. In thepoem The Call of theWild, however, he questions mans ability to retrieve anatural generic
core through, say, meditation or vision quests. This apparent contradiction is resolved when one views Snyders
work through the lens of Neo-Aristotelian thought as exemplified by Terry Eagletons concept of human nature.
ToEagleton, like to Aristotle, human nature is not astatic biological given, but rather amental predisposition. Thus
it is more of atask, or challenge, than aset of characteristics. Such ideas resonate with Snyders concept of theeverchanging human nature. However, Eagleton and Snyder pass company as fellow Neo-Aristotelians when it comes
to thesocio-political applications of their ideas. To theBritish critic, socialism is theanswer, allegedly providing
theoptimal conditions for aharmonious blend of ones private and public self. To Snyder, state-supported socialism is
but another oppressive political system, very much in thementally-restrictive tradition of what he calls the JudaeoCapitalist-Christian-Marxist West.
Keywords: Gary Snyder, ecopoetry, environmentalism, thewilderness, human nature, Neo-Aristotelian philosophy,
Terry Eagleton.
Piotr Zazula
138
Brytyjski krytyk Jonathan Bate susznie okrela Garyego Snydera jako najbardziej ekologicznie
uwiadomionego zpoetw XX wieku (Bate 2000: 246). Cho nie zawsze na wyeksponowanym miejscu,
tzw. ekologia gboka (ang. deep ecology) jest stale obecna wtwrczoci autora Myths and Texts. Przez
kolejne dekady znaczenie myli ekologicznej u Snydera roso wramach zmieniajcego si filozoficznego
kontekstu jego poezji ieseistyki. Od wydania zbioru Riprap wroku 1959 ten kalifornijski poeta, publicysta,
dziaacz spoeczny iekolog zdaje si postrzega swoje liczne przedsiwzicia literackie jako rne drogi
prowadzce do tego samego celu odnalezienia wskali osobistej lekarstwa na masowy kryzys wartoci,
duchowe wyjaowienie wspczesnego amerykaskiego spoeczestwa postindustrialnego. Kryzys ten,
wedug Snydera, wynika zemocjonalnego iintelektualnego odizolowania si wikszoci Amerykanw
od dzikiej przyrody, a w rezultacie zatracenia unikatowego potencjau poznawczego, ktry ludzko
moe (re)aktywowa tylko poprzez bezporedni kontakt zgusz. Krtko mwic, droga do peni natury
ludzkiej wiedzie przez Natur. Tylko ycie w harmonii ze rodowiskiem naturalnym, nieskaonym
nadmiern ingerencj czowieka, pozwoli nam by wpeni naturalnymi. Nieustanna obecno ekologii
gbokiej oraz buddyzmu zen jako egzystencjalnych punktw odniesienia sprawia, e wiersze i eseje
Snydera s wiadectwem jego yciowych wyborw wsposb bardziej dobitny ibezporedni ni ma to
miejsce uwielu wspczesnych poetw amerykaskich.
Proekologiczna postawa kalifornijskiego poety jest intelektualnie intrygujca rwnie
z tego powodu, e jej filozoficzne fundamenty s pozornie niespjne. Z jednej strony Snyderowska
perspektywa ontologiczna zdaje si by zgruntu esencjalistyczna, oczym wiadcz liczne odniesienia
do takich koncepcji ikonceptualnych metafor, jak natura ludzka, zbiorowa niewiadomo, gatunkowa
tosamo czowieka, czy gos wewntrzny. Zdrugiej strony wprogramowym, czsto umieszczanym
w antologiach wierszu The Call of the Wild (Zew guszy1) eby przywoa tylko najbardziej znany
przykad poeta kwestionuje zdolno czowieka do odnalezienia wsobie gboko ukrytych pokadw
przyrodzonej, instynktownej dzikoci, ktr daoby si porwna z tym, co ma do zaoferowania
zanikajca dzika kalifornijska przyroda, symbolizowana w wierszu przez kojota. Bdc skdind
konsekwentnym piewc dobrodziejstw orientalnej medytacji, autor The Call of the Wild zdaje si
sugerowa, e bez rozlegych obszarw dziczy wolnych od ingerencji czowieka nie odnajdziemy
naturalnej, czyli autentycznej dzikoci w zakamarkach wasnej jani. Caa domena naturalnoci
czowieka traci sens w oderwaniu od natury. To wanie t pozorn sprzeczno epistemologiczn
zamierzam tutaj omwi.
Porwnywanie tekstw poetyckich z publicystycznymi, cho z oczywistych wzgldw
problematyczne zpunktu widzenia literaturoznawcy, zdaje si uzasadnione wzastosowaniu do twrczoci
Snydera, ktry konsekwentnie czy poetyck person zprawdziwym Garym Snyderem, kalifornijskim
buddyst zen, ekologiem i spoecznikiem. Wiersz I Went into the Maverick Bar (Poszedem do baru
USzeryfa) zroku 1969 dobrze oddaje spoeczn postaw ipolityczne pogldy poety:
Poszedem do baru U Szeryfa wFarmington,
w stanie Nowy Meksyk.
I piem tam podwjny bourbon

Wspomagany piwem.
Dugie wosy zawinem pod czapk

1 Znan powie Jacka Londona pod tym samym tytuem przeoono na jzyk polski jako Zew krwi. Dosownie call of
thewild znaczy tyle co zew dziczy bd zew guszy.
Neoarystoteliczna wizja natury ludzkiej

Kolczyk zostawiem waucie.
Dwch kowbojw wygupiao si

przy stoach bilardowych,
Kelnerka zapytaa nas

skd jestecie?
Kapela country-and western zacza gra

Nie palimy marihuany wMuskokie
I przy nastpnej piosence

Jaka para zacza taczy.
Trzymali si za rce jak na zabawach wliceum

w latach pidziesitych;
Przypomniao mi si jak pracowaem wlesie

i za barem wMadras wOregonie.
Ta krtkowosa rado iniezdarno

Ameryko ta twoja gupota.
Prawie znw ci pokochaem.

Wyszlimy na poboczu autostrady

Pod starymi solidnymi gwiazdami
W cieniu wzgrz

wrciem do siebie,
do prawdziwej pracy, do tego

Co naley zrobi.
(Snyder 1974: 9)2
Nie trzeba znajomoci eseistyki Snydera, by z samego wiersza domyli si, co wedug poety
naley zrobi3. Wizyta w nowomeksykaskim barze country to emblematyczne spotkanie dwch
wzajemnie sobie obcych, anawet wrogich kultur amerykaskich. Wtym kontekcie skdind prozaiczne,
pozbawione dwuznacznoci pytanie kelnerki nabiera symbolicznego podtekstu. Podmiot liryczny wiersza
czuje si nie tylko obco wprowincjonalnym Farmington, lecz rwnie wpewnym sensie we wasnym kraju,
adokadniej obcy jest mu pewien spoecznie dominujcy wariant kultury amerykaskiej. Wspczesne
konserwatywne kowbojowo to wedug Snydera kultura zadowolonej zsiebie intelektualnej iduchowej
niedojrzaoci. Taczca para irozbawieni kowboje s ofiarami wasnego infantylizmu, ktry utrzymuje
ich tosamo wsztywnych ramach stereotypu. Praca, ktr naley wykona, to wtym kontekcie
zapewne jaki rodzaj akcji uwiadamiajcej, ktra przebudziaby amerykask prowincj (a wdomyle
ca Ameryk) zduchowego letargu.
Tumaczenie wszystkich cytatw P. Z.
3 Moe to by, oczywicie, aluzja do znanego cytatu z Lenina. W kontekcie krytycznego podejcia Snydera do
zinstytucjonalizowanego marksizmu nie naley chyba jednak wyciga z tego faktu zbyt daleko idcych wnioskw
ideologicznych. Snyder jest, krtko mwic, zbyt liberalno-personalistyczny dla Lewicy izbyt lewicowo-radykalny dla Prawicy.
139
Piotr Zazula
140
Eseje zamieszczone w ksice Earth House Hold4 dostarczaj kolejnych wskazwek co do

charakteru owej pracy u podstaw. Oto istotny ustp zrozdziau Poetry and thePrimitive (Poezja
aprymitywizm):
Wszyscy yjemy zamknici wgranicach skry, ego, spoeczestwa iwasnego gatunku. wiadomo
ma granice innego rodzaju, umys jest wolny. Studenci prbujcy czego innego, poniewa robi
si tak wNowej Gwinei stanowi cz prawdziwej pracy zadanej wspczesnemu czowiekowi
odsoni wewntrzn struktur irzeczywiste granice jani. (Snyder 1969: 127)
Epistemologia to klucz do Snyderowskiej myli spoeczno-politycznej. Spoeczne wyzwolenie,

twierdzi poeta, musi by zasadzone na umysowej wolnoci; osobiste owiecenie musi poprzedza wszelkie
polityczne dziaania. Oto fragment z rozdziau Buddhism and the Coming Revolution (Buddyzm
anadchodzca rewolucja):
Nie ma nic takiego w ludzkiej naturze czy te w wymogach ludzkiej organizacji spoecznej, co
w sposb nieuchronny powodowaoby, e kultura musi by represyjn wylgarni agresywnych
isfrustrowanych osobowoci. Najnowsze odkrycia wdziedzinie antropologii ipsychologii wykazuj
to coraz dobitniej. Kady moe to sobie sam udowodni przygldajc si uwanie wasnej naturze
poprzez medytacj. Wkadym, kto osignie ten poziom wiary ipoznania, musi pojawi si gboka
refleksja nad koniecznoci wprowadzenia radykalnych spoecznych zmian bez, miejmy nadziej,
stosowania przemocy. (Snyder 1969: 91)
Przez radykaln spoeczn zmian rozumie naley jakkolwiek kulturaln i gospodarcz

rewolucj, ktra woczywisty sposb zmierza wkierunku wolnego, midzynarodowego, bezklasowego
wiata (Snyder 1969: 92). Oznacza to konieczno
afirmacji moliwie najszerszego spektrum nieszkodliwych zachowa jednostkowych obron
prawa jednostki do palenia konopi, zaywania halucynogenw, ycia w poliginii, poliandrii czy
w zwizku homoseksualnym. Do caej sfery zachowa i obyczajw od dawna zakazanych przez
judeo-kapitalistyczno-chrzecijasko-marksistowski Zachd. (Snyder 1969: 92)
W tym miejscu kwestie ekologiczne nie figuruj na pierwszym planie, ale esencjalistyczne
spojrzenie na gatunkow tosamo czowieka, typowe dla myli ekologicznej, wida od razu. Autor
Earth House Hold zakada istnienie natury ludzkiej, jak rwnie moliwo dotarcia do niej poprzez
medytacj. Najwyraniej nawizujc do Jungowskiej koncepcji niewiadomoci zbiorowej, Snyder
sugeruje nawet, e:
Kultury tradycyjne i tak skazane s na zagad wic zamiast kurczowo trzyma si ich dobrych
stron ze wiadomoci nieuchronnej klski lepiej pamita, e cokolwiek istnieje bd kiedykolwiek
istniao w jakiejkolwiek kulturze mona zrekonstruowa sigajc do podwiadomoci poprzez
medytacj. Tak naprawd wierz, e nadchodzca rewolucja domknie pewien krg czc nas
na wiele rnych sposobw z najbardziej twrczymi aspektami naszej zamierzchej przeszoci.
Jeli nam si poszczci, bdziemy mieli wwczas cakowicie zintegrowan kultur planetarn
zmatrylinearn tradycj, rnorodnoci form maeskich, komunistyczn gospodark opart na
naturalnym systemie wynagrodze, gdzie mniej jest przemysu, duo mniej zanieczyszcze iduo
wicej parkw narodowych. (Snyder 1969: 9293)
Jak wyjania sam Snyder, tytu ksiki to dosowne tumaczenie na jzyk angielski greckiego rdosowu terminu ekologia.
Ten rodzaj esencjalistycznego dyskursu zpewnoci zabrzmi znajomo dla osb zainteresowanych
ekologi gbok. Co ciekawe, jego przesanie zdaje si podwaa konkluzj wzmiankowanego ju wiersza
Zew guszy ze zbioru Turtle Island (wia Wyspa)5 opublikowanego dekad pniej. To wiersz jednak,
anie cytowany powyej fragment eseju Buddyzm anadchodzca rewolucja zdecydowanie odstaje na
tle pozostaej twrczoci Snydera.
Zanim przejdziemy do wiersza, trzeba podkreli, e Zew guszy to nie pierwszy tekst, wktrym
Snyder wiadomie odmawia bezkrytycznego utosamienia si ze skdind bliskim mu paradygmatem,
ideologi czy filozofi w tym wypadku buddyzmem. Na przykad jego wyranie artykuowane
zainteresowania polityk kulturaln zdecydowanie wykraczaj poza tradycyjne ramy filozofii buddyjskiej.
Wczeniej weseju Snyder wyjania:
Na przestrzeni dziejw buddyjskim filozofom, dla ktrych lk i podanie s odgrnie wpisane
wkondycj ludzk, nie udao si gruntownie przeanalizowa wpywu, jaki na ignorancj icierpienie
maj czynniki spoeczne. Wrezultacie epistemologia ipsychologia pozostaj wcentrum uwagi
buddyjskiej filozofii, przy jednoczesnym braku zainteresowania problemami natury historycznej
ispoecznej. Cho wbuddyzmie Mahajana istnieje wielka wizja wszechogarniajcego zbawienia,
rzeczywistym osigniciem buddyzmu okaza si rozwj praktycznych systemw medytacji
nakierowanych na wyzwolenie garstki wytrwaych adeptw z psychologicznych naleciaoci
i kulturowych uwarunkowa. Buddyzm instytucjonalny zawsze by ostentacyjnie gotowy
akceptowa bd ignorowa nierwnoci ityrani kadego ustroju politycznego, wktrym przyszo
mu dziaa. To moe oznacza koniec buddyzmu, poniewa prowadzi do zaniku jakiejkolwiek
sensownej funkcji wspczucia. Mdro pozbawiona wspczucia nie czuje blu. (Snyder 1969: 90)
W tym kontekcie mwienie osensownej funkcji wspczucia jest synonimiczne ze spoeczn

funkcj empatii przejawiajcej si w wiadomym dziaaniu, wynikajcym z osobistego duchowego
owiecenia.
W podobny sposb Snyder wykracza poza tradycyjne ograniczenia myli buddyjskiej wpodejciu
do przyrody. Standardowe buddyjskie stanowisko wobec rodowiska naturalnego jest zasadzone
na przekonaniu, e wiat materialny to iluzja (w sanskrycie maya). Z tej perspektywy nadmierne
zaangaowanie emocjonalne w, dajmy na to, ratowanie wielorybw przed wyginiciem jawi si jako
intelektualna ekstrawagancja. Std, by moe, krytyczne podejcie Snydera do buddyjskiego zobojtnienia
na los dzikiej przyrody. Ju w roku 1957 w swoim duchowym dzienniku pod tytuem Tanker Notes
(Zapiski ztankowca) odnotowuje: Obudziem si wczenie iz pryczy na pokadzie zobaczyem jak po
niebie przemkn ptak koujc wok drzew na brzegu zamierzche epoki planetarne, ptasio-skalisty wit,
grskie, oceaniczne uczucie jako dziwnie nieobecne wJaponii (Snyder 1969: 56). Biorc pod uwag
fakt, e poszukiwanie duchowej prawdy stanowi motyw przewodni dziennika, ajaposki buddyzm zen
odgrywa wtym kluczow rol, lakoniczna uwaga Snydera to co wicej ni impresjonistyczne odniesienie
do skrajnie uadzonego, ucywilizowanego japoskiego pejzau. Z caego dziennika wyania si obraz
Japonii jako krainy buddyjskiego owiecenia. Brak pierwiastka naturalnej, nieposkromionej dzikoci
wjaposkiej kulturze wiadczyby zatem oszkodliwych skutkach ubocznych nadmiernie uduchowionego
oderwania od naturalnego porzdku rzeczy.6 Kolejn przyczyn owej dziwnej nieobecnoci ducha guszy
5
wia Wyspa to, jak wyjania Snyder, indiaska nazwa kontynentu pnocnoamerykaskiego.
6 Intuicyjny sprzeciw Snydera wobec buddyjskiego podejcia do dzikoci w czowieku i w przyrodzie podzielao wielu
wspczesnych poetw amerykaskich. Oto na przykad, jak Robinson Jeffers objania rnic pomidzy dwoma rodzajami
141
Piotr Zazula
142
wjaposkiej przyrodzie moe by, jak sugeruje kalifornijski poeta, staroytny rodowd dalekowschodnich
cywilizacji. Inaczej ni wJaponii czy Chinach, cakowita kolonizacja guszy wAmeryce nastpia zaledwie
nieco ponad stulecie temu. Podbj dziewiczych terenw (bezludnych oczywicie tylko z punktu
widzenia biaych kolonistw, dla ktrych nieobsiana preria bya z definicji niczyja) czsto oznacza
zderzenie nowoczesnej gospodarki, technologii i wiatopogldu z paleolitycznymi w duchu kulturami
owiecko-zbierackimi bd neolitycznym rolnictwem. To, co wEuropie ina Dalekim Wschodzie byo
stopniow spoeczn transformacj trwajc wieki, sprowadzone zostao do nagej, brutalnej konfrontacji
cakowicie odmiennych wiatw na amerykaskim pograniczu. Jak wyjania Snyder:
Wiele powiedziano oroli pogranicza wamerykaskiej historii, ale by moe zprzeoczeniem pewnych
kluczowych prawd: amerykaska konfrontacja z dzik ekologi ziemskim rajem traw, wody
izwierzyny zaowocowaa umysowym wstrzsem. Amerykanie zamieszkali obok penych wigoru
ludzi pierwotnych, na ktrych chcc nie chcc musieli spoglda zszacunkiem, anawet zazdroci,
przez trzysta lat. [] Amerykanom przyroda kojarzy si zgusz, nieposkromion stref cakowitej
wolnoci nie zczym nieokrzesanym iodpychajcym, ale piknym istraszliwym. [] Dzicz
na Dalekim Wschodzie kojarzy si zczym nie do opanowania, nie do przyjcia, prymitywnym,
rozpasanym, rozbuchanym; zczym rytualnie kalajcym. [] Jedn znajdoniolejszych instytucji
wmyli Zachodu by Szlachetny Dzikus Jeana Jacquesa Rousseau pomys, e by moe cywilizacja
moe si czego nauczy od kultur pierwotnych. (Snyder 1969: 119120)
Innymi sowy, kultura amerykaska jest na tyle moda, e nie zatracia jeszcze intuicyjnej
wraliwoci na niszczenie dzikiej przyrody idegeneracj kultur plemiennych. Dla Dalekiego Wschodu
moe ju by za pno.
Krytyka orientalnego oderwania od wiata przyrody, od dzikoci wsobie idzikoci krajobrazu,
pojawia si wprost wwierszu Zew guszy. Oto jego druga cz:
Byli poykacze kwasu zwielkich miast
nawrceni na Guru lub Swami,
odprawiaj pokut zbyszczcym
zamulonym wzrokiem iprzestaj je miso.
W lasach Pnocnej Ameryki,
krainie Kojota iOra,
ni im si Indie, bez koca

bogie, bezpciowe odloty.
I pi wogrzewanych olejem
geodezyjnych kopuach,
rozsianych jak wrzody
po puszczy.
panteizmu orientalnym ijego wasnym: Jest to poczucie [], powiedziabym nawet pewno [], e wszechwiat jest
jednym bytem, jednym organizmem, jednym wszechogarniajcym yciem, wktrym zawiera si wszelkie ycie iwszystko,
co nas otacza; ijest tak piknym, e musi by kochanym iczczonym; iw chwilach mistycznego objawienia utosamiamy si
znim. To, wpewnym sensie, dokadne przeciwiestwo panteizmu wschodniego. Hinduski mistyk znajduje Boga we wasnej
duszy, acay wiat zewntrzny to iluzja. Wtym innym podejciu wiat zewntrzny jest rzeczywisty iboski; to pojedyncz
dusz mona nazwa iluzj, jest tak drobna itak nietrwaa (Jeffers 1956: 12).

I piew Kojota

zostaje za drzwiami
bo boj si
zewu
guszy.
I sprzedali swoje dziewicze cedry,

Najwysze drzewa wokolicy,
Drwalowi
Ktry powiedzia:
W drzewach jest peno robactwa
(Snyder 1974: 2122)
Zachodnim neofitom bezkrytycznie przyjmujcym religijn egzotyk Wschodu umyka wana

duchowa lekcja pynca z miejscowego matecznika. Ten rodzaj znieczulicy na mistyk telluryczn, na
przyziemn wznioso, stanowi domylny cznik znastpn czci wiersza, wktrej obrazowanie
przechodzi od realizmu do surrealizmu, czc wtki oniryczne zsymbolicznymi:
Rzd wkocu zdecydowa si
na wojn totaln. Poraka jest

Nie-Po-Amerykasku.
I wznieli si wpowietrze,
obok nich ich kobiety

w trwaych ondulacjach
z lakierem na paznokciach
na spustach dzia pokadowych.
I nigdy ju na d nie wrcili

bo uznali,
e ziemia
jest pro-komunistyczna. Iczarna od brudu.

A owady trzymaj zWiet-Kongiem.
Wic bombarduj ibombarduj
dzie po dniu, na caej planecie

olepiajc wrble
rozrywajc sowom bbenki wuszach
roztrzaskujc pnie wini
owijajc iplczc
jelenie wntrznoci
wok rozbitych, zakurzonych ska.
Ci wszyscy Amerykanie wspecjalnych miastach na niebie

zrzucajcy trucizny imateriay wybuchowe
143
Piotr Zazula
najpierw na Azj,
potem na Ameryk Pnocn,
144
wojna przeciwko ziemi.

Gdy si skoczy nie bdzie ju

nigdzie miejsca
na kryjwk dla Kojota.

(Snyder 1974: 2223)
Surrealistyczny obraz amerykaskich pilotw, ktrzy wtowarzystwie swoich ufryzowanych dam

bombarduj terytorium wroga inigdy nie lduj na brudnej ziemi, to emblematyczne ujcie konfliktu
dwch religijnych paradygmatw duchowoci zorientowanej na niebo (uranicznej) oraz tej bardziej
przyziemnej (tellurycznej). Wojna przeciwko ziemi to zatem wojna przeciw tellurycznemu duchowi
guszy, wci obecnemu w prymitywnych kulturach plemiennych, duchowi symbolizowanemu
wwierszu przez Kojota. Wujciu poety Kojot to zarwno faktyczny czworong, ktrego wycie syszy
podmiot liryczny, jak imityczna posta Trikstera, popularna wwielu kulturach indiaskich (konsekwentna
pisownia wielk liter to wyrana wskazwka, e zwierz ma wutworze charakter symboliczny).
Gdy wemie si pod uwag archetypow symbolik mistycznej wizi pomidzy kobiecym
ciaem a ziemi, powszechn w mitologiach tellurycznych, fakt, e pilotom w ich destrukcyjnej misji
przeciwko ziemi towarzysz ony i kochanki, ma wydwik ironiczny. Wedug wielu antropologw
religijna symbolika zokresu paleolitu ineolitu, wktrej dominowaa duchowo telluryczna zkultem
Gai (Matki Ziemi) na czele, zostaa przejta iprzeinaczona przez patriarchalne kultury, ktre pojawiy si
pniej (do tych ostatnich zaliczy naley, rzecz jasna, take judaizm ichrzecijastwo)7. Surrealistyczne
obrazowanie wwierszu mona odczytywa jako zawoalowane odniesienie do takiego wanie procesu
wypaczania pierwotnych znacze pradawnych symboli religijnych. Nalot bombowy jawi si wwczas
jako uwspczeniona, karykaturalna wersja szamaskiego lotu, archetypowego obrazu, ktry pojawia si
wlicznych religiach tellurycznych iktry symbolizuje duchow wdrwk wposzukiwaniu uzdrawiajcej,
yciodajnej wizji. Trwae ondulacje kobiet to kolejny realistyczny szczeg zsymbolicznym potencjaem,
zwaszcza w kontekcie wywodu Snydera (1969: 133) z eseju Dharma Queries (Pytania Dharmy):
Dugie wosy to akceptacja, wejcie wsiy natury. Tacy wanie s szaiwiccy jogini czy te lamowie Kagypa i Nyinma-pa; albo staroytni Riszi. Archetyp dugich wosw jako siedliska kratofanii wystpuje
w licznych, czasem kracowo odmiennych systemach religijnych (biblijna opowie o Samsonie to
przecie pozostao prastarego pogaskiego archetypu). Malowanie ciaa to rwnie wci powszechna
praktyka o charakterze rytualnym wrd wielu wspczesnych spoecznoci pierwotnych (w Europie
zwyczaj ten przetrwa a do pnego redniowiecza, na przykad wrd irlandzkich i szkockich
wojownikw wyruszajcych do boju). Jak wynika zlicznych bada antropologicznych ihistorycznych,
do fundamentalnych cech gatunku ludzkiego naley przekonanie owitoci ludzkiego ciaa, zwaszcza
yciodajnego ciaa kobiety. Dugie wosy imalowida na ciele zawsze stanowiy emblematyczne wiadectwo
mistycznej wizi czowieka z duchowym adem natury. W tym kontekcie wzmianki o sztucznych
fryzurach i lakierze do paznokci implikuj jak wspczesn, wieck parodi prastarych religijnych
praktyk. Pokazuj emblematyczne rekwizyty kultury, w ktrej ludzkie ciao zostao zdesakralizowane.
7
Zob. R. Eisler (1988); M. Gimbutas (2001); M. Stone (1978).
Kobiety, ktre doczyy do swoich mczyzn wich destrukcyjnej, niebiaskiej misji, zaprzepaszczaj
wasne ziemskie dziedzictwo duchowe.
Jak dotd narracja wwierszu biega po do przewidywalnym torze. Faktycznie, gdyby nie finalna
strofa, cay utwr pobrzmiewaby jako by moe nazbyt oczywista, nachalnie propagandowa krytyka
amerykaskiego establishmentu oraz polityki zagranicznej USA w latach szedziesitych ubiegego
stulecia. Bdc wirtuozem formy eseistycznej, ale chyba nie zawsze stylistycznie wyrwnanym poet,
Snyder zdaje si czasem lekceway brutaln prawd estetyczn, i pewne przesania, none w prozie
publicystycznej, nie w kadym przypadku daj si rwnie skutecznie wyrazi w wierszu lirycznym.
Ostatnia strofa jednak, opatrzona tradycyjn literack etykiet (envoy), majc zapewne podkreli
jej (pozornie!) konwencjonalny charakter, ratuje cay wiersz. Dotd przewidywalny tekst otrzymuje
zaskakujc puent:
Chciabym powiedzie
e Kojot jest na zawsze
w tobie.
Ale to nieprawda.
(Snyder 1974: 23)
Zaskoczenie budzi antyesencjalistyczna wymowa tej konkluzji. Strata kojota, mwi poeta, bdzie
dla ludzkoci niepowetowana. Zwierz to jest w wierszu emblematem dzikiej przyrody rzdzcego
si wasnymi prawami, autonomicznego ekosystemu, ktry czowiek moe pozna jedynie poprzez
bezporedni kontakt. Dziki ekosystem stanowi potencjalne rdo dowiadcze, ktrych nie da si
odtworzy wwiadomoci poprzez medytacj transcendentaln czy jakikolwiek inny wysiek umysowy.
Najwyraniej zaprzeczajc wasnym konstatacjom zcytowanego powyej eseju Buddyzm anadchodzca
rewolucja, gdzie mowa jest owydobywaniu zpodwiadomoci archetypowych skadnikw wymarych
kultur, autor Zewu guszy stwierdza, e duch trikstera zniknie bezpowrotnie wraz zodejciem jego ywego
emblematu. Takie postawienie sprawy stoi wjawnej sprzecznoci znaczelnym metaforycznym konceptem
dyskursu esencjalistycznego, czy to wwydaniu zen-buddyjskim, czy ekologicznym. Chodzi mianowicie
o przenoni szukania w sobie duchowej prawdy o tym, co jest na zewntrz. W Zewie guszy mierci
konkretnego zwierzcia (potencjalnie rwnoznacznej, wdomyle, zwyginiciem caego gatunku, ktry
reprezentuje) nie mona zrekompensowa jakim podwyszonym stanem samowiadomoci. Skdind
kluczowa dla duchowego rozwoju medytacja transcendentalna tym razem nie wystarczy.
Tak wyrany zwrot od esencjalizmu do jego biegunowego przeciwiestwa naleaoby, winnych
okolicznociach, uzna za przeom w twrczoci kadego autora. W przypadku Snydera tak chyba
jednak nie jest. Wkilku tekstach eseistycznych wydanych po wiej Wyspie spojrzenie esencjalistyczne
najwyraniej powraca. Oto stosowny cytat zksiki ThePractice of theWild (Dziko wpraktyce):
Nasze ciaa s dzikie. [] Ciao nie wymaga interwencji intelektu, aby oddycha, aby podtrzyma
bicie serca. Jest ono w znacznej mierze samoregulujcym si systemem, yje wasnym yciem.
Odczuwanie ipostrzeganie nie przychodz cakowicie zzewntrz, anieustajcy nurt myli iobrazw
nie pynie cakowicie wewntrz. wiat jest inasz wiadomoci, iczym, co nas otacza. Wumyle,
w wyobrani jest wicej ni (ty) jeste w stanie zarejestrowa myli, wspomnienia, obrazy,
przypywy gniewu iradoci pojawiaj si nie przywoywane. Gbiny umysu, niewiadomo to
nasze wewntrzne obszary dziczy itam wanie przebywa bik, dokadnie wtej chwili. Nie chodzi
mi oosobiste biki wosobistych psychikach, ale obika, ktry wdruje ze snu do snu. wiadome,
145
Piotr Zazula
146
snujce plany ego zajmuje malutkie terytorium, niewielk komrk gdzie w pobliu bramy,
rejestrujc cz ztego, co wchodzi iwychodzi (i czasem snujc ekspansjonistyczne intrygi), areszta
dzieje si sama. Ciao jest, mona by rzec, wumyle. Oba terytoria s dzikie. (Snyder 1990: 1819)
Podobnie jak wBuddyzmie anadchodzcej rewolucji, wwyranym nawizaniu do Jungowskiej

koncepcji niewiadomoci zbiorowej, Snyder buduje zoon organicystyczn metafor przedstawiajc
pojedyncz ja jako naturalnie zagniedon wjakim wikszym bycie symbiotycznej sieci wzajemnych
powiza izalenoci, wktrej czowiek uczestniczy na tych samych prawach, co pozostae organizmy
ywe na naszej planecie. Naczelnym celem duchowym jednostki jest pene uwiadomienie sobie tego
fundamentalnego faktu. Snyder, za pomoc innej, podobnej przenoni, cho tym razem w dyskursie
bardziej ortodoksyjnie buddyjskim oraz ekologicznym, podwaa potencjalny kontrargument, jakoby
czowiek zajmowa uprzywilejowan pozycj wrd ssakw ze wzgldu na uywanie mowy:
Jzyka uczymy si wdomu ipord pl, anie wszkole. Bez jakichkolwiek studiw nad formaln
gramatyk wypowiadamy skadniowo poprawne zdania, jedno po drugim, w kadej godzinie
naszego wiadomego ycia. Bez udziau wiadomoci nieustannie sigamy do ogromnej skarbnicy
sw spoczywajcych w gbiach dzikiej, nieposkromionej niewiadomoci. Nie moemy jako
jednostki, ani nawet jako gatunek, przypisa sobie tej wadzy. (Snyder 1990: 18)
Tego typu organiczne obrazowanie jest typowe dla dyskursu esencjalistycznego. Powstaje wtym
momencie pytanie, dlaczego kojota wwierszu z1974 roku w nas nie ma, adziki kot weseju zroku 1990 ju
w nas jest? Czy poeta nie mia na myli tych samych gbi umysu, niewiadomoci iwewntrznych
obszarw dziczy, co eseista? Jednym ze sposobw rozwizania tej pozornej sprzecznoci jest spojrzenie
na Snyderowsk ontologi iepistemologi zperspektywy wspczesnej myli neoarystotelesowskiej.
Przykadem takiego filozofowania jest koncepcja natury ludzkiej znanego brytyjskiego teoretyka
literatury Terryego Eagletona. Intrygujce w epistemologicznym stanowisku Eagletona jest czenie
pozornych sprzecznoci wanie. Wbrew potencjalnym oczekiwaniom odbiorcy oczytanego wdyskursie
poststrukturalistycznym, ekofeministycznym, neomarksistowskim, czy w jakichkolwiek innych
ideologicznych mutacjach szeroko rozumianej myli lewicowej, brytyjskiemu literaturoznawcy udaje
si pozosta marksist ijednoczenie nieugicie obstawa przy esencjalistycznych pogldach na natur
czowieka. Jak mona zatem jednoczenie wierzy, e z jednej strony to byt okrela wiadomo,
a z drugiej e istnieje z gry nam przypisana, a wic w pewnym sensie niezalena od wpyww
rodowiskowych, kwintesencja czowieczestwa? Jak mona z jednej strony uznawa materialistyczn
koncepcj kondycji ludzkiej, az drugiej wskazywa na inne poza socjalizacj rda naszej gatunkowej
tosamoci? Eagletonowi udaje si to, poniewa podobnie jak Arystotelesowi ludzka natura nie jawi
mu si jako niezmienny, biologicznie zdeterminowany aksjomat, co, co jest nam raz na zawsze dane
wchwili poczcia, lecz raczej jako umysowa predyspozycja, ktra przejawia si, czy te urzeczywistnia,
wkonkretnych egzystencjalnych warunkach. Zmienne s zatem okolicznoci, wjakich owa predyspozycja
moe si wcaoci bd tylko wczci zrealizowa; sam mentalny potencja pozostaje ten sam. Natura
ludzka jest wic bardziej swoistym egzystencjalnym wyzwaniem ni zespoem cech wsplnych dla caego
gatunku homo sapiens. Aby zilustrowa takie pojmowanie istoty czowieczestwa, Eagleton przytacza
anegdot o synnym brytyjskim pikarzu Georgeu Becie, ktry u szczytu sportowej kariery popad
walkoholizm:
Best byy pikarz relaksowa si w swoim apartamencie w piciogwiazdkowym hotelu, pord
kawioru iszampana, zwpatrzon wniego by Miss wiata przy boku, kiedy wszed kto zobsugi

obadowany kolejnymi luksusowymi artykuami. Spogldajc na bezwadnie lecego gwiazdora,
pracownik hotelu potrzsn tylko smutno gow iwymamrota pod nosem: George, co si ztob
stao?. (Eagleton 2003: 113)
Gdy wyobraamy sobie t scen, to pomimo dominujcych w niej obrazw konwencjonalnie

rozumianego yciowego sukcesu, nasza intuicja podpowiada nam (Eagleton 2003: 113), e George Best
faktycznie si wyciu pogubi.
Humor caej sytuacji polega oczywicie na tym, e trudno jest twierdzi, i co zego stao si
zczowiekiem, ktry pawi si wluksusie. Wtakim wanie tonie sam Best relacjonuje w epizod.
Niemniej jednak pracownik hotelu mia racj co poszo wyciu Besta nie tak. Nie rozwija tego,
co wnim byo najlepsze. Zpewnoci dobrze si bawi iby moe wjakim sensie by szczliwy, ale
nie rozkwita. Zawid wdziedzinie, do ktrej uprawiania mia wyjtkowe predyspozycje. Prawda,
e jego ycie byo zapewne przyjemniejsze ni za czasw grania wpik, kiedy musia co jaki czas
zaprzesta chodzenia po nocnych klubach, aby trenowa. Nie by wic jako pikarz szczliwszy
w tym sensie, e lepiej si wwczas bawi, cho potrafi nawet wtedy bawi si za ca pikarsk
lig. [] Chodzi raczej oto, e przesta by, dosownie iw przenoni, wdobrej kondycji. (Eagleton
2003:113)
Organiczne przenonie wiele tu mwi, ale s te potencjalnie zwodnicze. Pikarz zawid, bo

nie rozwija tego, co wnim byo najlepsze, czyli porzuci co, do czego mia powoanie (ang. what it was
in him to do). Ta przestrzenna metafora zdaje si sugerowa, e na jakim etapie swojego ycia George
Best utraci kontakt zwasnym wewntrznym bikiem, zobszarami wewntrznej guszy, jak ujby to
Snyder. Dlatego nie rozkwita (ang. flourishing), dokadnie tak, jak rolina przesadzona do gleby, ktra
nie spenia jej przyrodzonych oczekiwa. W tym miejscu naley jednak poszerzy potencjalny zakres
semantyczny owej metafory, aby nie wpa w puapk uproszczonego, biologicznego esencjalizmu.
Rozkwitanie wtym przypadku nie oznacza bowiem odkrywania, jakim rodzajem roliny jest czowiek,
ale jakim rodzajem roliny ja jestem.
Nie trzeba sobie zaraz wyobraa, jak czyni to wielu anty-esencjalistw, e natura czegokolwiek
musi by dana raz na zawsze. Najbardziej dramatycznym przykadem natury, ktra si nieustannie
przetwarza jest natura ludzka. Piewcy transgresji maj racj przynajmniej otyle, e wnaszej naturze
ley wykraczanie poza nas samych. Poniewa jestemy takimi wanie pracujcymi, posugujcymi
si mow, zdeterminowanymi pci, spoecznymi zwierztami, w naszej naturze ley tworzenie
kultury, ktra jest zawsze zmienna, rnorodna i otwarta na rne scenariusze. Dlatego atwo
jest pomyli ten szczeglny rodzaj natury jaki posiadamy z brakiem natury w ogle i w efekcie
kultywowa, jak piewcy transgresji wanie, faustowski obraz samych siebie. (Eagleton 2003: 119)
Takie podejcie idealnie wpasowuje si w Snyderowsk koncepcj nieustannie ewoluujcej

natury ludzkiej. Wynika std, e samo istnienie natury czowieka nie implikuje adnego konkretnego
teleologicznego planu dla ludzkoci, adnego szczeglnego powodu, dla ktrego nas stworzono.
To niezwykle istotne rozrnienie, poniewa pojcie natury ludzkiej zazwyczaj bywa czone z ide
funkcji (Eagleton 2003: 119120). Eagleton stwierdza:
Do czego s istoty ludzkie? Odpowied brzmi, rzecz jasna, do niczego konkretnie ale o to
wanie chodzi. Nasz funkcj jest bycie istotami bezfunkcyjnymi. Naszym zadaniem jest
urzeczywistnienie naszej natury jako celu samego wsobie. Potrzebujemy sowa natura, aby nie
mwi urzeczywistnienie nas samych jako celu samego wsobie, poniewa wiele rzeczy, do ktrych
147
Piotr Zazula
148
jestemy zdolni nigdy nie powinno ujrze wiata dziennego. Tak wic natura oznacza tu mniej
wicej tyle, co najlepsza droga do osignicia peni rozkwitu. A e wybr owej drogi nie jest
bynajmniej oczywisty, mamy kolejny powd dlaczego atwo pomyli taki stan rzeczy z brakiem
jakiejkolwiek natury. (Eagleton 2003: 120)
Rozkwit zatem dla Arystotelesa oraz Eagletona oznacza stuprocentowe wykorzystanie przez
jednostk jej przyrodzonego ludzkiego potencjau to, inaczej mwic, bycie dobrym w byciu
czowiekiem, tak jak mona by dobrym w szachach czy grze w tenisa. Brytyjski krytyk wskazuje na
rne tradycje filozoficzne, takie jak judaizm, chrzecijastwo czy marksizm, bazujce na tego wanie
rodzaju esencjalizmie:
Arystoteles uwaa, e moemy y tak, aby wnajlepszy moliwy sposb urzeczywistnia specyficzny
potencja przyrodzony naszemu gatunkowi. Na tym wanie polegao podanie wyciu drog cnt.
Wtradycji judeochrzecijaskiej jest to droga miosierdzia albo mioci. Oznacza to, zgrubsza rzecz
biorc, e stajemy si okazj do samorealizacji innych. Jedynie bdc sam rodkiem do czyjego
samospenienia mog osign wasne ina odwrt. Niewiele otego typu wzajemnoci znajdujemy
u samego Arystotelesa. Polityczna forma tej etyki znana jest jako socjalizm, albowiem, jak stwierdza
Marks, swobodny rozwj kadego znas jest warunkiem swobodnego rozwoju nas wszystkich. Jest to,
e si tak wyra, mio upolityczniona albo zasada powszechnej wzajemnoci. (Eagleton 2003: 122)
W tym miejscu rozchodz si polityczne drogi Eagletona i Snydera. Dla brytyjskiego badacza
literatury ostatecznym spoeczno-politycznym rozwizaniem jest socjalizm, rzekomo zapewniajcy
optymalne warunki do harmonijnego pogodzenia naszych prywatnych i publicznych tosamoci. Dla
kalifornijskiego poety powszechny upastwowiony socjalizm oznaczaby zapewne kolejn form ucisku
jednostki przez represyjne pastwo wyznaniowe, czyli kontynuacj mentalnie restrykcyjnej tradycji
judeo-kapitalistyczno-chrzecijasko-marksistowskiego Zachodu.
Spraw dodatkowo komplikuje konsekwentne lansowanie przez Snydera tezy, i rewolucj
naley najpierw przeprowadzi na paszczynie osobistej, bo inaczej przeistoczy si wkolejn ustrojow
form ucisku. Podkrelanie prymatu rewolucji wiatopogldowej nad polityczn wspgra ze skrajnie
antyesencjalistycznymi pogldami Richarda Rortyego, ktry pisze:
Nie ma takiej moliwoci, aby filozofia lub jakakolwiek inna teoretyczna dyscyplina kiedykolwiek
pozwolia nam ten cel osign [tzn. poczy w jednym politycznym projekcie zasad
samospenienia jednostki z zasad sprawiedliwoci spoecznej]. Bdziemy najblisi pogodzenia
tych dwu de, jeli za cel sprawiedliwego iwolnego spoeczestwa uznamy przyzwolenie, aby jego
obywatele byli tak skupieni na sobie, irracjonalni oraz pochonici kwestiami estetycznymi jak im
si to ywnie podoba, pod warunkiem, e robi to wramach wasnego czasu wolnego nie czynic
innym krzywdy i nie wykorzystujc zasobw potrzebnych osobom mniej uprzywilejowanym.
Istniej praktyczne sposoby na osignicie tego praktycznego celu. Ale nie ma moliwoci
pogodzenia samorealizacji ze sprawiedliwoci na poziomie teorii. Sownictwo autokreacji jest
zkoniecznoci osobiste, nieprzekazywalne, nie nadajce si do debaty. Sownictwo sprawiedliwoci
jest zkoniecznoci publiczne iprzekazywalne, to rodek wymiany argumentw wdebacie. (Rorty
1989: xiv)
Koci niezgody pomidzy marksist Eagletonem a liberaem Rortym jest zatem status
epistemologiczny samorealizacji czowieka. Chodzi o to, czy mj rozkwit jako jednostki podlega
obiektywnej ocenie, czy te pozostaje wycznie kwesti mojego cakowicie subiektywnego,
idiosynkratycznego iarbitralnego wyboru. Eagleton (2003: 126), za Arystotelesem, twierdzi, e rozkwit

nie moe tak naprawd by kwesti subiektywn. Brytyjski marksista pisze:
Niektre rodzaje szczcia mog by subiektywne w tym sensie, e ludzie s czsto zadowoleni,
jeli si za takich uwaaj. Czasami trzeba po prostu uwierzy im na sowo. By moe si mylisz
uwaajc, e jeste szczliwy wjakim gbszym tego sowa znaczeniu, ale trudno jest uzna, e
moesz si myli co do wasnych uczu radoci czy zadowolenia, tak, jak nie sposb odczuwa bl
jednoczenie otym nie wiedzc.
Jednak szczcie, ktre ma istotne znaczenie, to takie, ktrego wystpowanie o wiele trudniej
ustali. Nie jeste wstanie stwierdzi czy twoje ycie jest wrozkwicie po prostu przez introspekcj,
poniewa jest to kwestia tego, jak ci si naprawd wiedzie, anie tego, jak si czujesz. Szczcie to
dobre ycie idziaanie, anie po prostu dobre samopoczucie. Dla Arystotelesa to bardziej rodzaj
praktyki albo aktywnoci ni stan umysu. Tu chodzi o urzeczywistnienie wasnych moliwoci,
anie okultywowanie jakiego szczeglnego spojrzenia na ycie. (Eagleton 2003: 127)
Wprowadzenie rozrnienia pomidzy szczciem subiektywnym, ktre sprowadza si do

uczucia radoci czy zadowolenia, a szczciem, ktre ma istotne znaczenie i oznacza dobre ycie
idziaanie, umoliwia Eagletonowi konkluzj, e ludzie zadowoleni nie musz by bynajmniej szczliwi.
Itak, rozumujc tym tokiem, moemy stwierdzi, e samozadowolenie, dajmy na to, kobiety wybierajcej
ycie wwieloestwie, na przykad wcharakterze szstej ony mormoskiego fundamentalisty, mona
wyjani jej niepen znajomoci wasnego specyficznie ludzkiego potencjau, czyli wasnej ludzkiej
natury. Dlatego potrzebujemy jakiej koncepcji tego, co moglibymy nazwa specyficznie ludzkim
rodzajem pomylnoci. Nie jest to wycznie sprawa osobista (Eagleton 2003: 127). Z tak skrajnie
obiektywistycznego stanowiska wynika, e niektrych naleaoby reedukowa:
Etyka wrozumieniu Arystotelesa to nauka oludzkim podaniu, jako e podanie jest motorem
wszelkich naszych dziaa. Zadaniem edukacji etycznej jest re-edukacja naszych poda, tak
abymy czerpali przyjemno zczynienia dobra iodczuwali bl zczynienia za. [] Moesz wic
si myli co do tego, czy rozkwitasz, akto inny moe postrzega to wnikliwiej ni ty sam. To jeden
zistotnych sensw, wjakim moralno jest czym obiektywnym. (Eagleton 2003: 129)
Pozostaje jedynie ustali obiektywne kryteria tego, czy kto rozkwita jako czowiek, czy nie. Gdzie
mamy ich szuka, skoro nasz gos wewntrzny nie jest miarodajny? Wedug brytyjskiego literaturoznawcy
kryteria publiczne s wzasigu rki:
Nie jestem wstanie stwierdzi czy dobrze mi si wyciu wiedzie po prostu zagldajc wgb wasnej
duszy. Jak zauway Ludwig Wittgenstein najlepszym obrazem duszy jest ludzkie ciao. Najlepszym
obrazem mnie samego jest moje zachowanie. Te dwie kwestie s ze sob tak cile powizane jak
wyraz ijego znaczenie. Owe publiczne kryteria daj nam argument wdebacie ztymi, dla ktrych
szczcie czy pomylno to nie s praktyczne uwarunkowania, ale stan pojedynczego umysu. Ale
szczcie nie jest po prostu stanem umysu, tak jak nie jest nim gra w szachy. Ludzie mog by
zadowoleni ze swojego pooenia, lecz jeli nie pozwala im si, na przykad, decydowa owasnym
losie, wwczas woczach Arystotelesa nie mog by prawdziwie spenieni. Cnota dla Arystotelesa
to rodzaj doskonaoci; ichocia niewolnicy mog od czasu do czasu czu, e s wwietnej formie,
to trudno uzna ich za wzorcowy przykad na to, jak osiga si wyyny czowieczestwa. (Eagleton
2003: 130131)
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To wanie wtym punkcie Eagleton iSnyder znw tworz wsplny front wraz zlicznym gronem
amerykaskich intelektualistw o skdind rnych ideologicznych sympatiach. Jeli ostatecznym
kryterium po arystotelesowsku rozumianej doskonaoci, czyli obiektywnie weryfikowalnego szczcia,
jest nasze zachowanie, wwczas Szlachetny Dzikus yjcy w zgodzie z natur jest obiektywnie
szczliwszy ni, dajmy na to, robicy byskotliw karier pracownik korporacji cakowicie pochonity
wycigiem szczurw. Nawiasem mwic, Szlachetny Dzikus wtym kontekcie nie musi by pierwotnym
plemiennym myliwym. Jak pokazuje wspczesna amerykaska publicystyka, Noble Savage to niezwykle
pojemna kategoria i kandydatw do tego typu szlachectwa jest wielu. I tak Jerry Mander w swojej
ksice z1978 roku pt. Four Arguments for theAbolition of Television (Cztery argumenty za zniesieniem
telewizji) uznaje swoj dziewidziesicioletni babci (urodzon w przedprzemysowej Jugosawii
(Mander 1990: 313)) za naturalnego eksperta od spraw wpywu ksiyca na ludzi. Podobnie Alice Bloom
wswoim opublikowanym wThe Hudson Review eseju On aGreek Holiday (Greckie wakacje) z1983
roku opisuje napotkan na play anonimow greck wieniaczk w kategoriach niemale mitycznych
(Bloom 1990: 344351). Zkolei konserwatywny publicysta Charles Murray wswojej krytycznej analizie
amerykaskiej polityki spoecznej pt. Whats So Bad about Being Poor? (Dlaczego nie mona ju by
biednym?) opublikowanej wNational Review w1988 roku zuznaniem pisze onaturalnej uczciwoci
isile charakteru tajskich wieniakw, wrd ktrych spdzi pi lat jako wolontariusz Korpusu Pokoju
wlatach szedziesitych (Murray 1990: 788797).
We wszystkich powyszych tekstach i caej rzeszy im podobnych naczelnym konceptem jest
ycie w zgodzie z natur, a tym samym ze swoim prawdziwym ja zagroonym przez wspczesn
cywilizacj przemysow i stworzone przez ni spoeczestwo. Niezalenie, czy bd to amerykascy
Indianie, europejscy Cyganie, azjatyccy wieniacy, czy australijscy Aborygeni, za pewnik uznaje si, e
yjcy wzgodzie zwasnym gosem wewntrznym Szlachetni Dzicy ciesz si na co dzie duo wiksz
swobod ni zabiegani mieszkacy aglomeracji. Ton nadaje tu Gary Snyder ze swoj reinterpretacj sowa
pierwotny wodniesieniu do tradycyjnych kultur plemiennych:
Przy mniejszej liczbie narzdzi, braku zainteresowania histori, ywym przekazie ustnym
zastpujcym gromadzenie bibliotecznych zbiorw, braku palcych spoecznych projektw
oraz znacznej swobodzie ycia pciowego i wewntrznego, tacy ludzie yj w rozlegym czasie
teraniejszym. Ich codzienno to materia utkana zprzyjaci irodziny, pole emocji ienergii, ktrym
jest wasne ciao, ziemia, na ktrej stoj iwiatr, ktry j okrywa; irne obszary wiadomoci.
W tym momencie kto mgby pokusi si o stwierdzenie, e ycie czowieka pierwotnego nie
rni si od innych. Nie uwaam tak. ycie w czasie mitologicznym, w bliskoci z przyrod
iwpodstawowych ale zdyscyplinowanych stanach ciaa iumysu oznacza szersz wyobrani iblisze
subiektywne poznanie wasnych fizycznych waciwoci ni jest to zazwyczaj dostpne ludziom
yjcym (jak sami to opisuj) bezpodnie i nieadekwatnie w historii tam, gdzie tre myli
zostaa zaprogramowana, apieszczotliwy kontakt zprzyrod utrudniony przez zaporedniczenia
i abstrakcje, jakimi s skomplikowane narzdzia. Do naciskajca guzik moe mie ogromn
wadz, ale ta do nigdy nie pozna tego, co mona doni zrobi. Niewykorzystywany potencja
zanika. (Snyder 1969: 117118)
Jako wytrawny stylista Snyder dobrze wie, jak uderzy we wraliwe punkty (pod)wiadomoci
czytelnika. Po pierwsze, zapadajce w pami aliteracje anglojzycznego oryginau (a fabric of friends
and family, the field of feeling), uyte do opisu kwestii emocjonalnie kluczowych dla wikszoci ludzi
(przyjaciele, rodzina, uczucia, wasne ciao), tworz poczucie organicznej wizi pomidzy ja
prywatnym i publicznym Szlachetnego Dzikusa, jego ciaem i umysem, myl i dziaaniem. Sugeruj
istnienie ezoterycznej wizi niewidocznej dla niewtajemniczonych, aoczywistej dla autora. Naczelnym
metaforycznym konceptem pozostaje tu idea harmonijnej, wszechogarniajcej jednoci. Po drugie,
subtelna erotyzacja obrazowania czyni krytyk zachodniej cywilizacji tym bardziej podprogowo
skuteczn (nawiasem mwic, w kontekcie penetracyjnego obrazowania w caej ksice erotyczne
podteksty wzwrotach obezpodnym yciu wczasie historycznym, czy opieszczotliwym kontakcie
znatur zdaj si by adresowane gwnie do podwiadomoci mskiego czytelnika).
W tym miejscu dochodzimy do gwnego stylistycznego atutu cytowanego fragmentu, amianowicie
konsekwencji wobrazowaniu dajcej efekt swoistej kumulacji. Pocztkowy akapit wprowadza naczeln
metafor dwch rodzajw wolnoci, wewntrznej itej dookoa, skutkujcych intensywniejszym, aprzez
to bardziej autentycznym yciem duchowym. Logika przenoni jest nastpujca: brak u czowieka
pierwotnego poczucia bariery pomidzy umysem a otaczajcym go wiatem uwalnia tene umys,
otwierajc go na bogactwa wiata i wasnego ycia wewntrznego. Krajobraz zewntrzny nakada
si na wewntrzny, generujc swoiste sprzenie zwrotne. Wasne ciao staje si wwczas polem
energetycznym, rzdzcym si tymi samymi prawami, co wiat zewntrzny. Porzdek naturalny jawi si
jako zgruntu dobry iyciodajny. To dlatego wiatr okrywa ziemi zamiast j omiata albo nad ni wia,
pdzi, czy szumie. Ide wewntrznej wolnoci konsekwentnie wyraa szereg metafor przestrzennych,
zktrych wszystkie, wten czy inny sposb, przedstawiaj intymn, bezporedni czno ze wiatem
wewntrznym i zewntrznym, jak umoliwia brak mentalnych barier, zahamowa, czy ogranicze
(yj w rozlegym czasie teraniejszym, pole emocji i energii, ktrym jest wasne ciao, obszary
wiadomoci, szersza wyobrania).
Nawiasem mwic, podobn strategi stylistyczn stosuje Jerry Mander wpierwszym rozdziale
wspomnianej ju ksiki, znamiennie zatytuowanym The Walling of Awareness (wiadomo
obudowana). Wskazuje tam na niebezpieczn wskutkach utrat bezporedniego dowiadczenia, atym
samym wewntrznej autentycznoci, przez wspczesnego czowieka Zachodu. W czci opatrzonej
rdtytuem Mediated Environments (rodowiska zaporedniczone) Mander pisze:
Wikszo Amerykanw yje na co dzie wrodowisku stworzonym przez istoty ludzkie. Ma to
miejsce wmniejszym zakresie jeli si mieszka wMontanie ni na Manhattanie, ale do pewnego
stopnia dotyczy to caoci kraju. Naturalne rodowiska w wikszoci zostay wyparte przez te
stworzone przez czowieka.
To, co widzimy, syszymy, czego dotykamy, kosztujemy, co wchamy, czujemy i rozumiemy
w naszym wiecie zostao dla nas przetworzone. Nasze odczuwanie wiata nie moe ju by
okrelane jako bezporednie albo prymarne. Nasze dowiadczenia s wtrne, zaporedniczone.
[] Wikszo znas przywizuje niewielk wag do tej zmiany wludzkim przeywaniu wiata, jeli
wogle j zauwaamy. Jestemy tak otoczeni przez wiat zrekonstruowany, e trudno jest nam poj
jak zadziwiajco inny jest on od wiata sprzed zaledwie stu lat ie waciwie nie ma wnim adnego
podobiestwa do rzeczywistoci, wktrej istoty ludzkie yy wczeniej przez cztery miliony lat. To,
e moe to wpywa na nasz sposb mylenia, cznie zpojmowaniem trybu wjakim nasze ycie
jest poczone zjakimkolwiek systemem pozaludzkim, jest rzadko brane pod uwag.
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W istocie wikszo z nas zakada, e ludzkie poznanie jest teraz gbsze ni kiedy, e wiemy
wicej ni kiedykolwiek wczeniej. Mamy tak wiar wnasze racjonalne, intelektualne procesy oraz
winstytucje, ktre stworzylimy, e nie zauwaamy ich ogranicze. (Mander 1990: 310311)
Mander przekonuje, e jest dokadnie na odwrt nasze pojmowanie rzeczywistoci jest

coraz pytsze w miar jak coraz bardziej polegamy na danych z drugiej rki i zaporedniczonych
dowiadczeniach. Podobnie jak Snyderowskie zaporedniczenia iabstrakcje, jakimi s skomplikowane
narzdzia, cywilizacja przemysowa utrudnia bezporedni odbir wiata, a tym samym zubaa nasze
ycie, pozornie je wzbogacajc.
W podobnym tonie Alice Bloom przekonuje, e egzystencja ubogiego greckiego wieniaka jest
wbrew pozorom bogatsza ni typowe ycie zachodniego przedstawiciela klasy redniej. Aby to zrozumie,
argumentuje, musimy najpierw przesta wyobraa sobie dobre ycie wycznie w kategoriach dbr
materialnych, usug irnych praw, azamiast tego pomyle na tyle, na ile jestemy wstanie oinnych,
niemal cakiem zaguszonych, bo prawie e zatraconych przez nas potrzebach yciowych (Bloom 1990:
347). Do tych refleksji skonia Bloom przypadkowo zaobserwowana scenka na greckiej play:
Dwie kobiety id wnaszym kierunku wpoudnie przez prawie opustoszae skay. [] Jedna jest
wysok blondynk ubran w kwieciste bikini i chodaki to turystka z Ameryki, Skandynawii
bd Niemiec. Druga kobieta, Greczynka, niesie kosz, maszeruje szybko isprawia wraenie jakby
bya w trakcie zaatwiania jakich sprawunkw. [] Greczynka jest niska i cika, pozbawiona
talii, ma na sobie czarn sukienk, czarn chust nisko nasunit na oczy, czarny sweter, grube
czarne poczochy, czarne buty. Wydaje si ogromna iniezwykle wyrazista czarna zwyjtkiem
orzecha twarzy, wbiaym socu, na tle biaej przestrzeni. Wyglda, od razu, jakby moga zrobi
wszystko, co dotd robia, faktycznie wszystko i to natychmiast, emanuje humorem, moc,
tajemnic, determinacj, czynem. Idzie prosto przed siebie, jak ruchomy koci, jak stromy czarny
dach, gorca czarna czapa, mroczny namiot, jak przeznaczenie, rzd, sia dobra iza, ultimatum,
zdeterminowane zwierz. Prawdopodobnie nie umie czyta ani pisa; moga przez cae ycie nie
opuszcza tej wyspy; ale jest pikna, mogaby ci zgnie, pokocha, naprawi, odebra twoje
dziecko, ciel lub jagni albo pozbawi zudze, spuci krew zzarnitego prosiaka, zowi ryb
ocieniem, ukrci eb kolacji, zaora pole, obudzi ycie wjajku. (Bloom 1990: 345)
Zachodnia turystka zkolei jest na pozr uosobieniem sukcesu; posiada urod, status spoeczny,
pienidze, karier. Cho najwyraniej nie musi sobie niczego odmawia, nie wyglda na zadowolon
zwasnego losu:
Jasnowosa turystka, brnca wchodakach po rozgrzanych kamieniach, wraca do swojej maty na
play i przyjaci. Wyglda jakby nie bya w stanie ubra lalki bez dsw i atakw zoci. Moe
oczywicie by inaczej. Jest na urlopie, na tej greckiej wyspie, co oznacza, e dysponuje pienidzmi
iczasem. Bez wtpienia ma liczne umiejtnoci idobre intencje, awedug standardw ioczekiwa
wikszoci ludzi na wiecie jest dobrze wyksztacona, bardzo bogata i yje w luksusie. [] Ale
brakuje jej wyrazistoci, aury. Nie bije zniej aden autorytet, nie wyglda na prawdziwie obecn
tu i teraz, nie cieszy oka, nie ubogaca sob wiata, brak jej mocy, poczucia humoru, oywienia.
[] Wyglda cudownie, ale twoje oko, twoje serce, wszystko to w tobie, co chce skupi si na
podmiotowoci napotkanych tego dnia osb pozostaje obojtne, szybko si nudzi, czuje si nawet
nieco pomniejszone. (Bloom 1990: 346)
Dla kontrastu lokalna wieniaczka kroczca tu obok, cho niemoda, nieatrakcyjna iniezamona,
emanuje witalnoci, radoci ycia i bliej nieokrelon wewntrzn moc. W tym momencie wielu
czytelnikw moe skwitowa owo zestawienie wzruszeniem ramion, jako kolejny przykad rozpieszczonej
burujki, ktrej nie sposb dogodzi oraz prostej chopki, ktra przez ignorancj zadowala si byle
czym. Przewidujc tak reakcj, Bloom proponuje zupenie inne wyjanienie. Stosunkowo prosty wiat
materialny, wktrym funkcjonuje Greczynka, nie ma dla niej tajemnic. Turystka natomiast wci patrzy
na otaczajc j wysoko rozwinit cywilizacj oczami dziecka. Niczym przedszkolak yje wotoczeniu
przedmiotw iurzdze, ktrych pochodzenie, struktura imechanizm dziaania pozostaj do pewnego
stopnia tajemnic. Zczasem nauczya si tak jak dziecko wanie obsugiwa niektre zotaczajcych
j zabawek, ale na tym koniec. Bloom zatem sugeruje, e rdem permanentnego duchowego niedosytu
uczowieka Zachodu jest podwiadomy niepokj wynikajcy zbraku poczucia umysowej kontroli nad
otaczajcym nas wiatem. Jedn zowych niemal cakiem zaguszonych potrzeb, oktrych wspomina
amerykaska publicystka, jest wanie w rodzaj mentalnej wadzy nad otaczajc nas materi, poczucia
kontroli zrodzonego zpogbionego poznania. To wtej sferze grecka wieniaczka bije na gow zachodni
turystk. Bloom pisze:
Kraj rozwinity rzadko bywa zadziwiajcy, lecz jest zawsze peen dziww. Skd rzeczy pochodz
i dokd odchodz? ycie mona postrzega, cho rzadko ogarn, poprzez ktrekolwiek z jego
codziennych konkretw: ywno, dach nad gow, praca, pienidze, wytwarzanie i kupowanie
isprzedawanie. Greczynka zplay [] nadal yje wwiecie, ktry wtych konkretnych wymiarach
jedzenia, schronienia, pracy, produktu, itd. pozostaje w peni do ogarnicia. Poza paroma
nielicznymi miejskimi obszarami przemysowymi w Grecji nadal moliwe jest budowa i wie
ycie bez pomocy technikw, specjalistw, objaniaczy, urzdnikw, porednikw i innych
wspczesnych ekspertw. Oznacza to, e moliwe jest zrozumienie, wi oraz brak technicznej
zapory poznawczej w obcowaniu z wieloma zjawiskami, przedmiotami i produktami ycia
codziennego. Typowy grecki dom jest tak prosty isprytnie pomylany, e niemal kady moe go
zbudowa albo zburzy. Oznacza to mniej wygd, ale rwnie wicej zrozumienia. Zwyky czowiek
ma tam stosunkowo rzadko do czynienia zwystpujc na rnych frontach, nieustann, ledwie
zauwaan niewiedz na temat rzeczy codziennych skd wzi si ten udziec jagnicy? Dokd
odpywa ta woda zprania? zktr wikszo mieszkacw krajw rozwinitych yje na co dzie
bd ktr udaje im si codziennie ignorowa. Dlatego u Greczynki zplay ijej podobnych moliwa
jest inna umysowo taka, ktra widzi iogarnia, aw wikszoci przypadkw potrafi kontrolowa
wiele szczegw umysowo, w ktrej z tego wanie powodu wiele tajemnic moe zapuci
gbsze korzenie. (Bloom 1990: 348)
Psychoanaliza uczy nas, e rde najgbszych radoci i smutkw czowieka naley szuka
w jego podwiadomoci. Grecka wieniaczka zapewne nie wie, e jej wewntrzna sia pochodzi
z nieuwiadomionego poczucia wadzy nad materialnym otoczeniem. Proci wieniacy i plemienni
owcy s zdefinicji od nas szczliwsi, bo zamieszkuj znajomy mikrokosmos, yj otoczeni przez znaki
na kadym kroku przypominajce im, e s u siebie.
W tym miejscu oczywiste podobiestwa pomidzy metaforycznymi konceptami u Bloom, Mandera
iSnydera pozwalaj na przynajmniej jedno uoglnienie. Wyglda na to, e druga poowa XX wieku bya
czasem odradzania si mitu Szlachetnego Dzikusa w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Nie trzeba dodawa, e
tsknota zachodniego intelektualisty za bezporednim dowiadczeniem i yciowym autentyzmem
nie bya w Ameryce niczym nowym i nie ograniczaa si bynajmniej do mitu Szlachetnego Dzikusa.
153
Piotr Zazula
154
Wszczytowych latach amerykaskiego modernizmu William Carlos Williams ostrzega wwierszu Do

Elsie (ang. To Elsie) przed duchowym bezwadem zauwaalnym u czystych wytworw Ameryki (ang.
pure products of America), a spowodowanym brakiem chopskich tradycji (ang. lack of peasant
traditions), podczas gdy po drugiej stronie Atlantyku T. S. Eliot ubolewa nad rozszczepieniem
wraliwoci (ang. dissociation of sensibility), czyli zgubnym dla poetw rozdziaem poznania
zmysowego od umysowego, do ktrego rzekomo doszo wpoezji angielskiej po obfitujcej warcydziea
epoce Poetw Metafizycznych XVII wieku.8
To jednak, co wargumentacji amerykaskich neoprymitywistw byo ipozostaje unikatowe, to
teza, e kulturowa przemiana jest nadal moliwa. Dokadnie jak Henry David Thoreau aodwrotnie
ni wielu XIX-wiecznych salonowych romantykw piszcych nostalgicznie o nieuchronnie znikajcej
amerykaskiej guszy albo dziesitki epatujcych buruja zbuntowanych modernistw z pocztku
XX wieku pisarze tacy jak Gary Snyder, Alice Bloom czy Wendell Berry udowadniaj, e duchowe
poszukiwania nie musz by przedsiwziciem z natury elitarnym, przeprowadzanym w spoecznej
izolacji. Wasn literack biografi pokazuj, e mona pisa iy wtym samym stylu. Wich przypadku
mit Szlachetnego Dzikusa, jakkolwiek iluzoryczny dla sceptykw, przekada si na realne osobiste
osignicia.
Sukces ten nie byby moliwy bez esencjalistycznej wiary, e potencja do duchowego wzrostu
to nie tyle humanistyczny mit, co przyrodzona cecha gatunku ludzkiego. Inaczej mwic jestemy
naturalnie uduchowieni. Snyder pisze:
[Alvar] Nez by pierwszym Europejczykiem, ktry zetkn si z Ameryk Pnocn oraz jej
tubylcz mito-jani [ang. myth-mind], a Ishi by ostatnim rdzennym Amerykaninem, przed
ktrym ta ja nie miaa tajemnic, aktr musia porzuci na zawsze. To, co ley pomidzy tymi
dwoma punktami odniesienia nie umaro, nie odeszo w przeszo. Pozostaje na zawsze w nas,
upione niczym ziarno wtwardej skorupie, czekajc na poog lub powd, ktra je znw obudzi.
(Snyder 1990: 17)
Metafora kiekujcego ziarna powraca w pismach Snydera. Pozostaje ona w cisym zwizku
zfundamentaln ide jego myli ekologicznej, amianowicie, e dzika przyroda stanowi apogeum procesu
ewolucji kadego ekosystemu. Wodczycie wygoszonym na Brown University kalifornijski poeta wyjania:
Wsplnoty, ktre wsptworz stworzenia zamieszkujce lasy, stawy, oceany czy prerie najwyraniej
zmierzaj do stanu apogeum, dziewiczego lasu wiele gatunkw, stare koci, mnstwo zgniych
lici, skomplikowane kanay przepywu energii, dzicio mieszkajcy w konarze i gralek
ukadajcy miniaturowe sterty traw. Ten stan odznacza si wysok stabilnoci igromadzi sporo
energii wswojej sieci energii, ktra wprostszych systemach (pole chwastw tu po przejechaniu
buldoera) uchodzi zpowrotem do nieba albo do otworu ciekowego. Cay proces ewolucji mg
zosta wrwnym stopniu uksztatowany przez owo denie do apogeum co przez prost rywalizacj
pomidzy osobnikami lub gatunkami. (Snyder 1980: 173)
8 Zob. Eliot (1961: 287): Tennyson iBrowning s poetami imyl; ale nie odczuwaj wasnej myli rwnie bezporednio jak
zapachu ry. Myl dla [Johna] Donnea bya rodzajem dowiadczenia, zmieniaa jego odczuwanie wiata. Kiedy umys poety
jest wpeni gotw do poetyzowania, nieustannie czy ze sob rnorakie dowiadczenia. Dowiadczenie zwykego czowieka
jest chaotyczne, nieregularne, fragmentaryczne. Taki czowiek zakochuje si albo czyta Spinoz ite dwa dowiadczenia nie
maj nic wsplnego ze sob, ani te ze stukaniem maszyny do pisania czy zzapachami dochodzcymi zkuchni. Wumyle
poety te dowiadczenia nieustannie tworz nowe caoci.
Pozostawiona sama sobie przyroda dy zatem do stanu maksymalnie zintensyfikowanej

zoonoci, ktrej czowiek nie jest w stanie odtworzy. adne, nawet najbardziej technologicznie
wyrafinowane ludzkie dzieo nie dorwna naturze bogactwem ontologicznej rnorodnoci. Aby w stan
osign, przyrod naley powtrzmy zostawi wspokoju. Natura wswoim najdzikszym, najbardziej
dziewiczym stanie to ycie wnajlepszej, bo najbogatszej zmoliwych postaci.
Aby doprecyzowa t kluczow tez, Snyder wprowadza subtelne, aczkolwiek istotne rozrnienie
pomidzy przyrod/natur (ang. nature) a gusz/dzicz (ang. wilderness). Dla autora The Practice of
theWild natura jest synonimiczna zfizycznym wszechwiatem iwszystkimi jego waciwociami (Snyder
1990: 9). Jak sam to ujmuje: Nauka iniektre rodzaje mistycyzmu susznie utrzymuj, e wszystko jest
naturalne. Wtym wietle nie ma nic nienaturalnego wmiecie Nowy Jork, odpadach nuklearnych, czy
wenergii atomowej, podobnie jak nic zdefinicji co robimy bd czego dowiadczamy wyciu nie jest
nienaturalne (Snyder 1990: 9).
Kategoria dziczy, zkolei, obejmuje wszystko, co ronie irozwija si samo zsiebie. Wtym sensie
mona mwi nie tylko odzikiej przyrodzie lub dzikich zwierztach, lecz take odzikich osobowociach,
spoecznociach bd zachowaniu. Dzikie spoecznoci, dla przykadu, to takie, ktrych organizacja
spoeczna rozwija si odrodkowo, a podtrzymuje j bardziej sia konsensusu i obyczaju ni wprost
wyartykuowane ustawodawstwo (Snyder 1990: 10).
Moemy wic uzna, e Nowy Jork iTokio s naturalne, ale nie dzikie. Nie zaprzeczaj prawom
natury, ale s strefami tak zastrzeonymi wdoborze osb iorganizmw, ktrym udzielaj schronienia,
tak nie tolerujcymi pozostaych stworze, e faktycznie dziwacznymi. Gusza to miejsce, gdzie dziki
potencja znajduje peni wyrazu, to rnorodno bytw ywych inieoywionych rozkwitajcych
wzgodzie zwasnym wewntrznym porzdkiem. Wekologii mwimy odzikich systemach. Gdy
ekosystem wpeni funkcjonuje, wszyscy czonkowie s obecni podczas zgromadzenia. Mwienie
odziczy to mwienie ocaoci. (Snyder 1990: 12)
Zarwno Snyder jak Eagleton mwi orozkwitaniu wodniesieniu do optymalnego dla czowieka
stylu ycia. Argumentacja Eagletona, e George Best by moe odnis yciowy sukces, ale nie rozkwita
po tym, jak przesta gra wpik iodda si wycznie uciechom, brzmi niemal jak ilustracja tezy Snydera.
Best po prostu nie rozkwita w zgodzie z wasnym wewntrznym (tzn. ludzkim) porzdkiem. Pikarz
George Best rozkwita jako czowiek czyli by na wyynach swojego czowieczestwa wtedy, gdy gra
wfutbol, idlatego powinien by gra tak dugo, jak to byo moliwe. Dobre ycie, inaczej mwic, polega
na jak najintensywniejszym dowiadczaniu osobistego potencjau, na apogeum porwnywalnym do
stanu dzikiego ekosystemu. Dobre ycie to ycie dzikie wtym wanie sensie.
Dzika przyroda, wedug Snydera, nie jest dla nas dobra po prostu dlatego, e jest idealnie
naturalna, lecz dlatego, e daje nam ywy przykad najbardziej wyrafinowanego, najbardziej
intensywnego trybu istnienia. Tylko wtym sensie bycie naturalnym jest u czowieka atutem.
Podsumowujc, wiat bez kojotw byby dla ekologw pokroju Garyego Snydera jak wiat bez
boisk dla talentw pokroju Georgea Besta. Mwienie opotencjalnym pikarzu wnaturze Georgea Besta
zakada istnienie piki nonej. Wspoecznoci, ktra nie zna futbolu, takie spekulacje nie miayby sensu.
Podobnie sama idea dzikoci zakada istnienie guszy. Dzika przyroda zarwno generuje, jak iw optymalny
sposb uosabia ide, ktra inaczej byaby nie do pomylenia. Bez dzikiej natury dookoa czowiek nie
wpadby na koncepcj bycia wewntrznie sob, czyli naturalnym. Wtym sensie wewntrzny kojot
nie jest przyrodzonym, lecz jedynie potencjalnym skadnikiem ludzkiej psychiki. Trzeba prawdziwego
155
Piotr Zazula
156
kojota, abymy zdali sobie z tego spraw. John Elder mia zapewne co podobnego na myli, kiedy
wpoowie lat osiemdziesitych XX wieku napisa, e poezja
[] stanowi wsensie ekologicznym granic pomidzy ludzkoci anatur pozaludzk zapewniajc
kulturze dostp do wiata istniejcego poza horyzontem jej odgrnych osdw iuprzedze. Podobne
przewiadczenie oporedniczcej roli poezji stoi za prb stworzenia wizji niehumanizmu przez
Robinsona Jeffersa. Pragnieniem Jeffersa byo umiejscowi wasne wiersze poza wskim krgiem
ludzkiego poznania, mwi ponad wasnym czowieczestwem. Poszerzona tematyka spenia
podobn funkcj wpoezji Snydera iAmmonsa. Cho gosy tych poetw pozostaj wiadome wasnej
odrbnoci, wizje misternego bogactwa wiata przyrody nieustannie wybijaj si poza ramy ich
osobistego poznania iwznosz ponad utarte zachodnie postawy. Zamiast oswaja natur, ci poeci
sami s pochaniani przez jej cigle na nowo objawiajc si ido gbi poruszajc poszczeglno.
Bogactwo procesu naturalnego niweczy ludzkie oczekiwania, przemieszczajc osie mentalnych
okrgw iposzerzajc ich obwd. (Elder 1996: 210)
Przyroda, adokadniej gusza, pozostaje ostatecznym rdem iprobierzem tego, co przyrodzone.
Literatura
Bate, Jonathan (2000) TheSong of theEarth. London: Picador.
Bloom, Alice (1990) On aGreek Holiday. [W:] Douglas Hunt (red.) TheDolphin Reader. Boston: Houghton
Mifflin Company; 344351.
Bly, Robert (1991) American Poetry: Wildness and Domesticity. New York: HarperPerennial.
Eagleton, Terry (2003) After Theory. New York: Basic Books.
Eisler, Riane (1988) TheChalice and theBlade: Our History, Our Future. San Francisco: Harper & Row.
Elder, John (1996) Imagining theEarth: Poetry and theVision of Nature. Athens, London: TheUniversity of
Georgia Press.
Eliot, Thomas Stearns (1961) Selected Essays. London: Faber and Faber.
Gimbutas, Marija (2001) TheLanguage of theGoddess. London: Thames & Hudson.
Hunt, Douglas (red.) (1990) TheDolphin Reader. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Jeffers, Robinson (1956) Themes in My Poems. San Francisco: TheBook Club of California.
Mander, Jerry (1990) The Walling of Awareness. [W:] Douglas Hunt (red.) The Dolphin Reader. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Company; 309320.
Murray, Charles (1990) Whats So Bad about Being Poor?. [W:] Douglas Hunt (red.) The Dolphin Reader.
Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company; 788797.
Rorty, Richard (1989) Irony, Contingency, and Solidarity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Snyder, Gary (1960) Myths & Texts. New York: New Directions.
Snyder, Gary (1969) Earth House Hold. New York: New Directions.
Snyder, Gary (1974) Turtle Island. New York: New Directions.
Snyder, Gary (1980) TheReal Work: Interviews and Talks, 19641979. New York: New Directions.
Snyder, Gary (1990) ThePractice of theWild. San Francisco: North Point Press.
Stone, Merlin (1978) When God Was aWoman. San Diego, New York: Harcourt Brace.
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
157162
REVIEWS
AN D
PO LE MI CS
Agata Draus-Kobucka
Uniwersytet Wrocawski
Recenzja ksiki Roberto Mansbergera Amorosa

pt.LaJoven Europa y Espaa: la cuestin de el arte
porel arte. Barcelona, 2013: Laertes.
ISBN 978-84-7584-916-4, 466 stron
Abstract
A Review of a Book by Roberto Mansberger Amors entitled La Joven
Europa y Espaa: la cuestin de el arte por el arte. Barcelona, 2013:
Laertes. ISBN 978-84-7584-916-4, 466 pages
The literary history of thequestion: Art for arts sake in Europe and, more specifically, in Spain, is thesubject of
thebook by Roberto Mansberger Amors entitled La Joven Europa y Espaa: la cuestin de el arte por el arte (Young
Europe and Spain: thequestion of art for arts sake, written in Spanish). Thebook is composed of six chapters, along
with theintroduction, conclusion, extensive bibliography and index of names. Thechapters focused on thegeneral
history of theidea alternate with those dedicated to theparticular writers and thinkers. Chapter 1 presents thetheory
of art for arts sake, its origin and progress. Chapter 2 introduces thesubject of Young Europe, with thefocus on
Young Poland and Young Spain. Chapter 3 is anextensive digression about thesubject of morals in Spanish 19th
century literature, aesthetics, ethics and critics. Chapter 4 studies theindividual stances of Valera and Campoamor,
whereas chapter 5 undertakes theissue of theDecadent movement and theRestoration. Thesixth and final chapter
describes the poetry and the poets related to the concept art for arts sake. The uniqueness of the book rests on
thecombination of thebalanced analyses of literary sources and original period documents and archival material
of Real Academia Espaola concerning the issues of art and morals, along with a reflection about the historical,
Agata Draus-Kobucka
158
philosophical and ideological context of thematter. Since this kind of profound knowledge united with theability to
write both persuasively and interestingly is rare, thebook by Mansberger Amors is anenlightening reading experience
not only for specialists on thetopic, but also for all those interested in thehistory of Spanish literature and ideas.
Keywords: art for arts sake, 19th century, art and morals, Young Europe, Spanish literature, Decadent movement
and Restoration.
Ksiki zzakresu historii literatury wpasowuj si nazbyt czsto wschemat podrcznika, nie unikajc
przy tym uproszcze i niedopowiedze. Filozofowie myli maj z kolei skonno do gubienia si
w gszczu dygresji i tracenia gwnego wtku rozwaa. Roberto Mansberger Amors w obszernym
dziele powiconym kwestii sztuki dla sztuki wdziewitnastowiecznej Hiszpanii nie wpada wadn
ztych puapek, umiejtnie czc skomplikowan materi zpogranicza dziejw idei, estetyki iliteratury
z przejrzystym, cho nieoczywistym ukadem. La Joven Europa y Espaa: la cuestin de el arte por
elarte podejmuje temat, ktry nie doczeka si dotd tak wnikliwego iwszechstronnego opracowania:
wzajemna zaleno sztuki (hiszp. el Arte) imoralnoci (hiszp. la Moral) opisana jest na tle toczcych
si na Pwyspie Iberyjskim wdrugiej poowie XIX wieku dysput estetyczno-ideologicznych ipoparta
analiz tekstw literackich zepoki.
Za prezentowanym przez autora komparatywnym podejciem stoj lata zbierania dowiadcze
naukowo-dydaktycznych wkrajach europejskich iarabskich, oczytanie wwielu narodowych literaturach
(najczciej w jzykach oryginau, ktrych Mansberger Amors zna, w wikszym bd mniejszym
stopniu, ponad dziesi) i zainteresowania nie tyle cile filologiczne, co raczej humanistyczne. Po
skomplikowanej sieci zalenoci midzy myl estetyczn wielu krajw autor porusza si z du
swobod, wymuszajc na czytelniku najwysz koncentracj, potrzebn, by dotrzyma mu kroku
wtych rozwaaniach. Tym samym La Joven Europa y Espaa: la cuestin de el arte por el arte nie jest
przeznaczona dla odbiorcy nieobeznanego zepok inajwaniejszymi jej dzieami, nie mamy bowiem
do czynienia ze szkolnym podrcznikiem wprowadzajcym podstawowe treci, ale z krytycznym
komentarzem specjalisty.
Ksika skada si z szeciu rozdziaw poprzedzonych wstpem i zakoczonych konkluzj.
Obszerna bibliografia i indeks nazwisk uzupeniaj lektur i uatwiaj orientacj w skomplikowanej
materii. Autor zdecydowa si zrezygnowa ztypowego ukadu chronologicznego na rzecz omawiania
w kolejnych rozdziaach spjnych zagadnie skadajcych si na obraz epoki. W pierwszych dwch
Mansberger Amors przedstawia teori sztuki dla sztuki, by nastpnie omwi kontekst historycznoliteracki, najpierw szerszy Mod Europ, ze szczeglnym uwzgldnieniem Modej Polski potem za
hiszpaski. Jak wskazuje we wstpie sam autor, rozdzia trzeci jest osobn, lecz konieczn dygresj na temat
relacji midzy sztuk amoralnoci. Kolejne trzy rozdziay przeplataj refleksje nad estetyk zanaliz
dzie i pogldw poszczeglnych mylicieli (rozdzia czwarty), pisarzy dekadentyzmu i Restauracji
(rozdzia pity) ipoetw (rozdzia szsty).
Ju wpierwszych sowach wstpu autor nawizuje do europejskiego kontekstu funkcjonowania
hasa sztuka dla sztuki (fr. Lart pour lart, ang. art for arts sake, hiszp. el arte por el arte), wskazuje
rwnie na powizanie go w wielu jzykach ze sformuowaniem kwestia czy zagadnienie (hiszp.
cuestin), co sygnalizuje kopoty, jakie temat w sprawia od zawsze teoretykom literatury. Zaznacza
jednak, e jego ramy czasowe i chronologia s dobrze zdefiniowane. Wprowadza rwnie do tekstu
akcent osobisty, jak gdyby chcc zachci czytelnika do zagbienia si wraz zautorem wpasjonujc go
dziedzin: opowiada owasnym zainteresowaniu sztuk dla sztuki, rozkwitym wczasie prowadzenia
bada nad hiszpask literatur okresu Restauracji, io dalszych studiach nad ruchami rewolucyjnymi
Modej Europy, dziewitnastowiecznymi polemikami literackimi oraz hiszpask bohem Modernizmu.
Przycignwszy w ten sposb uwag odbiorcy, jasno okrela wybrane przez siebie ramy zagadnienia,
opisuje trudn do osignicia rwnowag midzy analiz gatunkw literackich, wktrych szczeglnie
uwidocznio si przekonanie twrcw do niezalenoci sztuki, aopisem dysput midzy przedstawicielami
prdw kulturalnych epoki. Wreszcie ustala ramy chronologiczne na okres pomidzy podpisaniem
Konstytucji w1876 roku iproklamacj Alfonsa XIII wroku 1902, co ogranicza badania do tzw. Pokolenia
Restauracji (hiszp. Generacin de la Restauracin), wyklucza natomiast modernistw. Mansberger
Amors udziela sobie przy tym od razu pozwolenia na odwoania do dzie i autorw wczeniejszych
ipniejszych, oile wymaga tego narracja. Zjednej strony mamy zatem do czynienia ze zdefiniowanym
zakresem pojciowym i chronologicznym, z drugiej jednak wyranie atwiej autorowi okreli, co
pozostaje poza obszarem jego zainteresowa. Tumaczc si rozmazanymi konturami teorii sztuki
dla sztuki wHiszpanii (w przeciwiestwie do do jasnych granic we Francji, Anglii, Belgii iPolsce),
nazywa wybrany przez siebie porzdek opisu organicznym raczej ni chronologicznym, wnieustannej
prbie oddania sprawiedliwoci zoonej sieci uwarunkowa, wjak wpisa si na Pwyspie Iberyjskim
omawiany prd. Zaznacza take, e w wyborze omawianych twrcw kierowa si nie ich dzisiejsz
popularnoci czy jakoci artystyczn dzie, ale przede wszystkim wizami zzagadnieniem sztuki dla
sztuki. Do trafnie przy tym opisuje swoje studium jako szereg elementw mozaiki, ktre skadaj si
razem na panoram epoki.
Pierwszym elementem tej mozaiki jest rozdzia powicony w caoci teorii sztuki dla sztuki,
najbardziej przyjazny dla czytelnika nieobeznanego z tematem. Cho autor nie opisuje szczegowo
genealogii pojcia, w przystpny sposb wyjania jego pocztki, nastpnie za czyni przegld
najwaniejszych europejskich postaw filozoficznych iestetycznych, ktre doprowadziy do wyksztacenia
si formuy sztuka dla sztuki. Po krtkim podrozdziale powiconym Kantowi ijego krytyce moralnoci
oraz sdw estetycznych nastpuje dusze omwienie rewolucyjnych jak na tamte czasy pogldw
Victora Cousina i ich wpywu na dziewitnastowieczn Francj. Wreszcie Mansberger Amors stawia
jedn z gwnych tez swojego studium brak w Hiszpanii ruchu analogicznego do Modej Francji,
Modych Niemiec czy Modej Polski spowodowa, e panorama intelektualna i kulturalna Pwyspu
Iberyjskiego rozwina si pniej iw odmienny sposb ni winnych krajach. Europa, poczwszy od
1830 roku, pozostawaa pod wpywem nowoczesnoci (hiszp. lo moderno), aartyci odwracali si od
pojcia uytecznoci (hiszp. til) na rzecz pikna (hiszp. belleza). Autor ze swobod porusza si po
literaturach europejskiego krgu kulturowego, zestawiajc pogldy Gautiera (Francja), Poe (Anglia),
Belinskiego iDobrolibova (Rosja), komentujc pierwsze manifestacje zwolennikw sztuki dla sztuki
iich maria zsocjalizmem iliteratur robotnicz, rwnie niechtn buruazji, jak obrocy niezalenoci
sztuki. Wporace ruchw Modej Europy upatruje Mansberger Amors przyczyn odwrotu pisarzy od
zaangaowania politycznego ispoecznego wstron pozycji estetycznych. Trend ten utrzyma si niemal
do koca dziewitnastego wieku, pod koniec jednak jego kontury zaczy si rozmywa, by roztopi si
zupenie w ruchach awangardowych i nowym spoecznym zaangaowaniu artystw z Tostojem na
czele, co pozostaje wbezporednim zwizku zrozwojem ruchw marksistowskich.
159
Agata Draus-Kobucka
160
Autor wyjania obszerniej swoj tez o zwizkach midzy Mod Europ a sztuk dla sztuki
wdrugim rozdziale, zarysowujcym midzynarodowy kontekst historyczno-intelektualny po 1830 roku.
Podsumowuje idee czce Wiosn Ludw, marksizm, socjalizm, ruchy progresywne i rewolucyjne
w nastpujcy sposb: Istnieje Europa przestarzaa i anachroniczna, reprezentowana przez wite
Przymierze i jego nowego sprzymierzeca, postnapoleosk buruazj, ktr moda Europa musi
pogrzeba (s. 51). Hiszpania tymczasem, zbraku analogicznego prdu, wcza si wpeni wten europejski
trend dopiero wokresie Restauracji. Przedtem, mimo pojedynczych zryww ku idei modoci inowego,
zbytnio pozostaje pogrona wkonserwatyzmie, by podzieli ideay estetyczne Modej Europy. Mimo to
debata ozwizkach sztuki zmoralnoci, prowadzona raczej zpozycji politycznego zaangaowania, jest
toczona take na Pwyspie Iberyjskim, cho wzgoa odmienny ni we Francji sposb. Mansberger Amors
okrela powizane z ni osoby mianem pokolenia izabeliskiego i zalicza do Valer, Campoamora,
Garc de Quevedo iwielu innych, odpowiedzialnych za niedopuszczenie do powstania irozkwitu Modej
Hiszpanii. Rwnie rewolucja roku 1968 iokres Restauracji nie przyniosy tego oywczego podmuchu
modoci, za ktrym tskni Unamuno, narzekajc w1895 roku na aktualny marazm Hiszpanii (s. 73).
Autor, mimo to, chce dostrzec wrodzcych si wtym czasie postawach opozycyjnych tego samego ducha,
ktry dekady wczeniej natchn artystw francuskich do przeciwstawienia nowego czowieka (hiszp.
hombre nuevo) czowiekowi staremu (hiszp. hombre viejo).
Polskiego czytelnika zainteresuje szczeglnie podrozdzia powicony Modej Polsce, okrelanej
przez Mansbergera Amorosa jako przypadek paradygmatyczny. Nie do przecenienia jest wpyw autora na
szerzenie wiedzy opolskiej literaturze narodowej wjzyku hiszpaskim iw rodowisku hispanistycznym.
Tutaj ogranicza si do wspomnienia kilku najwaniejszych faktw: Ody do modoci Mickiewicza, pogldw
Joachima Lelewela iMaurycego Mochnackiego, Beniowskiego Sowackiego, emigracji idramatw Stanisawa
Wyspiaskiego, w tym Nocy listopadowej. Konkluduje: Mona powiedzie (), e, ze wszystkich literatur
europejskich, to polska, poczwszy od 1830 roku, jest t, ktra najlepiej pozwala dostrzec mistrzowskie
kontury, linie ipoczenia, oglny plan swej konstrukcji, budynku zbudowanego na politycznej porace
pokolenia, aktry wznosi si na nowo na innych fundamentach estetycznych (s. 59).
Hiszpaskiej literaturze zabrako tej wyrazistoci, dlatego autor postanowi wczy w swoje
studium opis nie tyle zagadnienia sztuki dla sztuki, ile raczej nieco szerszej debaty ozwizkach sztuki
zmoralnoci, ta bowiem toczya si na Pwyspie Iberyjskim bez przeszkd ju od pocztku ponownego
otwarcia madryckiego Ateneo w 1835 roku, zainspirowana w duej mierze pogldami Cousina. Od
oglnohumanistycznych rozwaa przechodzi Mansberger Amors do opisu prowadzonych wEuropie
dyskusji na temat moralnoci wliteraturze, ponownie ukazujc czytelnikowi szerszy kontekst, przede
wszystkim francuski, ale take polski. Wreszcie skupia si na opiniach Hiszpanw o moralnoci
wpowieci, poezji idramacie, wyraanych na podstawieliteratury zagranicznej, francuskiej irosyjskiej.
Wyrnia si tym samym spord innych badaczy epoki, skonnych uznawa brak przejaww idei sztuki
dla sztuki w samej literaturze hiszpaskiej za dowd nieobecnoci zagadnienia. Tymczasem autor
ksiki, opierajc si na archiwach Real Academia Espaola, udowadnia, e kwestia uytecznoci sztuki
ywo interesowaa hiszpaskich intelektualistw ju wpierwszej poowie XIX wieku. Wpolemikach
okulturze nie mogo zabrakn take gosu krausistw oraz Pedro Antonio de Alarcona, ktrego dzieu
Discurso sobre la moral en el arte itoczonym wok niego debatom, obok pogldw Urbano Gonzaleza
Serrano, Echegaraya iLlanasa Aguilaniedo, powicone s ostatnie podrozdziay trzeciej czci ksiki.
Wyczerpujcy przegld mao znanych stanowisk hiszpaskich intelektualistw jest jednym zgwnych
atutw ksiki i lektur obowizkow dla wszystkich zainteresowanych dziewitnastowiecznymi

polemikami literackimi czy histori zwizkw sztuki z moralnoci na Pwyspie Iberyjskim,
podobnie jak kolejne dwa rozdziay zadedykowane narodzinom nowego stylu krytyki literackiej
nowoczesnemu esejowi oraz postawom przyjmowanym przez humanistw, bdcych w rwnej
mierze (z wyjtkiem Menendeza Pelayo) komentatorami, co pisarzami. I tak w rozdziale czwartym
omwione s szczegowo stanowiska Valery iCampoamora ten pierwszy rysuje si jako zwolennik
bezwarunkowego braku odpowiedzialnoci poety, drugi natomiast wyznaje tez o wpywie poety
(jako przewodnika ludzkoci) na spoeczestwo. Rozdzia pity jest zkolei obszernym omwieniem
tendencji obecnych w Hiszpanii koca XIX wieku dekadentyzmu, ktry ostatecznie rozmywa si
wprdach modernistycznych, ipokolenia okresu Restauracji. Nie sposb wymieni wszystkie rda, na
podstawie ktrych Mansberger Amors buduje zoony obraz ideologii iestetyki tych czasw, lawirujc
midzy archiwalnymi zapisami dysput, esejami krytycznymi, artykuami zczasopism literackich epoki,
czy wreszcie samymi tekstami artystycznymi iich interpretacjami. Szczeglne miejsce powica Emilii
Pardo Bazn oraz refleksjom Clarina (Leopolda Alas), atake jego narracjom iwynikym dookoa nich
kontrowersjom. Wwyczerpujcy sposb przedstawia take zapatrywania Menendeza Pelayo, kluczowej
postaci dziewitnastowiecznych polemik literackich. Wreszcie, decyduje si powici osobny rozdzia
poetom sztuki dla sztuki, rwnie od strony dyskursu teoretycznego. Opiera si przy tym na sdach
Echegaraya na temat Nueza de Arce, sporach, w ktre wchodzi ucze tego ostatniego, Emilio
Ferrari, zamykajcych okres rozwoju tendencji parnasistowskich i protomodernistycznych, a take
na artykuach publikowanych w czasopimie La Espaa Moderna (18891914). Koczy przegld na
parnasistach, artystach bezporednio poprzedzajcych modernistw do grupy tej nale: Manuel
Reina, Salvador Rueda, Carlos Fernndez Shaw oraz Antonio de Zayas. To wich utworach najpeniej
przejawia si idea sztuki dla sztuki, co Mansberger Amors udowadnia na podstawie analizy wierszy
zaczerpnitych zdorobku poetw.
W konkluzji autor powraca raz jeszcze do skomplikowanej sieci uwarunkowa spoecznych, ktre
doprowadziy do powstania irozkwitu omawianej koncepcji, podkrela rwnie ponownie odmienn,
pniejsz drog Hiszpanii do teorii sztuki dla sztuki ijej szczeglne przejawy nie tylko wobszarze
samej literatury, ale ina polu retoryczno-poetyckiej debaty omoralnoci isztuce.
Na koniec jedna uwaga wbibliografii, obszernej iwyczerpujcej wzakresie literatury rdowej
oraz literatury przedmiotu do lat osiemdziesitych, czytelnik znajdzie poza uaktualnionym spisem
artykuw samego autora zaledwie dwie nowsze publikacje (po roku 1990) zzakresu krytyki literackiej.
Nie ujmuje to wniczym wartoci ksiki jako wnikliwego studium powiconego zagadnieniu sztuki dla
sztuki, czytelnik musi jednak pamita, e mimo wieej daty wydania ma do czynienia zopracowaniem
sprzed kilku dekad owocem dogbnych bada przeprowadzonych przez Roberto Mansbergera
Amorosa podczas przygotowywania rozprawy doktorskiej i w nastpnych latach. Tym samym lektura
dziea powinna stanowi punkt wyjcia do dalszej refleksji nad tematem jest to bowiem wyczerpujce
i pene inspirujcych dygresji opracowanie, stawiajce pytania, na ktre odpowiedzi warto szuka we
wspczesnych dyskusjach ohiszpaskiej literaturze imyli dziewitnastowiecznej.
Studium profesora Mansbergera Amorosa jest ksik nieszablonow to przede wszystkim
dzieo komparatysty, nieustannie sigajcego do bogatych dowiadcze i wiedzy z zakresu literatur
europejskich, ale take humanisty, poruszajcego si swobodnie midzy krytyk i interpretacj rde
tekstowych ateoretycznym dyskursem epoki, ktrego analiza stanowi bodaj najwiksz cz autorskiej
161
Agata Draus-Kobucka
162
refleksji. Tym samym La Joven Europa y Espaa: la cuestin de el arte por el arte zaspokaja bdzie raczej
intelektualn ciekawo znawcw tematu, teoretykw ihistorykw literatury, ni czytelnikw szukajcych
podstawowych informacji ohiszpaskiej literaturze XIX wieku. Autor zaprasza do wsplnych rozwaa,
wskazuje na najwaniejsze gosy wtoczcych si polemikach literackich, nie powstrzymuje si take od
szerszych dygresji i, niekiedy, anegdot styl ten sprawia, e lektura ksiki przypomina suchanie penego
erudycji wywodu urodzonego gawdziarza, skania do osobistej refleksji nad zagadnieniem iuczy pokory
wobec tak wielkiej wiedzy.
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
163168
Uniwersytet Ostrawski, Czechy
Wysza Szkoa Filologiczna we Wrocawiu
Recenzja ksiki Piotra Sawickiego iJitki Smiekovej

pt. Srovnvac frazeologie aparemiografie. Vybran
studie ze slovanskch aromnskch jazyk / Frazeologia
iparemiografia porwnawcza. Wybrane studia zzakresu
jzykw sowiaskich iromaskich. Ostrava, 2010:
Ostravsk univerzita v Ostrav. ISBN 978-80-7368-851-6,
198 stron
Abstract
A Review of a Book by Piotr Sawicki andJitka Smiekova entitled Srovnvac
frazeologie a paremiografie. Vybran studie ze slovanskch a romnskch
jazyk / Frazeologia i paremiografia porwnawcza. Wybrane studia
z zakresu jzykw sowiaskich i romaskich. Ostrava, 2010: Ostravsk
univerzita v Ostrav. ISBN 978-80-7368-851-6, 198 pages
Comparative Phraseology and Paremiology. Selected Studies on Slavic and Romance Languages, by Piotr Sawicki and
Jitka Smiekov, is acollection of texts which have previously appeared in thecolumns of philological periodicals
and post-symposium publications in Poland, Spain and the Czech Republic and have since been modified. They
constitute thefruits of unceasing international research which was originally launched in 1996. Thebook is divided
into two sections, grouping material relating to Czech and Polish cultural stereotypes and proverbs and thelanguage
of Polish politics together in the first part, with the transcreation of proverbs constituting the second part. This
innovative work contains a compilation of proverbs and sayings in Polish, Czech and, occasionally, Slovakian;
and in Spanish, with some in French. It is enriched by adiscussion of theproblems relating to thetranslation and
interpretation of certain linguistic phenomena which bear culturally distinctive features. Thediscussion takes as its
examples thewritings of Frantiek elakovsk and Jaromr Nohavica, as well as popular Spanish and French sayings.
164
Addressed to expert paremiologists, linguists and students engaged in Slavic, Romance and Iberian studies alike, as
well as to anyone interested in matters linguistic, thebook now and again departs from thesolemn, scholarly form to
pursue adiscourse more popularised in nature.
Keywords: proverbs, Jaromr Nohavica, Frantiek elakovsk, Czech proverbs, Polish proverbs, Spanish proverbs,
French proverbs, TheLaw and Justice Party.
W rodowisku czeskich hispanistw pojawia si nowatorska publikacja zawierajca kontrastywnie

opracowane zestawienie przysw ipowiedze wjzyku polskim, czeskim (czasem sowackim), hiszpaskim
(czasem francuskim), wzbogacone kilkoma artykuami na temat tumaczenia iinterpretacji nacechowanych
kulturowo tekstw Frantika elakovskiego, Jaromra Nohavicy, czy popularnych powiedze hiszpaskich
oraz francuskich. Znalaz si tam take artyku dotyczcy polskich emocjonalizmw z czasw przed
i po katastrofie smoleskiej, pojawiajcych si coraz czciej w debacie publicznej, ze szczeglnym
uwzgldnieniem partii Prawo i Sprawiedliwo (std okrelenie PiSopochodne). Jak pisz autorzy we
wstpie, monografia ta skada si ztekstw wczeniej opublikowanych wPolsce, wHiszpanii iw Republice
Czeskiej, anastpnie zmodyfikowanych iuzupenionych; s one owocem bada zapocztkowanych w1996
roku. Adresowana zarwno do specjalistw (paremiologw, leksykografw), jak i studentw slawistyki,
romanistyki czy iberystyki oraz szerszego krgu osb zainteresowanych kwestiami jzykowymi, praca ta
niekiedy odchodzi od powanej, naukowej formy na rzecz dyskursu popularyzatorskiego.
W ksice Sawickiego i Smiekovej, zilustrowanej rycinami Francisca de Goi z cyklu Kaprysy,
zostay rwnie uporzdkowane izaprezentowane definicje przysowia1 jako gatunku literackiego najlepiej
reprezentujcego mdro ludow. Przedmiotem paremiografii jest przysowie (porzekado), niebdce
zgodnie z tym, co podkrelaj autorzy wytworem elit. Mimo to jego lakoniczna forma, celno,
konceptualistyczna i formalna struktura s ewidentne. Polski paremiograf Stanisaw wirko podkrela,
e przysowia rni si od typowych sentencji czy aforyzmw metaforyczn lapidarnoci itworzeniem
obrazw ilustrujcych je ibdcych dla nich waciwymi2. Przedstawiona te izilustrowana rozbudowan
egzemplifikacj zostaa autorska koncepcja paremiotwrcza, sugerujca okrelone techniki pracy
zprzysowiami innych narodw wcelu przyblienia ich rodzimej kulturze. Odpowiadajc na pytanie, czy
tumaczy, czy te naladowa przysowia, autorzy proponuj odpowied trjstopniow: a) nie tumaczy
ich dosownie, poniewa przysowia wyraaj cechy dystynktywne pewnej wsplnoty, stanowic pery myli
kolektywnej; b) tumaczc, stara si zachowa esencj przysowia, jego ekspresyjno izwizo, atake
naturaln struktur dystychu; c) imitowa, ale wtedy, gdy mona puci wodze fantazji, dla osignicia
ekwiwalencji zupenej. Dobre imitowane przysowie nie powinno zatem wydawa si tumaczeniem, ale by
dwikow delicj dla ucha inatychmiast zapada wpami, ju po pierwszym czytaniu czy usyszeniu.
Tumaczenie jest czstokro tworzeniem, wynajdywaniem, odbudowywaniem wprzestrzeni mentalnej3.
1 Wedug dzisiejszej terminologii co wida w omawianej ksice stosuje si take inne pojcia paremii: to
skonwencjonalizowana forma stereotypowego sposobu wyraania si, nowoczesny wariant powiedzenia, zdanie przysowiowe,
porzekado iwyraenie kolokwialne.
2
Zob. s. 119.
3 Zob. s. 114115 i141. Woryginale: ser una delicia sonora para el odo y pegarse inmediatamente ala memoria, tras su
primera lectura opercepcin oral.
Recenzja ksiki Piotra Sawickiego i Jitki Smiekovej
Inn zasug tej publikacji jest szkic historyczny dotyczcy paremiografii czeskiej, polskiej
ihiszpaskiej. Wprzypadku jzykw sowiaskich najpeniej zaznaczy sw obecno Czech, Frantiek
Ladislav elakovsk (17991852), twrca katedry slawistyki na Uniwersytecie Wrocawskim, autor
Mudroslov nrodu slovanskho ve pislovch (1851). Wspomnie naley, e czeski lingwista i etnolog,
pionier bada paremiograficznych, pracujc w rodowisku akademickim pruskiego Wrocawia,
dokona wielkiego dziea wkontekcie polsko-niemieckim ibez dogbnej znajomoci jzyka polskiego.
Odbio si to negatywnie w polskojzycznej (drugiej co do wanoci) czci jego studium, w ktrej
nadmiern rol odgrywa wasna kreatywno autora. Wielokrotnie wymyla on paremie nieistniejce
wsugerowanej formie wleksykalnych zasobach polszczyzny; chcc wykaza jedno kulturow Sowian,
podporzdkowuje tej tezie swe znaleziska jzykowe. Std te wiele ujtych w jego zbiorze przysw
i powiedze polskich trudno interpretowa inaczej ni jako dosowne kalki z czeskiego. Autor mia
problem zjzykiem polskim pisanym izadanie, jakiego si podj, przeroso jego siy. Za przykad mog
posuy takie niezrczne konstrukcje imitujce porzekada polskie, jak podziwieniem dokada, si
nie udawisz, Najgorsze boty u szewca, czy Nie artuj kotka zpsem. Sam autor zreszt wrozmowach
zPolakami wola posugiwa si jzykiem niemieckim, poniewa jak to celnie uj Vladimr Macura
wpowiconej mu biograficznej powieci Guvernantka (1997) moje poltina by jim rvala ui.
Wspczesny jzyk czeski ze swymi lokalnymi wariantami i ich kulturowym zapleczem
reprezentowany jest w ksice przez studium dotyczce stereotypw w tekstach piosenek Jaromra
Nohavicy (ur. 1953), pieniarza zwizanego z regionem ostrawskim. W swej twrczoci inspiruje si
on m.in. Leonardem Cohenem, Aleksandrem Wertyskim, Georgesem Brassensem, Jacquesem Brelem
iCharlesem Aznavourem, pozostajc przy tym oryginalnym twrc. Analizowany tekst piosenki A to
se mnu sekne posiada trop kulturowy odnoszcy si do ballady Petra Bezrua (18671958) zatytuowanej
Maryka Magdnova, w ktrej narrator skary si na los wdowy przygniecionej wzkiem z wglem,
pozostawiajcej bez rodkw do ycia pitk swoich osieroconych dzieci, poniewa jej m zmar
wczeniej wpijackiej bjce. U Nohavicy pojawia si odnowiony stereotyp grnika spod Ostrawy, swoistego
wspczesnego Colas Breugnona przygotowujcego si na mier. Jego sowa s pene humoru ioddaj
dobrze miejscowy dialekt. Aluzja do nieszczliwej Maryki jest wPolsce nieczytelna, dlatego pieniarz
ostrawski, piewajc ten utwr przed polsk publicznoci po polsku, nie mg precyzyjnie odda zawartych
woryginale stereotypw jzykowych. Autorzy proponuj czytelnikowi, jako trop skojarzeniowy, lektur
podobnego do wiersza Bezrua utworu Marii Konopnickiej W piwnicznej izbie, bliskiego mu tematycznie
iideologicznie, dobrze znanego polskiemu odbiorcy. Porwnuj te dwa warianty kolejnych strof A to se
mnu sekne, zapisane wnarzeczu ostrawskim iw poprawnym jzyku czeskim. Przy okazji zwracaj uwag
na fakt, e Jaromr Nohavica wpolskiej wersji swej kompozycji przedstawia czeskie sterotypy dotyczce
Polakw czasami zbyt przesadnie, na przykad wodniesieniu do alkoholizmu (najlepsza rzecz to mdka
/ albo wdka wapie). Autorzy podkrelaj przy tym, e wwersji polskiej, zatytuowanej Kiedy odwal
kit, byo praktycznie niemoliwe zinterpretowanie specyfiki regionalnej jzyka mwionego regionu
ostrawskiego, charakteryzujcego si skrceniami samogosek dugich (ludowy bon mot gosi: Ostravaki
maji kratke zobaki).
W kolejnych tekstach skadajcych si na drug cz ksiki, dotyczc translatoryki
paremiotwrczej obejmujcej obszar romaski isowiaski, autorzy wracaj do charakterystyki paremii
ihistorii prowadzonych na ich temat bada leksykograficznych. Zwracaj uwag czytelnika, wpierwszym
rzdzie odbiorcy czeskiego, na to, e wPolsce od czasw Renesansu codzienny jzyk by przedmiotem
165
166
studiw i pojawili si ju wwczas pierwsi badacze przysw w osobach Salomona Rysiskiego

(Proverbiorum polonicorum [1618] praca z 1850 przysowiami) i Grzegorza Knapskiego (Adagia
polonica [1632] 2000 przysw iich warianty). Liczne przysowia znajdujemy te wnaszej literaturze,
wutworach Mikoaja Reja, Jana Kochanowskiego, Wacawa Potockiego (Moralia), czy wPanu Tadeuszu
Adama Mickiewicza (okoo 300). Samuel Bogusaw Linde (Sownik jzyka polskiego) opar si na tradycji
jzykoznawczej XVI i XVII wieku, a Samuel Adalbert, autor Ksigi przysw, przypowieci i wyrae
przysowiowych polskich (18891894), zebra iwyda obszerny materia obejmujcy 30 000 hase z10000
dodatkowych wariantw. Pniejszymi godnymi wspomnienia studiami paremiograficznymi byy prace
autorstwa Aleksandra Brcknera, Stanisaw Bystronia iJuliana Krzyanowskiego. Ten ostatni zredagowa
Now ksig przysw iwyrae przysowiowych polskich (19691978), ajego wsppracownik Stanisaw
wirko przygotowa w1975 roku wersj podstawow, z2500 hasami, opublikowan pt. Na wszystko jest
przysowie, uzupenion onowe paremie przez Dobrosaw wierczysk (Przysowia s na wszystko,
2001). Autorami pierwszego wPolsce wielojzycznego leksykonu s Dobrosawa wierczyska iAndrzej
wierczyski, ktrzy wydali w1995 roku tom Przysowia wszeciu jzykach, apniej jego poszerzon
ojzyki hiszpaski iwoski wersj, Sownik przysw womiu jzykach (1998).
Sawicki iSmiekov nie zapominaj te wtym kontekcie odorobku najnowszej paremiografii
hiszpaskiej, przypominajc m.in. ksiki Gregorio Dovala Del hecho al dicho (1995) iRefranero temtico
espaol (1997), a take Diccionario de refranes, dichos y proverbios (1998) Luisa Juncedy, Mil refranes,
mil verdades Constantina Romero (2001), Gran diccionario de refranes Larousse (2001) izredagowane
przez Juli Sevilla Muoz i Jesusa Canter, paremiologw z Universidad Complutense de Madrid,
wielojzyczne opracowanie zatytuowane 1.001 refranes espaoles con su correspondencia en ocho lenguas
(alemn, rabe, francs, ingls, italiano, polaco, provenzal y ruso) (2001). Jak pisz, szczeglnie wana
bya te reedycja (wroku 2000) Vocabulario de refranes y frases proverbiales y otras frmulas comunes de
la lengua castellana Gustavo Correasa, zbioru tradycyjnych przysw iporzekade jzyka kastylijskiego,
pochodzcego zroku 1627.
Autorzy Srovnvac frazeologie a paremiografie podkrelaj, e brakowao i brakuje, zarwno
na polskim, jak te na czeskim rynku wydawniczym, dwujzycznego sownika przysw hiszpaskich.
Zastanawiajc si nad sposobami ich przetwarzania, przypominaj wasne opracowanie, zwizane
z tumaczeniem przysw hiszpaskich na jzyki sowiaskie i przygotowywaniem sownika polskosowacko-czeskiego tych paremii, dla ktrego, mimo podejmowanych prb, nie znaleli dotychczas
wydawcy4. Badacze podkrelaj, e ich praca nad zbiorem przysw hiszpaskich siga 1996 roku, kiedy
po raz pierwszy zbliyli si do skarbnicy hiszpaskich refranes, starajc si je udostpni sowiaskiemu
uytkownikowi. Przysowia wczone wjzyki sowiaskie wtym projekcie sownika s dzieem Magdaleny
Pabisiak iPiotra Sawickiego (polski), Jitki Smiekovej (sowacki, czeski) iJaroslava Reski (czeski). Ekipa
ta stworzya trzy wersje leksykalne wwymienionych jzykach, obejmujce 205 przysw, aoprcz tego
wiele innych powiedze podanych wjednym bd wdwch jzykach. Gromadzony obecnie podstawowy
4 Autorami projektu byli: Piotr Sawicki (Wrocaw) iMagdalena Pabisiak (Krakw) zPolski, Ladislav Trup iJitka Smiekov
(Bratysawa) ze Sowacji. Doradzali Roberto Mansberger Amors (Madryt) i Jaroslav Reska (Ostrawa). W ramach tego
midzynarodowego projektu naukowego z zakresu paremiologii porwnawczej hispano-sowiaskiej, koordynowanego
przez Uniwersytet Wrocawski, midzy 1996 i 2000 rokiem stworzono sownik tematyczny przysw hiszpaskich i ich
ekwiwalentw w jzykach Sowian Zachodnich (polski, sowacki, czeski) z 205 przysowiami kastylijskimi i ich wersjami
sowiaskimi. Zob.: P. Sawicki, M. Pabisiak, L. Trup, J. Smiekov (2000) Del refranero espaol al refranero eslavo. Wrocaw:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocawskiego; 261295 (Estudios Hispnicos. T. 8).
Recenzja ksiki Piotra Sawickiego i Jitki Smiekovej
corpus, stanowicy owoc bogatej wyobrani hispanistycznej, przekracza 1000 przykadw podzielonych
na 10 grup tematycznych. Komponentowi teoretycznemu towarzysz wrecenzowanej ksice listy paremii
hiszpaskich wraz zwersjami wodpowiednich jzykach sowiaskich, pojawiaj si te przykady wyjte
zogoszonego wHiszpanii artykuu na temat tamtejszych przysw odnoszcych si do zwierzt, wraz
zich odpowiednikami polskimi iczeskimi5.
Inn szczegln cech tej ksiki, nadajc jej charakteru nieco sylwicznego, jest refleksja na temat
nowych paremii we wspczesnym jzyku polskim iw polskim dyskursie politycznym. Sawicki analizuje
paremie, ktre narodziy si wdrugiej poowie XX wieku, wpolitycznym kontekcie socjalizmu, podajc
m.in. przykady zczasw Wadysawa Gomuki iEdwarda Gierka, obejmujcego rzdy po zamieszkach
grudniowych 1970 roku i bdcego u wadzy do 1980 roku. Kada dekada okresu PRL-u miaa swj
wasny typ jzyka mwionego, tworzono powiedzonka odnoszce si do antykoncepcji (jak choby
Tylko margaryna mleczna przeciw ciy jest skuteczna), stylu ycia ipolityki biecej. Nowe paremie
opieray si czsto na grach jzykowych; womawianym artykule pojawiaj si bon moty stworzone przez
Lecha Was, Kazimierza Grskiego, Leszka Millera, parti Samoobrona (w wydaniu niezapomnianej
Renaty Beger), wreszcie przez ksidza-poet Jana Twardowskiego6.
Wrd nowych tworw paremiograficznych w Polsce ostatnich lat mona te zauway
emocjonalizmy zwizane z parti Prawo i Sprawiedliwo, powstae ju po katastrofie smoleskiej
wkwietniu 2010 roku. Wyrnia si tu sia twrcza lidera, prezesa Jarosawa Kaczyskiego, izwizanego
znim rodowiska. Naley te wspomnie, e ju w2007 roku wybitni jzykoznawcy polscy (Krystyna
Skaryska, Jerzy Bralczyk, Irena Kamiska-Szmaj) zwracali uwag na wzrastajc agresj jzyka debaty
politycznej. Wtym celu uywane s emocjonalnie nacechowane skrtowce, anazwy inazwiska staj si
pretekstem dla tworzenia nowych sw, bardziej agresywnych (np. PiSuar itp.). W2010 tworzy si cay
dyskurs nazywany mow smolesk, charakterystyczn dla sekty smoleskiej czy Rzeczpospolitej
Smoleskiej, austawiony wcentrum Warszawy drewniany krzy, pamitka katastrofy, dzieli Polakw na
dwie grupy patriotw, obrocw wiary iich przeciwnikw. Nawet nazw znanej marki piwa utosamia
si, wefekcie niefortunnego skojarzenia sownego (zimny Lech), zLechem Kaczyskim. Uruchamia
si leksykotwrcza wyobrania rejestrowana przez rodki masowego przekazu, a przykady, takie jak
pisiory, pislamici czy POlszewiki, zostaj rozpowszechnione medialnie, stajc si prawdziw
broni w tym ideologicznym, oglnopolskim konflikcie polityczno-religijnym, nazywanym niekiedy
raeniem krzyem. Nawet wodniesieniu do kota Jarosawa Kaczyskiego, Alika, tworzy si hasa typu:
Nie pozwl, by pierwsza dama sikaa do kuwety.
Ostatni cz ksiki stanowi napisany po polsku tekst, bdcy swoistym dywanem utkanym
zprzysw przedstawiajcych obraz staroci wparemiach (okrelanych we francuskim jako sentences,
maximes, proverbes i dictons), pochodzcych z czterech jzykw: dwch romaskich (francuski
i hiszpaski) i dwch sowiaskich (polski, czeski), ktre ilustruj wyobrani zbiorow w obu
czciach Europy. Smiekov iSawicki omawiaj podobiestwa irnice wsposobie wyraania tych
samych uczu i zjawisk towarzyszcych trzeciemu wiekowi, czyli jesieni ycia. Wane jest jednak,
jak przypominaj na pocztku autorzy, rozrnienie paremii narodowych od tych pochodzcych
5 Pojawiaj si takie rozdziay-konceptualizacje jak: 1. zwierzta / dzikie zwierzta; 2. pszczoa, mrwka i inne owady;
3.szkodniki iinsekty; 4. osio; 5. mu; 6. ptak/ptaszek; 7. w, byk, krowa/cielak.
6 Na stronach 6176 podane s przykady paremii na temat wad i zalet charakterologicznych, relacji damsko-mskich,
rozrzutnoci pci sabej ibrzydkiej oraz typowych nazw niektrych czci ciaa ludzkiego.
167
168
ze staroytnoci grecko-rzymskiej bd herbajskiej, ktre zostay wczone w obieg europejskiej

kultury. Badacz bowiem powinien umie wskaza te, czasem zapomniane, zapoyczenia, atym samym
doceni formuy utworzone przed stuleciami, ktre karmiy wyobrani Europejczykw pod rnymi
szerokociami geograficznymi. Struktura artykuu jest uporzdkowana w bloki tematyczne, a s nimi:
charakterystyka staroci, przyzwyczajenia i zwyczaje starszych ludzi, ich odywianie, picie alkoholu,
mier ipostawa wobec niej, a take co wydaje si najbardziej nowatorskie mio ierotyka u ludzi
wpodeszym wieku (swawole, aluzje, dowcipy ikomentarze). Podkrelone rwnie zostaj stereotypy na
temat ycia uczuciowego kobiet u kresu ycia. Mamy zatem szerok panoram paremii tyczcych zarwno
starszego zberenika (viejo verde), jak icaego spektrum dewotek (beatas) oraz kobiet aktywnych na
polu ycia witynnego (ktre visten santos).
Jak przypominaj autorzy, sygnowane ich nazwiskami opracowanie jest zbiorem tekstw
ju wczeniej ogoszonych na amach czasopism filologicznych i w posympozjalnych publikacjach
zbiorowych. Nowatorstwo tych tekstw nie ulega wtpliwoci i dobrze, e doczekay si one reedycji,
stajc si atrakcyjn wizytwk ostrawskiej Katedry Romanistyki. Atrakcyjn rwnie poprzez odwane
podjcie tematu erotyki i ludzkiej cielesnoci, czsto wulgaryzowanej w potocznym jzyku; wida
to choby w ciekawej prbie przyswojenia czeskiemu czytelnikowi wspczesnych paremii polskich
jako egzemplifikacji zmian obyczajowych zachodzcych w naszym kraju (odrbny artyku w czci
pierwszej, uzupeniony obszernym dwujzycznym suplementem Ploha sparmiami, powstaym przy
pomocyJaroslava Reski).
Cho teksty zamieszczone wzbiorze zostay zmodyfikowane iuzupenione na potrzeby ksiki,
wydaje si, e do ideau zabrako ujednolicenia kocowej bibliografii, ktra nie uwzgldnia caoci
wykorzystanych przez autorw materiaw rdowych z zakresu frazeologii. Ponadto znaczna liczba
przypisw wkadym zartykuw powoduje, e niekiedy mamy do czynienia zpowtrzeniami. Kolejna
uwaga, tym razem natury technicznej, dotyczyaby jakoci oprawy tomu, poniewa ju po jednym
przeczytaniu zksiki tej zaczynaj wypada kartki.
Mimo tych drobnych zastrzee zbir studiw Piotra Sawickiego iJitki Smiekovej mona uzna
za cenny wkad we wzajemne zblienie rodowisk hispanistycznych czeskich ipolskich, atake wlepsze
poznanie si hispanistw, romanistw islawistw wdwch bliskich sobie krajach sowiaskich. Otakie
zacienianie wsppracy chodzi wszystkim tym, dla ktrych przekraczanie granicy na Odrze iOlzie jest/
byo codziennoci. Mam na uwadze take to, e o ile wystpuj rnice kulturowe midzy naszymi
krajami, uwidocznione chociaby wparemiach, to jzyk Don Kichota pozwala je skutecznie niwelowa.
Academic
Journal
of
Modern
Philology
e-ISSN 2353-3218
ISSN 2299-7164
Vol. 3 (2014)
169173
Leopold-Franzens-Universitt, Innsbruck, sterreich
Barbara Alicja Jaczak Deutsch-polnische Familien:

Ihre Sprachen und Familienkulturen in Deutschland
und in Polen (Sprache Kultur Gesellschaft,
Beitrge zu eineranwendungsbezogenen Sozio- und
Ethnolinguistik, Bd.11). Frankfurt am Main u. a., 2013:
Peter Lang Verlag. ISBN: 978-3-631-62525-5, 270 Seiten
Abstract
A Review of a Book by Barbara Alicja Jaczak entitled Deutsch-polnische
Familien: Ihre Sprachen und Familienkulturen in Deutschland und in Polen
(Sprache Kultur Gesellschaft, Beitrge zu eineranwendungsbezogenen
Sozio- und Ethnolinguistik. Vol.11). Frankfurt am Main et al., 2013: Peter
Lang Verlag. ISBN: 978-3-631-62525-5, 270 pages
Dennis Scheller-Boltz, a well-known and acknowledged German slavist, carries out an extensive and in-depth
discussion of the monograph written by Barbara Alicja Jaczak entitled Deutsch-polnische Familien: Ihre Sprachen
und Familienkulturen in Deutschland und in Polen [German-Polish families: languages and family cultures in
Germany and Poland]. The reviewer rightly emphasizes the novelty, relevance and accuracy of the work as well
as the fact that it takes a wide range of aspects into consideration, including not only linguistic but also, among
others, sociological and cultural aspects of the examined matter. The reviewer draws our attention to the fact that
theconclusions the author of the monograph reaches are based on reliable and up to date sources of information such
as Gwny Urzd Statystyczny [the Central Statistical Office of Poland] and Statistisches Bundesamt Deutschland
[TheFederal Statistical Office of Germany]. The form and the organization of the monograph, which in a transparent
manner using a well-constructed, lucid tables and figures provides the reader with the great abundance of
information, are, according to the reviewer, highly commendable.
170
Keywords: Central Statistical Office of Poland, Statistisches Bundesamt Deutschland, family cultures in Germany
and Poland.
Barbara Alicja Jaczak unternimmt in ihrer Monografie Deutsch-polnische Familien: Ihre Sprachen und
Familienkulturen in Deutschland und in Polen, erschienen im Peter Lang Verlag im Jahre 2013, den Versuch,
dasThema Zweisprachigkeit, genauer gesagt Zweisprachigkeit in bilingualen Familien zu beleuchten.
Um aussagekrftige Ergebnisse zu erzielen, lsst die Autorin in ihre Untersuchung soziologische,
kulturwissenschaftliche und linguistische Aspekte einflieen. Damit greift sie eine gegenwrtig
beliebte Untersuchungsmethode auf und betrachtet ein Themengebiet nicht eindimensional, sondern
versucht, einen Untersuchungsgegenstand unter Einbezug verschiedener Disziplinen zu analysieren.
DieNotwendigkeit und derVorteil einersolchen interdisziplinren Herangehensweise anein Thema liegt
darin begrndet, dass sie gewhrleistet, ein Thema grndlich, anschaulich und verstndlich auszuleuchten.
Das Thema Zweisprachigkeit in bilingualen Familien isoliert und damit ausschlielich im Rahmen
derLinguistik zu behandeln, fhrte womglich auch zu Ergebnissen. Eineexplizite kulturwissenschaftliche
und soziologische Einbettung verspricht jedoch weitreichendere wissenschaftliche Erkenntnisse, da
sprachliche Aspekte ihre Begrndung in einem soziokulturellen Kontext finden. Um diese Tatsache
wei auch Barbara Alicja Jaczak, deres in ihrer Monografie gelingt, dieZweisprachigkeit in deutschpolnischen Familien aus linguistischer Sicht zu beschreiben und dabei die sprachlichen Phnomene
durch Hinzuziehung soziokultureller Aspekte zu begrnden und illustrativ zu bereichern. Und anvielen
Stellen ist es eben eigentlich auch erst der vorgefhrte soziokulturelle Hintergrund, der die zahlreich
beobachteten sprachlichen Aspekte verstndlich und nachvollziehbar macht.
Jaczak greift in ihrer Monografie zwei derzeit fr die Polonistik allerdings auch fr
diegesamte Slawistik populre Themen auf: Bilingualismus und Familie. Damit begibt sie sich fr ihre
Untersuchung in einen Mikrokosmos, nmlich in den derFamilie, und behandelt aus vergleichender
Perspektive die sprachlichen Verhltnisse und Familienkulturen von deutsch-polnischen Familien in
Deutschland und in Polen (S. 11). Die Arbeit verfolgt einen interdisziplinren Ansatz: Die Autorin
bewegt sich auf dem Gebiet der allgemeinen Linguistik, Soziolinguistik und Fremdsprachendidaktik/
Zweisprachigkeitsdidaktik und greift ferner Themen, wie Familiensoziologie, Gesellschaftswandel und
Gender Studies, auf (vgl. S. 11). Das ausgewhlte Thema ist in seiner spezifischen Ausgerichtetheit
aus dem Grunde untersuchungswrdig (S. 11), da bislang noch keine Studie vorliegt, die deutschpolnische Familien aus einervergleichenden soziolinguistischen Perspektive betrachtet (S. 11), weshalb
Jaczak dasZiel verfolgt, eine wichtige Forschungslcke zu fllen (S. 11).
Das oberste Ziel derArbeit ist es, dies beschreibt Jaczak eingehend in derEinleitung (Kap.1,
S. 1116), zu erfahren, wie die sprachlichen und familiren Verhltnisse in deutsch-polnischen
Familien aussehen und wie sie festgelegt werden (S. 15). Diesem Ziel nhert sich Jaczak durch
Fokussierung dreier Teilziele: Jaczak interessiert sich zunchst fr die Eheleute und analysiert ihre
Kommunikationssprache und ihr Sprachverhalten zueinander unter Einbeziehung von Lokalitt/
Umgebung, Situation, Kontext, Konstanz/ Konsequenz sowie diversen Einflussfaktoren und hinterfragt
die Argumentation fr die jeweilige Sprachwahl. Ferner stellt Jaczak die Kinder ins Zentrum und
untersucht staatenvergleichend und vor einem bikulturellen Hintergrund unter anderem diesprachliche
Barbara Alicja Jaczak Deutsch-polnische Familien
Erziehung im engsten Familienkreis und in Anwesenheit von Drittpersonen sowie Konstanz/ Konsequenz
bei derSprachwahl. Zuletzt geht Jaczak auf diegesamte Familie ein und fragt nach derFamiliensprache
und nach ihrer Definition (S.15f). DieUntersuchung trgt damit empirischen Charakter.
Zum Einstieg vermittelt Jaczak in Kapitel 2 (S. 1734) einen ausfhrlichen theoretischen
Hintergrund und erlutert detailliert diezentralen Termini ihrer Arbeit: Bilingualitt und Bikulturalitt.
Anhand verschiedener Definitionen und Herangehensweisen beleuchtet sie Kriterien und Formen
(S. 1721), geht auf Spracherwerbs-/ erhaltsparameter ein (S. 2227) und widmet sich denBegriffen
Kultur und themengem Familienkultur (S. 2734). Fr die Beschreibung der Familie und
der Familienmodelle geht Jaczak verstndlicherweise auf Gesellschafts- und Genderfragen ein,
skizziert dieaktuelle Stellung derFrau in derFamilie und thematisiert den Wandel des geschlechtlichen
Rollenverhltnisses, um auf diese Weise ein zeitgemes und authentisches Bild derFamilie zu zeichnen.
Kapitel 3 (S. 3549) widmet Jaczak derbilingualen/ bikulturellen Familie. Auch in diesem Kapitel
stehen nicht nur (sozio)linguistische, fremdsprachen-/ zweisprachigkeitsdidaktische und soziokulturelle
Aspekte im Vordergrund, sondern dieAutorin bercksichtigt erneut genderspezifische Themen, wobei
sie sich hier vorwiegend auf dieThemen Identitt und Identittsbildung konzentriert.
Das verhltnismig kurz gehaltene Kapitel 4 (S. 5155) steht unter dem Thema Demografie.
Jaczak skizziert in einer fr ihr Vorhaben vollkommen ausreichenden Weise die Migration und
Migrationsstrme in Deutschland und Polen. Dabei verdeutlicht sie zum einen gegenwrtige Tendenzen
und geht zum anderen auf dieZuwanderungsprozesse innerhalb dervergangenen Jahrzehnte ein.
Das Kapitel 5 (S. 5761) zur gegenwrtigen Familie in Deutschland und Polen ist dasletzte Kapitel
derEinfhrung, bevor sich Jaczak dann ihrer empirischen Studie widmet. DasKapitel 5 wird wieder
einmal, allerdings durchaus begrndet und berechtigt, im genderspezifischen Licht betrachtet. Jaczak
verdeutlicht den gegenwrtigen gesellschaftlichen Wandel in Deutschland und Polen und zeigt auf,
dass sich vor allem in Polen dieRolle derFrau in derGesellschaft und in derFamilie seit einiger Zeit
ndert, wobei die traditionell gegebenen patriarchalen Strukturen im Wesentlichen erhalten bleiben.
Diein diesem Kapitel angefhrten Informationen zur Mann-Frau-Konstellation und zum gegenwrtigen
Rollenverhltnis sind dabei als ausfhrliche Ergnzung zu den Erluterungen in Kapitel 2 zu sehen.
DieLeserschaft erhlt damit ein umfassendes Bild zu soziologischen und geschlechterspezifischen Fragen
in derGesellschaft und insbesondere in derFamilienkultur.
Die Kapitel 6 bis 8 (S. 63224) bilden das Kernstck und das zentrale Anliegen von Jaczak
und sind damit folgerichtig auch am umfangreichsten. In Kapitel 6 und 7 illustriert Jaczak
diemethodologischen Rahmenbedingungen fr ihre empirische Erhebung und charakterisiert diefr
ihre Umfrage herangezogenen Personen. In Kapitel 8 stellt sie dann ihre Ergebnisse dar, dieim Rahmen
dieser Rezension nicht prsentiert werden sollen bzw. knnen, da diese sehr umfangreich, teils auch
sehr detailliert beschrieben und dargelegt werden. Denn ein allgemeines Fazit oder eine allgemein
verbindliche, allumfassende Erkenntnis lsst sich aus der Monografie nicht ohne weiteres ableiten.
DieTeilergebnisse sind nmlich nicht minder interessant und drfen daher nicht vernachlssigt werden
oder unbercksichtigt bleiben. Einer annhernd adquaten und dabei kurzgehaltenen Wiedergabe
derErgebnisse, insbesondere derzahlreich ermittelten Teilergebnisse kann diese Rezension demgem
nicht gerecht werden. Gesagt sei hier nur Folgendes: DerLeserschaft dieser Monografie bleiben keine
Ergebnisse vorenthalten. Bis ins Detail formuliert Jaczak ihre Ergebnisse aus. Dadurch entsteht
stellenweise eine hohe Komplexitt an Daten und Informationen, die zu Verwirrungen fhren kann.
171
172
Diegewonnenen Ergebnisse sind aus diesem Grunde mit groer Sorgfalt zu lesen. Jaczak ist sich dieser
Tatsache sicherlich bewusst und untersttzt jedes Ergebnis grafisch mit Hilfe anschaulicher Tabellen und
transkribierter Interviewausschnitte. An dieser Stelle gilt es berhaupt darauf hinzuweisen, dass einegroe
Strke derMonografie darin besteht, dass sie zu Illustrations- und Verdeutlichungszwecken sehr viele
grafische Elemente enthlt, diesich auch in den vorausgehenden Kapiteln 2 bis 7 zur Untermauerung
der Informationen und Daten befinden. Diese wurden zum grten Teil von Jaczak selbst in
bersichtlicher, lesefreundlicher und anschaulicher Weise angefertigt, beruhen jedoch grtenteils auf
derGrundlage von Grafiken oder Angaben seriser Informationsquellen (z.B. Gwny Urzd Statystyczny,
Statistisches Bundesamt Deutschland). Diegewonnenen Ergebnisse aus derempirischen Studie behandelt
Jaczak je nach Thema 1) Ehepartner; Spracherwerbs-/ erhaltsparameter: Zugang zur Partnersprache,
Motivation, Sprachvermgen, Einstellung zur deutschen und polnischen Sprache; Herkunftsfamilie;
2) Kinder; 3) Familiensprache und Familienkultur in separaten Kapiteln und ergnzt die Angaben
durch hilfreiche Informationen, kritische Kommentare und ihr bekanntes Hintergrundwissen, was
derLeserschaft dazu verhilft, dieDaten besser zu interpretieren und zu verstehen.
In Kapitel 9 (S. 225236) fasst Jaczak ihre Ergebnisse in sehr knapper Form und damit im
Wesentlichen zusammen und gibt einen zweiseitigen Ausblick auf zuknftige Entwicklungen.
In Kapitel 10 (S. 237244) findet sich dieZusammenfassung derMonografie in polnischer Sprache.
Jaczaks erkenntnisreiche und daher auf alle Flle lesenswerte Monografie vermittelt
ihrer Leserschaft sehr viele interessante, ntzliche und neue Informationen, wobei insbesondere
derinterdisziplinr verfolgte Ansatz wesentlich dazu beitrgt, dem zentralen Thema und den ermittelten
Informationen einen zustzlichen Mehrwert zu verleihen. DieArbeit zeichnet sich durch einen logischen
und gut durchdachten Aufbau aus. Somit bleiben dieAusfhrungen selbst beim Querlesen oder beim
Herausfiltern individuell relevanter Informationen aufgrund des konsequent verfolgten roten Fadens
stets verstndlich. Ihre Ergebnisse prsentiert Jaczak detailgenau. Dabei knnte stellenweise beanstandet
werden, dass einige Ausfhrungen zu informationsberfrachtet sind und daher verwirrend erscheinen,
jedoch werden smtliche Informationen grafisch gesttzt, was sich insbesondere im Falle von komplexen
Informationen positiv auszahlt.
Jaczak gelingt es mithin, ihr Ziel zu erreichen: nmlich eine Forschungslcke zu schlieen.
Dies fr diePolonistik/ Slawistik in mehrerer Hinsicht: Zum einen gewhrt dieMonografie Einblicke
in die Zweisprachigkeit bilingualer Familien. Zum anderen vermittelt sie neue soziolinguistische
Informationen in einem bilingualen und bikulturellen Mikrokosmos. Darber hinaus verdeutlicht
Jaczak anhand des gegenwrtigen Gesellschaftswandels genderspezifische Phnomene, weshalb
dieMonografie auch kulturwissenschaftliche und soziologische Aspekte berhrt und Vernderungen im
gesellschaftlichen Leben verdeutlicht.
Die von Jaczak durchgefhrte Umfrage bestehend aus einem Fragebogen (angefhrt
im Anhang, S. 259267) und einem Interview (Leitfadeninterview im Anhang auf S. 268270) ,
die das Basismaterial fr ihre Auswertung und somit auch fr das zentrale Anliegen ihrer primr
soziolinguistisch verorteten Arbeit darstellt, ist jedoch problembehaftet, was Jaczak gleich zu Beginn
einrumt und erklrt. Einige Aspekte sind dabei nachvollziehbar; andere werfen hingegen Fragen auf
und knnten im Laufe der Arbeit einige Zweifel und Beanstandungen hervorrufen. Jaczak macht
zunchst deutlich, dass deutsch-polnische Ehepaare nach ihrem Sprachverhalten befragt wurden,
Barbara Alicja Jaczak Deutsch-polnische Familien
wobei sie lediglich Paare heranzieht, in denen Frauen Polinnen sind (S. 11). Diese Einschrnkung
rechtfertigt sie wie folgt:
Polnische Staatsbrgerinnen sind die zahlenmig strkste Gruppe unter den Auslnderinnen
in Deutschland, dieEhen mit deutschen Staatsbrgern eingehen. Deutsche Staatsbrger nehmen
ebenfalls einen fhrenden, wenn auch in den Jahren 20082009 nicht mehr den ersten, Platz ein,
wenn es um dieZahl derEheschlieungen polnischer Brgerinnen mit Auslndern in Polen geht.
Wichtig dabei ist, dass es eine riesige Diskrepanz in der Zahl der Eheschlieungen deutscher
Mnner mit Polinnen (im Jahre 2009 91% in Polen und 82% in Deutschland) und deutscher
Frauen mit Polen zugunsten derersteren gibt. (S. 11f)
Warum nun aber Ehepaare, in denen die Frau deutsch und der Mann polnisch ist, gnzlich
unbeachtet bleiben, bleibt trotz derBegrndung von Jaczak etwas verborgen. Diese sicherlich marginal
erscheinende Familienkonstellation htte als Ergnzung vielleicht einige interessante Aspekte zum
Vorschein gebracht.
Kritisch anzumerken gilt es ferner, dass ander Umfrage, also ander Beantwortung derFragebgen
und an den Interviews, ausschlielich Eheleute teilnahmen, die jeweiligen Kinder oder sonstige
Personen/ Familienangehrige auf dieBeantwortung derFragen und mithin auf dieseitens derEheleute
selbst vorgenommene Einschtzung der sprachlichen Situation keinen Einfluss hatten, wobei dies
sicherlich einerVerifizierung oder Falsifizierung dergemachten Angaben dienlich wre. Auch unterlagen
sprachliche (Familien)Situationen seitens der Autorin keiner eigenen Beobachtung, obgleich auch
dies zu einer besseren Transparenz der erhaltenen Daten und Informationen beigetragen htte. Hier
erffnet sich nun das Problem der Eigen- und Fremdeinschtzung sowie der Extrasituativitt. Denn
dieBeantwortung derFragen sowohl auf dem Fragebogen als auch im Interview beruht ausschlielich
auf der Selbsteinschtzung der befragten Personen, wodurch, vielleicht nicht so sehr bewusst, als
vielmehr unbewusst, eine Verzerrung der Wirklichkeit erzeugt werden kann. Auch die von Jaczak
zur Einteilung notwendigen Kategorisierungen immer, berwiegend oder gleichermaen sind
individuell interpretierbar und verschiedentlich auslegbar. Ferner erfolgten die Umfragen auerhalb
jedweder authentischen Situation, wobei womglich in konkreten Situationen andere Angaben erfolgt
wren bzw. erfolgen mssten. Diese vielleicht etwas einschrnkenden Parameter gilt es bei derLektre
der Monografie zu bercksichtigen, da sich dann auch die Ergebnisse entsprechend lesen lassen.
Allerdings soll diehier vorgebrachte kritische Anmerkung den Wert des wissenschaftlichen Vorhabens
und damit dervorliegenden Monografie keinesfalls schmlern. Dievon Jaczak gewhlte Vorgehensweise
mit einerdezidierten Beschrnkung des Proband(inn)enkreises ist sicherlich den Rahmenbedingungen,
wie bersichtlichkeit, Zeitplan und Themeneingrenzung, geschuldet. Wertvolle und interessante
Informationen sind derMonografie dennoch zu entnehmen.
173
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Adams, Karen L., Anne Winter (1997) Gang Graffiti as a Discourse Genre. [In:] Journal of Sociolinguistics.
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Adamska-Saaciak, Arleta ([1998] 2001) Jan Baudouin de Courtenays Contribution to General Linguistics. [In:]
Ernst F. K. Koerner, Aleksander Szwedek (eds.) Towards aHistory of Linguistics in Poland. Amsterdam,
Philadelphia: John Benjamins; 175208.
Adelung, Johann C. (1782) Versuch einer Geschichte der Cultur des menschlichen Geschlechts. Leipzig: Christian
Gottlieb Hertel.
Adler, Max K. (1977) Pidgins, Creoles and Linguas Francas. Hamburg: H. Buske Verlag.
Aitchison, Jean (1995) Tadpoles, Cuckoos, and Multiple Births: Language Contact and Models of Change. [In:]
Jacek Fisiak (ed.) Linguistic Change under Contact Conditions. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter;
113.
Baczerowski, Jerzy (1980) Ludwik Zabrocki as a Theorist of Language. [In:] Ludwik Zabrocki. U podstaw
struktury irozwoju jzyka. Warszawa: Pastwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe; 927.
Boas, Franz (1930) Anthropology. [In:] Encyclopaedia of theSocial Sciences. New York. Vol. 2; 73110.
Bhler, Karl ([1934] 2004) [Sprachtheorie. Die Darstellungsfunktion der Sprache. Jena.] Translated into Polish by
Jan Kobia. Teoria jzyka. Ojzykowej funkcji przedstawiania. Krakw: Universitas.
Campbell, Lyle (1997) American Indian Languages: TheHistorical Linguistics of Native America. New York: Oxford
University Press.
Fisiak, Jacek ([1975] 1985) Wstp do wspczesnych teorii lingwistycznych. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Szkolne
iPedagogiczne.
Gallatin, Albert H. (1836) Synopsis of North American Indian Languages. [In:] Archaeologica Americana.
Transactions and Collections of theAmerican Antiqarian Society. Vol. 2; 1422.
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Polish Academy of Sciences

Philological School of Higher Education

ACADEMIC JOURNAL OF MODERN PHILOLOGY

Carmen Florina Savu

REVIEWS AND POLEMICS

Language in Interaction: TheRole of Conscious

1. What do you mean?

Consider thefollowing conversation between Paul and Frank:

We are referring to thefictional character of Through theLooking-Glass (1871) by Lewis Carroll.

On theside of thehearer, theinterpretation process consists on choosing themost relevant stimuli;

3. Get lost in conversation

Entrepreneurial Potential of theStudents of Applied

Entrepreneurial Potential of the Students

Table 1. Opinions of students about theimportance of entrepreneurial traits in thetranslation profession

Do majors in translation develop

With regard to the value of translation programmes in developing entrepreneurial traits in

Entrepreneurial Potential of the Students

Traits of anentrepreneurial person

Readiness to raise responsibility

Willingness to search for new solutions

Ability to predict and calculate risks

Diligence, meticulousness care

Go-getting-ness and creativity

Adaptation to changing conditions

Do/Did you work

Are you active outside

Entrepreneurial Potential of the Students

Zu Funktionen von Phraseologismen

Es gehrt bekanntlich zu den heikelsten Aufgaben derLinguistik,

1. Untersuchungen zur Funktionalitt derPhraseologismen

Zu Funktionen von Phraseologismen

Weitere typische Funktionen von Phraseologismen in derWerbung sind in Anlehnung anVesalainen

2. Funktionen von Phraseologismen in deutschen

Zu Funktionen von Phraseologismen

Zu Funktionen von Phraseologismen

2.5. Kontextuelle Anpassung

Rederederederederederedefest!. Durch die Erweiterung um das Determinativkompositum wird

2.6. Hervorrufen von Vertrautheit

2.7. Reduzierung desSpeicheraufwandes

Zu Funktionen von Phraseologismen

Zu Funktionen von Phraseologismen

Lger, Heinz-Helmut (1989) Stereotypie und Konversationsstil. Zu einigen Funktionen satzwertiger

Werbeanzeige 1: PZU, In: Polityka 2009, Nr. 42.

Werbeanzeige 2: Renault, In: Brigitte 2009, Nr. 20: 55.

Zu Funktionen von Phraseologismen

Werbeanzeige 3: Lisner, In: Wysokie obcasy 2009, Nr. 10: 39.

Werbeanzeige 4: Lisner, In: Newsweek 2009, Nr. 15: 31.

Werbeanzeige 5: Mondamin, In: Brigitte 2009, Nr. 26: 203.

Werbeanzeige 6: PromoLot, In: Polityka 2009, Nr. 39: 41.

Werbeanzeige 7: Korean Air, In: DerSpiegel, Nr. 25: 141.

Zu Funktionen von Phraseologismen

Werbeanzeige 8: Deutscher Anwalt-verein, In: Der Spiegel 2009,

Werbeanzeige 9: Toyota, In: Polityka 2009, Nr. 22: 13.

Terminy nras, nirast wopowiadaniach

Utwr ten publikowany by take pt. Roz (Codzienno).

Terminy nras, nirast w opowiadaniach Agjeja

Prasada5, a w okresie pocztkowym ksztatowao si pod wpywem prozy angielskiej, bengalskiej,

Jayaankar Prasad (18891937) poeta, powieciopisarz inowelista, dramaturg.

Numeracja prozy wN zostaa przyjta umownie.

Terminy nras, nirast w opowiadaniach Agjeja

3. Terminy nras, nirast u Agjeja

Terminy nras, nirast w opowiadaniach Agjeja

Zapowied wprowadzenia pewnego klimatu kontrastujcego z nud codziennoci jest