LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES OF FEMALE HEADED HOUSEHOLDS IN POSTCONFLICT SITUTAIONS: CASE STUDY OF

WOMEN IN JUBA CITY

BY:
AKIM ROBERT JOSEPH
02/03018/13590/D

A RESEARCH PROPOSAL SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT FOR

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF BACHELORS DEGREE OF
INTERNATIONA RELATIONS OF CAVENDISH UNIVERSITY
UGANDA

MARCH, 2015

TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE..................................................................................................1
INTRODUCTION AND BACK GROUND...............................................................1
1.0 Introduction...............................................................................................1
1.1 Back ground...............................................................................................2
1.2 Statement of the Problem..........................................................................3
1.3 Objectives of the study..............................................................................4
1.3.1 General Objective...................................................................................4
1.3.2 Specific Objectives..................................................................................4
1.4 Research Questions...................................................................................4
1.5 Scope.........................................................................................................5
1.5 Content Scope...........................................................................................5
1.5.1Geographical Scope.................................................................................5
1.5.2 Time Scope.............................................................................................5
1.6 Significance of the Study...........................................................................5
1.7 Conceptual framework...............................................................................6

LITERATURE REVIEW........................................................................................7
2.0 Introduction...............................................................................................7
2.1 Impact of conflict on the peoples livelihoods.............................................7
2.2 livelihood strategies adopted by Female Headed Households (FHHs).....10
2.3 Challenges that female headed households face in post conflict situations
12

CHAPTER THREE............................................................................................15
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY............................................................................15
3.0 Introduction.............................................................................................15
3.1 Research Design......................................................................................15
3.2 Area of Study...........................................................................................15
3.3 The study population...............................................................................15
3.4 Sampling Technique and Size..................................................................15
3.5 Data Collection Technique and Tools........................................................16
3.6 Data Management...................................................................................17
3.8 Limitations of the Study...........................................................................17

REFERENCES..................................................................................................18

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION AND BACK GROUND

1.0 Introduction
Life in Third World cities is miserable nowadays especially for low income
households. Third World nations are suffering from broader conflicts, drought
and

famine,

developments.

disease,

social

Reliance

on

disruptions,

the

cash

and

economy,

many

other

unemployment

tragic
and

underemployment, overcrowded living conditions, environmental hazards

and exposure to multiple pollutants, social fragmentation and lack of
community and inter-household support networks, crime and violence,
systematic subordination or exclusion of specific social groups or households
are common facts of urban life. Urban poverty and other socio- economic
evils strike all socio-economic groups but evidence suggests that women and
their children living in these countries are the principal victims.
Gender based differences in socio-economic and political status have
become a feature of the poorest nations of the world. Among others, one
way to remark the variation is the gender intensity of illiteracy and
participation in the informal sector. For all developing countries taken
together, female literacy rate is 29% lower than male literacy, women's
mean years of schooling is 45% lower than men's, and female's enrollment
rates in primary, secondary and postsecondary schools is 9%, 28%, and 49%
lower respectively, than the corresponding male rates (Todaro & Smith
2003). Moreover, females in poor countries represent the bulk of the informal
sector

labour

supply

or

low

productive

informal

business

ventures,

constituting nearly 70% (World Bank 2000).

What is more, in every society male-headed nuclear households are
1

constructed as a natural order with intrinsically defined roles between a

husband and a wife. However, households headed by women have become a
demographic reality especially in urban areas. While the rising phenomenon
of female-headed households (FHHs) is well-acknowledged in literature, it is
often a neglected area of study in the field of urban sustainable
development.
1.1 Back ground
The post-conflict situation is not as easy to define as it sounds. In big
international wars, a formal surrender, a negotiated cessation of hostilities,
and/or peace talks followed by a peace treaty mark possible ends to
conflicts. But in the sort of intra-state wars that we are chiefly concerned
with it is not so simple. Hostilities do not normally end abruptly, after which
there is complete peace. There may be an agreed peace but fighting often
continues at a low level or sporadically, and frequently resumes after a short
period. Recent developments in South Sudan provide an illustration, while in
Northern Ireland moves towards peace have taken 15 years.
Genuine attempts at reaching peace can frequently be derailed by spoilers
that often turn out to be breakaway insurgent groups that are not yet ready
or willing to give up armed conflict.
Female Headed Households are those which do not count on or receive the
economic support of a male partner, whereas de facto Female Headed
Households are those in which the male partner is absent for some periods
or his contribution is marginal (Machado, 1992). Hossain and Huda (1995)
also defines de jure household head a permanent head of a particular
household while a de facto household head refers to that head of a
household who is temporarily taking care of the household (usually acting as
a head in absence of the actual head of the household). The underlying
assumption in these definitions is that in the Female Headed Households, the
woman is the main decision maker and in most cases the main economic
2

provider for the household. Household poverty related literature on South

Sudan (for example Kedir & McKay 2003, Kedir 2005, Dercon 1997) focus on
the outcomes or conditions of being poor and often explain poverty as a
product of material deprivation. Much of the studies are dominated by
narrow measures of current household income, expenditure or consumption
and fail to address important aspects such as asset erosion and vulnerability.
Most importantly, a majority of the studies fail to analyse the variations and
implications of various forms of deprivation for living conditions of
households

in

the

South

Sudanese

urban

socio-economic

context.

Furthermore, there is lack of appropriate analytical research that investigates

livelihoods of urban female-headed households (FHHs) in South Sudan in
general and in Juba region in particular because the majority of these studies
mainly focus on rural areas. This implies very little or nothing has been done
to investigate how FHHs in general cope with urban poverty in the South
Sudanese urban socio-economic and institutional context.
According to Scoones (1998), Farrington et al. (1999) and De Satg (2002)
livelihood strategies of the poor are determined by the range of assets
available to them to pursue different activities that would enable them to
secure a sustainable livelihood. However, the poor are highly influenced by
their vulnerability, shocks, overall trends and seasonal variations. In addition,
structures such as the role of government and the private sector and
processes such as institutional, policy and cultural factors, which people
face, also determine options for choice of livelihood strategies
This study, therefore, fills a very important niche to the research gap on
livelihoods and coping strategies of FHHs in South Sudan in general and Juba
city in particular. The study focuses on the impacts of different types of
assets and institutions on the livelihoods of these households.
To gain a better analytical understanding of livelihoods of the FHHs, the
study makes use of the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach (SLA). The SLA is
3

preferred above the standard approaches, which view poverty in terms of

income or consumption deprivation. The SLA approach places people at the
centre of livelihoods analysis and provides a holistic framework to assess the
assets and resources households have at their disposal and analyze how
these assets are linked to the strategies that they take up to achieve desired
outcomes. Apart from these, the SLA is a tool that draws on the notion of
multidimensionality

of

poverty

and

provides

an

analytical

basis

for

understanding the impact of different types of institutions on access to

livelihood assets and capabilities of households in dealing with poverty. What
is more, the approach is much wider in scope and incorporates issues that
have to do with entitlements social and institutional resources and human
endowments (Carney 2002).

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Lower levels of education, unemployment or underemployment, systematic
subordination of women by men and the bare dependence of a household on
male income make FHHs start every aspect of their life from a disadvantage
platform.

Like in many developing countries, women in South Sudan are

confined to only traditional roles: cooking and raising children. Most women,
even those in a good social position, have accepted those traditions without
questioning their subordination. Furthermore, there is the stigma of a woman
as belonging to and dependent of male guardians (CRR 2003). These
conditions make women to be psychologically, economically and emotionally
dependent on men or to have limited bargaining power within the socioeconomic systems that surround them. The implications of this inbuilt gender
bias against girls and women in society are that FHHs are more likely to be
vulnerable to poverty at any point in time compared to nuclear-family
households. More significantly, gender-based differences in access and
resources considerably affect resource allocation and productivity within the
households, posing another threat to secure livelihoods. Most important of
4

all, in a fragile socio-economic environment and during the absence of a

male and household support, FHHs livelihood strategies may result in
uncertain livelihood outcomes, such as erosion of household asset base and
kinship ties and may sustain poverty or perpetuate it inter -generationally. It
is also important to remark that single parenthood may result in intergenerational transmission of various forms of adversities (emotional,
psychological, and social) which deems to spread the seeds of distress and
future hardship on children (Chant 2007).

1.3 Objectives of the study

1.3.1 General Objective
To examine the livelihood strategies of female headed households in post
conflict situations in South Sudan.
1.3.2 Specific Objectives
i) To establish the impact of conflict on peoples livelihoods.
ii) To examine the livelihood strategies adopted by female headed
households
iii) To examine the challenges that female headed households face in post
conflict situations

1.4 Research Questions

i) What is the impact of conflict on peoples livelihoods?
ii) What are the livelihood strategies adopted by female headed households?
iii) What are the challenges that female headed households face in post
conflict situations

1.5 Scope
1.5 Content Scope
The study focused on nature of female headed households, problems of
female headed households social survival strategies of female headed
households and the economic survival strategies of

female headed

households.
1.5.1Geographical Scope
The study will be carried out among the female headed households pollution
located in Juba City.
1.5.2 Time Scope
The study will cover the period of review from 2010 2015 and collection of
data will run from March to May 2015.

1.6 Significance of the Study

My research on female headed households will provide valuable information
such as what challenges female headed households are facing and what
services they need assistance in accessing. With an accurate needs
assessment for the female headed households community, agencies can
then begin providing those services to the female headed households
population. In identifying the needs of the population, my research will also
contribute to the development of a methodology for identifying and modeling
needs and networks in urban centers, in order to more efficiently provide
services to that population.
My research will also contribute to a larger body of research that is beginning
to address the increasing amount of female headed households, particularly
in developing countries, as well as the challenges they face and the
livelihood strategies that they employ.

My research will provide evidence that female headed households have

agency and are not burdens on society, and will show that while female
headed households face challenges due to inadequate protection and
support, they carve out certain social and economic spaces in order to
sustain their livelihoods. In discussing their livelihood strategies, my research
will emphasize the voices of female headed households living in urban areas
and what they express their needs to be.
My research will also contribute to a larger body of research that is
increasingly addressing the challenges and livelihood strategies of urban
female headed households, as well as to service providers in other urban
areas which seek to improve their operations.
My research will enable me to put forth a methodology for identifying and
modeling needs and networks in urban centers, enabling agencies to more
efficiently evaluate the provision of services to female headed households
and better understand the processes involved in the social and economic
integration of female headed households.

1.7 Conceptual framework

Post conflicts situation

characteristics

Female headed households

characteristics

Loss of assets
Lack of security
Lack of a functioning
judiciary
Tension between factions
and groups
High number of female
headed households

Petty trade
No professional training
Single parent
Poverty stricken
Live on minimum wages

Livelihood strategies

Income from petty trade

Crafts
Remittances
Agriculture

Membership to
cooperatives

CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
This chapter focuses on what scholars have written in the field of livelihood
strategies of female headed households in conflicts situations. It is guided by
the objectives of the study

2.1 Impact of conflict on the peoples livelihoods

Individuals and households in developing countries face severe economic
risks even in the absence of armed conflict (see Dercon, 2004 for discussion).
Insecure

socio-economic

environments

force

vulnerable

people

into

deprivation and distress. Outbreaks of armed conflict are likely to increase

insecurity

further.

These

conflicts

are

typically

associated

with

the

destruction of essential infrastructure and social services, the breakdown of

the rule of law, and significant reductions in private and public investment.
Armed conflicts kill and displace populations, often limiting the access of
households to employment and earnings (due to, for instance, the death or
recruitment of young adult males) and increasing levels of instability and loss
of trust. This situation can be aggravated once displaced and refugee
populations and demobilised combatants return to their communities in postconflict situations, particularly when food aid and medical help (at least for
those who were in refugee camps) may no longer be available. Conflict,
8

followed by periods of insecurity and fear, may decrease the ability of

individuals and households to fall back on known survival strategies. In
poorer, more vulnerable areas, or amongst the poorest, more vulnerable
households, these consequences of conflict will add to already difficult
circumstances. Those that were not poor may well become so due to
reductions in food security following market disruption, increased difficulties
in getting to markets to sell and buy goods, and the loss of earning capacity,
savings and formal and informal risk-sharing networks.
Household welfare is affected by a myriad of factors and it is often very
difficult to isolate the impact of one specific shock. Effects may depend on
each households initial welfare position (e.g. initial asset endowments will
determine the households capacity to respond to economic slowdown or
reduced market access caused by armed conflicts), but are also related to
households specific characteristics that may make them more prone to
being a target of violence, being recruited into fighting units or being forced
to leave their area of residence (e.g. belonging to a specific ethnic group,
owning targeted land holdings or property). These effects are unpacked
below.
2.1.1. Changes in household composition
Violent conflicts kill and injure civilians and combatants alike and cause
severe psychological damage to those involved in fighting, to those living in
war-torn communities and to displaced populations. The levels of mortality
and morbidity associated with armed conflict are explained not only as
outcomes of fighting but also for the most part as the result of spreading
disease and malnutrition (see Roberts et al., 2003; Guha-Sapir and
Degomme, 2006). Armed civil conflicts are highly correlated with increases in
infant and maternal mortality rates, a higher proportion of untreated
illnesses and reduction in nutritional levels, even when these are not directly
caused by the initial conflict (e.g. WHO, 2002). For instance, Verwimp and
9

van Bavel (2004) show that although refugee women tend to have higher
fertility rates than other population groups, their children (girls in particular)
have a much lower probability of survival due to the health and socioeconomic conditions experienced in refugee camps. These effects are often
aggravated by a variety of factors, even after the end of the initial conflict.
These include the breakdown of health and social services (which increase
the risk of disease transmission such as HIV/AIDS, particularly in refugee
camps), decreased food security (possibly resulting in famines), increase
insecurity in living conditions and the loss of social capital and political trust
(Grein et al., 2003).
2.1.2. Destruction of assets
During violent conflicts assets get lost or destroyed through heavy fighting
and looting. These include houses, land, labour, utensils, cattle, livestock
and other productive assets. The very poor are likely to be the worst
affected. For instance, Verpoorten (2003) reports that 12% of all households
lost their house during the 1994 Rwandan genocide, while cattle stock on
average decreased by 50%. Shemyakina (2006) finds that the homes and
livelihoods of around 7% of households were damaged during the civil war in
Tajikistan between 1992 to 1998. The Burundi conflict in the 1990s was
associated with severe asset depletion (Bundervoet and Verwimp, 2005). In
Latin America, violence has significantly affected the efficiency of farm
holdings due to the disruption of rural labour markets and limits imposed on
the operation of larger farms (see Gonzalez and Lopez, 2007 for Colombia
and Wood, 2005 for El Salvador). The number of deaths and injuries in these
conflicts were extremely high (Verwimp, 2005; Bundervoet and Verwimp,
2005; Shemyakina, 2006), with unaccountable impacts on individual
livelihoods.
The destruction of assets, in addition to making for unstable economic, social
and political environments, will impact significantly on the ability of affected
10

households to recover their economic and social position in post-conflict

settings. On the other hand, armed civil conflicts usually take place because
there is something worth fighting for, implying that some groups and
individuals will benefit from violence through looting, redistribution of assets
during conflict,9 and privileged access to market and political institutions for
those who win the conflict or support winning groups during the conflict.
These effects are as important in understanding processes of armed conflict
as the more negative effects of fighting as both will have significant bearing
on the sustainability of peace during the post-conflict period.
2.1.3. Forced displacement
Armed conflicts are typically accompanied by large population movements.
Civilian populations are often targets for both armies and rebel groups trying
to expand their territorial control, weaken support for oppossing groups,
increase their own support base and/or add to their resources through
looting and appropriation of valuable assets and sites Kalyvas, 2006; Vargas,
2007). This leads to population flights from areas of more intense fighting or
areas where the outbreak of violence is expected. In 2002, almost 35 million
people across the world were forced to seek asylum in another country or
within the national borders due to violent conflicts (USCR, 2004). 25 million
people were displaced in 2004 (UNCHR, 2005), many within their own
country (IDMC, 2006). By cutting off a large number of people from economic
opportunities, internal conflicts can lead to a vicious cycle of displacement
and household poverty from which it is difficult to escape. This is made
worse by the destruction of social networks and the consequent depletion of
important elements of the social, economic and political capital of the poor.
Refugees from conflict areas and displaced populations are found to be living
under the most difficult forms of socio-economic exclusion and deprivation
(see Chronic Poverty Report 2004-05). The literature has distinguished
between different types of displacement, including forced migration, asylum
11

seeking, and refugees. Asylum seekers and forced migrants are, to a large
extent, young economically active household members. They have always
been traditionally the most likely members of the society to migrate. In
conflict settings, this effect is compounded by the fact that they are also the
most probable targets for violence and forced recruitment into armies or
rebel groups (see Czaika and Kis-Katos, 2007). Other displaced groups such
as the elderly, women and children are overrepresented amongst refugees
from conflict areas.

2.2 livelihood strategies adopted by Female Headed Households

(FHHs)
Female Headed Households (FHHs) devised four major works, at the outset,
to change their life condition through 1) investing in agriculture, 2) mutual
reinvestment between crop and livestock, 3) combining farming and Offfarming income earning activities and 4) receiving support from the
community and others.

Although most households that become poor find it difficult to reverse their
circumstances, there are some that have managed to escape poverty to
rebuild viable livelihoods. One of the ways such households achieve this is by
investing in agriculture and using surplus to rebuild their assets. The success
of this strategy depends on sufficient access to land and labor, as well as
favorable crop conditions. The study communities in general and the study
groups in particular tried to augment the capacity of agricultural products
through preparation of natural fertilizer or compost. This compensated the
12

high price of artificial fertilizer like urea and daps. An agricultural extension
service was one of a mechanisms employed by the communities particularly
rural FHHs in order to add some values on crop production. Nevertheless, as
mentioned before, unavailability of ample resources in the household, less
access to extension services, cultural influences, social biases and triple role
of responsibilities necessitated upon FHHs would thus be the major
constraint for them to build their viable livelihoods.

Other households are able to rebuild their assets base in a sustained fashion
by combining surpluses from their crop and livestock production to enhance
their assets and productivity in each sector. This strategy also requires
sufficient access to land and labor, as well as favorable crop performance if it
is to be successful. Households are able to secure food security successfully
through resorting to both farm and non-farm activities to acquire resources
that they can invest in assets. This type of strategy requires a substantial
amount of skill and labor. Therefore, using this strategy for FHHs became
beyond their capacity due to shortages of skilled and able-bodied adults in
their households.

The third coping strategy employed by FHHs is receiving support from the
community and government. Households that have succeeded in escaping
poverty have often been beneficiaries of a helping hand from their kin or
other members of the community that helped them get back on their feet.

13

This could be in the form of grain or cash loans when they were facing severe
food or seed shortages, or donations of labor and oxen as well. However, a
kind of support received from their relatives and neighbor was not
satisfactory or none at all. This is due to the belief that most households did
not have surplus resources to assist others. Even though there are some
better-off households relatively, most households are living in poverty. This
weakened their social bondage particularly in sharing of resources through
borrowing and lending of resources.

2.3 Challenges that female headed households face in post conflict

situations
These problems are manifestations of diverse economic, social, cultural
and political processes. Lack of sufficient assets such as land, labor, oxen,
capital; negative attitudes of communities towards them; low participation in
political spheres; and less availability of social support from communities as
well as government exacerbates the life situation of FHHs even though they
exert much effort to succeed and improve their life through engaging in
various activities. In short, FHHs face the following set of specific restraints in
order to move themselves upward.
The Lack of Male Income Earners
FHHs suffer from lack of male income earners. This is frequently pointed out
as a common problem of such households, as it places a heavy burden on
the women, especially in the execution of farming operations. Farming in the
14

study area is a male domain. Men are usually responsible for ploughing the
farm field and preparing the soil, while the women take charge of such tasks
as seeding, transplanting, and preparing of meals. Farming operations rely
mostly on pairs of draft oxen and human labor. The harvest is done jointly by
male and female members of a household. Ploughing is a task performed by
men; though it is not impossible for women to do this work, it is a very
physically demanding operation and women ban to plough their farmland
due to cultural influence. It is possible for FHHs to hire male labor power to
help with farming operations, but this imposes a heavy expenditure burden
on the households. Moreover, the tradition of the society also negatively
affects female-headed households in obtaining labors. They do not hire
laborer to till their lands since they are afraid of peoples gossip. Locally,
people call females who till their lands by hiring farmers as yeset asarash
that is meant to undermine females status in the community. Thus, FHHs are
forced to give their resources like land and oxen to sharecroppers and
renters. FHHs till their farmlands with the help of hoe which are found near to
their home. As a result, they suffer under an additional physical burden.
Child-raising
When divorces take place in the study area, it is customary for the mother to
take the children into her care and bring them up. In fact, all the divorced
women in the village have the children in their care and are bringing them
up. None of these divorced mothers receive child support from the exhusband. Consequently, the divorced mother must bear the heavy burden of
raising the children, especially when they are small.
15

As indicated in Article No. 165 of Civil Code of women take child custody until
children are five years of age but in reality, according to Hobben (1973),
children generally stay with their mothers. This exacerbates the financial
problems and worsens the life condition of FHHs for two reasons. First,
children are too young so that they are dependents of the households.
Second, women are not able to carry out other than domestic works freely
since their children of these ages need care and support. Otherwise, they are
exposed to health hazards, accidents etc. Thus, women spend much time by
taking care of their children rather than doing other works. Thus, childrearing is more a social compulsion than an economic involvement among
FHHs.
Limited Job Opportunities
Limited job opportunities in the study area are due to lack of capital,
location, traditions, skills and sometimes education. As mentioned in Table
7.1, women seem relatively better opportunities to engage in different
activities than men. Men focus on major activities although limited in
number. Women try to participate in variousactivities such as crop
production, livestock rearing, daily labor, spinning cotton, embroidering.
However, due to shortage of assets and low job opportunities found in the
study area, they cannot lead their life properly. Especially, lack of start up
business limit their engagement in petty trading. Low demand of their
products and the high price of raw materials affect the condition of the
16

markets. Moreover, the location of the study sites near to towns may
sometimes limit the job opportunities of women, who are interested in
engaging preparation of local liquors. This is due to men as well as women
can find many types of liquor houses in nearby towns. Hence, as far as
women reside in the rural areas, the chance to get job is rare.

Feeble Social Support

The present study has revealed that no public programs, administered by
provincial or district offices, are seen in the study area to support FHHs.
There are also no self-help groups that offer welfare-like services to femaleheaded households in the study area. Any arrangements for mutual aid that
may exist are established either erratically, or temporarily, with the result
that there are no institutional arrangements to cater to the needs of FHHs on
a day-to-day basis. Voluntary and informal associations for mutual financial
help do not exist either.

CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
17

This chapter explains the methods that the researcher will use to select the
geographical areas, from which research will be carried out and methods of
selection of respondents. It also explains the methods that will be used to
collect, process, and analyze data.
3.1 Research Design
The study will be basically observational without any interventions. A
descriptive cross sectional design will be used to collect data from a section
of the population in the Juba City. Data on female headed households etc will
be obtained from the study subjects one at a time. Background information
such as age, marital status, socio-economic status, religion etc will also be
obtained. Both qualitative and quantitative data will be collected for the
study.
3.2 Area of Study
The study will be carried out among the female headed households pollution
located in Juba City.
3.3 The study population
The study will engaged households in selected communities within the Juba
City. The focus will be on most especially women in the study households.
Subjects will be drawn from a number of communities within the Juba City.
3.4 Sampling Technique and Size
A total of 384 community will be selected for the study. A mix of sampling
methods will be used in selecting the 384 study subjects. This includes
cluster sampling, simple random and systematic sampling methods. A simple
random sampling technique will be used to select twenty (20) communities
and each community then formed a cluster. Subjects will be selected from
each cluster systematically. The sample frame will be the total number of
house holds within the study communities. Each household then will
18

constitute a sample unit. The sample size will be obtained having statistical
population proportion method,
n

z 2 p (1 p)
d2

Where, n = estimated sample

size

P = sample proportion (the proportion of the sample that is assumed to be

having Children = 50% or 0.5)
d = the probability that the desired sample size will not be representative of
the study population (5%)
Z = level of confidence that the chosen sample will be representative of the
population (95%)
The assumption that 50% or 0.5 of the sample having Children is based on
the fact that there is no baseline data from the district hence half of the
population is assumed to be having children. Below is the sample size
calculation;
n = 1.962 x 0.5 (1- 0.5)
0.052
n = 3.8416 x 0.5 x 0.5
0.0025
n = 0.9604
0.0025
n = 384.16
n = 384
19

3.5 Data Collection Technique and Tools

Prepared questionnaires containing open ended and closed ended questions
will be given out to the study subjects to respond with the aid of research
assistants. The research assistants will administer the questions to the
respondents one at a time. They will read out the questions and interpret
them to the respondents in a local languages after which the response from
the respondents will be recorded accordingly.
Exploration of available data
Data on female headed households will be explored having compilation
forms and checklist.
Observation
Interviewers will observe female headed households during the interview.
3.6 Data Management
(a) Storage of data: Data collected from the field in the form of
answered questionnaires and checklists will be stored in files whilst
awaiting analysis. Analysed data in the form of tables and charts will
be stored on computer prior to the writing of the thesis report.
(b)Data analysis method: collected data will be analysed through the
use of computer to construct tables and charts. Computer software
Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) version 16.0 will be used
for the data entry and analysis was done having Stata software. The
data from the questionnaire will be coded and fed into the computer
for onward analysis based on the study objectives and the main study
variables. Descriptive statistics will be employed in the analysis of data
collected from the field.
. 3.7 Pre-Test of Data Collection Instruments (Tools)

20

Data collection tools such as the questionnaire and checklist will be tested in
a pilot study before the actual collection of data. This was to test the validity
and reliability of the instruments. The pre-test or pilot study was conducted
on pregnant women in a non-study community within the Juba City. Any
faulty tool was redesigned or replaced after the pre-test.
3.8 Limitations of the Study
The study will be limited to only community in the Juba City. Due to time and
financial constraints and the large nature of the state, the study will not
cover every community in the state. In view of that, data for the study will be
collected from study subjects chosen from selected communities in the
district.

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