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200883852
In
September
2000,
a
total
of
189
countries
signed
the
Millennium
Declaration
which
laid
the
foundation
of
what
was/is
known
as
the
Millennium
Development
Goals
(MDGs).
The
MDGs
represented
a
global
commitment
to
reduce
poverty
and
hunger,
alongside:
poor
health,
gender
inequality,
lack
of
education,
lack
of
access
to
clean
water,
and
environmental
degradation
(Haines
and
Cassels,
2004).
The
Millennium
Declaration
consisted
of
8
goals,
and
included
21
time-bound
targets
(see
Appendix
1),
with
a
strict
deadline
for
completion
by
31st
December
2015.
These
development
goals
built
on
past
development
targets
alongside
new
development
practices
based
on
Sens
Capabilities
Approach,
which
emphasised
that,
all
human
beings
have
the
right
to
aspire
to
satisfy
their
basic
requirements
and
that
poverty
needed
to
be
understood
through
multiple
dimensions
(1999).
This
essay
discusses
the
design
and
nature
of
the
MDGs
alongside
analysing
the
most
and
least
successful
countries
to
determine
whether
the
MDGs
can
be
achieved
by
their
deadline.
The
design
and
nature
of
the
MDGs
has
been
critically
assessed
by
some
academics.
For
example,
Clemens
et
al
stated,
it
is
almost
certain
that
the
majority
of
developing
countries
will
not
meet
many
of
the
goals
(2007).
Whilst
some
theorists
suggested
that
the
MDGs
have
limited
theoretical
grounding,
Vandemoortele
(2011)
notes
that
there
was
a
deliberate
decision
not
to
dwell
on
different
theories
in
order
to
achieve
broad
consensus.
Therefore,
it
might
be
more
prudent
to
suggest
that
it
is
the
design
of
the
goals
that
will
bring
about
their
actual
success
(or
indeed
failure
as
the
case
may
be).
It
could
be
further
argued
that
the
MDGs
were
set
using
a
western
society
donor-driven
approach.
In
this
way,
the
MDGs
could
be
seen
as
simply
focussing
on
achieving
quick
fixes,
possibly
at
the
expense
of
the
root
cause
of
poverty.
Nelson
appears
to
recognise
this
and
noted
that,
access
to
land,
labour,
wages
credit
and
(some
would
add)
entrepreneurial
opportunity
is
not
included
within
the
MDGs
(2007).
These
demands
are
understood
and
perhaps
required
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200883852
to
attract
donor
agencies,
who
rely
on
such
figures
and
data
to
determine
and
demonstrate
success.
As
a
result,
world
leaders
believed
achieving
the
MDGs
was
primarily
a
question
of
a
donors
willingness
to
give
specific
quantities
of
money
(Clemens
et
al
2007).
Further
complications
in
the
successful
adoption
of
the
MDGs
are
met
when
considering
the
competence
of
each
individual
country
to
spend
large
sums
of
money.
Practically,
the
view
that
the
goals
establish
attainable
levels
of
progress
could
be
seen
as
a
strength
of
the
Millennium
Declaration,
as
they
relied
on
interventions
that
could
be
accomplished
without
even
addressing
potentially
difficult
social
and
political
issues.
Yet,
the
belief
that
the
MDGs
could
simply
be
purchased
led
to
a
neglect
of
real
development
issues,
such
as
the
creation
of
jobs,
alongside
good
governance
and
environmental
practices.
Nelson
suggested,
[Such]
incentives
imply
a
quiet
retreat
from
the
need
to
guarantee
political
freedoms
in
order
to
make
poverty
reduction
politically
sustainable
(2007).
Three
of
the
MDGs
directly
relate
to
health
and
wellbeing
(MDG
4:
Reduce
child
mortality,
MDG
5:
Improve
maternal
health,
and
MDG
6:
Combat
HIV/Aids,
Malaria
and
other
diseases).
Since
the
creation
of
the
MDGs
successes
have
been
claimed,
with
certain
high
profile
health
initiatives;
such
as
the
under-five
mortality
rate
falling
by
30%
between
1990
and
2007
and
maternal
health
improving
in
sub-Saharan
Africa
(ODI
2010).
However,
interestingly
the
World
Bank
and
Clemens
et
al
considered
that
many
low-income
countries
are
unlikely
to
achieve
the
MDG
health
targets
by
2015
(2007).
The
World
Health
Organisation
(WHO)
(2004)
identified
three
critical
deficiencies
to
achieving
the
health-related
MDGs
as:
a)
shortfalls
in
the
health
workforce,
b)
lack
of
donor
co-
ordination,
and
c)
weak
information
systems.
Travis
et
al
appeared
critical
regarding
the
success
of
the
MDGs
related
to
health
observing,
there
is
currently
little
direct
focus
on
these
systems
strengthening
(2004).
Furthermore,
the
MDGs
are
also
criticised
as
having
limited
accountability.
For
example,
the
fact
that
a
government
pledges
to
halve
the
number
of
people
living
in
extreme
poverty
does
not
give
any
one
person
the
right
to
claim
against
his
or
her
government
for
not
fulfilling
their
promises.
This
is
increasingly
seen
when
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poverty;
realising
that
the
goals
and
targets
are
also
measures
of
performance
and
an
important
way
to
track
progress
of
issues
such
as
poverty.
The
success
in
monitoring
and
appreciation
of
factors
that
may
have
hindered
their
success
is
a
key
aspect
and
attribute
that
has
been
established
from
the
MDGs.
The
economic
growth
of
Middle
Income
countries
such
as
China,
India
and
Brazil
has
been
unprecedented
and
seen
as
a
successful
outcome
of
the
Millennium
Declaration.
However,
as
discussed
above,
it
would
be
too
simplistic
to
state
that
these
positive
outcomes
of
the
countries
are
as
a
result
of
the
implementation
of
the
MDGs
alone.
Analysis
here
is
therefore
confined
to
the
Least
Developed
Countries
to
analyse
a
more
accurate
effect
of
the
MDGs.
Bhattacharya
et
al
(2013)
identified
Rwanda
as
one
of
the
most
progressive
countries1,
Rwanda
is
likely
to
meet
8
out
of
the
14
targets
and
progressed
towards
5
others.
Rwanda
has
worked
well
towards
goals
on
gender
equality,
women
make
up
64%
of
MPs
(Michel,
2013).
Another
factor
considered
crucial
in
the
alleviation
of
poverty
is
the
dramatic
economic
growth,
averaged
at
8%
(Michel,
2013).
The
World
Bank
estimates
the
typical
African
country
will
need
to
grow
on
average
by
at
least
7%
in
order
to
halve
poverty
rates.
Rwanda
has
exceeded
this
target.
The
successes
observed
in
Rwanda
have
in
part
to
do
with
the
governments
commitment
to
attain
each
of
the
MDGs
whilst
also
having
a
stable
environment
allowing
them
to
do
so.
Bhattacharya
et
al
(2013)
does
point
out
however,
in
one
area,
such
as
employment-to-population
ratio,
the
country
is
off
track,
which
may
prove
critical
to
sustain
Rwandas
success;
highlighting
the
MDGs
lack
of
depth
in
combating
the
root
causes
of
poverty.
The
developing
nature
of
Rwanda
as
a
country
is
contrasted
with
Somalia,
which
is
said
to
be
off
track
of
5
out
of
the
9
targets
(for
which
data
is
available),
whilst
it
is
unlikely
to
meet
the
other
4
targets
(Bhattacharya,
2013).
Somalia
is
a
country
in
conflict,
which
in
itself
has
had
a
detrimental
effect
on
the
possible
aid
efforts
it
requires.
Furthermore,
progress
towards
achieving
the
MDGs
in
1
Using
Mazziotta-Pareto
Index
(MPI)
as
an
alternative
composite
index
which,
starting
from
a
linear
aggregation,
introduces
penalties
for
the
countries
or
geographical
areas
with
unbalanced
values
of
the
indicators.
(De
Muro,
Mazziotta
and
Pareto,
2009)
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Appendices
Appendix
1:
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200883852
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