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How does the Homeric attitude to seafaring and the Ocean affect Greek and Roman
perspective?

Homers epic poems The Iliad and The Odyssey present to the Ancient Greeks a world fuelled
by procuring honour and the whimsical favours of the gods. Ingrained within this timeless
tale is the resonating notion that the home is at the heart of society. In The Odyssey in
particular, to return back to this destination by any means is tantamount, facilitating the need
to travel vast distances by sea. Odysseus is a character who is sent to the very edges of the
earth that were feared by the Greeks and so for us, to follow his journey is to understand what
it is to be Greek outside of the Greek world. The attitudes towards travel outside of the
Mediterranean that are portrayed by Homer are ones that linger in the memory: the stark
contrast between trade and exploration in the Mediterranean and past the Pillars of Herakles
provides a distinct apprehension of the unknown. Even into the Roman Period, where focus
was no longer on exploration but on expansion of the Roman state, these attitudes changed
little.

Homers idea of the concept of the river Ocean1 reflects on the notion that outside of the
Mediterranean Sea, very little is explored. It is a vast, seemingly never-ending expanse of
water and this was worrying. It is referred to very little in The Iliad, as the focus is solely on
events in the port of Troy, but book twos catalogue of ships2 hints at the not only the
diversity of the Greek forces, but the diversity of the world itself. It provides full
topographical details of the 1184 ships that form part of the Greek army.3 Although its
1 Romm 1992, 12.
2 Il 2.494-759.
3 Dougherty, 2001, 24.
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function is to put the scale of the ten-year war at Troy into perspective,4 it also serves as an
insight into how the Hellenic world viewed themselves and their non-Greek allies. Homer
himself was not a native of the Greek mainland; he was likely from either Smyrna or Chios.5
The emphasis he places on the Greek catalogue is therefore deliberately specific: he
intentionally draws on a more in-depth topography to demonstrate the predetermined victory
of the Greeks.6 Moreover, there is evidence suggesting that both catalogues were later
additions to The Iliad, given that it likely uses a Boiotian topography: they front the list and
are given the largest number of named generals despite playing a comparatively minor role.7
Lines are added in to accommodate that the lists in the Catalogue predate the situation in
which it is placed: in three instances it is mentioned that the original leaders are not present.8

The Trojan catalogue,9 which is much shorter and contains far less specific geographical
information, indicates that their allies primarily originate from Asia Minor.10 It is a shorter
catalogue, which does not specify exactly how many ships were brought to assist Troy in its
defences. What is clear, however, is that they often originate far away,11 which emphasises
the nature of the Trojan alliance: the defences provided possibly stem from outreaches of the
world which may not have necessarily been considered as civilised as the central Greek
4 Dougherty, 2001, 24.
5 Mark 2005, 15.
6 Il 1.1-7. The nature of this introduction is to outline the conclusion from the very
beginning: the outcome of the war is clear and decisive from line 1.
7 Willcock 1976, 23.
8 Willcock 1976, 23.
9 Il 2:816-77.
10 Willcock 1976, 37-38.
11 Il 2.849; 2.856; 2.863; 2.875.
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world. Nevertheless the outcome of the war is hinted at even in this early stage of the poem:
the Trojan allies in many cases fight despite the omens being definitively against them.

Although the style and the intentionally high mortality of the allies leaders indicate that this
section was a later addition to the poem,12 the Trojan catalogue not only helps to indicate that
they were doomed before the story even begins to progress, but that the poet wants to
emphasise that the war itself is on an almost mythical scale. The war involves a large number
of people from across the known world, even venturing on the borders of this knowledge,
who are being drawn in by a series of events that opens up the possibility for much of the
long-distance seafaring which culminates in The Odyssey. Without The Iliad as a precursor to
the multi-cultural nature of its sequel, there may not have been the opportunity for Homer to
develop a working notion that not only did people have to travel great distances to get to
Troy, they also faced perhaps greater distances on their returns.

The outskirts of the known world and traversing the Ocean becomes one of the central motifs
in Homers Odyssey. Metaphorically, the plot can only develop through the raft Odysseus
builds13 and his expedition home. It is through the intervention of the gods that he is
shipwrecked several times, each providing a chance for plot development. When he is
stranded in Phaeacia,14 Odysseus encounters a race of people who are unparalleled in their
seafaring ability.15 Like the Phoenicians, they are incredibly able seamen and here they are

12 Willcock 1976, 38.

13 Dougherty 2001, 14.
14 Od, 5.344-345.
15 Dougherty 2001, 91; Od. 7.124-6.
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presented as a potential for change and innovation.16 However, their historical counterparts
still feared and revered the sea, despite their prowess.17 Hannos periplus along the African
coast is an indication that even though he was willing to travel outside of the known world,
he still feared it: he encounters a number of eerie phenomenon such as phantom music and
rivers of flame.18 Although Hanno was a Carthaginian, their oversea exploits were heavily
influenced by the early Phoenicians,19 from whom they were descended,20 indicating that
there was a culturally resonating fear of the sea of which Homer was clearly aware.

Moreover, Odysseus shipwreck in Phaeacia bears striking resemblance to the events that
transpire in Shakespeares The Tempest.21 Although Shakespeare, as an educated man during
the Renaissance, would have been aware of the Greek classical works as they were
considered as must-reads,22 the comparison between these works lie in their context.
Whilst The Tempest is largely based on a shipwreck during a voyage to the British colony of
Virginia in 160923 it, like The Odyssey, addresses the nature of overseas exploration and
foreign contact.24 Both of these works were written during a time of much change and a
development of a New World, which can be described as the progression into a more
civilised, enlightened society. Homer was likely writing during the emergence of Greece as a
16 Dougherty 2001, 91.
17 Romm 1992, 19.
18 Hanno 14-16.
19 Roller 2006, 22.
20 Moscati 2001, 654.
21 Dougherty 2001, 83.
22 Rosenwein 2005, 308.
23 Dougherty 2001, 83.
24 Dougherty 2001, 84; Od 5.306-312; Tempest I:i.
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series of independent polities,25 and reflecting on its development, looking back to a golden
age. Similarly, Shakespeare was writing during a time where the memory of the Golden
Age of Elizabeth Is reign was prominent. This reign saw the development and expansion of
the Empire and is often reviewed as a time of considerable affluence, at least as far as the
British were concerned.26

However despite these reflections on a time of development and prosperity, in The Odyssey
these pioneers demonstrate that the people of the Golden Age were traditionally thought of
as ignorant of navigation.27 The poem provides a stark contrast between the supposed and
actual realities of the world Odysseus travels through may also reflect on the differences
between reports and realities of the world beyond the Pillars of Herakles. Although the more
outlandish tales told of these realms border on pure fantasy, the Phaeacians in The Odyssey
are humanised. This contrast may not just be a result of their use as a parallel to the
Phoenicians,28 but also to emphasise the nature of perceptions. Their supposed more
civilised, enlightened manner is compared directly to the Cyclopes,29 who are primitive and
barbaric, a base description which was applied to many races on the edges of the known
world, who were considered to be outside of the Greek world.30 Regardless it is always
explicitly clear that the Phaeacians are still not Greek. According to Alcinous, their ships

25 Dillon and Garland 2000, 31:1.45. The earliest surviving example of Greek laws written in
stone dates to c. 650BC, demonstrating that it was around then that the sense of the state was
emerging.
26 Guy 1988, 32.
27 Romm 1992, 74; Od 11.121-37.
28 Dougherty 2001, 91.
29 Od 9.118-630.
30 Pagden 1982, 15-16.
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possess magical qualities, by way of the knowledge of where its occupants need to go,31
which allow Odysseus to reach places his raft could not. It is on this ship too that he
traverses the underworld, a representation of the outer limits of Odysseus travels, and
indeed the world itself.32

The tales Odysseus weaves throughout his journey and the people he encounters are an
indication of the distances he travels. As with other travel writers in both the Greek and
Roman world, the further away from home you are, the stranger things appear to get.33
Moreover, people become less civilised. For Odysseus, this is clear in his encounter with the
Cyclopes, as The Odyssey demonstrates that one of the marks of a civilised nature is through
seafaring ability.34 The Cyclopes are described as lacking the basic elements that makes a
race civilised, paying particular attention to their lack of a need, and therefore ability, to
build ships and sail the seas.35 They provide a stark contrast to the Phaeacians, whose lives
on Scheria are entirely focused on the sea.36 Furthermore they are considered to be the
fullest antithesis to the Phaeacians,37 contrasting every notion of society that the Greeks
revered. Travel writers often used this same principle to demonstrate the outside nature of
non-Greek peoples: Ktesias in particular develops outlandish descriptions, even within the
limits of different countries themselves. A prime example of this is India, where he mentions

31 Ahl and Roisman 1996, 98; Od 8.557-63.

32 Dougherty 2001, 98.
33 Redfield 2002, 40.
34 Sowerby 1995, 20.
35 Dougherty 2001, 96.
36 Mark 2005, 187.
37 Segal 1994, 30.
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races that even the Indians rarely communicate with, among them the Cynocephaloi, dogheaded beings who cannot even converse in any method besides barking.38

The shipwrecks in The Odyssey present an almost-fantastical world which in instances tests
the imagination of a modern audience. However, the motifs used by Homer would have been
incredibly familiar to his contemporaries. In epic poetry such as this the ocean is often
referred to as the peirata gais, borders of the earth.39 Past the Pillars of Herakles40 marks
the beginning of the River Ocean, a frontier of the world.41 The point at where this is
established is the shores edge, where the unavoidable perilous sea begins.42 Traditionally,
Ocean surrounded the Earth, which is demonstrated in the shield of Achilles.43 The shield
itself is described as outlining the organisation of civilisation, with cosmic elements at the
centre, spreading out from peace and war to domestic practices, whilst the edge is surrounded
by the Ocean.44 Moreover it represents the necessary components for society, allowing
Homers audience to understand the necessary balance between war and peace.45 The borders
of civilisation are marked on the shield with the Ocean, demonstrating that beyond this, the
world ceases to be civilised; as far as the shield illustrates, there is nothing beyond the waters
of the outer sea. The river Ocean was defined as the limits of the Earth, with all constellations
38 Nichols 2011, 53-55.
39 Romm, 1992, 12.
40 Roller, 2006, 1. This is identified as the Straits of Gibraltar, the Western-most outlet of the
Mediterranean Sea.
41 Hartog, 2001. 30.
42 Hartog, 2001, 26.
43 Il 18.478-608; Fig. 1.
44 Fig. 2.
45 Taplin 1980, 15.
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except The Bear disappearing into it.46 Moreover, it is in this realm past the borders in
which shipwrecks become very real and incredibly dangerous. It is through these near-death
encounters that Odysseus is taken to the edges of society,47 allowing him to come into contact
with a number of fantastical creatures, such as the sirens who attempt to stray Odysseus from
his return to Ithaka,48 the cannibals he encounters on the island of the Laestrygonians,49 the
Cyclopes,50 and of course, the Phaeacians.

The realm of the Ocean and notions of seafaring do not just exist in the realm of epic poetry.
For the Greeks, The Mediterranean was the Great Sea, or the Inside Sea.51 There was also
no word in either Greek or Latin for exploration in the sense that we use today.52 For both the
Greeks and the Romans, the outer expanse of the Sea represents a primeval element,53 a
notion that manifests itself in many cultures as a way of explaining the emergence of the
universe and the tentative nature between order and chaos. Water features as an important
element in these creation myths,54 and is acknowledged in Greek mythology as being an
incredibly old body: it dates to the beginning of the universe55 and according to Homer, the

46 Roller 2006, 22.

47 Dougherty 2001, 96.
48 Od 12.180-207.
49 Od 10.103-132.
50 Od 9.187-8.
51 Roller, 2006. 1; Aristotle, Meteorologika 2.1.
52 Roller, 2006. ii.
53 Romm, 1992, 24.
54 Gleiser 2005, 15.
55 Romm, 1992, 23.
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origin of the gods.56 These basic mythological ideas about the worlds are fundamental to all
societies,57 influencing our social structure and the way we function as a society. Likewise,
people believed Homers tales because they lived them out in relation to their own
experiences.58 Although it was not firmly believed by all scholars, it was a basis on how the
Greeks judged society through their identification with heroic and mythical characters.59

Whilst it was regarded as a standard work and a model for society and behaviour, The
Odyssey was not always regarded as truth. Eratosthenes states that the location of Odysseus
wanderings will be found when we can find the cobbler who sewed up the winds in the
leathern sack.60 Similarly, the attitudes to the sea presented in the ancient world reflect the
complicated nature of the boundaries between earth and sea. There was a tendency to see
these borders as murky, with it being incredibly difficult to distinguish where the sea begins
and the land ends.61 Similarly, the borders between fact and fiction are severely blurred.
Besides Eratosthenes being discussed by Strabo, Herodotus is vague about the origin of the
notion of the name Ocean, attributing it to some poet or other.62 He rejects the idea of it
being a legendary river, attributing it to the unreliable testimony of poets.63 Although in

56 Od 14:201.
57 Finley, 1991, 25.
58 Finley, 1991, 22.
59 Briant 2010, 26.
60 Strabo 1.2.15.
61 Romm 1992, 22.
62 Romm 1992, 176.
63 Herodotus 2.21; 23.
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reality it was not as mythical as the texts emphasise, the Ocean was nonetheless a different
world, past the borders of the Inside Sea.64

For the Greeks in particular, the first men who explored the lands and sea were the gods and
heroes.65 This is intrinsically linked to a line of divine ancestry that often makes the standards
set by these men difficult to follow, the most prestigious of these being Herakles and
Dionysos.66 The problem that arises in reports of these exploits, however, is that none of them
are reliable: language barriers and local informants67 carry massive restrictions which could
severely limit the ability to understand the land. Moreover, many of our sources are
secondary by nature: they refer to these reports, which have now been lost to us. We rely on
the works of men like Strabo and Herodotus, who used these works to fuel their own
commentaries. As they were likely writing reports of accounts, or claiming to have travelled
to these outstretched regions of the world based on stories that had been passed on, it is
unlikely that much truth arose from the majority of what was written.

Similarly, many of these reported accounts, such as the works of Ktesias, are now only
attested in the better-preserved works. Again, they survive in the form of reflections and
discussions, rather than the work itself. Consequently if these authors are to be believed, so
are their opinions of the contemporaries they discuss. They may exclude information about
these works which we lack, or miscopy chunks of text and change their meaning. However,
what remains of these works can be used with its contemporary literature to understand

64 Roller 2006, 2.
65 Roller, 2006, i.
66 Roller, 2006, i.
67 Roller, 2006, i.
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peoples beliefs. According to Herodotus, the works of Homer and Hesiod are our primary
sources for Greek religion and also for much of the mythology created during this period.68
Whilst this is important in understanding society as a whole, it can also be used to indicate
how a population reacted to various situations. In this instance, the mythology surrounding
the Ocean helps to identify opinions and attitudes towards the non-Greek world. In The Iliad
this is reflected in the notion of honour and social structure,69 which resonates in The Odyssey
through the journey of Odysseus and his encounters with people on the very edges of society.
The poem pays particular attention to his interaction between the Phaeacians and the
Cyclopes, providing an instance of direct contact. In contrast, the perigts and periploi
which survive describe encounters from a distance, suggesting only observations rather than
the first-hand knowledge experiences by Odysseus.

Accounts of the boundaries of the world primarily focus on travel on land. The works of
writers like Ktesias70 demonstrate that even traversing on the land, the tales continued to get
stranger as they got further from the Greek world. In many cases, the Persians are described
as relatively human, perhaps because of their dominance in antiquity; most Greeks submitted
to Darius in his expedition in 490 BC.71 However even the Persians were wary of the sea. A
fifth century nobleman, Sataspes,72 abandoned an expedition ordered by Xerxes because of a
fear of the distances that were involved in sailing the southern coast of Africa.73 According to

68 Mark 2005, 1; Herodotus 2.53.

69 Sowerby 1995, 6.
70 In particular, On India.
71 Sowerby 1995, 38.
72 Romm 1992, 16.
73 Herodotus, 4.43.
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Strabo, Africa was too large to be circumnavigated74 in the same way that the Mediterranean
could be. There was a clear awareness that such tasks carried with them many risks despite
the possible use of a method which allowed them to sail without getting lost within the
confines of the Mediterranean. It was far more unpredictable, with the possibility of being
blown off course prevalent. The earliest report of this is from Kolaios of Samos, who landed
in the south-western Spanish port of Tartessos after being caught in a constant easterly
wind.75

Becoming shipwrecked and dying at sea was an undesirable consequence of seafaring, and
perhaps attributed to the unwillingness to explore the unknown realms of the world. Odysseus
regrets not dying at Troy:76 instead of being a recipient of the hero-cult that Achilles received
as a result of his death in battle, Odysseus is left to ponder his fate in the open sea. Death at
sea is accompanied by not only the loss of life, but the loss of the body. For the Greeks, they
would lose everything without being truly dead, their souls left to wander without being
given their last rites.77 Becoming lost was an incredibly real fear and reliance on the wind and
the whims of the gods meant that unless Athena78 favoured the traveller; the skills of
navigation on their side, would success be a reality. The accounts of Odysseus rely on the
good favour of the gods who assist him throughout The Odyssey, as well as the plights of
Poseidon, who is angered by Odysseus role in the defeat of the Trojans.79 It is likely that
74 Strabo 1.2.26.
75 Roller 2006, 3-4.
76 Od 5.449-467.
77 Hartog 2001, 32.
78 Hartog 2001, 26.
79 Euripides, The Trojan Women 45-7. Odysseus was responsible for the organisation of the
Trojan horse.
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without the favour of Athena, Odysseus would not have returned to Ithaka, and therefore
would not have died at home, receiving his proper rites.

The prospect of travelling into the Ocean was presented to the Greeks as a terrifying and
unapproachable entity, which was met with reluctance.80 Homer presents Odysseus as a
traveller against his will.81 However he has been reinterpreted by authors looking back on
these works, with Dante giving him a desire to know the world.82 In the case of Dante, this
was written as a theological piece. The assumption here is that Odysseus travels are a chance
to reflect and expand on ones own knowledge, overlooking the simple truth that he merely
wanted to return to Ithaka.83 Unnecessary travel through the Ocean was not desirable, to the
extent where in the case of a Greek crew transporting political exiles from Sanos: they were
left at Delos, a half-way point, because of the apprehension of travelling long distances
overseas.84

Regarding the boundaries of comparatively safe travel,85 the Pillars of Herakles were seen as
a gateway between the inside and outer seas.86 This realm is said to belong to Poseidon,

80 Romm 1992, 16.

81 Hartog 2001, 15.
82 Hartog 2001, 15.
83 Od 5.242-4.
84 Romm 1992, 17; Herodotus 8.132.
85 For, of course, there will always be danger when travelling overseas: piracy and the
chance of shipwrecks would have been cause alone to not wish to travel too hastily across the
sea.
86 Roller 2006, 1.
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but he was not a sailor: the knowledge of navigation was unique to Athena.87 It is possible
that because of this distinction between the sea and seafaring, the possibility of getting lost
was a heightened concern for the Greek world. Their definition of lost was to be unable to
distinguish between East and West,88 demonstrating that without both the use of navigation
and the ability to see the horizon were potentially fatal. For Odysseus this culminates in his
journey to the underworld, past the edges of both society and the Ocean.89 It is here that the
audience is propelled into a world beyond even the uncivilised, thus taking Odysseus to the
brink of death itself. Yet it seems that despite the underlying danger of these voyages, men
still travelled, motivated by their curiosity about the world.90 Socrates comments on the
limited nature of the Mediterranean, comparing its inhabitants to ants or frogs around a
pond.91 Like these creatures, they had the opportunities to leave, but always returned home,
indicating that for the Greeks it was a place of comparative safety.

The Romans help many similar views to the Greeks, as their culture was directly affected by
the influence of the Hellenic world.92 Many of their overseas exploits concerned the
expansion of the empire, with many technological developments in ship building facilitated
by the need to develop a navy in the Punic Wars.93 Nevertheless the focus was not on
exploration: it was primarily a matter of rapid expansion.94 There are, however, records of
87 Hartog 2001, 26.
88 Hartog 2001, 27.
89 Od 10.508.
90 Dougherty 2001, 66.
91 Plato Phaedo 109a-b.
92 Orlin 2010, 3.
93 Goldsworthy 2000, 61-2.
94 Goldsworthy 2000, 88-9.
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travel reports which reveal that some journeys beyond the borders were undertaken. Strabo is
perhaps the best preserved example of records of the outside world, covering vast expanses of
the previously unknown world. Although his approach in Geography is more analytical of
physical geography than the works of the Greeks, which seems to focus largely on the
indigenous people of the lands encountered.95 There are elements of this that are retained,
however. Much of this is reflected in the cultures of the known world. Strabo notes that the
earlier Egyptian kings for example, were prejudiced against all seafarers, in particular the
Greeks who were described as ravagers and coveters of that of others.96

For the Romans, sea voyages were conceived as a step away from the golden age, whilst also
representing a development in human evolution.97 Indeed, Horace cites the Ocean as a place
in which new worlds can be discovered at the cost of violating the natural order of the
world.98 The first navigator was also condemned by Seneca as being too daring,99
demonstrating that although there was an attempt to move away from travelling such long
distances. Whilst the Romans had made the Mediterranean itself safer by clearing its waters
from pirates100 it is likely that they were still at the mercy of the world outside: they could not
control it and so did not wish to venture into it. An account of a shipwreck by Pedo
Albinovanus animates the Ocean as an enemy attacking the fleets,101 drawing on the works of

95 Nippel 2002, 282.

96 Strabo Geography 7.6.29.
97 Romm 1992, 167.
98 Odes I.3.21-26.
99 Romm 1992, 165.
100 DeSouza 2002, 15.
101 Romm 1992, 143-4.
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his contemporary writer, Strabo. Strabo recalls the legend of the Cimbri tribe, who were
almost drowned after taking up arms against the sea.102

However, Tacitus also recalls a shipwreck, describing the Ocean as the cosmic nemesis
responsible for such disasters.103 Yet in reference to travellers and voyages on the sea, he only
refers to the North and Atlantic seas as the Ocean, as these were the only two bodies of
water which the Romans did not gain access to.104 It is probable that for the Romans their
understanding of the world was largely based on their own expansion. Maintaining this
Empire became increasingly important as it expanded, facilitating the need to travel, either by
sea or land. Ammianus Marcellinus records how a storm caused much grievance for Tertullus
as it stopped the safe transport of food to the city.105 The storm itself was attributed to gods,
and subsided after offerings to the temple of Castor and Pollux at Ostia were made,106
reaffirming the belief that the favour of the gods determined success on the sea. Without this
offering, the food could not have been transported, saving the city from famine.

The little evidence for changes in the attitude towards the Ocean can perhaps be explained by
the changes and developments to the Greek and Roman cultures. As the Romans adopted and
adapted many Greek customs and beliefs for their own agendas,107 it is likely that they also
adopted their beliefs concerning the world beyond the Mediterranean. As with reports from
the likes of Ktesias and Hanno, it is clear that this tradition of exploring far-reached places
102 Romm 1992, 144; Strabo Geography 7.2.1.
103 Tacitus, Annals 2.23-24.
104 Romm 1992, 145.
105 Ammianus Marcellinus 19.10.
106 Ammianus Marcellinus 19.10.4.
107 Orlin 2010, 152.
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continued, with the works of Strabo reaffirming the interest in recording the places and
people encountered outside of the centre of the world. Ktesias, who served as a physician for
the royal family of the Persian king Artaxerxes II,108 records accounts of societies who would
have likely to have come into contact with the Persians. His accounts, however, demonstrate
that even in the event that the ancient writers were able to come into contact with the realities
of these foreign peoples, reflect not the truth, but perceptions of the customs they are then
faced with. It is almost certain that he never visited India,109 but his study on Persia reveals
that even the reports of those who lived in a place, with the given opportunity to travel, are
not as reliable as they seem.110 Echoes of this practice are well-placed in Homer, who as a
bard may have travelled, but his records extend beyond the reach of his likely destinations: to
travel so far to reach the underworld, for instance, is impossible. Strabos Geography further
demonstrates that the ability to travel to a place does not constitute accuracy: his accounts of
Egypt reveal that even places that were fully utilised by the Romans could be viewed with a
degree of artistic liberty. When describing the Great Pyramids, he calls the smaller one the
tomb of the Courtesan,111 dedicated as the burial place of the wife of Sapphos brother. This
pyramid belonged to Menkaure, a fourth dynasty king, whilst smaller pyramids in the
complex were attributed to members of the household.112 This modification was not an
attempt to glorify the work and thus make it more appealing to read, but perhaps it was an
adjustment in order to understand why these monuments were there.

108 Nichols 2011, 11.

109 Nichols 2011, 17.
110 Llewelyn-Jones and Robson 2010, 27.
111 Strabo XVII.33.
112 Hayes 1990 62.
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For the Greeks, the sea belonged to Poseidon, and the art of Navigation was attributed to
Athena.113 Although it is not stated outright in the available sources, it is possible that this
idea also became amalgamated into the Roman culture. The case reported by Ammianus
Marcellinus114 demonstrates that reliance on the sea was to depend entirely on the whims of
the gods. Similarly, there was a distinct awareness that there were numerous dangers
associated with the sea. Although it still held the element of mystery115 associated with
Homers Ocean, it was thought that only evil things could be found at the borders.116
Moreover, the body to the Romans was a fundamental part of their ancestor cults,117 despite
the corpse being considered a form of pollution.118 Funerary practices were centred around
the body, causing distress if it was not present. Catullus laments over only being able to grief
over the cremated remains of his brother, who died abroad,119 demonstrating that the presence
of the body was essential for both grief and proper burial rites.

It is possible that death at sea would have been as catastrophic for the Romans; the body was
necessary to be able to perform the proper rituals. The body was a crucial part of the funerary
culture of many civilisations in antiquity. Even as far back as the Egyptians, who preserved
the bodies of the deceased as much as possible, a number of customs were developed which

113 Hartog 2001, 26.

114 Ammianus Marcellinus 19.10
115 Romm 1992, 176.
116 Romm 1992, 26. Alexanders councillors advised him against travelling past the known
world
117 Heid 2007, 408
118 Salzman 2007, 116.
119 Catullus Carmen 101.4.
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ensured the deceased were provided for in the afterlife.120 The Egyptians also feared the sea,
despite being a well-established trading nation, with maritime trade established as early as
3000BC.121 For the Egyptians, the body was a compulsory component and so drowning
would compromise the funerary rituals, denying the deceased the opportunity to enter the
afterlife.122 Instead, dispensations were written into the funerary literature to allow the soul to
survive regardless. The most poignant example can be found in the ninth hour of the Book of
Gates, a royal funerary book; the fifty-eighth scene in KV 14, the tomb of Tausret and
Setnakht, depicts a lake of water with the drowned being addressed by Ra.123 Their noses are
depicted, indicating that although their bodies are lost, they can still breathe and therefore
will survive in the underworld.124 For them, drowning at sea would have a similar impact as
the Greeks, no body meant that the funerary rites could not be performed properly and so
limited access was granted.

The Greek attitudes to traversing the Ocean were fearful and apprehensive. The desire to
discover new lands culminated in extensive literature documenting accounts of the
indigenous peoples of foreign lands. Although the reasons for traversing these areas adjusted
over time, the notion that it was still a foreboding place to venture is firmly rooted in the
literature that still survives. One of the primary concerns for the Greeks and Romans was the
survival of the body, which was essential for maintaining funerary customs. Odysseus voices
his fears of death at sea rather than Troy in book five as he is shipwrecked for the first time,

120 David 2000, 372.

121 Ward 2001,
122 Bickel 2005, 192.
123 Horning 2005, 162-3; Fig. 3.
124 Fig. 3.
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which represents the notion that there was no honour to be lost at sea, but only the loss of his
rites. It was at sea that men put their faith in the whims of the gods, relying on their favours to
return safely, whilst the edges of the earth were regarded as unsafe and full of evil. There are
also consistent records demonstrating that even into the Roman period, the further away from
the capital, and to a greater extent the Mediterranean, the less civilised the society.

Word Count: 4814.

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Appendix:

Fig. 1. M.1-1842. Cast Bronze reconstruction of the Shield of Achilles. Fitzwilliam Museum.

Fig. 2. Outline of the Shield of Achilles based on the description in The Iliad 18.478-608.
Willcock 1976, 210.
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Fig. 3. TMP 14641. Scene from the Book of Gates in the tomb of Tausret and Setnakht, scene
58, ninth hour.

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