Table of Contents

Acknowledgements

Editorial

Letters to the Editor

The renaming of Pukhtunkhwa

Haroon Orakzai

What if the people of Afghanistan could

choose?

Cliff Kindy & Neil Wollman

10

The Role of International Community in

Muhammad Arif

13

The journalists burden

Shaheen Buneri

16

Scapeboating Pashtuns

Dr. Rahmat Rabi Zirakyar

20

My Village

Farid Gul

29

Pukhtana Peghla

Feroz Afridi

30

Maat Shu Qalam

Imdadullah Khyal

32

Kakaji Sanober Khan

Zar Ali Musazai

33

The Afghan Carpet Industry

Azra Nafees

36

An interview with Irfan Khan

Azra Nafees

45

Emerging Pashtun Talent

Rafia Zakaria

50

the war against terror

About Us

54

Guidelines for Article Submission

55

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Contributions
This Magazine would not have been possible without contributions from the Pashtun
Academia, Diaspora, Journalists, students, members of Pashtun communities
abroad and other social forum friends. Thanks for sharing your articles and writings
with SAHAR-The Voice of Pashtuns. We urge you to keep up the good work.
Editing
A very special thanks to Farhad Yousafzai and Mohammad Arif Tangi who have
extended a great help in editing the magazine this month.
Technical Assistance
My special thanks to the very dedicated Wadan Esapzai who designed the title cover
for this months magazine and for extending technical assistance.
Feature
Our gratitude to Zar Ali Musazai for writing this months feature on the towering
Pashtun hero Kakaji Sanobar Khan
Art and Entertainment
The piece on Afghan Carpet Industry the traditional traditional cottage industry of
the Pashtuns, a compilation by Azra Nafees and interview from the emerging
Pashtun singer Irfan Khan must be of interest to all.
Finally we at the editorial board extend gratitude to all the young and upcoming
Pashtun writers as well as our seniors for sparing time to write for SAHAR-The Voice
of Pashtuns. Special thanks are also due to Cliff Kindy & Neil Wollman for allowing
reproduction of their article What if the Afghan people could choose.
We hope that this magazine brings you insight about the various Pashtun issues as
well as help you remain in touch with your land, culture, art and literature.

SAHAR

January 2010

3 | Page

EDITORIAL
The year 2010 has arrived with our hearts filled with hope for peace and
prosperity for the humanity particularly the deeply troubled Pashtun region. We at
SAHAR are feeling a great relief at the fact that SAHAR has successfully entered the
second year of its publication. This has been made possible by your unremitting
support and contribution. As you all know, we do not have any permanent
contributors and it is our readers voluntary writings and contributions which makes
SAHAR rich and diverse in content. To move away from the most common focus of
discussion- the ongoing militancy and horror of terrorism, another subject of
discussion affecting the Pashtuns particularly those of NWFP is the re-naming of the
province as Puktunkhwa.Talking about this issue in times when the unfortunate
Pukhtun nation is busy in collecting the body parts of its martyrs resulting from the
incessant suicide bombings seems a bit odd but there are certain factors which
make it necessary as well. The biggest question: why Pukhtuns are in this hellish
situation, also has relevance to this subject. Beside other important and pressing
issues and factors, the naming issue also has a lot to do with current state of affairs.
A nation who has not been able to earn proper identity for itself does indicate the fact
that something is terribly wrong underneath.
The arguments in favour of renaming the province of NWFP as Pukhtunkhwa
are many. It is the oldest name of the region and bears the true identity of the
majority living there known as Pukhtuns. It has in its favour a resolution of the
provincial assembly of NWFP which makes it constitutionally legitimate. It has a
history of political struggle dating back to the colonial days and the sacrifices of
Pukhtuns. From the federation point of view, the name would appease the ethnic
tension among the Sindhis, Baluchis, Punjabi, Siraiki and Muhajirs as the rest of the
three provinces of the country are named after ethnic majorities in the respective
provinces. Morally speaking, the name would compensate some of the miseries the
Pukhtun nation has been suffering.
The arguments against the renaming of the province are few. One of the
biggest objections is raised by Pakistan Muslim League (N), the second largest
political entity of the country which enjoys the throne of Punjab, the largest populated
province of the country. According to them Pukhtunkhwa would marginalize the
Hindko speaking ethnic minority of Hazara living in the North-East of the province.
Another objection is raised by the pro-establishment intelligentsia, who are of the
SAHAR

January 2010

4 | Page

opinion that Pukhtunkhwa would fuel secessionist sentiments, a fear based on the
centurys old colonial division of Afghanistan and the establishment of the Durand
Line. These quarters suggest the names Abaseen (Pashtu name of the River Indus)
and Khyber (the tribal region which is connected through Khyber Pass with
Afghanistan). For majority of Pakistanis, the renaming of the province of NWFP is
not a big issue. People in Punjab, Sindh and even some in NWFP are more
concerned about the security situation, inflation, corruption and lack of justice etc.
The Pukhtuns of Baluchistan and Pukhtunkhwa Mili Awami Party are of the view that
Pashtuns of NWFP and Baluchistan should be merged into one federating unit and
the unit should then be named after consensus. Even Awami National Party, the
current ruling Pukhtun Nationalist dispensation in NWFP has been using the
renaming issue as a political card but has so far failed to develop a broader
consensus on the issue or pressurize the power centers in this regard.
Haroon Orakzais article on the subject discusses the issue in some detail.
We at SAHAR invite our readers to reflect on this issue and share with us their views
in the form of articles, letters, which will be shared with our wide community of
readers through SAHAR.
We are pleased to include an excellent article by Cliff Kindy & Neil Wollman
on What if the Afghan people could choose?, which discusses the most important
yet the most neglected aspect of the conflict in Afganistan. The admirable article by
Dr Rahmat Zirakyar Scapegoating The Pashtuns is an effort to deconstruct the
stereotypes about the 70 million strong Pashtun nation and is a must read for our
diaspora and western readers. The feature on Kakaji Sanobar Khan by Zar Ali Khan
Musazai is a great contribution in documenting the struggle of our elders against
colonialism. The special report on the Afghan Carpet Industry must be of some
interests to our more business-minded readers. In the Emerging Pashtun Talent this
month we have included the Pashtun squash player Maria Toor Pakay. The usual
poetry is also there for those of us with interest in the Pashtun poetry. Your valued
feedback will be awaited. Happy Reading.
Editor in Chief, Azra Nafees
editorsahar@gmail.com

SAHAR

January 2010

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LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

We feel extremely grateful to the readers who send in their comments and
valuable suggestions. We look forward to your valued comments and reviews to
make this magazine a quality publication. Following are excerpts from some of the
emails that we received as feedback on the December 2009 issue. We would
appreciate if your comments focus more on the selection and quality of articles as
well as participate in the debate that the selected articles intend to generate.
Pir Abdul Majid Pirabadi, Saudi Arabia
Laka chy hara miyaasht akhtar rashee
zama pa laas ky chy "SAHAR" rashee !!
I am immensely thankful to have the December issue of SAHAR. It always gives me
a fresh feeling that we are moving ahead to enrich our Pushto language & letting
people all over the world know about our glorious culture. Wish u all the best. Keep
it up.
ka har su pa samandar yai za lahoo yum
da Pukhto da meeney tanda na matigee.

Edith, Germany
First of all I would like to congratulate you on managing such an out class magazine
as well as on your dedication, since I can imagine how much work, stamina, effort
and will it takes to release a new magazine and having the responsibility of an editor.
Especially being a non Pashtun, I really appreciate the variety of issues of cultural
topics as well as formats like articles on cuisine and poetry, interviews as well as
general information, to get an impression of what is discussed or of what is of
interest from a Pashtun point of view. I am looking forward to have the next issue on
my desktop and wish you all the best and success for your work.
Qazi Roolhul Amin, New Zealand
Na release sholo SAHAR aw na akhtar sho
tol jwandoon pa intezaar, intezzar sar sho
che 'SAHAR' pa Christchurch ke pa laas raaghe
New Zealand raata pa shan da Pekhawar sho
I came across a piece of writing by Daniel Blogstrom a few days back and wanted to
share it with 'SAHAR' readers . My idea is to have one 'guest corner' in every issue
where our non- Pashtun friends can share their experience with Pashtuns with us.
We can ask such people to write for us in future. Best.
SAHAR

January 2010

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Section 1 : History, Geo-Politics & Current Affairs

THE RENAMING OF PUKHTUNKHWA

Haroon Orakzai

Talking about this issue in times when the unfortunate Pukhtoon nation is
busy in collecting the body parts of its martyrs resulting from the incessant suicide
bombings seems a bit odd thing but there are certain factors which make it
necessary as well. The biggest question: Why Pukhtoons are in this hellish
situation? Beside other important and pressing issues and factors the naming issue
also has a lot to do with current state of affairs. A nation who has not been able to
earn proper identity for itself does indicate the fact that something is terribly wrong
underneath. This does indicate that the subject nation is either in deep slumber of its
own negligence or has been completely enslaved and overwhelmed in all respects
be that cultural, psychological, educational, intellectual, social, political or
economical. Here we face both the elements: its partly due to our own weakness
and partly external conscious effort directed at dissolving our identity. Had we been
conscious of our own identity our enemy would never have been in a position to
bring such a catastrophe upon us. Pukhtoon nation on the eastern side of the
Durand line has never got a chance of reading its true history. All along since the
times of Mughal occupation followed by Sikhs and British and lastly Pakistan a
manufactured, revisionist and fake history is pushed down the throats of our kids.
People who never belong to Pukhtoons land and did not do any tangible constructive
work of public welfare for Pukhtoons are imposed as our grandees. Whereas
situation on the western side has not been satisfactory either: the long wars have
pushed backward any development in this respect. Consequently we have a
Pukhtoon nation who is not only ignorant of the importance of proper identity but
rather have now certain elements who not only create hurdles for those who try to
get one for the Pukhtoon nation but oppose in a way which is even envy of the
enemy.
The Name and the Need for it
Pukhtoonkhwa / Pushtoonkhwa, the moment we take up name issue, the way
to pronounce it comes up to everybodys mind. Pukhtoon nation inhibiting land mass
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January 2010

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on the both sides of Durand line can be broadly classified into two groups in terms of
dialect. The northeastern part inhabitants pronounce it as Pukhtoonkhwa whereas
Pukhtoons of southwestern part pronouncing it as Pushtoonkhwa. In view of this
there is an urgent need for standardization of this name in English as Pakhto
language has solution for it by writing it as (Pukhtunkhwa-in Pukhto) gives the choice
of pronouncing it according to ones dialect. For English there must evolve a proper
spelling in order to settle it --as the same will be needed for incorporation in to
constitution in case the things move this way. Personally I would suggest a spelling
of (PAXTOONKHWA) wherein X shall stand for kh or sh as per ones mother
dialect.
Regarding need for a name it is interesting to see that at least now everyone
agrees that it needs to be changed. The differences are on the name as to which
one to choose. Pukhtoon nationalists, PPP are favoring Paxtoonkhwa whereas other
allies of the present government especially PML(N) , PML(Q), Hazara/Hindkwan
,Jamaat are suggesting their own. The establishment and its allies are tooth and nail
opposing it rather trying hard to sabotage or torpedo it. They are floating all and any
sort of stories to enforce their agenda which is not to have a name having any
reference to Pukhtoon. They are trying hard to undermine its ideological, historical,
legal, cultural basis on any and every excuse they can find under the blue. Here the
Pukhtoons need to understand the fact that all the nations of the world have gone
through an evolution: some have gone fast ahead and some are lagging. History or
lack of it should not be an excuse for not having a proper name for our native land. It
should not matter much if there has never existed any country or land known as
Paxtoonkhwa. We can tell them we have come a long way to have an identity of our
own liking which describes us the best way. Our land have been a battle ground and
cross road for expanding empires for most of the past millennium which did not
allow us to grow and prosper but that shall never ever mean that we abdicate our
right to self determination. Hazara / Hindkwan opposition to the name Paxtoonkhwa
is malicious to the extent that the same will sow the seeds of bitterness forever. They
do not realize that by rejecting a name favored by the majority who are Pukhtoon
does mean that a choice of minority is selected which is against any principle of
justice and democratic norms.
But the question is what about the Pukhtoon areas on Afghanistan side? In
view of the emergence of the other ethnic groups assuming and wielding power
SAHAR

January 2010

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disproportionate to their numerical strength, there is a growing feeling that

Afghanistan has to evolve into a Federal kind of setup. In that case the Pukhtoon
areas need to be grouped together instead of being represented as individual
districts as is the case presently. Therefore, a united province of Western
Paxtoonkhwa comprising of the contagious areas of Pukhtoon districts of present
day Afghanistan must emerge within Afghanistan as well along side Paxtoonkhwa on
Pakistani side.
Critical Time: Now or never
Name change of the N.W.F.P is part of the constitutional package currently
under discussion in CRC of the Parliament. PML N has suggested PaxtoonkhwaHazara name whereas other parties which have representation in the Parliament and
can have a decisive role in passing these constitutional amendments especially
PPP, MQM, ANP do not have problem with name Paxtoonkhwa. But the support of
PML-N is crucially important for any amendment to be passed. Therefore their
suggestions need to be given a very serious thought. We are at a critical juncture. By
losing this opportunity, personally I am afraid, that we might not have the same
opportunity in the near future. Given the facts that PPP/ANP might not get same
strength in the parliament again and the chances are that one of the establishment
backed party will sweep next elections and so on and so forth this name change
opportunity will be lost. In view of this we should take the bitter pill and accept the
PML-N suggestion. I see a ray of hope in that. Given the intransigence of the
Hazara/Hindkwan and their clout in the establishment one day they will be getting a
province of their own and then we got it. Therefore the best thing would be to go
ahead with it promptly and without any further delaybefore being booted out by
army. Once written in the constitution that would be a great thing for Pukhtoon: a real
mile stone.

The writer hails from Hangu, basically a MBBS doctor but joined the Civil Services in
Pakistan and worked in the Auditor General's Department for a few years. He is
presently working as a Finance Manager in a private company in Dubai, UAE.

SAHAR

January 2010

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WHAT IF THE PEOPLE OF AFGHANISTAN COULD CHOOSE?

Cliff Kindy & Neil Wollman
After an intense review, President Obama recently ordered about thirty
thousand more U.S. troops to Afghanistan. The question is, should this decision
have been made by the U.S. government? The goals for the United States are to
prevent an Al Qaida threat in the homeland and to stabilize the Afghan situation,
allowing for some level of central government control and a face-saving withdrawal.
But who else could or should have weighed in on this decision, and what are their
motivations?
The Afghan government realizes that any downsizing of the U.S. presence
could threaten its hold on political power. President Karzai recently stated that he
expects the U.S. military presence to continue until 2024. The U.S. public is split,
mainly along party lines, between those who want an early withdrawal of troops to
prevent a quagmire, and those who support the U.S. military presence and fear that
withdrawal would squander the investment already made.

The missing voice among these acknowledged players is that of the Afghan
public. No country can impose on another a decision that country cannot abide.
History is filled with attempts by strong powers to force actions upon weaker ones.
This has worked sometimes in the short run, but usually crashes in the long term.
The power of democracy is its dependence upon the will of the people who are
SAHAR

January 2010

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impacted by a decision. Indeed, the Afghan citizenry seems to have no say, yet is
the group that stands to gain or lose the most from the U.S. occupation. Modern
warfare kills and wounds more local civilians than armed actors (about 80 percent,
compared to 20 percent). Yet those civilians have little or no ability to choose their
own participation.
What if Afghani citizens were to determine whether the U.S. military continues
a surge or withdraws troops? Certainly this is a fitting step in encouraging
democracy. It would also provide the incentive for Afghanis to really own and support
a chosen policy on the ground. And perhaps the Afghanis themselves know best
how to create a stable nation that does not house terrorists.
In January 2010, Iraq was to hold a referendum on withdrawing the remaining
U.S. troops. This plan was scrapped when it became clear it would only reduce U.S.
presence by a few months and so was not worth the logistic and financial costs. If a
referendum on U.S. troop presence is of merit for Iraqi citizens, is it not also for
Afghans, before U.S. troops become more firmly entrenched there?
Who knows what the Afghans would decide if the choice was theirs. Poll
results in Afghanistan have varied by region and ethnicity, with a fairly large margin
of error. But Afghanistan could hold a national binding referendum on U.S. military
presence at the same time as planned parliamentary elections in May. (Given the
experience of their last public vote, for president, improved preparations and
precautions are needed.) First, the U.S. President or Congress must assert their
intent to open a space to hear the voice of the Afghan people. They could encourage
Afghan lawmakers to consider such a referendum as a way of respecting the will of
the people and of seeking the support of their own citizens.
Would a referendum change the dynamics of the war? If the Afghanis voted to
keep troops there, then the U.S. could expect better cooperation from the public (in
both Afghanistan and the U.S.) and would be confident, it is respecting the will of the
citizens. (This is especially so if there is strong voter participation and the results
show a wide margin.) It might also convince mainly skeptical world opinion and
governments to provide more military and other aid. If the Afghanis voted against the
troops remaining in Afghanistan, and the U.S. honors that, again we are respecting
what Afghanis want for their own country.Then U.S. options might include
undertaking training of police and military personnel; providing support for building
SAHAR

January 2010

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the countrys economic, political, and educational systems; and making payments to
militia in the same way that the U.S., perhaps in large part, bought its way out of an
insurgency in Iraq. Significant resources could be made available in all these ways if
there was no combat presence to financially support.
Our nation asserts that it sends its military overseas to protect freedoms at
home and promote freedom and democracy elsewhere. The United States can take
another step toward democracy in the world by encouraging it in Afghanistanand it
might even bring other benefits, as well. The United States can let the people of
Afghanistan choose.

Originally published by CommonDreams.org

Cliff Kindy is an organic market gardener and has for the last twenty years worked frequently
with Christian Peacemaker Teams in the war zones of the world. kindy@cpt.org
Neil Wollman is Senior Fellow, Bentley Alliance for Ethics and Social Responsibility, Bentley
University, and the author of a 2005 op ed suggesting that Iraqis hold a referendum
concerning U.S. troop presence. NWollman@Bentley.edu

SAHAR

January 2010

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THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN

THE WAR AGAINST TERROR
Muhammad Arif
Initiative
Many of us have heard the do more doctrine. If do more can be called an
initiative then good bye America. How silly is it to expect from two fragile states like
Pakistan and Afghanistan to be motivated enough to show their capabilities to end
this war. Just look at the Failed State Index for 2008 in which Afghanistan is on
number seven and Pakistan on number nine.

Every time there is some problem inside Afghanistan or Pakistan the

international community is much more vocal and concerned about the stability of
these countries. Looking retrospectively, this stability vs instability paradox emerged
as a catalyst to fuel this war to the most dangerous level. Shouldnt we be concerned
with the very meaning of stability in this context? Lets not deceive ourselves with
the notion that the mayor of Kabal and the mayor of Islamabad will run the whole
show. Let the voice of the people be heard. Let the political parties be strengthened.
Dont fear democracy. It doesnt bite.
The burden of initiative lies on the shoulder of the international community.
The relevant states and their institutions should be spared of this burden as a first
SAHAR

January 2010

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cause. For this purpose some concrete steps should be taken to submerge the
antagonistic forces to democracy with their own strength. The strength of these
forces lies in their power to blackmail. Whether it is warlordism in Afghanistan or
military takeover in Pakistan, the modus operandi is the same blackmailing. The
traditional power elites play on the genuine fears of the population of these two
countries that stability is synonymous to status quo. So far the international
community has failed to come up with some concrete measures to eliminate each
and every bit of this discourse based on the genuine fears and apprehensions of the
people from which emanates this power to blackmail.. Negotiating with the local
population against militants is the key and then the use of effective, targeted and
answerable coercive measures.
Starting from the bottom line the international community did not bother to be
engaged in dialogues with the local population against the militants. Here it is
important to mention that the difference between dialogues with the militants and
dialogues with the local population against the militants should be dichotomized. The
dialogues in Waziristan and Swat failed because they did not take this dichotomy
into account and because it had not got the initiative of the international community;
and also because they were initiated by the Army. Similarly ANP was forced to hold
dialogue with the militants to break the nexus between the army and Taliban.
Vagueness
Analyzing the policy lines of the international community especially the US the
conclusion we reach is all but vagueness. Such often quoted expressions have
almost lost their values like the stability of Afghanistan is unattainable without the
stability of Pakistan. The audience in the Pashtun belt are unable to comprehend
why the US support military dictatorship and one-man rule. If this vagueness on the
part of the international community is a deliberate one then it can make some sense
but as perceived here in the Pashtun belt, the war on terror seems to safeguard
certain imperialistic or geopolitical interest.
The people are driving a brakeless vehicle on a hilly windy misty road and
there is death like silence in the towns and cities. The people think about intelligence
agencies as an omniscient eye constantly watching their activities in an organized
way so that no escape is ever possible. They are confused and perplexed and their
fears know no bounds. The vagueness and the situations on the ground (where
SAHAR

January 2010

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opposition to the militants is unimaginable) are adding to the fears of the people.
They have started thinking the militants and the proxies as an invincible force which
demands awe and submission. As a result the people have lost all hopes.
It is the responsibility of the international community to remove the vagueness
from their policy lines. While the use of coercive measures should be applied as a
mean towards and end it should not result into an end in itself. Accountability and
answerability should be the guiding principles of any use of force in the Pashtun belt.
The myth of invincibility and omniscience should be broken at all cost so that the
local population themselves take the desired initiatives.

Hope
While fear is a kind of negative hope which feeds on the desperation of the
people in the Pashtun belt, hope on the other hand needs to be instilled in to the
society. We have to sell hope to the Pashtuns. We have to release Pashtuns from
the trauma of the Great Games which are looming on their heads for the last two
centuries. The never ending war cycle is increasing xenophobia and isolationism
among them. They are being deprived of the fruits of modernization, industrialization,
entrepreneurship and better civic facilities. We have to build optimism on these
lines. But first take the initiative, remove the vagueness and build the foundation of
trust.

The writer hails from Tangi, Charsadda and is settled in Islamabad.

SAHAR

January 2010

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THE JOURNALISTS BURDEN

Shaheen Buneri
When society is passing
through a transitional period, and
centuries-old social and cultural
institutions

are

razed

to

the

ground, journalists are left with no

option but to cover misery, death
and destruction.
From Swat to Waziristan,
the area is in the grip of unprecedented

violence

and

journalists carry the heavy burden of reporting each and every incident in great
detail. The tragedy is that the majority of the journalists reporting from the conflict
zones are not trained in the techniques of conflict reporting and safety measures.
News channels are in a rush to break news. In the wake of the media boom in
Pakistan, about 50 TV channels are in competition to inform the bewildered
population before any other competitor takes the lead. Lost in this frenzy are the
needs of journalists, more than 10 of whom have been killed in the line of duty over
the past two years.
Now, as the war is reaching its climax and a major military offensive against
Taliban militants is in progress in the tribal belt, Peshawar and the surrounding areas
are the main targets of terrorist attacks. The city of Peshawar faced 10 bomb blasts
in two weeks in November that killed hundreds of people. Many reporters and TV
journalists expressed their extreme frustration and despair over the worsening
situation. They complained that their newsrooms give more importance to the reports
and footage they need for their bulletins than their well-being.
Recently in Peshawar, a huge bomb blast at the famous Meena Bazaar killed
120 people. A TV reporter was asked by his editor to reach the scene and provide
live reports from there. The reporter performed his duties, but eventually he
collapsed and had to be admitted to hospital.

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January 2010

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"I saw charred bodies, crying children, helpless mothers, blood and destruction; I
was out of my mind. Even now I can't sleep; the scenes of bloodshed torment me
day and night. Sometimes I think I am not fit for this job," said one journalist who
didn't want to be identified for fear of losing his job.
Another issue is that journalists don't have fixed working hours; they are on
call round the clock. If you cover an event the whole day it does not absolve you
from the responsibility to cover any new incident in the night. "Once, I was following
a story of a bomb explosion in Peshawar the whole day. I was really depressed as I
was seriously concerned about my city and its people. I was continuously thinking,
why is this happening to us? With this pain and sense of insecurity, I returned home.
In the wee hours of the night, I received a call from my newsroom to wake up and
reach a spot that had been hit by another explosion. I had to run to the spot with a
heavy heart and dejected feelings. My family was very concerned as they were not
sure whether I would return home," says Tariq Afaq, a senior journalist who works for
a private news channel in Peshawar.
Afaq reveals that he only recently recovered from the trauma of the ongoing
violence and instability in the region. But his organisation did not extend him any
support for his healthcare. He recalled that he witnessed three bomb blasts that led
to

signs

of

post-traumatic

stress disorder. "Almost all

the journalists are suffering
from pain and trauma, but
most of them don't talk about
ailments. They fear they will
be considered weak and in
the long run may lose their
jobs. But this is a serious
issue

and

organisations

the

media

concerned

should provide the journalists with both training facilities and psycho-social support
so that they can perform their duties in a befitting manner," he argued.
Some of the journalists are of the view that they feel more aggressive and
frustrated in the wake of the increased violence in the region. One journalist said,
"These days I don't feel easy in the company of my friends. I want to be alone. I even
SAHAR

January 2010

17 | Page

find it hard to feel comfortable in the company of my own family members and coworkers.
Rifatullah Orakzai, who works for the BBC in Peshawar, agrees that
journalism means objectivity and impartiality, but as a local resident he is emotionally
attached to the area and its people.
"A few weeks back when I saw wounded children and women in a local hospital, I
lost my concentration. They were crying and wailing and there was no one to tell
them why and by whom they were hurt. I was taking photographs but when I
returned to my office and checked the photos all of them were out of focus. I realised
that my hands were shaking while I was taking the snaps. The sense of loss and
helplessness in the eyes of the injured people shocked me," Orakzai added.
Khalid Khishgi, former secretary general of the Khyber Union of Journalists
and a senior journalist working for The News in Peshawar, says, "The problem does
not end there. Both the military and the militants are monitoring each and every
report from the conflict zones. I cannot predict which sentence or word in my report
goes against the "strategic interests" of the powerful groups. In Peshawar, so many
organisations received threatening letters from a certain militant group for not giving
"enough space" to their side of the story. Words like press freedom become
meaningless in such horrible situations."
This year a number of journalists
were kidnapped either by the militant
groups

or

arrested

by

the

security

agencies for not observing the specified

"code of conduct" that forced other
journalists to self-censor their reports to
avoid retaliation. There are cases when
family members compelled some of the
journalists to quit their jobs or migrate to other countries.
"When your home and your family members are not safe you cannot do justice to
your profession," says Rahman Buneri, who fled the country and took asylum in the
United States when a group of militants bombed his house a few months back in the
Buner valley of NWFP.

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Dr Khalid Mufti, a renowned psychiatrist based in Peshawar, has observed

that there is a marked increase in mental health problems among journalists and
their families. He is of the opinion that the war and instability is taking a heavy toll on
the mental health of journalists working in NWFP and the tribal areas. "I have
observed fatigue, irritation and sleeplessness among the journalists who cover
violent incidents. They are extremely frightened and uncertain about their future. This
attitude also leads to complications in their family affairs. In 2008, I observed 35
male and two female journalists, but in 2009, 63 male and nine female journalists
consulted me for the treatment of various mental health problems. I also observed
that many journalists take refuge in drugs due to the deteriorating law and order
situation," said Dr Mufti, adding that three out of 10 journalists use hashish
(cannabis) and seven out of 10 are using different types of tranquilizers.
Dr Mufti maintained that in 2008, he looked after 16 families of journalists
while in 2009 the number rose to 56. He elaborated that journalists' children are the
worst affected as they fear for the lives of their parents. According to his estimate,
9% of the children of journalists are suffering from serious mental and psychological
complexities.
"The issue is that journalists are not provided proper training in mental health; there
is no counseling, no psychotherapy. Another issue is that journalists are not paid
properly. Journalists based in FATA are poor and despite performing a challenging
job they have nothing to provide a decent living to their families," he concluded.

Mr. Shaheen Buneri is a journalist based in Peshawar, Pakistan. He covers issues

related to politics, society and cultural heritage in North Western Pakistan for the
national and international media.

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Section 2 : Literary

SCAPEGOATING THE PASHTUNS:KITE RUNNER AS

PSYCHOLOGICAL OPERATION?
Dr. Rahmat Rabi Zirakyar

INTRODUCTION
An eminent American historian Dr. Harry Elmer Barnes writes: Truth is
always the first war casualty.The emotional disturbances and distortion in historical
writing are greatest in wartime. In shadows of aggression, people have been
deliberately manipulated by official propaganda and spinning media and experts into
an attitude of hating a country, a race, a religion, an ethnic group,
etc.

The Kite Runner is an emotional and ideological novel by Afghan-born Dr.

Khaled Hosseini which covers the tumultuous period of Afghanistans history since
early 1970s. I read its first Riverhead paperback edition (2004) in November of 2009.
Its hardcover was published a year earlier in 2003. He is culturally a non-Pashtun
but ethnically a half-Pashtun: Dr. Hosseinis mother, grandmother and greatgrandmother belong to the Mohammadzai nobility of Pashtun heritage. He cleverly
organizes the story of his fiction, skillfully builds the suspense, and amazingly
patronizes the Western audience by using hot-button cultural and political issues in
a very traditional Afghan society torn by the ravages of war since 1978. The
overwhelming majority of the Afghan people rejected the communist rule and its
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brutalities. They stood up against the new, leftist regime for national and religious
reasons. These events were followed by the CIA operations against the Moscowconnected regime, which rushed the Soviets to invade Afghanistan on December 25,
1979.

In the general euphoria of Afghanistans liberationof 2001, Mr. Siddiq

Barmaks award-winning film Osama, and Dr. Hosseinis widely-acclaimed fiction
The Kite Runner emerged in the middle of the same year 2003. What a
coincidence!

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Dr. Hosseinis novel is designed to soothe the Western audiences conscience

and to serve as a non-military psychological operation in the post-9/11 U.S. war,
packaged as liberty and democracy. It is a de facto defamation fiction, scapegoating
the Pashtuns who constitute the majority of Afghan population. The author
conveniently exempts the upper stratum of other non-Pashtun minorities. He is
touching on the legal conception of defamation innuendo (injury to reputation)! Dr.
Hosseini does not seem to be thoroughly steeped in the history and culture of
Afghanistan, particularly the period he is covering. Is his thinking co-opted?

CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES
The novel is timely because Afghanistan has become a pivotal point in global
arena of imperial ambitions reinvigorated after the 9/11 catastrophe. It served as a
non-military psychological operation. By supporting the Northern Alliances warlords
to marginalize the majority Pashtuns of Afghanistan, the Bush administration in fact
became partner in the civil war.The Kite Runner is written in a way that the reader
can easily become caught up in the class
struggle
between
under-privileged
Hazaras (minority) and allegedly affluent
Pashtuns(majority) and forgets that this
is an ideological fiction. Hazaras have
distinct Mongoloid features, which makes
it easy to distinguish them from the
neighboring
ethnic
groups.
Their
overwhelming majority adheres to Imami
Shiism, although a few are Ismaeli
Shiite, or Sunni. Most Afghans move to
Kabul to find work. The population of
Kabul consists of Pashtuns, Tajiks,
Uzbeks, Hazaras, and other ethnic
groups.
The legal note on the copyright page of Dr. Hosseinis novel reads: This is a
work of fiction. Names, characters, places, and incidents either are product of the
authors imagination or are used fictitiously, and any resemblance to actual persons,
living or dead, business establishments, events, or locales is entirely coincidental.
The Kite Runner is organized around the confrontation between two ethnic and
religious groups: Majority Pashtuns and the minority Hazaras. Thus, Hazaras and
Pashtuns are the real names of real ethnic groups in Afghanistan. The authors
Afghan background tells us that using real names of the real Afghan ethnic groups
(Pashtuns and Hazaras) is neither the product of his imagination nor is their
resemblanceentirely coincidental. This method is based on a hidden agenda for
blaming the Pashtuns of oppressing the minorities (non-Pashtun ethnic groups).
This allegation, known in Afghanistan as setam-e meli (national oppression), first
originated in the former Soviet-Communist literature. This dichotomous conception
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was boosted during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989). The SovietUzbek historian Nishanov became upset about the term Afghan in the Afghan
constitution of 1964, which referred to all citizens as Afghans, and, consequently, all
Afghans make up the Afghan nation. The discrimination against Hazaras in
Afghanistan resulted from different political, social and cultural interests of the elite
crossing through all major non-Hazara ethnic and religious groups, not the masses
of the people. To establish this I would present a few cases:

SAHAR

a.

When the Soviet-connected Peoples Democratic Party of Afghanistan

was in power (1978-1992), the leader of the government Hafizullah
Amin of Pashtun heritage (April 1978-December 1979) gave weapons
to Pashtun Wardag tribe to fight against Hazaras. The Wardags did not
use them against the neighboring Hazaras, but turned them against the
Communist government.

b.

Haji Mula Nasim Akhundzada is of Pashtun heritage. He was deputy

commander to late Kandahari Mula Naqib, locally known as Mula-Gwal
Akhund. Belonging to Alakozai-Pashtun tribe, Mula Nasim Akhundzada
himself was an important Jehadi commander in Kandahar. He was
allied with Northern Alliance and Islamic Society of Afghanistan run by
Commander Ahmad Shah Masood and his mentor Borhanuddin
Rabani. [Nasim Akhundzada is currently advisor to a former Northern
Alliance warlord in Kabul. Abdul Nafe Hemat from Kandahar is of
Alakozai-Pashtun heritage, as well as a poet and satirist. He learned
about the inter-Mujahedeen fighting in Kabul (1992-1996) from other
Alakozai-Pashtuns who participated in that distressing occurrence, the
unholy victory. Abdul Nafe Hemat shared this information with a
young Afghan journalist Abdul Rahim Shindandiwal. Regarding his
information he interviewed Mula Nasim Akhundzada in November of
2009.
His descriptions closely corroborated Shindandiwals
information, which he shared with me as follows: Commander Ahmad
Shah Masood complained to commander Mula Naqib that his
Mujahedeen fighters refrained from attacking Pashtun positions in the
Kabul area [Hekmatyars fighters]. Masood suggested to him that his
deputy commanders should attack Hazaras instead. So under the
command of two Kandaharis (Mohammad-Aka and Akhtarjan.), Mula
Nasim Akhundzadas Pashtun forces together with Ahmad Shah
Mosoods sub-commander Asad-e Choors brigade attacked the Dashte Barchi area up to Marastoon in the vicinity of Kabul and forced
Hazara forces to flee, most probably in 1992. But they left behind some
three hundred women and approximately forty children and old men.
Masoods sub-commander Asad-e Choor (Asad the Looter, Plunderer)
put the Hazara women in containers to rape them. They were crying for
fear of being raped. When Mula Nasim Akhundzada noticed this
misery, he immediately ordered his forces to thwart Assad-e Choors
undertaking. The Pashtun commanders told Assad-e Choor that: (1) In
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our tradition [Pashtunwali=the Pashtun code of conduct] Pashtuns do

not fight against women and children, and (2) accordingly, they will
hand over them to the leader of Hazaras, Abdul Ali Mazari. Asad-e
Choor attacked Pashtun forces but could not succeed, and
consequently Masood ordered his sub-commander Asad-e Choor to
withdraw from that area. Kandahari Pashtun fighters relinquished
Hazara women and children to Abdul Ali Mazari, who reciprocated this
action with sending gifts and releasing many Pashtun war prisoners.

SAHAR

c.

Educated in Germany, Engineer Gholam Mohammad Farhad was of

Yousufzai-Pashtun heritage. The people of the capital city Kabul gave
him the honorary title Papa (Father). He was the most prominent
leader of Afghan Social Democratic Party (1966). Engineer Farhad was
the first elected mayor of Kabul. He won the mayoral elections with
Hazara vote. Also, in the parliamentary elections he relied on the
Hazara vote and won the seat in the House of Representatives. Hazara
elders are still in touch with Papa Farhads family members, especially
with his brother, politician and historian Qodratullah Hadad Farhad.

d.

In early October 1929, the progressive King Amanullah struggled

against the non-Pashtun bandit Bacha Saqaw (Son of Water Carrier)
supported by the British. In this struggle King Amanullah was
supported by Hazaras.

e.

The speech of Abdul Ali Mazari, the leader of Hazaras Islamic Unity
Party of Afghanistan, in July of 1993 might be quite instructive for those
who are beating on the drum of ethnic antagonism. Mazari believed
that his people Hazaras have to fight together with other Persianspeaking people against the Pashtun domination. But the issue of
Chandawal and Afshar [the killing of Hazaras in two sections of Kabul
by non-Pashtun Masood-Rabani group, 1992] convinced Mazari that
during the past 250 years not all Pashtuns, but a power-hungry family
[yak khanadan-e jahtalab] had oppressed Hazaras. Since the day
Masood-Rabani group came to power in April,1992 in Kabul, they
waged eight wars in the name of Islam against you[Hazaras], Mazari
emphasized in his speech. Masood and Rabani were referring to
Hazaras as the progeny of Genghis Khan. For original Persian text of
Mazaris speech, see Nada-e Wahdat, No. 13/July 1993, quoted in
Rahmat Rabi Zirakyar, X-Ray of Afghan National Consciousness
(original in Pashto), Publisher Pashto Yoon, New York, submitted to
publisher on 19 February 2001, printed in Peshawar, Pashtunkhwa,
2003, pp. 79-80, from the facsimile printed in Afghanistan Mirror
(Ayena-e Afghanistan, Vol.32/June-July1993=Jauza-Sartan 1372 A.H.,
pp. 71-72).

f.

Iranian educated Dr. Ali Razawi Ghaznawi is of Hazara heritage, as

well as an Afghan scholar. He believed that Afghanistan was
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dominated by Pashtuns, qaum-e maiyan wa khas (the distinct and

particular tribe). King Mohammad Zaher Shah, who ruled Afghanistan
for the longest period (1933-1973), was an important member of that
distinct and particular tribe, the Pashtuns. Apparently, the terrible
events in Chandawal and Afshar sections of Kabul (see above #5),
taught Dr. Ghaznawi to change his mind (most probably in 1992/1993):
Under the prevailing circumstances of anarchy, destruction and killing,
he preferred the leadership of His Majesty, the exile King Zaher
Shah. For original Persian text, see Zirakyar, ibid. pp. 71-72. As a nonpolitical symbol of national unity under the occupation, King Zaher
Shah died in Kabul on July 23, 2007.
g.

Kateb Faiz Mohammad (1862-1931) was the son of Sayed Mohammad

Moghol of Hazara heritage. He served under two kings of Pashtun
heritage: Emir Abdul Rahman (1880-1901 and his son Emir Habibullah
(1901-19). In 1888, Abdul Rahman conferred on an influential Hazara
leader (Mohammad Azim Beg) the title Sardar (Lord, Prince). On the
recommendation of his father, Prince Habibullah married the daughter
of Sardar Mohammad Azim Beg. According to a very cautious, well
educated and resourceful high-ranking Afghan politician, a group of
professional (maslaki) Hazaras in British India was sent by its
government to Quetta, Baluchistan, to instigate unrest in Afghanistan.
This way, the British forced the then Afghan Emir Abdul Rahman to
give in to their colonial demand for the so-called Durand Line of 1893,
which divided the Pashtuns between Afghanistan and British India
(current Pakistan). To forge a unified Afghanistan and a central
administration, Emir Abdul Rahman ruled his country with an iron fist
against Pashtun Shinwaris, Pashtun Ghilzais, non-Pashtun Nuristanis,
and non-Pashtun Hazaras who suffered more.

h.

Prof. Abdul Wahab Sorabi of Hazara heritage was member of the

Advisory Constitutional Commission (1964). He was the first Hazara
cabinet member with portfolio (1967-69) under King Zaher Shah.
Thereupon Prof. Sorabi became the cabinet minister, 1969-1971,
Secretary of Planning. Engineer Mohammad Yaqub Lali was also a
Hazara and cabinet minister, 1967-69, Secretary of Public Affairs.
Abdullah Khan, who was like a prince (sardar-e Hazaras) in his
community, was chosen by King Zaher Shah as a member of the
Senate. He was in fact close to the King. Barat-Ali Khan was also
Hazara and quite influential in the National Bank.

STEREOTYPING PASHTUNS
A good historical novel usually depends on the authors ability to thoroughly
understand the history of the period he/she is covering. The following passages from
the novel will illustrate that Pashtuns are singled out and negatively impacted, which

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do cause injury to their reputation (defamation innuendo). Amir is the lead character
and narrator of the story.
a.

King Zaher Shah and Amirs father, both Pashtuns got behind the wheel of
their fathers Ford roadster. High on Hashish and mast on French wine, they
struck and killed a Hazara husband and wife on the road. (p. 24)

b.

The character Assef is Pashtun and a bully, who raped the Hazara boy
Hassan. Born to a German mother and Afghan father, the blond, blue-eyed
Assef towered over the other kids. He admires Hitler: About Hitler. Now,
there was a leader. A great leader. A man of vision. Assefs blue eyes
flicked to Hassan [the Hazara boy] and said: Afghanistan is the land of
Pashtuns. It always has been, always will be. We are the true Afghans, the
pure Afghans, not this Flat-Nose here. His people pollute our homeland, our
watan. They dirty our blood. Assef will ask the president [Prince
Mohammad Daud, the founder of the Republic of Afghanistan in 1973] to do
what the king[Mohammad Zaher Shah, 1933-1973] didnt have the quwat
[power] to do. To rid Afghanistan of all the dirty, kaseef Hazaras. (pp. 38-40).

c.

Assef brought Amir a birthday gift. It was a biography of Hitler.(pp.96-97)

d.

Assef, who became leader of Taleban, took Sohrab (son of Hassan) from
orphanage in Kabul and forced him to prostitution: How is that whore these
days? While Assef was present in his office, One of the guards pressed a
button and Pashtu [or Pashto is the language of Pashtuns] music filled the
room and Sohrab danced in a circle.(pp. 278-280)

e.

The Taleb with the whip shouted something in Pashtu.(p.272) Or the guard
said something in Pashtu, in a hard voice( p.279). Or One of the guards
said something in Pashtu(p.291).

The author tries to connect Taleban and Pashtuns through their language
Pashto and this way diminish and discredit the majority Pashtuns, succinctly to
dehumanize them. Dr. Hosseinis statements are embedded in social discrimination
based on basic psychological impulses of fear and Pashtun-bashing. The kind of
thinking which presents any ethnic or national group in terms of crude, unflattering
caricature, is undesirable and sloppy at best. Dr. Michael F. Connors.

CONCLUSIONS
Why is Dr. Hosseini, who belongs to a well educated family, involved in
Pashtun-bashing? He is originally a Sayed (honorific title used for male
descendants of the Islamic Prophet Mohammad.) However, his mother, grandmother
and great-grandmother are members of the ruling lineage of nobility (MohammadzaiPashtuns). So he is half Pashtun (Mohammadzai nobility) and half non-Pashtun.
Besides, Dr. Hosseinis aunt is the mother of Prince Mostapha Zaher, the grandson
of King Zaher Shah. But culturally Dr. Hosseini is a non-Pashtun, or apparently an
anti-Pashtun non-Pashtun. In 1973 Prince Mohammad Daud overthrew his cousin
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King Mohammad Zaher Shah, declared Republic and proclaimed himself the
president. The Pashtun faction of the leftist Peoples Democratic Party of
Afghanistan overthrew Daud and thereby ended once and for all the reign of the
Mohammadzai nobility. This might be one of the reasons why Dr. Hosseini (as the
privileged half) has taken revenge on Pashtuns collectivity. Culturally non-Pashtun
Dr. Khaled Hosseinis biography reveals that he had limited opportunity to expand
his knowledge of Afghan history. He feel[s] like a tourist in my own country (p.231).
Farid (a character) who escorted Dr. Hosseini to Afghanistan, told him: Agha
Saheb[Sir].You? Youve always been a tourist here in Afghanistan (p.232). To
transcribe Afghan terms, Dr. Hosseini uses in his novel Iranian Persian (Farsi)
pronunciation rather than Dari (Afghan version of Farsi) phonetic transcription. For
example, GharghaLake (p.13), Sabzi challow (p. 173), Maghbool (p.178), and
Topeh chasht (p. 245).Their Dari-Farsi pronunciations are: Qargha Lake, Sabzi
chalau, Maqbool, and Tope chast. Khaled Hosseini was born in Kabul,
Afghanistan in 1965. In the early 1970s he lived with his family in Tehran, Iran,
where his father worked for the Afghan embassy. In 1973, he and his family
returned to Kabul, and in 1976, Hosseini and his family moved to Paris, France,
where his father was assigned to the Afghan embassy. The Hosseinis were still in
Paris when the Soviet army invaded Afghanistan on December 25, 1979. The 15year old Hosseini, along with his family, left Paris for the United States of America,
where they arrived in the fall of 1980. From this, I can assume that Dr. Hosseini is a
victim of his superficial knowledge of the Afghan history. I am assuming that
Setam-e meli ideology was influential in his political socialization. Setam-e meli
(national oppression) looks like a class struggle, which is based on the alleged
oppression of non-Pashtun minorities by the Pashtun majority. The concept of
Setam-e meli originated in the former Soviet-Communist literature, and it influenced
the outlook of non-Pashtun leftists. The Soviet Union needed this ideology to divide
Afghanistan into north and south regions. The Soviet design was to integrate ten
Northern provinces into a submissive, civilized Socialist Republic of Afghanistan
and to merge the southern provinces into a resistant, less civilized Democratic
Republic of Afghanistan as a buffer zone for the defense of the civilized North. Who
would think that U.S. strategist Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski cannot learn from Soviet
Arbatov? The idea of dividing Afghanistan was also appealing to non-Pashtun
Ahmad Shah Masood, the leader of the Northern Alliance, who might have been
interested in establishing Masoodistan in Northern Afghanistan. This anti-Pashtun
mutation became intensified during the Soviet occupation (1979-1989), Parcham rule
(1980-1992) and during Masood-Rabani chaotic unholy victory (1992-1996). Dr.
Hosseini may have been influenced by the opinions, suggestions and/or guidance of
other Afghans. They could have used his historical-political inexperience and his
excellent writing skills for their own political-ideological orientation. Or presumably,
someone has co-opted his thinking? The Kite Runner by Dr. Hosseini is a biased
book. It is patronizing the Western audience and plays into war mongering. It is a
common feeling among Pashtuns that this novel participated in dancing to the drum
of Bushs war which was a virtue of supreme importance in the post -9/11 political
and cultural climate. The war party will move heaven and earth to make sure the
war, propaganda, collapse of mainstream media integrity, and the proliferation of
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doublespeak are working harmoniously. (See Cold War Fantasies: Film, Fiction, and
Foreign Policy by Prof. of Political Science Ronnie D. Lipschutz. Rowman &
Littlefield Publishers, October 2001).
Dr. Hosseinis
novel has
functioned successfully as a nonmilitary psychological operation in the
service of U.S. Congress-MilitaryIndustrial
Complexs
war
on
Afghanistan (October 7, 2001). Soon
after the U.S. troops conquered the
city of Kabul, I saw the then Secretary
of State Colin Powell on TV talking
enthusiastically about a boy whose
kite was flying in the sky of that city.
Powell might have been implying that
kite flying was symbolizing the
independence of Afghanistan under
the occupation of foreign troops.
For a comprehensive analysis of the
above novel, see my PashtunBashing in Kite Runner, in Sabawoon
Online,
Dawatfreemedia.com,
Larawbar.com

The writer is an independent scholar and holds a doctorate Degree in Political

Science.

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MY VILLAGE
Farid Gul
When I left my village years ago
I left nothing, but
a house, a village, her dark streets,
and
sweet memories.
But now
every house is a state
runs with its own principles and
dogmas
indoctrinated with gun powder.
And every street of my village
proudly parts
from the other streets of the village, as if
shares a brutal bitterness with others
or a history of bloodshed.
Here
nothing grows but sadness
and grief
here, my childhood cries to me
from the narrow streets of my village,
whose hearts
were bigger than Mars and Jupiter
to embrace once more, all
that I left years ago.

Farid Gul is based in London and can be reached at faridgul@hotmail.co.uk

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PUKHTANA PEGHLA
Feroz Afridi
Pukhtana peghla malala
Benazira be misaala

Pa tyaru ki bal mashaala

Swazidalu ki khushala

Maseeha wee da ghamjanu

Maseeha wee da badhaala

Da be wasu pa tandee paas

Da umeed da jabeen khaala

Da mayan da zra pa dashta

Laka parkha pashakaala

Nandaara da hussan zaro

Khaaista badre jamaala

Pa baadoonu da khazaan k
iDa sparleed da mastai taala

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Khpali khawri lara fakhar

Khpali jabi lara syala

Chi zawaal na laree dasi

Lazawaala bakamaala

Khudai warkaray chi seerat de

Khpal pradee di tri khushala

Da Pukhtun hussan pa ishq ki

Feroz hum paki lewaala.

Feroz Afridi hails from Khyber Agency and can be reached at feroz1@qatar.net.qa

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MAAT SHO QALAM ..!!

Imdad ullah Khyal
Maat sho qalam pa zra me Gham paate sho,
Nom me nemgarey da Sanam paate sho.
Za afsaane sta da zulmono lekam,
Waya ashna kom yo Sitam paate sho?
Teyarah da hijar da manzal na khkari,
Rana khpal yaar pa yo Qadam paate sho.
Zra me barbad kro da jehan ghamono,
Zama pa stargo ke tash Nam paate sho.
Janana sta da naakardo da lasa,
Maa na sta kor kale ao Cham paate sho.
Ta kho da rogh surat peghor rakawy,
Zargi zama qalam Qalam paate sho.
Hagha che ta ba tal khere kre warta,
Hagha be soka KHIYAL Karam paate sho.

Imdad hails from Charsadda and holds a Masters Degree in Pashto Literature. He is
based in Islamabad and can be contacted at imdad_5@hotmail.com

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KAKAJI SANOBER HUSSAIN- A REVOLUTIONARY POLITICIAN

Zar Ali Khan Musazai

Kakaji Sanober Hussain was a

great

hero

of

the

war

of

independence of sub-continent, a
fearless and committed politician, a
bold journalist and a good poet .He
spent most of his precious time
fighting against imperialists who ruled
India at that time. He was one of
those freedom fighters who struggled

to

to liberate India, mould the society,

give political education to the masses
and help the downtrodden and the
poor

and

was

having

clear

conscious heart and mind. He had a precious wealth of feelings for humanity and
was not satisfied with the man made class structure in society. He was a man who
did not believe in gods of color and race. It is true that he was basically a politician
par excellent but at the same time he was a poet of the Pashto language who had a
liking for other languages as well like Persian, Urdu and English. He believed that all
languages spoken in different parts of the world belonged to human beings and all
are to be given due respect and regard. Each and every moment of his life, he spent
for the service of his nation and entire humanity. He worked hard to promote Pashto
literature and culture.
Kakaji was a great statesman and an intellectual and men as great as he was,
are born once in centuries. He was born in January 1897 in a village named Kaka
wala situated about 8 kilometers south of Peshawar city on main Kohat road near
Badaber. He got formal education up to class 10 from Islamia High school Peshawar
city and adopted the profession of education, where he taught the children of lesser
gods. But he soon realized that his heart and mind were made for something
different and not what he was doing. He did not like to serve the government rather
wished to help his people and humanity from the atrocities and injustices prevailing
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in society at that time. He believed that man is born free and thus it is in his nature to
stay free. He loved freedom for all and wanted to live in an atmosphere free of the
shackles and fetters of slavery which had fastened the humanity. He wanted to see
the Sub-Continent free from the plundering and looting of the imperialists.
Consequently, Kakaji said goodbye to the profession of education and started taking
active part in the practical politics. He founded, Anjuman Zamindaran, in his own
village in 1926. When he noticed that farmers and poor growers were taking interest
in his work, he was greatly encouraged and moved towards the atmosphere of the
city to expand the sphere of his work. Doing politics in those times was not as easy
as we see today because there were no facilities of travelling and other
communication means. By the time kakaji was a young man and participated in a
movement called, Nojwanan Baharat Sabha, which wanted a direct action against
the English contrary to the decision of the congress committee. His participation
gave a new spirit and hope to the movement. Kakaji was put behind the bars by the
imperialists on the crime of patriotism and love for his people. When he was set free,
he was a changed man who had more spirit in his heart to serve his people and soil
with a new enthusiasm.
Feeling the need for more integrated and stronger political organization, he
started publishing a weekly from Peshawar namely, SILAB, which indeed proved to
be a flood for the enemies and motivation of the general public. So the English rulers
considered it dangerous for their government and confiscated the publication. Not
only the publication was banned but his arrest warrant was also issued. His aides
and comrades advised him to leave his home for tribal area. Kakaji accepted what
his friends advised. He found that Haji Sahib Turangzai was already there who was
busy working against imperialists to liberate his people and country from their
clutches. Kakaji accepted his allegiance and stayed there for almost 18 years
working for the movement of freedom. When in 1947, the English left sub-continent
and India was liberated while Pakistan was born, he came back to his home once
again from tribal territory and started publishing a monthly named ASLAM which was
a quality Pashto magazine. Besides, he laid the foundation of a literary organization
named Anjuman Olasi Adabi Jirga .This Anjuman brought a revolution in the world of
Pashto poem and literature and gave a new tradition of the open critic. This trend not
only promoted the poem but prose also. The magical personality of Kakaji attracted
the poets of all shades and languages towards him. There was no question of
religion, cast, creed, color and political affiliation among those who used to sit around
SAHAR

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kakaji. He was a social and political person, a writer and a man of principles and had
many books and writings to his credit. He wrote on social and political issues. Babae-Ghazal Ameer Hamza Khan Shinwari writes about Kakaji, He wanted to over
power the imperialist and exploitative forces and wished that poor laborers and
growers be considered as human beings. He neither bowed before any despot nor
was he impressed by any cruel man or system. He stood like rock before the cruel
and exploitative system and nothing could move him from his chosen path. He was a
determined and committed man to his cause. The most precious part of life was
spent in mountains and deserts. Kakaji was a strong and firm Pashtun. He loved
Pashto language and served it till the end of his life. Once I said to him, it is the right
time to take rest now: He replied that it is the sign of weakness and death. He had all
qualities that a Pashtun have concerning hospitality. Mir Mehdi Shah Bacha says
about him in these words: He was a great man and a revolutionary. His words had
love and attraction. His face had a smile all the time for every one. His talks were
sweet and one wanted to hear him more and more.
The great Pashtun nationalist politician and poet Ajmal Khattak says that
Kakaji was a living person and will live until the world exists as people like him never
die. Such people are alive in the hearts and minds of people. He was not only a
literary person but at same time he was a political leader and a reformer. Kakaji
believed that only change of faces would not work. Change of system is the real
thing which would solve the problems of the people. Condition of the poor can not be
changed until feudalism, capitalism and expolitation exists. If one likes to change the
fate of the poor then he will have to change the system of capitalism. Kakaji also
believed that rights can not be obtained by just demands and simple asking.
Kakaji Sanobar was an extra-ordinary human being and only one article is not
enough to describe his life and work. This great revolutionary politician, writer, poet
and intellectual departed for his eternal abode on January 3, 1963 in his village Kaka
wala and was buried there.
May Allah bless his soul: Ameen
The writer is the Chairman of Pashtun Democratic Council and can be reached at
pdc.org.pk@gmail.com

SAHAR

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Section 3 : Art, Culture & Entertainment

AFGHAN CARPET INDUSTRY

Azra Nafees

Afghanistan has always been the traditional manufacturer of Carpets and

rugs. However carpet industry and the export of carpets and rugs suffered badly
when the Taliban came to power. Most of the carpet weavers fled to Pakistan and
returned only after the Talibans were defeated.
Since there is an age old
tradition of carpet weaving in
Afghanistan

and

the

carpets

woven here bear certain richness

and uniqueness in designs, a
promising strategy should focus
on the promotion of high quality
carpets made in Afghanistan.
The increasing demand all over the world for Afghan carpets and rugs has
stimulated a lively interest in this time-honored craft. The Afghan carpet is among the
few products left in the world today that are still made entirely by hand and, for the
buyer, represents good value in
terms of beauty and durability. An
Afghan rug (or Afghan carpet) is
a

type

of

hand-woven

floor-

covering textile traditionally made

in

Afghanistan.

Many

of

the

Afghan rugs are also woven by

Afghan refugees who reside in
Pakistan and Iran. In any case,
Afghan rugs are genuine, often charming and usually phenomenally inexpensive.

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Most of the weavers in Afghanistan are the Ersari Turkmen, but other smaller
groups such as Chub Bash and Kizil Ayaks are also in the line of weaving rugs.
Various vegetable and other natural dyes are used to produce the rich colors.
The rugs are mostly of medium sizes.
Many patterns and colors are used, but the
traditional and most typical is that of the
octagonal elephant's foot (Bukhara) print, often
with a red background. The weavers also
produce

other

trappings

of

the

nomadic

lifestyle, including tent bags and ceremonial

pieces.
Most Afghan weavers make rugs that
are about the same as those they have woven
for decades. Weavers in Afghanistan have
contributed greatly to the rug renaissance.
The rug industry in Afghanistan, which had been shattered by the loss of
Afghan weavers, is recovering fast now. Other Afghans are remaining in Afghanistan
and doing the best they can to re-establish rug production. Some weave rugs in
Afghanistan and truck them to Pakistan for finishing and for export.
Types of Afghan Carpets
There are many names for the type of
weavings found in Afghanistan and Central Asia.
For example, in Herat and the Northern Turkmen
tribes an ensi (or engsi) is a rug designed to serve
as an internal tent door. It is called purdah (or
purdhu) in other parts of Afghanistan - all of them
referring to a door curtain or closure.
The wellknown types of Afghan rugs are
Berjasta, Nakhunak, laghari, adraskan, maimana,
mashwani, kilainu and killim. Afghan War-Rugs are of particular interest which are
getting more and more popular among the foreigners after the 9/11 attacks.
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The quintessential Afghan rug of the past fifty years is a wool-on-wool product
with a repeated octagonal figure (often inaccurately called elephants foot) on a red
field. In the trade it is called simply Afghan or Dulatabad. Afghan carpets are weaved

mostly in northern Afghanistan. A hundred years ago the guls (as the octagonal
figures are properly called) were large often 16 inches wide in bigger rugs. Guls
have become smaller over the years until today they most often are no more than
several inches across. As the guls have shrunk, so
has the range of colors in the rugs. Today most
Afghans contain only two colors: a rather bright red
and a blue so deep that it looks black. Still, Afghan
rugs have survived because they are basically so
appealing. They are still popular with Afghan
people, including the many who have emigrated to
the West.
One of the most exotic and distinctive of all
Oriental rugs is the Shindand or Adraskan (named
after neighboring villages), woven near Herat in
western Afghanistan. Strangely elongated human
and animal figures are their signature look.
Another staple of Afghanistan is Baluchi rugs, most notably Baluchi prayer
rugs. These rugs are made by Baluchi people, especially in western Afghanistan
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near Herat. Baluchi prayer rugs can be muddy-looking rugs in outlook. Virtually all
are made on wool foundations with synthetic dyes, and measure about 2 8 by 4 7.
The best pieces have lustrous wool, good body, balanced color, stable dyes, and
interesting designs.
There is a small quantity of finely knotted rugs on silk foundations in the
market, some with wool pile and others with silk. These are often called silk-warp

Mauri rugs. Mostly these pieces are made in the capital city of Kabul, but one line of
silk-warp Mauris is made in Dulatabad, designs with very small guls. Another line,
usually with a silk pile as well as a silk foundation, is in designs that suggest the
architecture of mosques.
A new genre of rug has appeared in the Afghan
carpet industry in the past fifteen years: the Afghan
War Rug. These rugs, which may be nearly of any
dimension but are usually prayer-rug size, depict
scenes from the everyday life of the Afghan people.
Sadly, of late that means scenes involving fighter
planes, helicopters, machine guns, troop transports,
and the like. Afghanistan's three decades of fighting
and insecurity have spawned a thriving "war rug"
business for an international clientele of military buffs
and soldiers. The carpets - which have moved from
Soviet-era imagery to U.S. and NATO insignia - are a reminder that even war is a
commodity in today's Afghanistan, where so many are trying to profit from the billions
pouring into the effort to stabilize the Taliban's birthplace.

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Afghanistan's history has long been recorded by its

largely uneducated people in stories and in carpets. When
Soviet tanks rolled into Afghanistan in 1979, traditional
woven scenes of hunters or village life gave way to
Kalashnikov rifles, fighter planes and helicopters.
One such carpet shows the capital of Kabul under attack
by planes and tanks. In another, a pattern of squat shapes
reveals itself to be lines of Soviet tanks. A third carpet
depicts a peaceful city scene, except for helicopters flying
overhead.
Some carpet sellers say the war rugs make a bigger statement about their
country. Even the World Trade Center carpet is hopeful because it marks the

moment when the world started paying attention to Afghanistan. Afghans don't buy
the war rugs, but these carpets are important to their history, one seller says.
Viewing these rugs is a deeply defamiliarizing experience: woven in with
traditional geometric patterns and imagery are helicopters, AK-47s, jets and fighter
planes, land mines, grenades, personnel carriers, computer monitors, skyscrapers
and other signs of Soviet and western culture's violent incursions into Afghanistan.
The weapons are usually rendered accurately enough that it's possible to identify

SAHAR

January 2010

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their specific models; the curator's comments indicate that there are no fictional
weapons in any of these rugs.
The miracle of these pieces is that weavers are able to incorporate bizarre
elements into them, such as machine guns, and still they still manage to look like
Oriental rugs! It is assumed that such production will be sporadic until conditions in
Afghanistan improve.
Another very popular type of rug is Afghan
Killim. Killims are a flat-woven fabric made of
wool.

The variety of weaving techniques, of

designs and colors is considerable, ranging from

the simple yet charming striped killims of the
Pasthun-speaking

kouchis

to

the

elaborate

Beloutch killims of subtle design, often with

decorative embroidery of great richness. The
different types of killims made in this region are
becoming very popular in Western markets, as
are those of woven by Uzbeks, Turkomans and
Hazaras in other areas of Afghanistan.
Afghanistan has always produced an
abundance of killims (flat-woven rugs) and still
does. One type is produced in enormous quantity:
the ubiquitous Maimana killim from the north
Maimana. Maimanas are woven in a slit-tapestry
weave, a type of killim weaving that leaves
characteristic small (up to three-quarters of an
inch) gaps or slits between areas where one color
leaves off and another begins. Their wool is
rather coarse. They come in most sizes, though
true 8 by 10s and 9 by 12s are rare. Maimanas
are phenomenally inexpensive but care should be
taken in choosing them for runny dyes, scratchy, lusterless wool and a loose weave
but by and large they have good body, clear, harmonious color, good wool, and a
pleasant aspect.
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Andraskan Afghan rug, about 3 by 6 ft, features peculiar, elongated human and
animal figures. Often their dyes bleed, so many of these rugs get spoiled with due
course of time.
Serapi rug is also popular as it is woven and finished in Afghanistan using
natural dyes and handspun wool.

Materials Used in Making Afghan Rugs and Carpets

The materials used for making tribal rugs are basically what these nomads
have at their immediate disposal: wool from their sheep which is used in the warp
and weft as well as the pile. Some tribes use goat hair for overbidding the sides
(selvedges) or rugs. Camel hair is especially prized for the field areas of prayer
carpets. When possible the sheep are driven into streams to wash them prior to
shearing. The wool is then sorted by color and quality and then combed and spun.
The wool is then dyed. One person generally spins one kilo per day.

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Dyes:

Natural dyes are still used, but since the 1950s pre-dyed wool yarn

(using synthetic dyes) readily found in the towns and villages are often substituted
for or combined with the natural dyes. The wild colors (some almost iridescent) often
found in many Afghan rugs are surely synthetics. In natural dying, the yarn is
presoaked in a fixing bath of alum, copper sulfate, ferrous sulfate, tin or urine. The
yarn is then transferred to a dye bath and soaked until the desired color is obtained.
The yarn is then washed and hung out to dry. Dying was usually done by the men.
Natural dyes fade beautifully and often show as uneven coloring (abrash). Abrash
(meaning speckled or marbled) is commonly the result of a weaver running out of
wool and having to dye another lot or buying a similar color from elsewhere. Abrash
in no way detracts from the value of a tribal carpet, but is a desirable characteristic of
a tribal weaving. Naturally dyed wool will fade right through whereas synthetic dyes
will fade only on the tips where the light hits it. A newer tribal carpet can be
"mellowed" by placing it in the direct sun for several days.
Natural dyes originate from the following materials:
Reds: Madder - Root of Madder Plant - (ranges from reds to orange and purple)
Cochineal: Produced from the female shield louse (Blue /red tone)
Lac Deep purple: From the excretions of a scale insect native to India Kermes.
From an insect which breeds on the Kermes oak
Blues: Indigo plant (Dyers Wood)
Black: Can be achieved by using a very dark blue or by use of a bath of tannic
acid, acorn cups, pomegranate skin, oak galls, and then adding to a bath iron
sulphate to make the color fast. This can produce a weakness in the black wool
which in carpets 50 to 100 years old can be seen as worn black areas where the
remaining pile is still fresh.
Yellow: Many sources including; Dyers weed; Saffron; wild chamomile; tanners
sumac; buckthorn; pomegranate tree; isperek (a flowering larkspur)
Green: Obtained from walnuts and olive leaves.
Brown:

Can be natural undyed wool or by dying with fresh or dried pods of the

walnut, oak guls or acorn cups.

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Looms: Tribal carpets are almost always done on the horizontal or ground loom.
This is due to the fact that the nomads rarely remain in one location for more than
two months. The horizontal loom can be easily dismantled and packed on an animal
to the new location and then staked out on the ground again.

The Writer hails from Dir and is a teacher trainer by profession. She holds Masters
Degrees in Economics, English and Education from the University of Peshawar. She
also edits a monthly online magazine SAHAR-The Voice of Pashtuns.

SAHAR

January 2010

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IRFAN KHAN REVEALED

(An Interview)

Irfan Khan (IK) was talking to the

Editor SAHAR (ES)
Irfan Khan Was born on May 5th
in Dubai, UAE where his father was
working in a Pakistani bank .He got his
early education in Dubai but later moved
to

Pakistan

continued

with

his

his

High

parents

and

schooling

in

Edwards College Peshawar. Irfan Khan

has a Bachelor Degree in Advertising
and

Publicity

Designing,

from

The

University of Peshawar, under his belt.

Irfan started his career in music
at a very tender age. He is an accomplished singer and musician with two successful
records to his name. Since his first solo song Faseley , Irfan Khan has become a
household name on the Pashto music scene.
SAHAR catches up with Irfan Khan and
peeps into his musical journey, new album,
media boom and a lot more.
Happy reading!!!
ES:

When you sang your first song, you

couldn't have predicted that much success.

What was your take on it at that time?
IK:

Well, thats true Azra.. I was very

much apprehensive and could never imagine

that audience will appreciate my work so much. I sang my first song for AVT Khyber
SAHAR

January 2010

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in 2004 and Allah has been very kind to me. That song was an instant hit and I was
so glad about it you cant imagine.
ES:

When did you realize that you had a talent for music? Which was your first

song?
IK:

I was in Matric (High School) when I sang my first song Faseley.

ES:

Is there anyone else from your family

in the music industry?

IK:

Smilingly.No, I am the only one in

this field so far.

ES:

Who were your biggest musical

influences?
IK:

Well, I had a freak for good music

since my childhood days and I used to sing

songs and Naats for my school shows and
functions. Later I started listening to singers
like Sonu Nigham, Mohammad Rafi, Nayara
Noor and many more. So I think these are a
few singers who left an impact and influenced me to try my luck in the music arena.
ES:

Like most young people, who become famous as performers start off with

their work quite early in life, you too took up singing quite early, how did it feel when
your dream came true as a successful glamorous singer?
IK:

Well, I would again say that I consider myself very lucky and blessed to have

achieved that much love and appreciation at such a young age. I really thank my
fans and audience who liked my work and made me reach a point where I am today.
ES:

When did you release your first solo album?

IK:

I released my first solo album in 2004, titled as "Brekhna.

ES:

How many albums have you recorded so far?

IK:

I have recorded two albums so far, and the latest has just been released

which is an Urdu Album, titled as Chouney Dey.

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January 2010

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ES:

Did you go out on any International Tour to promote your albums?

IK:

Yes, I have been to the USA and Malaysia for promoting my albums and

holding live concerts and shows. The title song for my latest album Chouney Dey
has been shot and picturised in the USA.
ES:

What exactly is the producers role in the

recording studio? Would you elaborate?

IK:

Well, a producer, I believe, is like a person

who sketches the outlines of a portrait and the

singer fills in the colours to make it appear lovely
and lively.
ES:
order

Which do you like doing the most? State in

-

Producing,

recording,

composing,

performing live?
IK: Humm okaycomposing, performing live,
recording, producing
ES:

Time has changed a lot since you started in the businesssignificantly

because of the internet. Has it helped or hindered the music profession in general?
IK:

Well, previously only TV and Radio were promoting artists talent and

potential, but now through internet, an artist can expose his talent to the world all
over which I believe is awesome.
ES:

Now I must ask you the age-old question. What does a young person, looking

to break into the business, need to realize his goals? Many aspiring singers have
talent but no links and contacts. How would you advise such a person who may be
reading this to proceed?
IK:

I personally believe that if a person is dedicated to his work and is passionate

to achieve his goal, he can make it to any heights. Moreover, true talent barely
needs any contacts and links to prove his capabilities. His talent shows him the way
through.

SAHAR

January 2010

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ES:

Do you have any plan to re-record / re-mix any of the archive songs?

IK:

I have already sung archive songs in my first album Brekhna, which were

greatly appreciated by my audience.

ES:

Your recent album Chouney Dey which is an urdu album, has created a lot

of controversy among your Pashtun fan club. Do you have anything to say to this?
IK:

Azra, I know this, but I personally

believe, music doesnt know and recognize

any ethnicity. We are committed to provide
entertainment to our listeners and that too
through music. So music is a global
language which everyone has the right to
listen to and enjoy.
ES:

How much loss have you suffered

so far due to the current situation in the

country? As many musicians were forced
to quit the singing profession or leave the
country for risk of their lives?
IK:

Well thats true that things in this

profession had been quite tough and hard

lately but Iam committed to my passion and have an extreme amount of love for my
homeland which gave me my identity and gave me wings to fly with. So leaving my
soil is out of question for me. I love my homeland more than anything else.
ES:

Pekhawar khu Pekhawar de kana (laughs)

IK:

Smilesyeah true.

ES:

Any particular song writer with whom you would like to collaborate?

IK:

No, Not any particular writer but I would love to sing subjective and mature

poetry.

SAHAR

January 2010

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ES:

You have recently recorded a number Janaan with Hadeeqa Kiyani. How

was the response?

IK:

Well, the response was really encouraging and I received lots of appreciation

from my fans and admirers

ES:

Which direction you think your career is taking you ?

IK:

Im glad that my career is leading me towards all these directions step by

step.
ES:

Any message you want to leave for your fans?

IK:

Thank you for your continued support and enjoy the new album.

ES:

Thank you Irfan for being with us

IK:

The pleasure is all mine.

SAHAR

January 2010

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EMERGING PASHTUN TALENT FROM WAZIRISTAN

Rafia Zakaria

Maria Toor Pakay, Pakistans

19-year old emerging squash star
challenged

every

stereotype

regarding the potential of her fellow

tribeswomen who languish in tents
awaiting aid. Young, determined
and undeterred by the unceasing
pressures of patriarchy, Toor is
beginning to compete in squash
championships

nationally

and

abroad.
These scenes are familiar to Pakistanis...the hordes of internally displaced
people from Waziristan fleeing in trucks and lorries; their bedrolls and possessions
tied up with ropes. The faces of women are nearly always invisible, covered in either
a burqa or chaadar. The stories by women also tell a tale of a seemingly
undifferentiated landscape of fear and terror. Most had never before left their homes
even to go to a market. Many do not know how to count currency to buy staples for
their large families and hardly any have ever had any access to health services. The
destitution of Waziri women at the hands of conflict has become one of the most
tragic catastrophes to affect Pakistan in recent years.
It was heartening therefore to see the narrative of woe challenged by a
woman who originated in the same culture and environment as the women
mentioned above. Maria Toor Pakay, Pakistans 19-year old emerging squash star
challenged every stereotype regarding the potential of her fellow tribeswomen who
languish in tents awaiting aid. Young, determined and undeterred by the unceasing
pressures of patriarchy, Toor is beginning to compete in squash championships
nationally and abroad. Recently, she had been nominated to Womens International
Squash Players Associations Young Player of the Year Award. Maria Toor Pakay,
originally from Waziristan, has already defied innumerable odds to be able to play.
Undeterred by the threats of the Taliban and refusing to submit to dogmatic
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interpretations of faith that denounce athletic competition, Toor has persevered in

her efforts to show Pakistanis and the world what indeed is possible if Pakistani
women are merely given the opportunity.
In a recent interview to a major Pakistani newspaper, Toor recounted the
many struggles she faces as a female athlete in a country that invests notoriously
little in athletes in general, let alone female athletes. Not only are the bureaucratic
governing institutions skeptical of the ability of young athletes to compete in
international competitions in general, they are even less likely to commit already
scarce resources to the uplift of womens sports. A variety of factors contribute to the
situation;

including

the

lack of political will to

stand

up

lobbies

to

that

eliminate

religious
want

to

womens

athletics from the public

sphere. Others in Maria
Toor

Pakays

cohort

complain of the lack of

facilities, lack of interest
in providing coaching to
female athletes and a
general lack of incentives to pursue sport in general. Toors own story substantiates
all of these factors, with one crucial difference that allowed her to rise above the fate
that sentences most girls of her heritage to silence and isolation. Her father, an
open-minded man, noticed his daughters abilities and realized early that her skills
would be wasted if they did not move to a larger city. It was the familys move to
Peshawar and the resultant training that Maria was able to receive there that
enabled her to transcend the usual constraints and become a competitive athlete.
Maria Toor Pakay is undoubtedly just at the beginning of her career and I,
along with women around the world, marvel at her ability to be undeterred by the
many obstacles facing her. Her courage and the challenges that face her represent,
in a microcosm, the potential and tragedy of Pakistani women. On November 5,
2009, an inside source within the Pakistan Squash Federation announced that it
would not be sending any young players to compete in the British Open Junior
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Squash Championship that was due to start in the upcoming weeks. The reasons
cited, expectedly, were lack of funds (the players have been told to go if they can
finance their own trips) and the fact that they had performed poorly in previous
championships. Because of this, no funds were being allotted to send the young
players and all, including Maria Toor Pakay, are expected thus to sit out the
competition.
The excuses are
not new and in their
circularity represent the
decrepit
sports

in

situation

of

general

and

particularly female sports

in Pakistan. The question
of

whether the young

players

are

not

good

because they are unable

to compete or whether
they

languish

behind

other nationals because

of their lack of exposure
to international competitions can perhaps never be answered. However, what can be
focused on is the urgent need of female role models like Maria Toor Pakay for
Pakistani women.
At a time when their very participation in the public sphere is in question; the
powerful image of a woman proud of her physical ability is an incredible call to arms
against intimidation. Her refreshing candor, earnest spirit and overt faith all combine
to create a young lady that represents a glimpse of all that Pakistani women, even
from impoverished areas, can be if they are merely given the chance.
It is undoubted that Pakistan is facing several crises right now, and arguments
or pleas before the government to put aside funds for sports is likely to meet
significant opposition. However, anyone having witnessed the indomitable spirit of
Maria Toor Pakay would attest to the reality that despite many pressing budgetary
concerns, the flailing image of Pakistan as a country of unabated repression
SAHAR

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unpunctuated by stories of survival and resistance must also be contended with. It is

precisely this illustration of the survival of spirit and the perseverance of Pakistani
women in the face of incredible adversity that the world needs to see.
Pakistani women inhabit perilous times; in the past few years they have borne
the brunt of the impact of conflict. Whether it is the burning of their schools, the signs
erected in markets prohibiting them from attending, the floggings in public squares or
the drastic increases in domestic violence, they have borne these inflictions on their
spirit without remonstrance. Maria Toor Pakay represents then the hardy courageous
flower that dares to bloom even in the most forbidding climate. Given the incredible
potential she has to provide much needed inspiration to millions of Pakistani girls,
she should be given the opportunity to represent Pakistan in the upcoming British
Open Junior Squash Championships.

Rafia Zakaria is an attorney living in the United States where she teaches courses
on Constitutional Law and Political Philosophy. She can be contacted at
rafia.zakaria@gmail.com

SAHAR

January 2010

53 | Page

ABOUT US
Welcome to SAHAR - The Voice of Pashtuns-a monthly publication that
commits to engage with the ever-evolving and increasingly significant paradigm in
ashtun thought and psyche transformation.
The need of SAHAR was felt due to the ever increasing misconceptions about
Pashtuns in the region and the criticality of the same in the development of various
stereotypes about Pashtun nation in general. SAHAR is an initiative to engage the
Pashtun intelligentsia and youth, both at home and in the Diaspora with the aim to
discuss Pashtun issues and contribute to a more informed debate on the Pashtun
question on both sides of the Durand Line. The Magazine also intends to provide a
forum to our youth to remain in touch with their culture, art and literature and at the
same time, to illustrate a softer image of the Pashtuns to the outer world.
On another level, and more importantly, it is of particular relevance to mention
that SAHAR aims to provide input to the policy and decision makers in the
public/private sector both at home and abroad by providing a more authentic and
indigenous debate and analysis on the various aspects of the crises currently being
faced in the region.
Finally, SAHAR will act as a platform to bring out the immense talent in our
youth and make them stakeholders in the debate with the long term aim of preparing
them for leadership role in the future.
It is our hope that the contributions in SAHAR will help burnish and restore the
credibility and essence of true Pashtun society while also proving useful to provide
input to policy making in the region.

SAHAR works in association with Aryana Institute for Regional Research and
Advocacy (AIRRA) in Pakistan and Pashtun Peace Forum ( PPF) Canada and PPF
(UK).

SAHAR

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GUIDELINES FOR ARTICLE SUBMISSION

SAHAR-The Voice of Pashtuns welcomes article submissions by all,

particularly Pashtuns, regardless of their age, location, creed, caste, as intend to
become the real Voices of Pashtuns. If you have an article you think would be
suitable for publication in SAHAR, please send an e-mail with the subject heading
Submission to the editor at editorsahar@gmail.com
Articles that adhere to the guidelines given below shall be considered for publication.
Please remember that SAHAR does not pay for submissions as we work as a
volunteer team.
Content

You can write on any subject that relates to Pashtun issues (ie Pashtun
history, politics, geo-politics, economy, society, current affairs and contemporary
issues, culture, war/peace, leadership, interviews of Pashtun celebrities, travelogues,
cuisine, art and heritage or anything that revolves around Pashtuns). If you want to
know first whether we would be interested in featuring your article before you write it,
e-mail your proposal to us at the given mailing address and we will be glad to
discuss it.
SAHAR seeks fact-based analysis and opinions but well-thought out views or
arguments that are well supported will have a much better chance of being featured.
If you source information used in your article, you must mention the source at the
end of the article or provide footnotes. Please facts check your work. Particularly if
your article is about something controversial, its best to provide sources to support
your assertions.
Format

Please attach articles as a Word document with your email. Please singlespace and do not indent. Type your articles in Aerial Style, Size12 font. Also send
photos if any with relevant captions. Submitted articles should be final drafts. Please
take care to proofread your own work before submitting it. If you think that your
English is not up to the mark, the editor will be happy to work with you provided
sufficient time is available.
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If the editor decides your article requires any kind of significant revision before
publication, you will be notified and given the opportunity to approve of any such
changes. Such revisions may include correction of factual statements, revisions for
grammar and readability, and changing the title to something likelier to draw more
readers attention or improve search engine optimization. Any proposed revisions are
intended only to improve the quality of each article.
Please include a short bio with your submission to let readers know a little
about you, just something brief to let people know who you are. You may also submit
a photograph of yourself that will appear with your bio.
Please let the editor know whether a piece is an exclusive submission or not,
and whether it has been published elsewhere previously (this will not affect the
consideration your article is given, but the courtesy is appreciated).
Deadline for receipt of articles
Articles should reach the editor by the 10th of each month. Your articles, after
due editing might find place in any of the upcoming issues depending upon the
quality and suitability of the articles. However, selection of articles for publication is
the sole discretion of the Editorial Board.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in articles published at SAHAR- The Voice
of Pashtuns are the respective authors own. Every effort is taken to ensure that
information published at SAHAR is factually accurate. However, SAHAR does not
accept any responsibility for submitted articles that are published on the website.
Under no circumstances shall SAHAR be held liable for the work of others for which
permission has been granted for publication at SAHAR.
Thank you for considering

SAHAR-The Voice of Pashtuns as an outlet for your

writing!

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All Rights Reserved

Except where otherwise indicated, entire contents are copyright@editorsahar

Feel free to distribute this magazine (in whole and for free) to anyone you want.
However you may not sell this magazine or its contents, nor extract and use more
than a paragraph of content in some other publication without the permission of the
Editor in Chief. Published monthly in PDF. Visit us at

http://khyberwatch.com/Sahar
( For downloading or viewing )
And
http://www.airra.org/analysis/SaharSeptemberfinaldoc.pdf

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