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1. Introduction
Over the last few decades the study of Sephardic communities has become
more popular, especially in the fields of Jewish and Romance Studies. The
growing interest in the history and language of Sephardic Jews has not
solely been limited to the traditional and well-known cultural centres of
Sephardic Jewry, for example the former Ottoman Empire (for example
Benbassa and Rodrigue 2000) or Northern Europe (for example Bodian
1997; Kaplan 2000). In the recent past, smaller, although no less significant
and thriving Sephardic communities such as the (historic) Sephardic community of Vienna, have taken centre stage in several studies (for example
Eugen 2001; Kaul 1989), exhibitions1 and symposia.2
This paper presents a study on the constitution and consolidation of
Sephardic identity in relation to a diasporic experience. Its aim is to highlight another aspect of Sephardic Jewry that goes beyond the study of
Sephardic history and language, namely the notions of Sephardic diaspora
and identity in Vienna in the context of the late 19th century and early 20th
century. Animated by these objectives, the mechanisms responsible for the
emergence of Sephardic identity shall be brought to light. Furthermore, this
paper will also highlight how an experience of diaspora, as well as other
Notes on Romanisation: Hebrew expressions will be romanised according to the transcription system published by the Academy of the Hebrew Language in 2012. Arabic will
be romanised according to the system developed by the American Library Association
and the Library of Congress (ALA-LC Romanization).
1 See the exhibition Die Trken in Wien organised by the Jewish Museum of Vienna
(2010) and the Jewish Museum Hohenems (2011) about the Turkish-Israelite Community
of Vienna, website: http://www.jmw.at/de/exhibitions/die-tuerken-wien-geschichte-einerjuedischen-gemeinde (accessed January 2, 2014).
2 See the conference Sefarad an der Donau organised by Michael Studemund
Halvy at the Austrian Academy of Sciences (June 26, 2011 June 29, 2011), website:
http://www.oeaw.ac.at/vk/detail.do?id=92 (accessed January 2, 2014); see also Studemund-Halvy, Leibl and Vuina 2013.
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congregation in almost every major city of the Ottoman Empire,4 for example in Constantinople, Izmir (Smyrna), Sarajevo, Belgrade, Bitola (Manastr), Sofia, Plovdiv (Filipopolis/Filibe), Edirne (Adrianopolis/Ordin),
Rhodes, Jerusalem, and Safed, to name but a few, but also in other territories that where strongly affected by the Ottoman Empire and its expansion
politics (Daz-Mas 1992: 39). For instance, after the Treaty of Belgrade had
been signed between the House of Habsburg and the Sublime Porte in 1739,
Ottoman citizensincluding the Ottoman Jewssuddenly had the opportunity to trade and to move freely within Austria and its crown lands (Seroussi 1922: 148). This is the reason why Sephardic Jews could also establish congregations within the Austro-Hungarian Empiremost prominently
in Viennawhich were smaller in size but no less influential and important
than the affiliated communities in the Ottoman Empire.
Together with their Jewish faith, the Iberian expellees also took their
Spanish language, culture and customs with them. It is difficult to tell what
kind of language the medieval Jewry spoke before the great expulsion;
however, outside the Iberian Peninsula the development of Djudezmo,5
which is also known as Judeo-Spanish (Djudeo-Espanyol 6 ), Djidio, 7
Ladino 8 or simply (E)spanyol, 9 can be reconstructed quite accurately.
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53
cially for newspaper headlines and book titles and for religious texts with
masoretic vowels (Daz-Mas 1992: 99). In major Sephardic centres the
Rashi script was used to print books and newspapers until the 1920s (Turkey) or even until World War II (Salonika) (Harris 2005: 101). Also the
Judeo-Spanish text, which will be discussed later on in this paper and which
shall shed light on the constitution of Sephardic identity in Vienna, was
mainly printed in Rashi characters. However, in the course of the modernisation of the societies in which Sephardic Jews were living and through
acquaintance with other languages like French, Italian, Turkish and Spanish
at the turn of the 20th century, other writing and printing systems had been
adopted. In most cases it was the Latin script (for example in Turkey14), but
in others the Cyrillic alphabet (in Bulgaria and Serbia) or the Greek writing
system was adopted (Bunis 1992: 400-401). Today, many speakers of
Djudezmo no longer know how to read the Rashi script and the few texts
produced in this language are usually published in Latin characters (DazMas 1992: 95, 99-100). One of the most popular transliteration systems for
displaying Judeo-Spanish in Latin script nowadays is the graphic system
developed by Aki Yerushalayim (Revista Kulturala Djudeo-Espanyola), 15
one of the few remaining Judeo-Spanish periodicals published in Israel.
This graphic system is also used in the present paper in order to transliterate
Judeo-Spanish when originally printed in Rashi script. 16 For the sake of
convenience and comprehensibility, Hebrew square characters (... , ,),
instead of Rashi letters (... , ,), will be used for displaying original
phrases in Judeo-Spanish. Further, quotations in Djudezmo will be translated into English, whereas the German quotations will remain untranslated.
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the 1960s and the following discursive turn in the early 1980s, discourse
analysis has become a popular methodological choice within most disciplines of the humanities and social sciences in order to study how our language use and [other] modes of representation fundamentally affect and
shape our understandings of reality and our constructions of meaningful
worlds (Moberg 2013: 4). Also in the fields of the Study of Religions discourse-analytical approaches have more and more frequently been applied
over recent years (see Wijsen 2013: 1-3), simply because such approaches
not only provide new perspectives on religious phenomena as such but also
because they offer new ways of (re-)evaluating and (re-)interpreting the
research material, namely the primary and secondary sources at our disposal. In this regard discourse analysis also turns out to be a very useful tool
for examining certain aspects of religion and religious communities, such as
topics dealing with religious and cultural identity.
The term discourse was coined by Michel Foucault (1969) who used it
in order to refer to representations (for example, representations constructed
through language) which are responsible for our understanding of reality.
Foucaults aim was to reveal the continuing effects that discourses have on
modern society and culture (Moberg 2013: 7). However, by now other definitions of discourse have been developed, as for example that of Stuart
Hall who is especially interested in empirically exploring the function of
discourse in relation to certain social phenomena (such as religion, for example) (ibid.: 9). According to Hall, discourses have to be seen as
ways of referring to or constructing knowledge about a particular topic of
practice: a cluster (or formation) of ideas, images and practices, which provide ways of talking about, forms of knowledge and conduct associated with
a particular topic, social activity or institutional site in society (Hall
1997: 4).
However, it has to be acknowledged that there is not just one single definition of discourse but a large variety of definitions. As Marcus Moberg
points out, it is not only impossible to find an all-purpose definition of
discourse but even undesirable since the particular concept of discourse
has to be understood in the context of [its] particular piece of research
(Moberg 2013: 9).
Such an openone might even say volatiledefinition of discourse
makes this concept especially attractive for the Study of Religions which to
some extent has always had trouble in defining its own topic of research.
Thus, since there is no such thing as a neutral or innocent (unschuldige)
theory defining religion, Hans G. Kippenberg and Kocku von Stuckrad
suggest that we should think of religion rather as a discourse or a field of
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3. Imagining Sepharad
As mentioned above, this analysis of Sephardic group identity is largely
based on the theoretical approaches of Benedict Anderson. His reflections
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Although Anderson had primarily developed this definition in order to analyse the mechanisms behind nation-building and the emergence of modern
nation states, he did not want to have this concept solely understood as an
exclusive model for the definition of the nation. As a matter of fact, quite
the contrary is the case as he adds that indeed [...] all communities larger
than primordial villages of face-to-face contact (and perhaps even these) are
imagined (ibid.). Furthermore, he puts much emphasis on the need not to
distinguish communities by their falsity/genuineness, but rather by the
style in which they are imagined (ibid.).
According to Anderson, religious groups follow similar rules and
mechanisms in order to imagine themselves as communities (ibid.: 12-19).
Thus, adapting Andersons considerations, we may easily conclude that
Sephardic communities also have to be understood as imagined communities, and therefore as constructed entities, imagined by people who perceive themselves as a group. However, the style in which Sephardic communities are imagined may differ according to certain contexts. This comes
most clearly into focus when having a closer look at terms such as
Sephardic, as well as Sepharad. In fact these terms turn out to be rather
eclectic and their meaning has changed over the course of time. To give an
example, the Biblical Sepharad is believed to be identical to the city of
Sardes, capital of the ancient kingdom of Lydia in Asia Minor (see Obadiah
1:20). In the Latin Bible, however, Sepharad was translated into
Bosporus. It was only in late Antiquity that this term became identified
with Spain or the Iberian Peninsula and although the modern Hebrew term
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today designates the modern country of Spain, for many Sephardic Jews it
has remained a rather volatile term, which was even expanded to the diaspora communities outside the peninsula as soon as the Iberian Jews were
forced to leave their homeland. So, although today the term Sepharad usually stands for Spain or the Iberian Peninsula, the term Sephardic Jewry
usually refers to Jewish diaspora communities in North-Western Europe
(for example Amsterdam, London, Hamburg), in Southern Eastern Europe
(the Balkans), in North Africa (for example Morocco), in the Middle East
(for example part of the old-established Jewish community of Jerusalem)
and even in the Americas (for example in the Caribbean and the Guianas).17
Despite the epochal changes, caused by the uprooting of the Iberian Jewry
in the late fifteenth century, the Iberian Peninsula should remain an important point of reference for the identity and the heritage of Sephardic Jews.
However, some semantic changes to the term have occurred since the time
Jews who continued to practice their faith left the peninsula. By presenting
an example from 1775 Salonika, David Bunis expounds that after the expulsion from Spain and Portugal the term Sepharad could also refer to loci
other than the Iberian Peninsula:
Sephardim in the Ottoman Empire occasionally referred to their language as
lan de Sefara [sic] language of Sefarad without necessarily identifying
Sefara [sic] with Spain, since the term had come to denote any region inhabited by Sephardim, such as the Ottoman Empire (Bunis 2008: 421).
These examples shall only make us aware of how the meaning and the use
of the term Sepharad began to change according to the new circumstances
in the diaspora. Consequently, this term also became used for the new lands
inhabited by Sephardic Jews after the gerush sepharad , which is
the Hebrew term for the expulsion from Spain (1492) and Portugal (1497).
Being aware of the great consequences that the gerush entailed for the history of Sephardic Jews, Max Weinreich (18941969) proposed to think
about Sephardic history in two stages: the history of Jews in Sepharad I,
which refers to a period from the earliest Jewish settlements on the Peninsula up to the end of the fifteenth century, and in Sepharad II, referring to
the history of the diaspora communities which were established outside the
Peninsula after the expulsion (in the Ottoman Empire, North Africa etc.).18
17 The first Jewish settlements in the New World were, in fact, established by Dutch
Jews of Portuguese descent (see Arbell 2002 and Gonsalves de Mello 1996).
18 Here, Weinreich employs a terminology he has already used for describing the
history of Ashkenazi Jews, by dividing it in Ashekenaz I for the time when most Yiddishspeaking Jews resided in German-speaking lands (for example the Rhineland), and Ashkenaz II for describing the period of Ashkenazi Jews after many of them had moved to
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Based on Weinreichs model, another term has since been created in order
to refer to the Sephardic communities now living outside Sepharad I and
Sepahrad II, a result of the dispersions, re-settlements and migrations of
Sephardic Jews in the nineteenth and twentieth century, for example to the
United States or Israel. Thus, this secondary dispersion can be referred to as
Sepharad III (mid 2002: 114n1).
Such a conceptualisation of space very much resembles Edward Saids
notion of imaginative geography which depends, above all, on knowledge
(for example of ones own imagined history) and power (for example a
hostile or exclusive outside force). According to Said (1979: 54-55) geographic boundaries are always accompanied by social, ethnic and cultural
ones which, in the end, are all imaginative.
Finally, it also has to be mentioned that especially today the term
Sephardic Jewry does not necessarily have to designate Jews whose ancestors actually lived on the Iberian Peninsula or who still speak Djudezmo.
Since the term Sephardic is also frequently used for referring to Oriental
Jewish communities who conform to the Sephardic minhag , that is, a
religious custom or tradition, it can also designate Jews of, for example,
Iraqi, Moroccan, and Central Asian descent or even any non-Ashkenazic
Jew. As such, we can conclude that in order to perceive themselves as a
community, Sephardic Jews necessarily had and still have to imagine
themselves as a group of people, by fixing the meaning of the term
Sephardic either to a common origin, common religious customs and laws
or a common vernacular language, just to name a few current examples.
Consequentlywhatever definition is chosenthere will always be individuals who will drop out of a particular definitional framework.
As a matter of fact, this observation is definitely verifiable when looking
at Viennas Sephardic communities now and then. While only a hundred
years ago being Sephardic in Vienna meant, first and foremost, being a
speaker of Djudezmo and having roots in South-Eastern Europe or the former Ottoman Empire, todays Bucharan Jews who emigrated to Vienna in
the 1980s and 1990s naturally define themselves as Sephardic Jews too
because they confirm to the Sephardic minhag which was introduced in that
community about two hundred years ago (Labudovic 2009). Such a definition, however, might be rejected by other Sephardic Jews who exclusively
use the term Sephardic for referring to Jews of Spanish or Portuguese heritage and who actually speak or spoke Judeo-Spanish (Lvy 2005). The
rejection of Jews who merely confirm to the Sephardic minhag but who
parts in North Eastern Europe, predominantly inhabited by Slavic peoples (Weinreich
1973: 100).
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languages or dialects that have been unsuccessful (or only relatively successful) in insisting on their own print-form (ibid.: 45).
Of course, print, as theorised by Anderson, should be understood as a
shibboleth. A similar cultural impact was precipitated, as Anderson maintains, by the invention of the radio in 1895 which made it possible to bypass print and create an aural representation of imagined communities,
thus also reaching people who were neither able to read nor write (ibid.:
54n28). As for the present, we can even conclude that new technologies,
such as the internet and social media, not only create virtual spaces but, in
fact, virtualimaginedweb communities. In this regard, Michal Held
(2010), who researched two popular Internet platforms frequently used by
Sephardic Jews all over the world, calls such virtual spaces Digital HomeLands which make it possible for a dispersed community to find common,
however imagined, ground. Here, we also become aware of the fact that
whenever we are talking about Sephardic communities, we are actually
dealing with diasporic communities which all happen to share some characteristic features.
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Regarding the nature of diasporic communities, Stuart Hall in his Cultural Identity and Diaspora (1990) arrives at another important conclusion,
namely that although most narratives circulating within diasporic communities suggest a pure identity pegged onto a single origin (Sepharad, the Holy
Land etc.), actual diasporic communities are not hallmarked by purity but
by hybridity (ibid.: 235). This means that the maintained boundaries are
rather permeable, creating new complex, multi-layered, syncretic, creole
societies. These communities, thus, are by far not as homogeneous and
pure as the popular narratives might at first suggest. In fact, by having a
closer look at popular narratives, its authorship, as well as the historical
circumstances, the hybrid character of these communities in question comes
into focus. The foundational myth of the Sephardic community of Vienna
serves as a good example in order to highlight the identity establishing
dynamics within diasporic societies that have been outlined so far.
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accommodation in his palace while visiting Spain together with her father
Charles VI (16851740) several years ago. Summarily, dAguilar and his
mother decide to seek refuge in Vienna; however, according to the German
version of the legend his mother Sarah dies during the journey, never reaching the Austrian capital. On reaching his destination dAguilar goes to see
Maria Theresa, begging her to let him and several other refugees from Spain
stay in her realm. Of course the Empress immediately recalls their former
Spanish host, and kindly invites him to stay as her guest in Vienna. Gladly
accepting her offer, dAguilar becomes an influential court Jew and the
leaseholder of the imperial tobacco monopoly. Using his great influence at
the court, Baron dAguilar becomes a patron of the Jews in Vienna as well
as of those in the entire Austro-Hungarian Empire. For example in lieu of a
synagogue, he offers a room in his own house to the first Sephardic immigrants from the Ottoman Empire in Vienna in order to provide a place of
worship for them. Furthermore, he donates two sets of rimonim , that
is, torah crowns, with an engraving of his name to the Sephardic congregations of Vienna and Temeswar (Timioara in modern Romania), the latter
also being blessed by his patronage. One day, when dAguilar learns about
a secret plan that all Jews shall be expelled from the Austrian territories, he
and one of his friends seek to confound this scheme by sending a letter to
the Sultan in Istanbul. Promptly the Sultan sends back a letter personally
addressed to Maria Theresa in which he tries to convince the Empress to
renounce her plans of expelling the Jews from her realms. Concerning this
affair, Zemlinskys original version and Papos alleged translation differ
from each other. While in the German version Maria Theresa gladly accedes to the Sultans petition, refraining from her plans to expel the Jews
from Austria, the Judeo-Spanish text renders a rather more unkind picture
of the Empress. Although in the Djudezmo version Maria Theresa also
ultimately decides to spare the Jews, dAguilar decides to flee Vienna because he suspects that the anti-Jewish Empress knows about his eager intervention. In the German version, however, other reasons are said to have led
to the heros prompt departure, namely that the Spanish Inquisition has
finally gained knowledge of dAguilars residency in Austria and, moreover, of his return to Judaism, wherefore his immediate extradition is demanded in order to put him on trial for apostasy. Be that as it may, in both
versions it is pointed out that dAguilar essentially leaves without a trace.
According to Zemlinsky and Papo, nobody knows for sure about his final
destination; some say he might have gone to Amsterdam, while others believe he may have found refuge in Bucharest (the latter is only mentioned in
the German version). In remembrance of and in reverence for his generosity
and advocacy the Sephardim of Vienna and Temeswar consider him the
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Here we see that the authors initially declare that their version of Diego
dAguilars legend is actually based on a popular fable. In so doing, they
seem to admit that their account might not resemble the true historical facts,
which does not seem to disqualify the legend from being adopted as the
official story of the foundation of the Sephardic community of Vienna.
21 The legend was published in the magazine Luzero de la Pasiensia in Severin
(Romania) under the title El estabilimento de la onorada Comuna Spagnola en Viena,
trezladada del ebraico conteniendo la beografia del Baron Diaga [sic] de Aguilar. Interestingly, it was not printed in Rashi but is in Latin script (Studemund-Halvy and Collin
2013: 244, 263-278).
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Even at this early stage we see that Ludwig August Frankl, the author of the
first known printed version, was not quite sure about the veracity of the
story, even though his informant was none other than the rabbi of the Sephardic community of Vienna:
Es ist offenbar, da uns hier Dichtung und Wahrheit innig ineinanderverschlungen entgegentreten, da aber selbst der Dichtung wirkliche Thatsachen, nur poetisch ausgeschmckt, zu Grunde liegen mgen (Frankl 1856b:
658).
Indeed, the legend of Diego dAguilar should not be taken as merely the
invention of its authors or their informants; actually it is based on several
historical facts. However, while Zemlinsky and Papo did not make any
attempt to prove its historical authenticity, Frankl, on the other hand, provided a range of historical data that draw a more authentic picture of
dAguilars life. For example, Frankl found out that dAguilars decision to
leave Vienna was based on economical rather than other considerations
because his contract for holding the Austrian tobacco monopoly ended in
1748. By then, his business had already been greatly weakened by foreign
ambassadors who had repeatedly tried to bypass his monopoly (Frankl
1856b: 659). Zemlinskys and Papos assumptions that dAguilar withdrew
from Vienna because he was afraid of Maria Theresas vengeance (in the
Judeo-Spanish version) or because the Spanish government had ordered his
extradition in order to hand him over to the inquisition (in the German version) seem to be no more than fictional literary elements. Particularly, the
fact that the authors offer two slightly different endings gives evidence that
they treated the source material at their disposal rather creatively in order to
serve different aims and maybe also a different readership. Obviously the
authors were eager to let Maria Theresa appear in a much more humane and
neutral light in the German version (Kaul 1989: 59), not least because this
version would address a much larger readership, including non-Jewish Austrian officials. These officials eventually could have interpreted the JudeoSpanish accounts of affairs as a lse-majest since the reputation of already
defunct rulers of the House of Habsburg was protected by a law in the Austrian Imperial penal code (cf. Strafgesetz of 1852: 64; Czech 2010: 62,
69).
When it comes to dAguilars mysterious flight, Frankl already ascertained that Diego dAguilar had not merely disappeared as the legend suggests but, in fact, he left Vienna in order to return to his house in London
which also indicates that dAguilar must have lived in England before he
settled down in Vienna (ibid.). Even Ruben Barukh, the rabbi from whom
Frankl had learned about the story in the first place, mentioned that
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dAguilar had reached Vienna via England (Frankl 1856a: 632) and not
directly from Spain Papo22 and Zemlinskys version suggests.
Frankls original assumption that dAguilar had gone to England after
having left Vienna was ultimately confirmed by a letter from his friend
Josef von Wertheimer (18001887), an Austrian Jewish philanthropist,
whom Frankl had asked to investigate the traces dAguilar must have left in
London. In his letter von Wertheimer quotes a short extract from a book
about the biography of dAguilars son, Ephraim Lpes Pereira dAguilar
(17391802), also including some information about his father:
Baron Diego de Aguilar war in Lissabon geboren, das er ungefhr 1722 seiner Religion wegen verlie. Er kam nach England und ging im Jahre 1736
nach Wien, wo er Pchter des Tabakmonopols wurde. Er war ein Liebling
der Kaiserin Maria Theresia. Im Jahre 1756 kehrte er nach England zurck
mit seiner Familie, die aus zwlf Kindern, Shnen und Tchtern, bestand. Er
starb im Jahre 1759 unermelich reich (Frankl 1856b: 661).
In another letter that Ludwig August Frankl received from his friend, Josef
von Wertheimer almost revokes the information that he had communicated
before by stating:
Es existiert kein Abkmmling von Baron Diego de Aguilar. Seine Grabschrift ist verlscht, und es wrde nicht unerhebliche Kosten verursachen,
sie zu entziffern. Andere Nachforschungen waren vergeblich (ibid.).
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dAguilar family in the same record gives evidence that Moses Lopes
Pereira Baron Diego de Aguilar came to London from Vienna in the year
1756. It also informs us that his last will dates 5 August 1759, that he was
born in 1700 and that he finally passed away in the month of August in
1759 and was laid to rest on 17 Av 5519 (10 August 1759) at Mile End.24
Moreover, the above mentioned initials S.A.G.D.E.G. on his tomb give
evidence of his Portuguese origin, since this is an acronym written on many
grave stones of Portuguese Jews, standing for Sua Alma Goza da Eterna
Gloria (his/her soul attains eternal glory) (Arbell 2001: 304). At this point
it is also worth mentioning that the authors of Diego dAguilar's legendary
account also misrepresent the facts about the fate of his parents. While the
legend recounts that dAguilar arrived in Vienna without his family, Felicitas Heimann-Jelinek (1991: 28) informs us that both his mother (Sarah
Peryrea) and his father25 (Abraham Lopez di Pereyra) were buried in Vienna at the Jewish cemetery in Roau (Seegasse), together with two of his
children and his brother in law.26
Putting all the evidence together, Ludwig August Frankl was right in assuming that Diego dAguilar did not just mysteriously disappear after having left Vienna but, in fact, moved back to London where he had come from
before settling down in Vienna. Through Josef von Wertheimers letter and
the genealogical data from London we also learn that dAguilars roots did
not lie in Spain, as the legendary accounts suggest, but in Portugal. Owing
to his committed investigations, Frankl could even provide more evidence,
proving dAguilars Portuguese provenance. By consulting the K. and K.
Ministry of Internal Affairs, as well as several other archives in Vienna,
Frankl (1856b: 657) not only found out that dAguilar was entrusted with
the creation of the tobacco monopoly by the order of Emperor Charles VI in
1725 (thus, not by Maria Theresa) but that dAguilars father had been a
successful businessman who was responsible for the establishment of the
tobacco trade business in Portugal. The precise motive for Diego
dAguilars departure from Portugal and his immigration to England remains unclear. The fact that he already bore a Portuguese title of nobility
when leaving Lisbon and that he was conferred with the title of Baron (Don
24 Genealogical Record in: Colyer-Fergusson Collection in the Society of Genealogists Library, London, UK; see Appendix, Figure 2.
25 The death of dAguilar's fatherwho allegedly died in Spainis only mentioned
in Michael Papos version of the legend but not in Adolf von Zemlinskys which, once
again, indicates that Papos Judeo-Spanish version is not a word-by-word translation of
Zemlinsky.
26 See also Wachstein (1917: 216-217, 278-280, 311-317); Studemund-Halvy
(2010c).
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Lukcs is very much aware of the fact that myths are an essential ingredient
for the consciousness of an entire community. Florian Krobb who analysed
29 (1) the legend, (2) the ethnic tale, (3) the fairy tale, (4) the novella and (5) the humorous tale (Alexander-Frizer 2008).
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Again, we have to keep in mind that in this context attributions, such as true
or false, are absolutely irrelevant for the formation of an identity,32 so we
may not conclude that historical legends are per se mere inventions, which,
for example, is definitely not true for the legend of Diego dAguilar as has
been noted on various occasions. Hence, even though many aspects of a
historical hero are imagined rather than actual proven facts, Lord Reglan, an
independent scholar who developed an influential model of the evaluation
of mythological heroes, reminds us
[...] that imagination is not the faculty of making something out of nothing,
but that of using, in a more or less different form, material already present in
the mind. We must conclude, then, that those who composed the traditional
stories [] applied, in a more or less modified form, [other] stories which
they had heard in a different but not dissimilar connection. We fail to explain the origin of these stories unless we trace the materials from which
they were composed (Reglan 2003 [1956]: 208).
In fact, there is no doubt that the creators of Diego dAguilars legend were
heavily influenced by popular marrano33 novels which had been published
throughout the nineteenth and into the early twentieth century. Daz-Mas
(1992: 174-175) names several Sephardic novels and theatre plays that
almost exclusively deal with themes such as the persecution of marranos or
the unscrupulous methods of the Inquisition. Popular novels representing
that typical view of Sephardic Jews towards inquisitorial Spain hold titles
such as La judia salvada del convento (The Jewish Woman Saved From the
Convent), Don Miguel San Salvador (About a Convert), La Hermosa Rahel
(A Story about Marranos of Portuguese Origin); among theatre plays there
were Don Yosef de Castilla, Don Abravanel i Formosa o Desteramiento de
los djudios de Espanya (Don Abravenel and Formosa or Exile of the Jews
from Spain) and Los marranos: Senas de la vida djudia myentres la
inkizisiyon espaniola (The marranos: Scenes from Jewish Life during the
Spanish Inquisition). The latter short play was published by T. Yaliz, also
known as Alberto Barzilay, in Salonika in 1934 and is about a convert by
the name of Don Miguel who became an inquisitor, persecuting Elena, a
Jewish woman who turns out to be his own mother. Studemund-Halvy and
Collin (2013: 245) suggest that the author of this play might have been
inspired by the popular legend of Diego dAguilar since the two plots very
32 [...] Communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by
the style in which they are imagined (Anderson 2006: 6).
33 The conversos, or new Christians, in medieval Spain were also called marranos
(swines) or tornadizos (turncoats) which were expressions of resentment and contempt on
behalf of the old Christians (Kaplan 2012: 138).
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much resemble each other. At any rate, similar plots frequently reappear in
many Judeo-Spanish novels throughout the nineteenth century (Daz-Mas
1992: 175). These stories typically feature basic themes like denunciation,
persecution, separation from ones family, education in a Christian convent,
torture and Auto-da-f tribunals34 and sometimes even a miraculous rescue
and an escape to safe havens in cities such as London or Amsterdam. Usually these stories were adaptations from French, Hebrew or German novels
translated into Judeo-Spanish (Studenmund-Halvy 2010b). However, we
must not forget that these novels are based upon true historical events on the
Iberian Peninsula. Even before the expulsion it was not uncommon that
confessional fractures ran through the same family: while some family
members converted to Christianity, others remained true to their old faith
(Bossong 2008: 48). We may conclude that such incidents somehow became part of the collective cultural memory of Jews after the expulsion. The
same holds true for the conversos whoby virtue of being persecuted at the
hands of the Inquisitiongradually turned into mysterious and heroic figures that later became the protagonists of thrilling novels and even historical
legends, such as the one about Diego dAguilar (Krobb 2002: 25). So, although most historical legends are, in fact, based on historical events, Alexander-Frizer (2008: 223) outlines that historical legends themselvesor
rather their authorschoose the facts and the manner of their presentation
in accordance with a certain goal. This goal, following Hall (1992: 294295), is the formation of a foundational myth which helps disfranchised
or uprooted peoples to conceive and express their resentment and its contents in intelligible terms (Hobsbawm 1983: 1) by providing an alternative
history or counter-narrative (ibid.).
Returning to Krobbs concept of collective and wishful autobiographies,
another factor concerning this model seems worth discussing in detail,
namely the projection of contemporary sentiments into the past. By taking a
closer look at the biographies of Adolf von Zemlinsky and Michael Papo
and also at their social and historical environment, we learn a lot about their
version of Diego dAguilars legend; for instance, why the two authors
decided to publish their version of the legend in this particular way and not
another.
34 An Auto-da-f (act of faith) was a public inquisitorial show trial against heretics
(including Judaisers). The most severe punishment to be imposed was death by burning
(Prez 2006: 154-169).
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75
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culture would continue to flourish in both the Diaspora and Palestine even
after the establishment of a new Jewish homeland.
Taking these circumstances into account, it is hardly surprising that Michael Papo and Adolf von Zemlinsky began their chronicle with a broader
discourse about the Jewish past as they perceived it:
[...] der Bestand eines Volksstammes [ist] in den Blttern der Weltgeschichte verzeichnet, der Bestand eines mchtigen groen Volksstammes, dessen
Geschichte gar eng verflochten sind [sic], mit dem anderer Volksstmme
und alle diese Folianten widmen immer und immer wieder ein Blatt der Geschichte dieses Volkes, das in Folge maloser an ihm verbter Grausamkeiten und Unterdrckungen jeglicher Art, eine Zeit lang der Befrchtung
Raum gab, auch diese Nation wrde vergehen, verderben. Diese Befrchtung erfllt sich jedoch nicht (Papo and Zemlinsky 1888: 1).
Here, Zemlinsky and Papo strongly emphasise the resolute national nature
of their own Volksstamm37 by simultaneously juxtaposing it in opposition to
other, more powerful tribes or nations that repeatedly used to oppress and
maltreat the Jewish people. This experienceof being an oppressed and
discriminated against Other and, respectively, the discourse about such an
experiencedefinitely seems to be one of the main reasons that two authors
imagine themselves and their co-religionists not only as a community but, at
long last, as a national entity in opposition to their oppressors (see Hegels
above-mentioned Master-Slave Dialectic). Defining ones own group
merely by a process of elimination, letting another party set up imaginary
boundaries which shall decide who belongs to one group and who to another, is only one step, although a decisive one, in imagining a national/
ethnic/religious entity.
Nevertheless, when Papo served as rabbi in Vienna it was already clear
that the Sephardic identity, including one of its main carriers, Djudezmo,
had entered into a state of decomposition. For instance, by the end of the
nineteenth century it was German that had become the dominant vernacular
within the Sephardic community of Vienna. This circumstance might explain Papos strong engagement within the Esperanza association which
sought to strengthen Sephardic culture as well as the use of Judeo-Spanish
as a spoken language. However, the efforts made by Esperanza could not
suspend this ongoing process of decay. Papo did his best in order to counteract these developments. In 1884 he published a German-Djudezmo dictionary (Traductor de lenguas) under the title Trajoman. Although it was
37 It is important to note that Zemlinsky apparently does not use Volksstamm or Nationtranslated as tribu and nasyon in Papos versionfor referring to
Sephardic Jews alone but Jews in general.
77
primarily intended for Sephardic merchants from the Ottoman Empire who
wanted to sell their goods in German-speaking lands (Studemund-Halvy
2010b: 78; Hernndez Socas, Sinner and Tabares 2010), it can be valued as
an effort to strengthen the relations between the Sephardic Jews of Vienna
and their co-religionists in South Eastern Europe.
What is interesting to note in this context is that Benedict Anderson appraises the production of word lists and simple lexicons as an important
precursor for the emergence of modern nationalism. Of course, Michael
Papos Trajoman was not the only Sephardic dictionary or textbook ever
published; however, it is interesting to note that out of 21 Sephardic grammar books and dictionariesalso including books for teaching Hebrew to
childrenthat had been published between 1821 and 1930, sevenor one
out of threewere published in Viennaincluding the first one ever published, Hinuh leNaar: Maestro de kriatura en sortes de alef bet kon algunas
kuantas brahot menesterozas. Viyena 1821 (Studenmund-Halvy 2009: 1315). Andersons assumption that dictionaries and lexicons play a sort of
vanguard role when it comes to the advent of nationalism has another origin, which is also very compelling within the Viennese context. According
to Anderson, the invention of the dictionary stood at the beginning of a
broader development, namely the scientific comparative study of languages
and philology which, of course, was first of all an elitist endeavour (Anderson 2006: 70-71). So it is hardly surprising that at the turn of the twentieth
century Vienna had evolved into one of the first centres of academic research into Judeo-Spanish.
The variety of different dialects promoted several Romance philologists
and even rabbis, who were interested in the language of Sephardic Jews, to
engage in research into Judeo-Spanish. Most of these intellectuals came
from GermanyKurt Levy (19071935), Max Leopold Wagner (1880
1962)and AustriaJulius Subak (18721936), Kalmi Baruch (1896
1945)but also from North AmericaLeo Wiener (18621939), Max
Aaron Luria (18911966) (Quintana Rodrguez 2006: 3). In Austria the
Kaiserliche Akademie enlisted Julius Subak to collect recordings in the
Balkans in Judeo-Spanish for the newly inaugurated Phonogramarchiv in
Vienna (Studemund-Halvy 2010a: 70). Subaks recordings from 1908,
together with the material collected by Max A. Luria in 1926, were recently
published by the Austrian Academy of Sciences (sterreichische Akademie
der Wissenschaften) (Leibl 2009). These records and transcripts count
among the oldest recorded testimonies of Sephardic Jews from the Balkans.
Furthermore, several dissertations and essays about linguistic aspects of
Judeo-Spanish (phonology, grammar) and the history of Sephardic Jews
were published, most of them in Vienna or by scholars who had studied or
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MARTIN STECHAUNER
79
This commentary vividly describes the drastic social changes within the
Sephardic community of Vienna which occurred only within a few decades;
apparently, a newin Halls termshybrid style of culture had emerged,
less Turkish and more Viennese. Consequently, this process was associated
with the loss of the Judeo-Spanish language and an alienation from the
traditional Sephardic culture. This was also the time when the children of
some long-established Sephardic families in Vienna decided to withdraw
their subscription from the Turkish-Israelite Community of Vienna.42
This was precisely the environmental setting in which the legend of
Diego dAguilar had emerged. The cultural changes that had taken place
only within a few decades must have been perceived as a real crisis by
Sephardic intellectuals, such as Papo and von Zemlinsky. Obviously these
two authors adopted and modified this legend of Diego dAguilar in order
to create a coherent history and to remind the Viennese Sephardim of their
los Viejos detienen con amor la lengua maternel. (Letter by Rafael Mazliach in Pulido
Fernndez 1993: 308). Translation is by the author.
42 As for example members of the wealthy Russo family (Kohlbauer-Fritz 2010:
108).
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MARTIN STECHAUNER
own, first and foremost Spanish, roots. In this respect remembrance of the
Balkan and the Ottoman heritage, from which contact had not yet broken
off, was not enough. For Papo and von Zemlinsky it was much more important to draw a direct link to the ancient homeland (Sephard I) in order to be
able to preserve the Sephardic character of the community; apart from these
Spanish/Sephardic elements they were also keen to emphasise the Viennese/Austrian, as well as Turkish/Ottoman aspects which altogether become
manifest in the main character of the founding legend. Several facts of
Diego dAguilars biographyfor example, his Iberian origin and his influence at the court of Habsburgappeared perfectly suited to conversion into
suggestive narratives, with the aim of creating a direct link between the
ancient Sepharad and Vienna, which also became known as the new
Sepharad of the Danube.43 However, the fact that the hero in question was
of Portuguese origin obviously did not make him Spanish, or in other
words, Sephardic enough. As a consequence, his biography had to be
altered and dramatised in order to turn it into an authentic Sephardic folk
story, including a setting in the Spanish capital Madrid, as well as the heros
involvement in the Spanish Inquisition. All these elements have obviously
been borrowed from popular Sephardic novels of the nineteenth century.
Apart from a direct link to Spain, a link to the new host society, in which
most Sephardic Jews living in Vienna had integrated so well, also had been
created: not only should the Sephardim of Vienna feel themselves to be
proud Jews of Spanish heritage but also Viennese Sephardim. The aim was,
in Halls sense (1990: 230-237), to connect, or one could say harmonise,
several cultural spaces or presences which were so significantly important
for the authors of Diego dAguilars legend.
81
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MARTIN STECHAUNER
dAguilar most perfectly served the authors efforts in the course of creating
a figure that most closely resembles an outstanding and legendary hero.
This hero was able to incorporateat leastthree significant presences
constituting the Sephardic diaspora in Vienna: a Spanish/Sephardic presence (representing the strong retrospective dependence on the imagined
homeland, that is, Sepharad I), an Austrian/Viennese presence (for having
gradually integrated/assimilated into the Viennese society) and an Ottoman/Turkish presence (representing the historical and political ties with the
Ottoman Empire); furthermore, we could also add the existence of a Balkan
presence, since many community members continued to maintain close
contacts with their regions of origin (for example represented in the legend
by dAguilars close relation with the Sephardic community of
Temeswar46). By applying Halls conceptual model of diaspora and cultural
identity, we immediately become aware of the hybrid nature of the Sephardic community of Vienna. The manifolds presences featured in the legend
do not constitute pure origins but should rather be understood as discourses
about historical and geographical origins. Only the knowledge of a coherent
history allows individuals to imagine themselves as groups of people belonging together and, hereinafter, as a community or even as a nation. Following Benedict Anderson, we may not forget that an original and meaningful identity of a whole groupand maybe even of individualscan only be
imagined because history and even personal biographies turn out to be
highly complex and full of elusive ruptures. Precisely for that reason,
Sephardic communities in particular always must be studied within their
particular cultural, social and historical contexts. This is why, for example,
the different notions and nuances of Viennese Sephardic identity cannot be
understood without keeping the differentBiblical, Spanish, Portuguese,
Balkan, Ottoman, Habsburgian, and nowadays even Central Asian, Caucasian, Russian and Soviet presences in mind, which all have a share in
this imagined collective identity of Sephardic Jews in Vienna to a greater or
lesser extent. In order to give such an identity its shape and meaning, the
creation and the distribution of an identity-establishing foundational myth,
representing not only the origins in the past but also the present circumstances, seems to be inevitably necessary. Especially in a diasporic context,
such a narrative, for example about a legendary hero, is able to define the
boundaries of ones own aspired identity. In order to maintain a national
character, single intellectuals and even entire intellectual associations
46 One could argue whether Temeswar really is a Balkan city since Romania is not
always counted as a Balkan country. However, as Maria Todorova (2009: 46-49) has
exposed, Romania also may be counted as a Balkan country since the Balkans is, too,
an imaginary place without clearly defined borders.
83
sought after efficient ways of distributing these identity-constituting narratives at the turn of the twentieth century, most likely through the production
of printed texts in a language that every potential addressee was able to
understand. Thus it is not surprising at all that Michael Papo, the co-author
of one of the most popular printed versions of the foundational myth of the
Sephardic community of Vienna, was also one of the most prominent supporting members of Esperanza. However, in 1923only a few years after
Papo had passed awayan article in El Mundo Sefaradi (Esperanzas own
club magazine) was published which already drew a much less enthusiastic
picture of the future of the Sephardic community of Vienna. Both the decay
of Sephardic print culture, as well as of Judeo-Spanish as a spoken language, were clearly considered to be the main reasons for the erosion of the
national identity of the Sephardic Jews in Vienna:
Vienna once [was] an important Sephardic centre. Here, many JudeoSpanish newspapers were published, as well as many other different works
in that language, especially many religious books for the Sephardic rite were
published and edited in Vienna. [] But over the time the good old Jewish
tradition was lost [] The contact between Judaism and the Sephardic way
of life in the East is crumbling day by day. []. The young Sephardic generation is uprooted. At best they know a little how to read Hebrew, JudeoSpanish they do not speak at all, as Spaniards they do not participate in the
Jewish national life, thus they are urged to give an answer to the question:
what nation are you part of?47
47 Vyenah [era] un importante sentro sefardi. Aki aparesian gazetas judeoespanyoles, se publikavan diferentes ovrasen este idioma, i espesyalmente redaktavan en Vyenah
i imprimian los livros relijyozos para el rito sefardi. [] Ma, la buena tradisyon judia se
fue kon el tyempo perdyendo []. El kontakto de este judaizmo kon la vida sefardi en el
oryente se rompia de dia en dia [...] La jenerasyon jovena sefardi es una dezraizada. En
ebreo save, en el major falo, apenas meldar, el judeo-espanyol no avla del todo, komo
espanyoles no partesipan en la vida nasyonal-judia, i se topa en apreto de dar repuesta a
la demanda: de ke nasyon sos (El Mundo Sefardi 1 (1) 1923: 39-41). Translation by the
author.
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MARTIN STECHAUNER
Appendix
Figure 2: Pedigree of the dAguilar Family (selected from the Genealogical Record
in the Colyer- Fergusson Collection, archived in the Society of Genealogists Library, London, UK
85
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MARTIN STECHAUNER
87
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