Who Are Herodotus Persians - Vignolo

Who Are Herodotus' Persians?
Author(s): ROSARIA VlGNOLO MUNSON

Source: The Classical World, Vol. 102, No. 4 (SUMMER 2009), pp. 457-470
Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press on behalf of the Classical Association of the
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ABSTRACT: In analyzinghow Herodotus'descriptionsof foreignsocieties reflectGreekassumptions
and prejudices,we have sometimes
failed to
valid
recognizethe extentto whichhe reportspersuasiveand historically
This is particularlytrueof thePersiansfor whomHerodotus
information.
appearsto have had access to verygood sources,especiallyperhapsamong
'
Medesand Persianslivingin Asia Minor.Thispaper arguesthatHerodotus
Persian
character
and
customs
and
his
of
representation
understanding
of
therelationship
betweenthekingand his subjectsis based on genuinenative traditionsthatreflectan internaldebate withinPersian elites in the
aftermath
of theirwar againstGreece.
Historiansof ancientPersia oftendeploretheirdependenceon

Greekauthors,whose reliabilityis necessarilyundermined
by their
It is truethateven the most
special perspectiveand foreignness.1
and fair-minded
Greeksourceon Persia,Herodotus,speaks
important
to the Greeksabout themselvesthroughhis descriptionof exotic
worlds.He also, however,genuinelyattempts
to understand
foreign
cultureson theirown termsand, in the case of Persia,he is in an
exceptionally
privilegedpositionto do so.2
I. King and People
Herodotusis fascinatedby thePersiansand confident
in his access to informants
who can clarifyforhimwho the Persiansare as
a cultureand wheretheycame fromideologically.
His biographyof
the
founder
of
the
Persian
a
Cyrus,
Empire,puts special emphasis
on who Cyruswas, his yveai,and on the opinionof himself(to
His portrayals
of Cyrus'successors,
oKceiv)whichthatengendered.3
Cambyses,Darius, and Xerxes,are also individualizedto an extent
unparalleledin othersources.4AlthoughHerodotus,needlessto say,
does not get everything
right,he providesa greatdeal of authentic
1 See recentlyM. Brosius,The Persians:An Introduction
(London2006) 2-3,
76-78. See A. Kuhrt,The AncientNear East c. 3000-330 B.C.E., Vol. II (London
1995) 647-48.
2 See P. Briant,FromCyrusto Alexander:A Historyof thePersian
Empire,tr.
P. T. Daniels (WinonaLake, Ind.,2002) 7 and passim.For a recentaccountsby clasand thePersians,"in C. Dewald and J.Marincola,
sicists,see M. Flower,"Herodotus
to Herodotus
eds.,TheCambridge
2006) 274-89;A. M. Bowie,
Companion
(Cambridge
Herodotus:
Histories
Book VIII (Cambridge
of an externally
2007) 1-12. Forthevalidity
oriented
learnedfromhis foreign
sourcesand not
approachthatshowswhatHerodotus
forGreekidentity,
see I. S. Moyer,"Herodotusand
simplyhow he created"mirrors"
an EgyptianMirage:The Genealogiesof theThebanPriests,"JHS 122 (2002) 70-90.
3 See 1.204.2with1.95.1 and 1.130.2.
4 Some scholarshave criticizedthese
as fictionaland Hellenocentric.
portrayals
See especiallyH. Sancisi-Weersenburg,
"The Personality
of Xerxes,Kingof Kings,"in
E. J. Bakker,I. J. F. de Jong,and H. de Wees,eds., Brills Companionto Herodotus
fromL. de Meyerand E. Haerink,eds.,Archaeologia
(Leiden2002) 579-90,reprinted
Iranicaet OrientaliaMiscellaneain HonoremLouis VandenBerghevol. I (Gent1989)
346-64.As I will argue,however,
Herodotus'representation
of Persiankingsseemsto
be based on oral Iraniansourcesand revealsa Persian,and notsolelya Greek,bias.
457
458
ROSARIA VlGNOLO MUNSON
information.
Even some of his inaccuraciesare illuminating,
as they
are rootedin Persiantraditions
or discourse.
is also theextentto whichhe focuseson the
Uniqueto Herodotus
Persiansin general,theirnationalcharacter
and theiropinions.In the
Persian
and
the
of thePersians,though
Histories,
kingship
collectivity
also possess a mutualautonomy
such as we do notfind
interrelated,
in the availableAchaemenidevidenceof royalinscriptions
and art.
The kingand his courtofficialsare prominent
actorsin Herodotus'
historical
whilethePersiansas an ethnosdominatetheethnarrative,
The
nography. kingand his courtiersare forthemostpartthe doers
of deeds and speakersof speechesin the past. The ethnicPersians
also existin the presentas an apparently
moredirectobject of the
histor'sexperience:theyoverlapwithwhatwe wouldbroadly(very
broadly)call his sources.
The historicalembodiment
of thisdual visionof Persiansociety
(kingshipand ethnos)is preciselythe founderCyrus.Accordingto
the traditionHerodotuschooses to follow- and he acknowledges
therewere others(1.95.1)- Cyrus'motherwas the daughterof the
king of Media, while his father,Cambyses,was simplya Persian
froma good family(oLkt]. . . yaQf', 1.107.2).Now, this is one
of Herodotus'provenhistoricalinaccuracies,since we know from
the Babylonianand Persiandocuments
thatCambyses,the fatherof
was
of
a
Cyrus,
actuallyking Anshan, kingdomin Parsa (modern
of
Fars, in southwestern
Iran) thathad survivedthe disintegration
Elam and had become subordinated
firstto the Assyriansand then
perhapsto the Medes.5The firstkingof Anshanwas Cyrus'greatgrandfather,
Teispes, followedby an earlier Cyrus,and then by
the
Cambyses, fatherof our Cyrus.6Herodotusknowsthis genealogy of Cyrus;7he also knows(3.75.1) thatthe firstknownancestor,
the fatherof Teispes,was Achaemenes,althoughthisis probablyan
unhistorical
traditionstartedby Cyrus'thirdsuccessor,Darius, for
5 For thetimingof a possibleMedianconquestof thePersians,whichHerodotus (1.102.1) attributes
to thereignof Phraortes
(647-625 B.C.E.),see M. Diakonoff,
"Media,"in I. Gershevitch,
ed., The Cambridge
Historyof Iran, vol. II: TheMedian
and Achaemenid
Periods(Cambridge1985) 132.
6 Ourearlierevidenceof a Persiankingis theneo-Elamite
on a seal
inscription
thatidentifies
of CyrustheGreat)as "Cyrusof Anshan,son
CyrusI (thegrandfather
of Teispes";PFS 93, Englishtrans.#1in M. Brosius,ThePersianEmpirefromCyrus
thatcall Cyrusor
II to Artaxerxes
I (London2000) 4. Accadiancuneiform
documents
his predecessors
"kingof Anshan"includethe CyrusCylinder21 (in W. Eilers,"Le
textecuneiform
cuniforme
du Cylindrede Cyrus,"Acta Iranica II (1974) 33; #12
in Brosius,ThePersianEmpire,11), and theNabonidusChroniclecolumnii, line 1;
see #7in A. K. Grayson,
Assyrianand BabylonianChronicles(New York1975); #11
in Brosius,ThePersianEmpire,8-9. All theseand the otherprimary
sourcesI cite
are now collectedin themonumental
workby A. Kuhrt,ed., The PersianEmpire:A
Period,2 vols (London2007).
Corpusof SourcesfromtheAchaemenid
7 Herodotusmentionsthatthe grandfather
of Cyruswas also namedCyrus
of the Achaemenidsof the
(1.111.3); thatPersiankingscame fromthe "phratry"
of Cyrus'familywas Achaemenes
tribeof thePasargadae(1.125.3); thatthefounder
(3.75.1); andthatXerxestracedhis descentfromAchaemenes,
Teispesand CambysesI
withthemorecorrect
(7.11), thoughthislastpassageis confusedand in contradiction
information
at 1.209.2.
459
the purposeof linkinghis familyto thatof Cyrusand legitimizing

his claim to the throne.8
But althoughHerodotuscorrectlyrecords
theAchaemenidfamilyline,he talksaboutit notas a royaldynasty
but,morebroadly,as a noble clan.9Unlike,forexample,Xenophon
(forwhomCyrus'fatheris "kingof Persia"),Herodotusneversays
thatCyrus'fatheror anyof his Persianancestorswas a king,or that
As a Persian,
Cyrushimselfwas kingbeforesucceedingAstyages.10
Herodotus'Cyrusis the representative
of a Persianelite
therefore,
notnecessarily
identified
withkingship.
to theextentthat
Conversely,
he is of royalblood and a ruler,Cyrusis forHerodotusa Mede. He
is, in the wordsof the Delphic oracle,the mule who will become
"kingof the Medes" (1.55).
II. MedianRoyalty
For Herodotusthe Achaemenidroyal traditionis thereforea
Medianinheritance.
As soon as he formulates
thequestion"who was
Cyrus?"(1.95.1), he immediately
goes back in orderto accountfor
theinstitutional
of thekingshipas a Median
originsand development
to
his
a man namedDeioces was
narrative,
phenomenon.
According
firstappointed
lawlessness
kingby theMedes at a timeof widespread
and createdex nihilothe basic structures
of a centralizedkingship:
a privilegedroyal space (the capital fortressof Ecbatana), court
protocol,and law-enforcement
procedures(1.98.1-101), featuresthat
will largelybecomethe trappingsof Persianroyaltylateron.11As
a child,Cyrusplays at being king accordingto the institutions
of
8 See Darius'genealogy
in theBehistun
DB I 1-6, #10in R. G. Kent,
Inscription:
Old Persian:Grammar,
Oriental
Texts,
Lexicon,American
Society(NewHaven1950);the
newesteditionis byR. Schmitt,
TheBisitunInscription
ofDariustheGreat.Old Persian
Text.CorpusInscriptionum
Iranicarum
I 1 (London1991). A new Englishtranslation
thatdescribeCyrus
appearsin Brosius(above,n.6) 25-40. The Pasargadaeinscriptions
as kingand an Achaemenid
(CMa, b, c; Kent,116) are fromDarius'times.
9 1.125.3 (above, n.7). Herodotuscalls "Achaemenids"
a namelessgroupsurroundingCambyses(3.65.3) as well as a numberof individualPersiannotables:
Hystaspes,the son of Arsamesand fatherof Darius (1.109.2); Pharnaspes(3.2.2);
Sataspes(4.43.1); Megabates(5.32); Tigranes(7.62.1); andArtachaees(7.117.2). Briant(above,n.2) 92, 110-11.
10According
to Herodotus
1.214.2,however,
Cyrusreignedfortwenty-nine
years;
sincewe knowfromBabylonian
documents
thatCyruswas kinguntil530 B.C.E.andthat
he defeated
Astyagesin 550, Herodotus'
figureonlymakessenseif we attribute
partof
it (nineyears)to theperiodwhenCyruswas kingin Anshan.In Xenophon
(Cyropaedia
is thedaughter
of thekingof the
1.2.1),Cyrusis royalon bothsidessincehis mother
Ctesiasgoes entirely
in theoppositedirection,
Medes,as in Herodotus.
makingCyrus
thelowbornson of a banditand a shepherdess
fromthemostmarginalPersiantribe,
theMardi;see F8d* 3 Lenfant,
fromNicolas of Damascus(Exe. de Insidiisp. 23, 23
de BooT= FGrHist90 F66); D. Lenfant,
ed., Ctsiasde Cnide(Paris2004).
11Numerouselementsin Herodotus'Median narrative
reappearlater in the
Historiesor in otherGreeksourcesas partof a Persiancontext.Propernamesof
Medesreturn
as namesof Persians(Artembares,
1.114.3).The kingof Media is called
"King,"withoutthe article(1.99.1), as laterthe Persiankingwill be. Eunuchsare
in chargeof variousfunctions
(1.113.3, 117.5),as theywill be at thePersiancourt;
thekinghas thecontrolof roads(1.123.3) and publicofficialsare called theKing's
Acharnians92; Xen.
Eye (1.114.2; see 1.100.2,112.2;Aesch.Persians980; Aristoph.
Cyr.8.2.10-11;Plut.Art.98).
460
ROSARIAVIGNOLOMUNSON
Medianmonarchy
(1.114). As an adultking,he gainsthe allegiance
of theMedes.12His eventual"opinionthathe was in a certainsense
beyondthehuman"(to okcclvnAovti eivai vQnov)internalizes
theMedianDeioces' preoccupation
with"seemingto be of a different
nature"(xQoockjhokcoleivai, 1.99.2).
Also imperialism,
accordingto Herodotus,is a royal Median
Cambyses,is
practiceand not initiallya Persianone. Cyrus'father,
notonlyof non-royal
blood,butalso, as Astyagesis carefulto verify,
a man "of peacefuldisposition"(tq7iou. . . fjauxou,1.107.2). As
a public term,fjauxfr)
denotesa lack of the kind of politicaland
militaryactivismthatis typicalof individualsor stateswithambitionto rule- like the Mediankings.It is by emulatinghis Median
thatCyruslaysthefoundations
of theAchaemenid
policy
predecessors
of continuous
Moreover,Cyrus'generals,Harpagusand
expansion.13
thequeen
Mazares,are Medes(1.156-177).14Beforehis lastcampaign,
of the MassagetaecomplainsthatCyruswill never"stay at peace"
(i/fjauxLTl
evai), and she does so in a speechwhereshe addresses
himas "Kingof theMedes" (1.205.1-2). The perception
thatPersian
in thefact
is
reflected
continues
Median
foreign
policy
foreign
policy
thatHerodotusand otherGreeks,whentheyspeakof thePersiansas
a conquering
power,oftencall them"Medes."15
Like Herodotus,modernhistorians,
too, wouldlike to knowthe
the
of pre-imperial
Persia.16
antecedents
of
and
Cyrus
history
political
But Herodotus'theorythatPersiankingshipderivesfromMedian
kingshipis historically
problematicbecause the veryexistenceof
a largecentralizedMedian statesuch as Herodotusdescribesis not
texts.17
corroborated
eitherby archaeologyor by the documentary
121.123.1,124.2, 127.3. The NabonidusChroniclein an entryfortheyear550
the last passage,recordingthatthe Median armyrebelledagainst
B.C.E., confirms
Astyages;see 106,#7.ii.l-2in Grayson(above,n.6).
13Justas Phraortes
"wentfromone peopleto theother"(1.102.1),so "no people
of Cyaxares
[Cyrus]marched
againstcouldescapehim"(1.204.2);see also theconquests
(1.103.2). For theAchaemenid
policyof universalrule,see 7.8a.l and yl, confirmed
see Flower(above,n.2), 377, citingBrosius(above,n.l) 47, where
by inscriptions;
Dariuscalls himself"kingof theearthfarand wide."
14As was also Datis,Darius'generalin theMarathon
campaign
(6.94-101,118-119).
15See especiallytheambiguity
at 1.163.3and 185.1.FortheGreekhabitof callsee D. F. Graf,"Medism:The Originand
ingthePersians"Medes"in certaincontexts,
of theTerm,"JHS 104 (1984) 20-24, withcriticism
by C. Tuplin,"The
Significance
A. Kuhrt,and M. C. Root,Continuity
Persiansas Medes,"in H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg,
and Change,Proceedings
of theLastAchaemenid
HistoryWorkshop,
April6-8, 1990,
AnnArbor,Michigan.Achaemenid
History8 (Leiden 1994) 236-38.
16The questionis exploredby P. Bnant, La Perseavant1 empire(un tatde
la question),"Iranica Antiqua19 (1984) 71-118, and, moreconciselyand witha
shiftin position,
considerable
(above,n.2) 13-28.
by Briant,FromCyrusto Alexander
17For theevidence,or lack thereof,
see especiallyP. R. Helm,"Herodotus'M"Was
Iran 19 (1981) 86; H. SancisiWeerdenburg,
dikosLogos and MedianHistory,"
Methodand
thereevera MedianEmpire?"in A. Kuhrtand H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg,
Achaemenid
of theLondon1985Achaemenid
HistoryWorkshop.
Theory,
Proceedings
History3 (Istanbul1988) 205; M. Liverani,"The Rise and Fall of Media,"in G. B.
M. Roaf,and R. Rollinger,
eds., Continuity
Lanfranchi,
ofEmpire(?): Assyria,Media,
5 (Padova 2003) 3.
Persia. Historyof theAncientNear East Monographs
461
At least untilalmostthe end of the seventhcentury,

thatis to say,
untilthe timeof Herodotus'Cyaxares,cuneiform
tabletsrecording
Assyriancampaignsin the Zagros clearlyrepresentthe Medes as
in different
It is hardto
fragmented
groupsled by local chieftains.18
see how theycould have provideda royalor imperialmodelforthe
Persians.In currentscholarlyopinion,the reverseseemsto be more
viewof theMediankingship
likely:Herodotus'
appearsto be basedon
whattheGreeksknewaboutthePersianEmpirein theirowntimes.19
This does not mean,however,thatHerodotus'Median account
is entirelyunauthentic.
The problemof sources is here somewhat
similarto the problemof the sourcesof the Constitutional
Debate
in Book 3 (80-84), withwhichthe beginningof Herodotus
'Mdikos
Debate and the
logos has muchin common.Boththe Constitutional
of theMedianmonarchy
storyof the founding
by Deioces are about
choosing,at thetimeof a powervoid,thebestpossibleformof government
to ensurelaw and orderin a state.20
In bothnarratives
we
shouldmakeallowancefora considerableGreekelement,especially
of fifth-century
Sophisticstamp,but bothpassages also incorporate
In the Constitutional
Iranianinformation.
Debate, the Iraniancomis
as
we
shall
see
forthe Mdikoslogos, it
Persian,
later;21
ponent
maybe partiallyMedian.
This Median strandemergesfromcertainstriking,
if sometimes
betweenHerodotus'
narrative
on theone hand
skewed,correspondences
andAssyrianand Persiandocuments
on theother.Herodotus'lasttwo
Mediankings,CyaxaresandAstyages,
chronicle
appearin theBabylonian
as leadersof a Median coalition,or even perhapsa Median state.22
As faras the firsttwo kingsare concerned,
Deioces and Phraortes,
theirnames(at a minimum)
seemto be genuineMediannames.23
This
18See Liverani(above,n.17) 4; K. Radner,"AnAssyrian
Viewof theMedes,"in
Lanfranchi,
Roaf,and Rollinger(above,n. 17) 37-64. For later(Persian)documentary
evidenceon theMedes,see belown.22 and n.23.
19See Strabo11.13.9.Briant(above,n.2) 26. By contrast,
A. Panaino("Herodotus
I, 96-101: Deioces' Conquestof Powerand the Foundationof Sacred Royalty,"in
Lanfranchi,
Roaf,and Rollinger[above,n.17] 327-38) arguesforIranianinstitutions
commonto Medes and Persians.
20See C. Dewald,"Formand Content:The questionof Tyranny
in Herodotus,"
in C. Morgan,ed., Popular Tyranny
(Austin2003) 28-29.
21See below.Herodotus'assurance,
notoncebuttwice(3.80.1; 6.43.3),thatafter
the deathof Cambyses,the noble Persiansactuallyengagedin deliberations
about
theirpoliticalfuture
encouragesus to acceptthatHerodotuswas partiallydrawingon
a Persiantradition;
contraD. Fehling,Herodotusand his "Sources": Citation,Inventionand NarrativeArt,tr.by J. G. Howie (Leeds 1989) 194.
11For Cyaxares(Umakishtar),
see the BabylonianFall of NinivehChronicle,
#3.24-30,38-47 in Grayson(above,n.6) 93-94, whichrecordshis captureof Niniveh
and somewhat
to Hdt. 1.103.1-3and 106.2.Astyages(Ishtumegu)
corresponds
appears
as in theNabonidusChronicleas theadversary
of Cyrusof Persia(see Hdt. 1.127);
see #7.ii.l-4in Grayson(above,n.6).
23A Daiakku appearsas a governorof Mannaea in the annals of
SargonII
AncientRecordsof Assyriaand BabyloniaII
(724-25 B.C.E.); see D. D. Luckenbill,
(Chicago 1927) 27; A. G. Lie, A. TheInscriptions
of SargonII KingofAssyria.The
Annals(Paris 1929) 16. The identification
of thisDaiakkuwithHerodotus'Deioces
is no longergenerallyaccepted;see Helm (above, n.17) 86; Diakonoff(above, n.5)
462
evidenceindicates
thattheprominent
roleof Medesin Herodotus'
story
of Cyrusis notmerelya Greekconstruct
(see 1.55),butis also based
on Mediantraditions.
Sourceswho had particular
interest
in transmitaboutthe importance
of the Mediancomponent
tingthesetraditions
in the Persianimperialmonarchy
may have included,accordingto
some scholars,thedescendants
of Harpaguslivingin Lycia.24This is
an attractive
becauseotheraspectsof Herodotus'represenpossibility,
tationof the Persiansalso pointprincipally,
thoughnot exclusively,
to Asia Minoras a clearing-house
of information.
Both Medianand
Persiansources,independently
to
motivated,
appear have cooperated
in shapingHerodotus'view of Cyrusas a noblePersianwho became
kingwhenhe succeededthe MediankingAstyages.
III. Persian(High) Society
If Mediansourcesinsistedon thederivation
of Persiankingship
fromMediankingship,
on theotherhandthesourcesthatde-emphasized Cyrus'royalheritageon his father'sside seem to have been
Persian:noble Persians,who admiredCyrusbut also viewed him
not as a superiorbeing,but as one of theirown, and who perhaps
even held a different
conceptionof royaltythanwhathad become
orthodoxin theirown times.25
AfterCyrus,the Persiankingshipas
it crystallizesand expandsthe Median model,
Herodotusrepresents
butwithout
it as such.26
This agreeswiththeevidence
acknowledging
of Persianinscriptions,
wheretheAchaemenids
underline
theirPersian
and nevercall themselves
ethnicity
kingsof Media or of theMedes.27
to Daiakkuin compound
Median
83, 90-91. TheAssyriandocuments,
however,
testify
names(Mashdaiakku,
thatwerenotuncommon
Mashdakku)
amongMedes; see S. C.
Brown,"The MdikosLogos of Herodotusand the Evolutionof the MedianState,"
in A. Kuhrtand H. Sancisi-Weerderburg
(above,n.17) 76. Phraortes
appearsas Fravartishin Darius' BehistunInscription,
as a laterMedianrebelwho claimedto be
thedescendant
of Cyaxares:DB 2.13-7 and 2.64-78,92-93, ##24,
31-32, 35 in Kent
(above,n.8). See Diakonoff
(above,n.5) 104-7, 113; Brown,76-78; D. Asheriin O.
on HerodotusBooksI-IV, by D. Asheri,
MurrayandA. Moreno,eds.,A Commentary
A. Lloyd,and A. Corcella(Oxford2007) 151-52.
24R. Drews,The GreekAccountsof EasternHistory
Mass., 1973)
(Cambridge,
and Establishment
of theirEmpire,"in
82; J.M. Cook,"The Rise of theAchaemenids
Gershevitch
is
(above,n. 5), 202; Asheri(above,n. 23), 68 and 197. This suggestion
thatwhenHarpaguscaptured
Xanthus
mainlybasedon Herodotus1.176,whichreports
in Lycia,theinhabitants
whowerepresentin thecityall died in battle,so thatin his
timemostof theLycianswerenewcomers.
in inscriptions
The recurrence
of thename
Harpagus(LycianArpakkuh)
suggeststhateitherHarpagushimselfor someonefrom
his familysettledthereand foundeda Harpagiddynasty.
But fordifferent
views see
Helm (above, n.17); Sancisi-Weederburg
(above, n.17), 21-12, and "The Oralityof
Herodotus'MedikosLogos," in Sancisi-Weerderburg,
Kuhrt,and Root (above, n.15).
For Herodotus'
use of oraltraditions
in general,see especiallyO. Murray,
"Herodotus
in H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg
and OralHistory,"
andA. Kuhrt(eds.), TheGreekSources.
Achaemenid
History2 (Leiden 1987) 93-115.
25See, e.g.,thesourcesthatdo notwantto reportexcessively
celebratory
legends
aboutCyrus'upbringing
at 1.95.1 (see also 1.122.3).
26Of theMediankingsonlyAstyagesis mentioned
outsideof Book 1, and only
as thePersians'firstopponent(3.62; 7.8a), notas thepredecessor
of theirkings.
27See above,n.7. ContraGraf(above,n.15) 17-29,who arguesthattheAchaemenidspresented
themselves
as continuators
of theMediankings.
463
Herodotus'accountalso subtlyand insistently

communicates
theidea
thatthePersianmonarchy
afterCyrusdivergedfromthevalues that
Herodotushimselfrepresents
as genuinelyPersian.This is quiteposmind-set
siblynot so muchthe resultof Herodotus'Hellenocentric
as the sign of a currentPersianpolemicthatwas still alive at the
timewhenHerodotuswas writingabout thesethings.At one point
we learnthat"the Persianssay" (in the presenttense)thatwhereas
Cyruswas a fatherto them,his firstsuccessorCambyseswas a despot (forhis abuses of power)and his secondsuccessor,Darius,was
a "shopkeeper"
a contemptuous
termreferring
to Darius'
(K7irjAo),
fastidiousexactingof tributesand his runningof the empirelike a
shop (3.89.3). Leslie Kurkehas brilliantly
analyzedthis statement
in relationto Greekaristocratic
But whataboutPersian
ideology.28
ideology?Who are thePersianswho say thisabouttheirlaterkings?
If we look closely,we mightcome up withan interesting
window
intoa Persianpoliticalworldcontemporary
to Herodotushimself.
Herodotus'Persiannarrative
afterCyrus,especiallyin thesections
thatcoverthe end of Cambyses'reignand the beginningof thatof
who ultimately
remainloyal
Darius,featuresa numberof aristocrats
to themonarchy
as theirancestralcustom(3.82.5), butwho are disenchantedwithwhatit has become.The firstof theseis Prexaspes,
who disavowshis earliercomplicityin Cambyses'wrongdoings
and
hurlshimselffroma tower;beforedoingso he proclaimshis moral
to tellthetruthand praisesCyrusone lasttime(3.75). The
obligation
existenceof thisman is not corroborated
but in
by othersources,29
the crisisthatfollowsthe seven veryhistoricalPersiannobleswho
organizedthe conspiracyagainstthe Magus considered,according
to Herodotus,thepossibilityof eliminating
monarchical
rule (in the
Constitutional
Debate; see above). Two of them,Otanesand Megabyzus, arguedrespectivelythat democracyor oligarchywould be
morebeneficialforthe Persians.Both came aroundin the end, but
Otanesearneda special dispensationso that"to this day the house
of Otanes is the only house in Persia whichremainsfree,subject
to the kingonlyas muchas theywant,withoutviolatingthe nomoi
of the Persians"(3.83.3).30WithDarius,the kingshipis re-founded:
his killingof the MedianMagoi reenactsCyrus'defeatof the Mede
not the
Astyages.Like Cyrusin Herodotus,Darius is an aristocrat,
son of a king,and the sevennoble conspirators
put new egalitarian
rules in place (3.84.2). These do not last long,however:whenone
of thegroup,Intaphrenes,
challengestheDeioces-likeisolationof the
new kingin his palace, he and his male relativesend up executed
(3.118-19).
28L. Kurke,Coins,Bodies,Gamesand Gold: ThePolitics
ofMeaningin Archaic
Greece(Princeton1999) 68-89.
29J. M. Balcer,A
Studyof theAncientPersiansRoyal and
Prosopographical
Noble c. 550-450 B.C. (Lewiston,N.Y., 1993) 93.
30For laterdevelopments
of the tradition
of Otanesand his family,see Briant
Debateand surrounding
see most
narrative,
(above,n.2) 133-35.On theConstitutional
C. Pelling,"Herodotus'
Debateon theConstitutions,"
PCPhS 48 (2002) 123-58.
recently
464
In theworldof thenarrative,
then,severalPersianscommunicate
In the worldof Herodotus'
discontent
withtheirkingsafterCyrus.31
theirdescendants
research,
mayhavedonethesame- it is menlikethese
whocall Cyrus"father,"
Cambyses"despot,"and Darius"shopkeeper."
wholivedin his timesandwas
Herodotus
himself
mentions
a Zopyrus,
in the
thegreat-grandson
ofMegabyzus,
thespeakerin favorofoligarchy
Constitutional
Debate.ThisZopyruscontemporary
of Herodotushad a
also namedZopyrus,
whoachievedheroicfeatson behalfof
grandfather,
Darius(3.153-59).Butbothhe andhis father
(MegabyzustheYounger)
I.32It is
had considerable
troublewitha subsequent
king,Artaxerxes
or indirectly
Herodotus'
likelythatZopyrustheYoungerwas directly
sourceforthe storyof how Zopyrusthe Elderrecaptured
Babylon.33
It is, at anyrate,ideologically
thatHerodotus'narrative
of
significant
to
the
also
thisevent,whileproleptically
youngerZopyrus,
referring
Persianbenefactor
(according
praisestheelderZopyrusas thegreatest
to Darius),asidefromCyrus(3.160.1). Are thesethetermsin which
Zopyrusjr. spoketo Herodotusabouthis grandfather?
But Herodotus,of course,would have had access to otheroral
sourcesamongPersiansliving in Asia because of land grants,or
amongthe staffsof the satrapiesof his times.As D. M. Lewis has
observed,therewas no "politicaland linguisticironcurtainbetween
as well as
notnecessary,
Greeksand Persiansin Asia." It is therefore
notrealistic,"to look forveryspecificholes in thiscurtainthrough
whichHerodotus'information
mighthave come."34Whatwe should
was Herodotusable to
ratherask is this: whatkindof information
collect?The answeris perhapstwofold.On theone hand,Persiansof
theilk of Zopyrus,as we have seen,no doubtsharedwithHerodotus
their
theirversionsof historicalevents;in these familytraditions,
or heroicrole, and the monarch
ancestorsplayeda moreprominent
31This groupdoes not includerebels like Oroetes(3.120-27) and Aryandes
(4.166-67).
32Megabyzosthe Youngerwas one of the generalsin the campaignagainst
at thetimeof
Greece(7.82, 121.3) and he subsequently
foughtagainsttheAthenians
to Egypt,whichendedin 454 (3.160). As satrapof Syriahe rebelled
theirexpedition
and was eventuallypardonedaround448 (Ctesias FGrHist688
againstArtaxerxes
him in the revolt,fled
F 93.2). His son, Zopyrusthe Younger,who had supported
of Caunusto
to Athensafterhis father'sdeathand triedto negotiatethe surrender
theAthenians,
possiblyin the430s (CtesiasFGrHist688 F 14 [40 and 45]). See R.
Meiggs,TheAthenian
Empire(Oxford1972) 436-37.
33The theory
was firstsuggested
by J.Wells,"ThePersianFriendsof Herodotus,"
it is stillacceptedas likely.
JHS 27 (1907) 37-47. In its mostgeneralformulation,
in
See Drews(above,n.24) 83; P. Briant,"Sourcegrecqueset histoireachmenide,"
antributaires
du Moyen-Orient
Rois, tributset paysans:tudessur les formations
cient(Paris 1982) 494; M. A. Dandamaevand V. G. Lukonin,TheCultureand Social
Institutions
ofAncientIran, Englisheditionby P. L. Kohl withthe assistanceof D.
J. Dadson (Cambridge1989) 391; Flower(above,n.2) 279.
34D. M. Lewis, "Persiansin Herodotus,"in M. H. Jameson,ed., The Greek
Historians:Literature
and HistoryPaperspresentedto A. E. Raubitschek
(Saratoga,
Calif.,1985) 104. ContraP. Georges,BarbarianAsia and theGreekExperience(Ballike otherfifth-century
timore1994) 49-58, who thinksthatHerodotus,
Greeks,had
forcontactwithPersians.
littleopportunity
465
thanin officialroyaldocuments.35
was portrayed
moreambivalently,
But,on theotherhand,thesePersianscould also be glimpsedbehind
theirworld"thePersians"in theHistorieswho explainthemselves,
information
view and theirnomoiin the presenttense,contributing
on whichroyaldocumentshave littleto say.
thePersians'sense of propriety,
It is an extraordinary
portrayal:
theirbeliefthattheyare thebestculture(1.134.2), and theiropinions
on a varietyof subjectsare on displayespeciallyin Books 1 and 3.
In Herodotus'Persianethnography
(1.131-140), evenpracticalnomoi
in termsnot of whatthe Persians
tendto be describedcognitively,
normallydo, but of whattheythinkit is rightto do (e.g., theydo
witha big dinner,they"considerit
not simplycelebratebirthdays
proper"to do so; 1.133.1). This collectivityis the mostvocal and
in thework,withthepossibleexceptionof theEgyptians.
opinionated
Unlikethe Egyptiansof Herodotus'Book 2, his Persianshave
At thetimeof Croesus,theLydiansused
changedwiththeirhistory.
themby thelistof thethingstheydid nothave: theywore
to identify
nothingbut leather,theygot littleto eat and drankno wine.36When
"the Persians"speak in the presentof narration,
however,theydo
notmentionthispast,whentheyallegedlywerethepoor and tough
primitiveopponentsof a wealthierculture.They are the wealthier
culture,and still toughat the same time.They acknowledgeno independent
historybeforeCyrus'conquestof Lydia,whichtheytake
as a given.They have an "ideologyof prosperity";37
theyconsume
of wine(1.133.3) and,in
plentyof good things,drinklargequantities
fact,theycriticizeothers(thatis to say,the Greeks)fornot having
the
enoughto eat. Theirown lavish banquets(1.133.1-2) represent
fulfillment
of
them
of
an
Before
earlypromise Cyrus.
leading
perfect
againstAstyages,Cyrusgatheredall the Persiansin one place and
madethemclearbrushfora wholeday.The nextday,he slaughtered
his father'scattleand treatedthemto a big feast.He thenaskedthem
or today,theirpresentsubjectionor beingfree
to choose: yesterday
underhis leadership.Theychose freedomand feasting(1.126.1-6).
35These eventswould have includedthe conspiracyagainstthe Magus, some
versionof the Constitutional
of Darius' accession.Cook
Debate,and circumstances
and discrepancies
Book
betweenpartsof Herodotus'
(above,n.24) 202. The similarities
corroborate
the hypothesis
thatHerodotusrelied
3 and Darius' BehistunInscription
on genuinearistocratic
Persianoral traditions
thatdifferin interesting
ways from
the officialtradition
promulgated
by the king.J. M. Balcer,Herodotusand Bisitun,
49 (Wiesbaden1987); D. Asheri,"Erodotoe Bisitun,"in E.
HistoriaEinzelschriften
Gabba, ed., Presentazionee scritturadella storia: storiografa(Corno 1999) 112;
Briant(above,n.2) 107-37; M. Moggi,"Artabanoin Erodoto,"in M. Giangiulio,ed.,
Erodotoe "il modelloerodoteo":Formazionetrasmissione
delle tradizionistoriche
in Grecia,(Trento2005) 203-205. See JacobyRE 2 (1913) 431.
36 1.71.2-3 (voice of Sandanis).See 1.72.4 (voice of the narrator):theyhad
nothinggood or luxurious(aoov). 1.89.2 (voice of Croesus):theywereviolentand
withoutpossessions(xQrnaaxoi).
37I am borrowing
a phraseused by C. Herrenschmidt,
"L'empireperse achmenide,"in M. Duverger,
ed., Le conceptd'empire(Paris 1980) 89, to describethe
historicalPersians.
466
ROSARIA VIGNOLO MUNSON
In thePersianethnography
are a pointofpride,
negativestatements
indicatingnot whatthe Persianscannothave,but whattheychoose
notto have or do. The Persiansdo notrepresent
gods in humanform
and considerfoolishthose who do so [like the Greeks](1.131.1);
theysacrificewithno fires,no libations,no pipes,no filletsor barley (1.132.1), butneverwithouta Magus at hand(1.132.3). Theydo
noturinate,vomit,or spitintoriversor in public(1.138.2; 1.133.3)
- and so on and so forth.In the same polemicaltone,as we learn
elsewhere,theydo not- absolutelynot- use marketplaces.38
Cyrusis
"I
have
no
for
their
who
once
said
man,
(i.e.,
respect
people
again
the Greeks)who have a designatedplace in the middleof the city
wheretheygatherto deceiveeach other"(1.153.1). This putsin even
sharperrelieftheirgibe aboutDarius "the shopkeeper"at 3.89.3.39
social
HerodotusindicatesthatPersiansocietyincludesdifferent
is thatthosewho appear
classes.40But the overwhelming
impression
to be the press agentsof Persianidentityforma ratherhomogenames
neous group.They are magnificent
people withmagnificent
in
battle
and
teach
their
sons
who
value
onlythree
(1.139),
courage
and
the
truth
(1.136.1-2).
Theythink
riding
telling
things archery,
thatlyingis the worstpossiblebehaviorand, nextto that,beingin
debt,because it leads to lying(1.138). In this,theyare like Cyrus
(who despisesthe Greeksas liars, 1.153.1) or Prexaspes(who dies
in the act of tellingthe truth,3.75.2), but theyresemblenot at all
which
laterkings.In the Behistunand Naqsh-iRustaminscriptions,
manifestoes
of Persianroyal ideology,Darius claims the
represent
Zoroastrian
principleof swornenmityto theLie (grauba).41But the
tradition
preciselyto hima convoreportedby Herodotusattributes
thepoliticalnecessityof lying(3.72.4-5).42
lutedspeechthattheorizes
The PersianshonorCyrusbecause he has made themwealthy
are also theirvalues.
and dominant
and thevalues thathe represents
38A
very strongnegation: atol yq o Uoai yoq-qoi ov ecoaai xoQai,
o ox{hatl t naqnav yor' (1.153.2). For a narratologicaldiscussionof Herodotus'
Persian ethnography,see R. V. Munson, Telling Wonders:Ethnographicand Political
Discourse in the Workof Herodotus (Ann Arbor 2001) 149-56.
39Cyruslets the sack of Sardis go on as a privatefree-for-all

untilCroesus
suggestshe apply some fiscal control(1.88.2-3). Afterthe conquestof Lydia,he
entrusts
to a local official,Pactyas(1.153.3-4). Historiansattribute
Lydiantreasures
in comparison
to themore
in financialmatters,
theseinstancesto Cyrus'inexperience
Darius. Herrenschmidt
business-oriented
(above, n.37) 93; M. Corsaro,"Autonomia
cittadinae fiscalitregia:le cittgreched'Asia nel sistematributario
achemenide,"
in Le tributdans l'empireperse. Actesde la Table Rondede Paris 12-13 Dcembre
1986 (Paris 1989) 61.
40Rich and poorpreparebirthday
banquetsaccordingto theirmeans(1.133.1);
in the street(1.134.1); see the
statusgreeteach otherdifferently
people of different
of tribesand clans at 1.125.3.P. Briant,"Hrodoteet la socitperse,"in
hierarchy
XXXV.FondationHardt
G. Nenci,ed., Hrodoteet les peuplesnongrecs.Entretiens
(Geneva 1988) 71-91.
41DB 1.26-35,4.33-40, 61-69, ##10,
54-55, 63-64; DN b 11-15,#8in Kent
(above,n.8) 119, 131-32, 140. Balcer(above,n.35) 46-47.
42FortheMazdaic/Zoroastrian
see Briant(above,n.2) 124-27.
themeof lie/truth,
It insistently
recursin Herodotus'Book 3; see 3.21.2,27.3, 35.1 forotherreferences.
467
power,heir to the Median

They see themselvesas a multinational
in
love
(and in thistheyresemble
every
sphere
quantity
they
Empire;43
theirlaterkings);44theyborrowmuchfromabroad,frompederasty
These are the same Persianswho in the Prefto Median clothes.45
heroicGreeksagas- aboutIo, Europa,
ace appearto have imported
Medea, and theTrojanWar- whichtheymanipulateas experts,as if
theseweretheirown stories.46
thenotionthat,before
to Persianaristocrats
Herodotusattributes
Cambyses"thedespot,"Cyrus"thefather"foundedthePersianmonarchyin theveryact of makingthePersiansfreeand,in spiteof the
This
apparentparadox,I thinkthatwe shouldtake him seriously.47
whichenhances
ideologypervadesHerodotus'Persianethnography,
the people's sharedpracticesand convictionsand insertsthe king
Here the generalizedprivatePersian
intoa broadsocietalcontext.48
is the centerof attention,
managinghis oko by the same rules
also the kingis boundto followin the public
which,theoretically,
Whenthe Persianmakes a sacrifice,he is not allowed to
sphere.49
prayforhimselfalone and ratherpraysforall the Persiansand the
The proskunsis
king,because "he is himselfone of the Persians."50
43See theanalogyat 1.134.3.
44 1.135-136.1.For the Persiankings'tendencyto thinkin quantitative
terms
see D. Konstan,"Persians,Greeks,and Empire,"in D. Boedeker,ed., Herodotusand
20 (1987) 59-70.
theInvention
of History.Arethusa,
45 1.135: thispassage establishesa linkbetweenthe Persianethnography
and
aboutthenoblePersianOtanes,who receivesthegiftof a Mediansuit
thenarrative
everyyear(3.84.1).
46 1.1-4. Some scholars,of course,maintainthatthe attribution
to Persiansof
versionsof Greekmythsin thispassage is entirelyHerodotus'invention;
see, e.g.,
Fehling(above,n.21) 50-59; H. Pelliccia,"Sappho 16, Gorgias'Helen,and thePrefin
ace of Herodotus'Histories" YCIS 29 (1992) 63-84; S. West,"Demythologizing
6 (2002) 1-48. But the Persians'adoptionof Greek
Xenia Toruniensia
Herodotus,"
is confirmed
heroictraditions
by Ctesiason theTrojanWarin FGrHist688 F Ib (22);
see Cook (above,
see F 5 (32.4). On the absenceof local Persianheroictraditions,
forpoliticalreasons,see,
n.24) 200. On the Persianking'suse of Greektraditions
e.g., Herodotus7.150.1 (with7.61.2-3); see 7.11.4,7.43. A Persiancritiqueof Greek
where"thePersianssay" thatno
mythsis perhapsalso detectablein theethnography,
one kills his fatheror mother(1.137.2).
47Thisargument
madethePersiansfree,madeby Darius(3.82.5),
thatmonarchy
Debate in favorof thisformof governclenchesthe outcomeof the Constitutional
"Herodotus'Portrait
of Cyrus,"
ment.See 1.126.6; 1.210.2;3.65.7,7.2.3. H. C. Avery,
AJP93 (1972), 533. For theparadox,see Pelling(above,n.30) 146. The theorythat
re-formulated
theconceptof freedomis a Greekinvention,
by O. Patterson,
recently
Culture(New York1991),has beenmuchrevised;
Freedomin theMakingof Western
see D. C. Snell,Flightand Freedomin theAncientNear East (Leiden2001).
48Thisis notthecase withtheonlyothercontinuous
of Persian
Greekdescription
treatiseAirs,
customs,in Strabo15.3.13-24;see esp. 15.3.17and 21. The Hippocratic
mention
Places (22, 23, 24) thoughit does notspecifically
Persians,represents
Waters,
Asiaticsin generalas naturally
subjectto despoticruleon accountof theirclimate.
49 1.137.1. In the historicalnarrative,
the nomosof balancingservicesagainst
offensesbeforepunishingsomeoneis followedby the kingonly once (7.194) and
violatedmanytimes;see D. Lateiner,The HistoricalMethodof Herodotus(Toronto
1989) 153-54,fora listof passages.
50
cuxcjj
|av f]Topuovti Llt]'iovvcpou o yyvezai qoQai yaQ, toch
7iai nQaqcTiKateuxetai yiveaBai Kai xcpaaiAel- v y>bi] toctinaoi YlQur'ai
468
ROSARIA VIGNOLO MUNSON
thatnoblePersiansreceivefromtheirinferiors;
is thepropergreeting
whichthe narrative
thereis no mentionat all of royalproskunsis,
to the groundonly
elsewheredescribesas a humiliating
prostration
due the king.51
textforthisperiod,Darius'
In our onlyPersianhistoriographie
the king speaks in the firstpersonabout his
BehistunInscription,
followers(banhis faithful
power,his campaigns,
divinelysanctioned
daka), and his defeatedenemies.The Apadanareliefsat Persepolis
in the center,flankedin perfectharmony
show the kingenthroned
of theAncient
Modernhistorians
of
his
court
and
bearers
gifts.52
by
Near-Eastmoreoftenthannot speak in termsof Achaemenidideolin thedynasticsense)ratherthan
and art("Achaemenid"
ogy,history,
Persian.But Herodotus,morethanany othersource,Greekor nonGreek,allows us to hearthe strongvoice of menwho expresstheir
Persianidentityas different
from,and even standingin opposition
to, theways of theirkings.
In Book 3, as we have seen,someof theseindividualsare quite
visible,butas thenarrative
proceedstheyalmostdisappear.Most of
forthe king's
the namedPersianswe meet forman echo-chamber
he grantsand
to
the
benefactions
tied
are
and
inextricably
policies
Persiansseemto have silentlydisapBut manyhigh-ranking
exacts.53
provedof Xerxes'decisionto marchagainstGreece(7.13.3). On the
eve of the finalPersiandefeatat Plataea, at a banquetin Thebes,
muchwine,speaks out in proone of them,perhapsafterdrinking
mt aTcyivexai (1.132.2) (my translation).The emphasis is on the entirecommunity
as the recipient of divine blessings; see Briant, "La Perse avant l'empire" (above,
n.16) 104 and From Cyrus to Alexander (above, n.2) 241.
51 1.134.1. The
precise meaning of the termis debated. Royal proskunsis is alreadyperformedin frontof the Median king (1.119.1). For the Persian king,see 3.86.2,
7.13.13.3, 8.118.4, and especially 1.136.1: ". . . when the spear bearers commanded
and tried to force [Sperthias and Boulis] to fall forwardand prostratethemselves to
the king (7iQoaKuveivaaiAea 7iQoa7iL7iTovxa)
they said that not even if their head
was pushed down by them would they ever do that; for it was not their custom to
proskuneinbeforea humanbeing. . . ." See also the descriptionsin Plut. Them.21 AS
and Aelian VH 1.31. On the otherhand, reliefs of the Apadana building at Persepolis
show a visitorbending forwardslightlyto the king while puttinghis hand to his lips.
See E. J. Bickerman," propos d'un passage de Chares de Mytilne,"La Parola del
Passato 18 (1963) 241-55; R. N. Frye, "Gestures of Deference to Royalty in Ancient
Iran," Iranica Antiqua 9 (1972) 102-107; Briant, From Cyrus to Alexander (above,
n.2) 222-23; L. Allen, The Persian Empire (Chicago 2005) 42. This seems a more
realistic formof salute also between non-royalPersians in the street.Herodotus also
attributesthe proskunsis to ordinaryEgyptians,for whom it involves bowing down
afterplacing one's hand on the knees (2.80.2).
52 For the
representationof kingship in Achaemenid art, see M. C. Root, The
King and Kingship in AchaemenidArt: Essay on the Creation of an Iconography of
Empire (Leiden 1979) esp. 231-40.
53A notable
exception, besides Artabanus (7.10-12), is Artabanus son Tntantaechmes,who praises Greek athleticcontestantsfor competingfor excellence (oetr)
ratherthanmoney(8.26.3). For the Achaemenidsystemof benefactionsand its accurate
representationin Herodotus, see Briant, "Hrodote et la socit perse" (above, n.4O)
97-101; see From Cyrus to Alexander (above, n.2) 303-304.
469
is herecombinedwith
Persianself-assurance
test.The characteristic
"Verymanyof us Persiansjust know,he says, but
discouragement:
we followconstrained
by necessity. . . Thereis no greatergriefthan
understanding
manythingsand havingpowerover none."54
Herodotushas learnedthisepisode froma Greeksource,likely
who attendedthe
of a Theban,namedTerpander,
thefamilytradition
Persian,as reportedby Herodoparty;the speechof the anonymous
tus, soundsveryGreek.But at the same time,the criticismof the
it impliesis consistentwiththe way we have seen other
monarchy
Persiansin Herodotusdistancethemselvesfromtheirkings.In this
case thecriticism
has to do withtheking'schoiceto wage war,and
thanwhatRobert
may reflecta truerversionof Persiansentiment
Gravesimaginedin his well-known
poem.55
IV. The Last Appearanceof Cyrus
This anonymousguest,who says he is leaving his host "the
memorialof [his] opinion,"is the last dissentingvoice and the last
of "the Persians"in Herodotus.The referencepoint
representative
of thesemenis, consistently,
Cyrus,withwhomHerodotusin a surprisingmove has in factchosento end his work.Cyrusis brought
back fromthe dead as it were,in a flashbackwherehe advises the
Persiansnot to covet fertileterritories,
because ruggedcountries
are
while
countriesproducesoft
men
who
free
soft
producetough
menwho becomeslaves (9.122.2).
Cyrus'last speechbringsus back to thetimesafterhe replaced
Astyagesas the rulerof Asia (9.122.2), but it is not about kings.
It centerson the collectivity
and its choices,presenting
an ideal of
thatthe Persians,forthe firsttimein the Histories,now
austerity
appearto claim.The passage is hardto reconcilewithCyrus'almost
contemporary
promiseto thePersiansof continuousfeasting(1.126),
withhis careeras a conqueror,and withthe ideologyof prosperity
549.16.2-5.I am adapting
thetranslation
of M. FlowerandJ.Marincola,
Herodotus: HistoriesBookIX (Cambridge2002) 132.
55This is not to say thatthe King's powerwas affectedby theirdefeats;see
Bowie (above,n.2) 5. "The PersianVersion"by RobertGravesgoes as follows{CollectedPoems[1914-1947] [London1948] 210):
Persiansdo notdwellupon
Truth-loving
The trivialskirmish
nearMarathon.
fought
As fortheGreektheatrical
tradition
Whichrepresents
thatsummer'sexpedition
in force
Not as a merereconnaissance
By threebrigadesof footand one of horse
(Theirleftflankcoveredby someobsolete
LightcraftdetachedfromthemainPersianfleet)
But as a grandiose,
ill-starred
attempt
- theytreatit withcontempt;
To conquerGreece
Andonlyincidentally
refute
whatrepute
MajorGreekclaims,by stressing
The Persianmonarch
and Persiannation
Wonby thissalutarydemonstration:
Despitea strongdefenceand adverseweather
All armscombinedmagnificently
together.
470
ROSARIAVlGNOLO MUNSON
as proudof beingbothwealthy
of a people thatHerodotusportrays
and toughat the same time.But if we are leftguessingabout its
thatmaypartlybe becausethislastanecdotein theHistories
meaning,
and the
represents
(withthePreface[1.1-5], thePersianethnography,
conversation
a
of
a
Constitutional
Debate) fragment largerongoing
betweenmid-fifth
centuryPersianelites and theirGreekneighbors,
Herodoespeciallyin Asia, abouthowto be Persian,rulersand free.56
to
tus' recordof this conversation
is one of his greatcontributions
the historyof ancientPersia.
Swarthmore
College
Classical World102.4 (2009)

rmunsonl@swarthmore.edu
56The lastchapter
betweenoxeivand
of theworkis all basedon theopposition
withouAeeLv
as the last word(9.122.4). The emphasison the Persians'
aQxecrOai,
choiceparallelsthechoiceformulated
by Cyrusat 1.126.5-6.For a fulldiscussionof
thispassage,see C. Dewald,"WantonKings,PickledHeroes,and GnomicFounding
in D. H. Roberts,
Fathers:Strategies
of Meaningat theEnd of Herodotus'Histories,"
F. M. Dunn,and D. Fowler,eds., Classical Closure:ReadingtheEnd in Greekand
LatinLiterature
(Princeton1997) 62-82.
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Who Are Herodotus' Persians?

Author(s): ROSARIA VlGNOLO MUNSON