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miguel carter,

editor

challenging
social inequality

The Landless
Rural Workers Movement
and Agrarian Reform
in Brazil

Challenging Social Inequality


Selected chapters translated from the Portuguese by Miguel Carter

The Landless Rural Workers Movement and Agrarian Reform in Brazil


Edited by Miguel Carter

Duke University PressDurham and London2015

2015 Duke University Press

All rights reserved


Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
Designed by Barbara E. Williams
Typeset in Charis and Charparral Pro by BW&A Books, Inc.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Challenging social inequality : the landless rural workers movement and agrarian
reform in Brazil / Miguel Carter, ed. ; selected chapters translated from the
Portuguese by Miguel Carter.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-8223-5172-6 (cloth : alk. paper)
isbn 978-0-8223-5186-3 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Movimento dos Trabalhadores sem Terra (Brazil) 2. Land reformBrazil.
3. Social movementsBrazil. I. Carter, Miguel, 1964
hd1333.b6c47 2012
333.3'181dc23 2012011604
Duke University Press gratefully acknowledges the support of the
unesco Chair in Territorial Development and Education for Countryside
and Fundao Editora da unesp, So Paulo, Brazil, which provided
funds toward the production of this book.

Book cover photograph: Occupation of the Giacometi estate in Paran (1996).


Sebastio Salgado / Amazonas Images.
Frontispiece: More than 12,000 people participate in a sixteen-day National March
for Agrarian Reform to Braslia, 2005. Photo courtesy of Francisco Rojas.

Property does not only have rights, but also has duties . . .
If I am elected, I will not separate the two issues:
the emancipation of slaves and the democratization of the land.
One complements the other.
It is not enough to end slavery alone.
It is necessary to end the consequences of slavery.
J oaquim Nabuco, 1884,
Brazilian Abolitionist Leader

The So Paulo Landlord is no different from the Salisbury Landlord.


It is the same contempt for their fellow man:
the same adoration for their large landholding
and the same repulsion towards any altruistic and generous idea.
It is necessary at each moment to set limits with this Empire;
to compare the conservatives in Brazil with those in England:
the false liberals here and there ( . . . )
The Abolition is marching triumphantly.
It is necessary, though, to give the Negro land.
We must demonstrate that Landlordism is a greater crime than Slavery.
We declared in Lua Conferences: Slavery is a crime.
Now we will hold forth: Large estates are an atrocity.
A ndr Rebouas, 1887,
Brazilian Abolitionist Leader

If there is no struggle there is no progress.


Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet depreciate agitation,
are people who want crops without plowing up the ground.
They want rain without thunder and lightning.
They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters.
This struggle may be a moral one; or it may be a physical one;
or it may be both moral and physical; but it must be a struggle.
Power concedes nothing without demand.
It never did and it never will.
F rederick Douglass, 1849,
North American Abolitionist Leader

For Kristina,
Mi compaera de vida

For those who seek


social and environmental
justice in Brazil

CONTENTS

Acknowledgmentsix
List of Figures, Maps, and Tablesxiii
List of Abbreviationsxvii
An Overview, Miguel Carterxxiii

1. Social Inequality, Agrarian Reform, and Democracy in Brazil,


Miguel Carter1

Part I. The Agrarian Question and Rural Social Movements in Brazil


2. The Agrarian Question and Agribusiness in Brazil,


Guilherme Costa Delgado43

3. Rural Social Movements, Struggles for Rights, and Land Reform


in Contemporary Brazilian History, Leonilde Srvolo de Medeiros68

4. Churches, the Pastoral Land Commission, and the Mobilization


for Agrarian Reform, Ivo Poletto90

Part II. MST History and Struggle for Land


5. The Formation and Territorialization of the MST in Brazil,


Bernardo Manano Fernandes115

6. Origins and Consolidation of the MST in Rio Grande do Sul,


Miguel Carter149

7. Under the Black Tarp: The Dynamics and Legitimacy of Land


Occupations in Pernambuco, Lygia Maria Sigaud182

8. From Posseiro to Sem Terra: The Impact of MST Land Struggles


in the State of Par, Gabriel Ondetti, Emmanuel Wambergue,
and Jos Batista Gonalves Afonso202

Part III. MSTs Agricultural Settlements


9. The Struggle on the Land: Source of Growth, Innovation,


and Constant Challenge for the MST, Miguel Carter and
Horacio Martins de Carvalho229

10. Rural Settlements and the MST in So Paulo: From Social


Conflict to the Diversity of Local Impacts, Sonia Maria P. P.
Bergamasco and Luiz Antonio Norder274

11. Community Building in an MST Settlement in Northeast Brazil,


Elena Calvo-Gonzlez293

12. MST Settlements in Pernambuco: Identity and the Politics


of Resistance, Wendy Wolford310

Part IV. The MST, Politics, and Society in Brazil


13. Working with Governments: The MSTs Experience with the


Cardoso and Lula Administrations, Sue Branford331

14. The MST and the Rule of Law in Brazil, George Mszros351

15. Beyond the MST: The Impact on Brazilian Social Movements,


Marcelo Carvalho Rosa375

Conclusion. Challenging Social Inequality: Contention, Context,


and Consequences, Miguel Carter391

Epilogue. Broken Promise: The Land Reform Debacle under


the PT Governments, Miguel Carter413
References429
Contributors469
Index473
Photo galleries appear after pages 148 and 292.

viiiContents

ACK NOW LEDGMENTS

All books are the result of a collective undertaking. Anthologies such as this
volume, which engaged seventeen contributors from Europe, North America,
and South America, amplify this collective process in a substantial way.
We owe our findings to hundreds, if not thousands, of people who have shared
ideas and generated the information that helped shape the texts included in this
volume. Our informants, research assistants, and many people who produced
the data and studies employed in our assessments played an essential role in this
enterprise. Moreover, during this time, we were all sustainedin different
waysby our families, friends, colleagues, and various host institutions. The
books final production, in turn, owes much to a team effort carried out by Duke
University Press.
In all this, a special word of gratitude should be made to two academic centers that secured funding for this edition: the unesco Chair in Territorial Development and Education for the Countryside of the Universidade Estadual de
So Paulo (unesp) and the Brazil Study Program at the University of Oxford.
Here, we are particularly obliged to Bernardo Manano Fernandes and Timothy J. Powell.
Were it not for this broad and variegated support network, this anthology
would have never been possible. It is with a warm heart, therefore, that we extend our appreciation to all the people involved in this vast undertaking. As
the convener, editor and translator of this volume, it is my responsibility to acknowledge some of the individuals and institutions that helped make this project possible.
Tracing the genealogy of most books can be a rather difficult task, given
the assorted web of ideas and experiences that can shape these literary works.
Though centered on Brazil, this volume is in many ways a globalized text. Its
contributors come from six different countries: Brazil, the United Kingdom, the
United States, Mexico, Argentina, and Paraguay. In addition, editing this anthology involved tasks that crisscrossed many longitudes and latitudes around
the globe. The book was conceived in Oxford, England, prepared in Washington, D.C., and Caacup, Paraguay, and published in Durham, North Carolina.
The city of Oxford offered a lovely setting for two crucial moments in the

volumes conception. The first took place in October 2003, when the Centre
for Brazilian Studies at the University of Oxford sponsored an international
conference on the Landless Rural Workers Movement (mst) and agrarian reform in Brazil that brought together several of the volumes contributors. I am
thankful to those who sponsored this academic event and took part of its lively
exchange, especially, Leslie Bethell, the Centres director. Various people at
the Centre provided assistance in setting up this meeting: Ailsa Thom, Sarah
Rankin, Alessandra Nolasco, Margaret Hancox, and Julie Smith. I also want to
express gratitude to the conference presenters and commentators: Anne-Laure
Cadji, Bernardo Manano Fernandes, Carlos Amaral Guedes, Elena Calvo-
Gonzlez, George Meszaros, Guilherme Delgado, Hamilton Pereira, Horacio
Martins de Carvalho, Sue Branford, Wendy Wolford, David Lehmann, James
Dunkerley, Joe Foweraker, Kathryn Hochstetler, Kurt Von Metteheim, and Laurence Whitehead.
A second coup dinspiration took place at the White Hart, a quaint pub nestled in the village of Wytham, near Oxford. It was there, over a savory pint of
local beer and an animated conversation that Leslie Bethell and I crafted the
basic outline of this book. That evening I agreed to organize two editions of
this volume, one in Portuguese and the other in English. Yet never did I imagine this would require as many years of arduous labor as it actually did. In hindsight, I realize I accepted this engagement with great innocence, impressed as
I was with Leslie Bethells contagious vitality and genuine enthusiasm for this
initiative. Riding back on my bicycle to Oxford, on that dark and chilly autumn
night, I vowed to lead the project to a worthy end.
My memorable sjour at Oxford was made possible thanks to the recommendations tendered by my mentors at Columbia University in New York: Alfred C.
Stepan, Douglas A. Chalmers, Ralph Della Cava, and Albert Fishlow.
The Centre for Brazilian Studies offered an amiable and stimulating place for
research and intellectual debate. During my year at Oxford I shared the good
company, friendship and lingering conversations with Fiona Macauly, Marukh
Doctor, Ronaldo Fiani, Marcos Rolim, Jurandir Malerba, Kathryn Hochstetler,
Alexandre Parola, Lilia Moritz Schwarcz, Antonio Srgio Guimares, Nadya
Arajo Guimares, Matias Spektor, and Vanessa de Castro.
In Washington, D.C., I received the encouragement of various colleagues, students, and friends at American University: Louis Goodman, David Hirschmann,
Deborah Brutigam, Fantu Cheru, Daniel Esser, Robin Broad, Todd Eisenstadt,
Philip Brenner, and Joe Eldridge. In turn, Joe Clapper, Ali Ghobadi, and the administrators of the International Development ProgramCrystal Wright, Eliza
beth Minor, and Amanda Riveswere graceful and efficient in their logistical
assistance.
I am especially indebted to the generous and intelligent contributions made

xAcknowledgments

by my research assistants at American University: Enrique Gmez Carrillo,


Lyndsay Hughes, Kristy Feldman, Kang Yue, and Erin Connor.
Significant revisions were made to the bulk of the contributions prepared
for this volume. This was particularly the case with the eight chapters I translated from Portuguese. Throughout this seemingly endless task I received help
from various colleagues, notably Patrick Quirk, Dbora Lerrer, Eric Joseph, and
Charlotte Cassey. Ralph Della Cavas steadfast support during this long and difficult process was exceptionally heartwarming.
A number of mst leaders and activists provided ample access to contacts and
information on their movement, which greatly facilitated the preparation of
this volume. Several of these individuals are acknowledged in different chapters that comprise this anthology. Others deserving a word of recognition are:
Joo Pedro Stdile, Joo Paulo Rodrigues, Dulcinia Pavan, Neuri Rossetto,
Joaquim Piero, Geraldo Fontes, Miguel Stdile, and Marina Tavares.
I am also extremely grateful to the photographers that helped illustrate this
volume with stunning images, captured with deep human sensitivity. Among
them are some of the best-known photographers of the Brazilian land struggle:
Sebastio Salgado, Joo Ripper, Douglas Mansur, Joo Zinclair, Leonardo Melgarejo, Francisco Rojas, Verena Glass, and Max da Rocha.
Cristiane Passos located various pictures in the archives of the Pastoral Land
Commission (cpt) and Prelacy of So Felix do Araguaia. Celeste Prieto helped
with the final selection of photographs, while Anderson Antonio da Silva provided excellent assistance in preparing all the maps and several figures used to
illustrate this volume. In addition, Ricardo Salles shared the Andr Rebouas
quote used in the opening section of the book.
At Duke University Press, this book project was endorsed early on by Vale
rie Millholland. I am thankful to Jessica Ryan for her good patience and aid in
preparing the manuscript for print. Three anonymous reviewers of the original
manuscript offered insightful suggestions for revision.
My research work on Brazils agrarian issues and rural social movements
began in 1991. The innumerous visits and extensive travel throughout this
country were financed by a number of institutions: The Tinker Foundation, the
Inter-American Foundation, the Fulbright-Hays Dissertation Research Abroad
Program, the Dorothy Danforth Compton Fellowship, the Nonprofit Sector Research Fund of The Aspen Institute, the University of Oxfords Centre for Brazilian Studies, and American University. A special recognition is extended here to
all the organizations and individuals that subsidized my research and involvement in this project.
This anthology would not have been possible without the loyal support of
my family, including the members of the Galland clanLilette Galland de Mira,
Emilio Mira y Lpez, Andrs Galland, Griselda Barrera Galland, and Leticia,

Acknowledgmentsxi

Eliana, and Fabiana Gallandwho welcomed me with joy and kindness in Rio
de Janeiro and Porto Alegre. My parents, John and Rene Carter, were a constant source of inspiration and encouragement, while my siblings, Nicols and
Yvette, were always there to lend a hand.
Raising a family and preparing books can be a tough act to balance. Over the
years, Alma, Rafael, and David did their very best to keep things in perspective. By inviting my distraction, time and again, they lightened my load and
nurtured a playful zest for life.
Kristina Svensson was the main anchor throughout the project. She accompanied the whole journeyfrom the conference in Oxford to the final edits
with cario, patience, acumen, and generosity. The book is dedicated to her
with all my love.

xiiAcknowledgments

Map 0.1. Brazil: States and places cited in the book

A N OV ERV IEW
Miguel Carter

Brazil is one the most inequitable nations in the world. Its great disparities of
wealth have deep historical roots. This volume addresses a critical legacy and
enduring aspect of Brazils social injustice: its sharply unequal agrarian structure. The following chapters probe the causes, consequences, and contemporary reactions to this situation. In particular, they shed light on the Landless
Rural Workers Movement (mst), Latin Americas largest and most prominent
social movement, and its ongoing efforts to confront historic patterns of inequality in the Brazilian countryside.
This volume offers a wide-ranging picture of the mst and its engagement
in the Brazilian struggle for land reform. The sixteen chapters included here
were produced and revised between 2004 and 2008, following a conference
sponsored by the University of Oxfords Centre for Brazilian Studies. All the
contributors to this volume, an assembly of Brazilian, European, and North
Americanbased scholars and development practitioners, have ample fieldwork
experience on the subject. In concert, they offer a unique international and multidisciplinary perspective of this phenomenon. Its seventeen authors include
five sociologists, two political scientists, two geographers, two anthropologists,
an economist, as well as a lawyer, a journalist, and three development practitioners. Among the writers are eleven Brazilians, three Europeans, and three
North Americanbased scholars. Together, they offer a sober and empirically
grounded assessment of what is undoubtedly a complex and sensitive subject.
The following comments present a brief overview of the anthology.
Chapter 1, Social Inequality, Agrarian Reform, and Democracy in Brazil,
by Miguel Carter sets the msts mobilization for agrarian reform in a historical
and comparative context. It underscores the sharp social disparities and contentious visions surrounding the msts quest for land redistribution and appraises
the movements influence on Brazils reform agenda. The prospects for enhancing development and democracy in Brazil, it asserts, are hampered by the nations extreme and durable social inequities. Over the last three decades the
country has experienced a conservative agrarian reform processlargely reactive and restrained in its response to peasant demands; sluggish, minimal, and
ad hoc in its distributive measures; and conciliatory toward the nations land-

lord class. Enduring oligarchic privileges, the underdevelopment of citizenship


rights among the poor, and various other shortcomings of Brazils democratic
regime account for the nations highly lopsided political representation in favor
of the rural elite and explain the states tepid land reform policies. The chapter
concludes with a summary of the main positions in Brazils contemporary debate over agrarian reform.
The ensuing fifteen chapters are divided into four parts. Part I, The Agrarian Question and Rural Social Movements in Brazil, provides an essential
background to the mst story. It examines Brazils agrarian structure, state policies, and the formation of civil society organizations in the countryside. Part
II, mst History and Struggle for Land and part III, msts Agricultural Settlements, build on a frequently made distinction between the struggle for land
(a luta pela terra) and the struggle on the land (a luta na terra). The first refers
to the mobilization undertaken by landless peasants to demand government
land redistribution.1 The struggle on the land takes place after the establishment of an official agricultural settlement. The main efforts during this phase
are geared toward developing productive and meaningful rural communities.
Each of these parts includes an introductory chapter followed by three case
studies. All together, the six case studies cover four of Brazils principal regions:
the south, southeast, northeast, and Amazonian north.
Part IV provides a wide-ranging analysis of the mst, politics, and society
in Brazil. It probes the movements multifarious relations with recent governments and the rule of law. Moreover, it examines the msts impact on other
Brazilian social movements. The concluding chapter appraises current discussions over the mst and the future of agrarian reform in Brazil. In doing so, it
presents some of the main findings of this volume. This is complemented by an
epilogue and update on land reform trends in the late 2000s and early 2010s.
The Agrarian Question and Rural Social Movements in Brazil
Chapter 2, The Agrarian Question and Agribusiness in Brazil, by Guilherme
Costa Delgado offers a cautionary tale. His review of rural development policies since the 1950s shows how these policies have systematically favored the
landlord class, notably during the military regime established in 1964. This
government thwarted reforms in land tenure, while subsidizing the territorial expansion and technological modernization of the agrarian elite. This
state-led capitalist transformation of agriculture fuelled the emergence of a
powerful agribusiness class. Large-scale farmers and ranchers gained added
economic relevance and power in the aftermath of the 1982 debt crisis. Under
Brazils constrained adjustment to the new global economy, agro-exports became a leading source of revenue to repay the nations foreign creditors. Current prospects for implementing a substantial land reform, Delgado argues, are
xxiv Miguel Carter

undermined by the neoliberal economic model adopted in the 1990s. This is


compounded by the states weak enforcement of agrarian reform laws and negligible efforts to put into effect tax provisions affecting large rural properties.
Chapter 3, Rural Social Movements, Struggles for Rights, and Land Reform
in Contemporary Brazilian History, by Leonilde Srvolo de Medeiros also underscores the strength of Brazils large rural proprietors, but, additionally, highlights the emergence of a variety of new peasant movements. These movements
were started first in the 1950s and were reignited in the 1980s, during Brazils
political redemocratization. This second cycle of peasant mobilizations ushered
in new social categories and public demands and fostered innovative forms of
collective action. These peasant groups have sought to assert their public visibility, while demanding governments to fulfill various social rights. The msts
evolution, Medeiros insists, needs to be viewed in the context of previous and
present-day struggles for citizenship rights in the countryside.
Chapter 4, Churches, the Pastoral Land Commission, and the Mobilization
for Agrarian Reform, by Ivo Poletto highlights the religious contribution to the
organization and mobilization of the Brazilian peasantry. Stirred by the Second
Vatican Councils aggiornamento, a theology of liberation, and human rights
violations in the countryside, particularly in the Amazonian frontier, church
agents established in 1975 a Pastoral Land Commission (cpt). The cpt was
embraced early on by the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops (cnbb). Indeed, nowhere in the chronicle of world religion has a leading religious institution played as significant a role in support of land reform as has the Brazilian
Catholic Church. Poletto shows how various church initiatives at the grassroots
level helped nurture a vast network of rural social movements, the mst being
its most prominent offspring.
MST History and Struggle for Land
Chapter 5, The Formation and Territorialization of the mst in Brazil, by Bernardo Manano Fernandes presents a broad view of the msts history and territorial expansion to twenty-four of the countrys twenty-seven states. This
account presents a unique series of maps and discusses the msts organizational resources and main mobilization strategies. Land struggles, Fernandes
asserts, have been crucial to the development of the mst and the implementation of agrarian reform policies in Brazil. However, the surge in land distribution after the mid-1990s simply reduced the rate of land concentration in the
hands of the agribusiness farmers. As a result, existing land reform policies
have not altered the nations agrarian structure in any substantial way.
Chapter 6, Origins and Consolidation of the mst in Rio Grande do Sul, by
Miguel Carter covers the history of the landless movement in one of Brazils
most developed regions. Land struggles in Rio Grande do Sul played a central
An Overview xxv

role in the msts formation, while generating many of its innovative practices.
The movements genesis, survival, and ongoing growth, Carter argues, are intimately entwined with its capacity for public activismthat is, an ability to
engage in a type of social conflict that is organized, politicized, visible, autonomous, periodic, and basically nonviolent. The msts orientation toward
public activism is shaped by its enveloping conditions, notably its political opportunities and mobilizing resources. Carter builds on this framework and a
comprehensive database on land mobilizations to examine the msts historical
trajectory in Rio Grande do Sul, from 1979 to 2006.
Chapter 7, Under the Black Tarp: The Dynamics and Legitimacy of Land
Occupations in Pernambuco, by Lygia Maria Sigaud offers an ethnographic account of land struggles in the northeast sugarcane region. Since the late 1990s,
northeast Brazil has become the most active region in the fight for land. The
msts presence in Pernambuco ushered in a new mobilization technique characterized by Sigaud as the encampment form. These precarious camps set up
by unemployed rural workers are not an ad hoc gathering but a ritualized and
symbolic instrument through which the rural poor have learned to establish entitlement claims. Sigaud demystifies prevailing views that depict these landless
movements as intrinsically hostile to the state. The bellicose rhetoric between
the state and peasant groups, she contends, masks a relationship that also includes elements of close cooperation and mutual dependency.
Gabriel Ondetti, Emmanuel Wambergue, and Jos Batista Gonalves Afonso
in chapter 8, From Posseiro to Sem Terra: The Impact of mst Land Struggles
in the State of Par, appraise the msts expansion into the Amazon region.
Par is noted for the fraudulent appropriation of much of its territory, high levels of rural violence, and a strong tradition of squatter (posseiro) land struggles
supported by local rural trade unions and the cpt. The msts early years in
southeastern Par proved to be difficult ones. The April 1996 police massacre
of nineteen mst peasants near the town of Eldorado dos Carajs was a turning point in the movements struggle. The massacre triggered national public
outrage and prompted federal authorities to accelerate the pace of land distribution. Though relatively small in number, msts actions in Par caused a
significant impact in the region. According to the authors, the mst helped revitalize Pars land struggle and modernize existing repertoires of contention.
Moreover, it fostered the presence of the federal government in areas of the
Amazon frontier where the state had been largely absent.
MST Agricultural Settlements
Land reform settlements differ greatly in their geographic setting, size, family
composition, levels of economic development, political awareness, and cultural
resources. Chapter 9, The Struggle on the Land: Source of Growth, Innovation,
xxvi Miguel Carter

and Constant Challenge to the mst, by Miguel Carter and Horacio Martins
de Carvalho provides a synoptic view of the msts efforts to enhance its agricultural settlements. These activities, they argue, are shaped by Brazils conservative agrarian reform process, which has led to the dispersed and ad hoc
distribution of land settlements. Prior to the election of President Luiz Incio
Lula da Silva, public policies were noted for their negligible assistance to these
new communities. This situation led the mst to mobilize its settlers to insist
that the government provide the houses, agricultural credits, schools, and other
benefits established in the agrarian reform laws. In addition, the mst has organized thirteen specialized sectors to address the movements various needs.
These unitsranging from education, finances, communications, culture, and
human rights to health, gender, production, cooperation, and the environment
operate at national, state, and local levels, adding great complexity and dynamism to the movements decision-making process. These multiple and creative
efforts, Carter and Carvalho conclude, have clearly bolstered the msts organizational capacity.
Chapter 10, Rural Settlements and the mst in So Paulo: From Social Conflict to the Diversity of Local Impacts, by Sonia Maria P. P. Bergamasco and
Luiz Antonio Norder offers a comparative analysis of land reform settlements
in Brazils most industrialized and urbanized state. While emphasizing the
assorted nature and impact of the agrarian reform process in So Paulo, the
authors findings concur with national surveys that suggest an overall improvement in the quality of life among the vast majority of settlers. The creation
of land settlements, they argue, have favored the development of new social
and political relations at the local level, while fostering alternative commercial
arrangements, innovative technologies, and a gradual consolidation of public
policies in support of peasant farmers. In contrast to So Paulos highly industrialized agriculture, many of these communities have embraced a more sustainable and ecological model of rural development.
Chapter 11, Community Building in an mst Settlement in Northeast Brazil,
by Elena Calvo Gonzlez presents an ethnographic account of the day-to-day
dilemmas and frustrations that can take place in a new land reform settlement.
Decisions over where to build new houses (together in an agrovila or in separate
farm plots) and questions concerning the partial collectivization of land and
labor stir power disputes within the settlement. Disappointments over the settlements inadequate infrastructure contribute to shared feelings of failure and
trigger extensive discussions and gossip over who is to blame. In this case study,
regional mst leaders are reproached for exercising too much control and faulted
for not doing enough. State officials are blamed by all parties, albeit in different
ways. All this, Calvo-Gonzlez observes, takes place amid feelings of nostalgia
for the tight-knit community life experienced during the landless encampment.
Chapter 12, mst Settlements in Pernambuco: Identity and the Politics of ReAn Overview xxvii

sistance, by Wendy Wolford analyzes the impact of economic conditions, organizational strategies, and cultural views of the land on an mst community in
Pernambucos coastal region. The decline of the sugarcane industry in the mid1990s facilitated the rapid growth of land reform settlements in this area. With
the recovery of the sugar industry, after the 2002 surge in world sugar prices,
the settlers chose to plant sugarcane instead of the alternative crops promoted
by the mst and land reform officials. The mst lost sway over its members as
a result of these disagreements. Unlike family farmers in other parts of Brazil,
sugarcane workers have been traditionally connected to the land as wage earners, Wolford explains. For them, owning land is mainly about having a space to
rest at ease, free from any controls. This individualist ethos hinders the msts
collective action efforts.
The MST, Politics, and Society in Brazil
Chapter 13, Working with Governments: The msts Experience with the Cardoso and Lula Administrations, by Sue Branford evaluates the msts capacity
to adapt to different political scenarios. The Cardoso government, she notes,
brought mixed results to the mst: greater land distribution yet scant support
for the new settlements. During Cardosos second term a discernible effort was
made to restrict mst protest and curb financial support for its activities. The
2002 election of President Lula, a longstanding mst ally, gave the movement
a welcomed respite. Branford describes the unraveling of Lulas promise to implement a progressive agrarian reform program. The Lula government, she observes, feared upsetting agribusiness interests, alienating its conservative allies
in Congress, and undermining its fiscal austerity program. Still, the Lula administration sharply increased funds for family agriculture and various projects aimed at improving the reform settlements. Faced with a difficult choice,
the mst took the pragmatic decision to side with the Workers Partys (pt) Left
and attack the governments neoliberal policies, while sparing President Lula
himself.
Chapter 14, The mst and the Rule of Law in Brazil, by George Mszros
challenges orthodox ideas that assume a fundamental opposition between the
msts land mobilizations and the rule of law. Such views, he argues, oversimplify a complex situation and omit a fact relevant to many social movements
around the world and throughout history, namely, their role as architects of an
alternative legal order. The Brazilian justice system is manifestly unjust, cripplingly bureaucratic, extremely slow, and saturated with class bias, hence many
of the msts difficulties with the law. The 1988 Constitution espouses agrarian
reform and qualifies property rights by their social function. Yet most judges
insist on applying the Civil Codes absolutist approach to property rights. This
closed legal methodology criminalizes mst activists. In a major victory for mst
xxviii Miguel Carter

lawyers, though, a 1996 decision by Brazils high court ruled that land occupations designed to hasten reform were substantially distinct from criminal
acts against property. Far from simply disdaining legality, Mszros concludes,
the mst has actively contributed to shaping debates over the nature and function of law.
Chapter 15, Beyond the mst: The Impact on Brazilian Social Movements,
by Marcelo Carvalho Rosa argues that the mst has fueled the development of a
new pattern of interaction between the Brazilian state and social movements. It
assesses the msts contribution to the formation of popular groups representing
peasant women, people displaced by the construction of hydroelectric dams,
small farmers, and homeless workers. Furthermore, Rosa examines the msts
impact on the National Confederation of Agricultural Workers (contag) rural
trade unions in the state of Pernambuco. Over the last quarter of a century, the
msts movement form and way of making collective demands on the state has
become widely diffused throughout Brazil and legitimized by public officials.
The concluding chapter, Challenging Social Inequality: Contention, Context, and Consequences, by Miguel Carter pulls together key themes and ideas
in this volume and analyzes their main implications for social change in Brazil. It examines the principal arguments leveled against the msts struggle for
agrarian reform and delineates the broader contours of the debate at hand.
Carter draws on the books findings to suggest ways in which a sharper understanding of the landless movement can be reached. The chapter concludes with
an assessment of the formidable obstacles to land reform in Brazil; the role of
public activism in triggering and sustaining reforms aimed at reducing poverty
and inequality; and the radical democratic implications of the msts fight for
social justice.
The Epilogue, Broken Promise: The Land Reform Debacle under the pt
Governments, by Miguel Carter provides a succinct assessment of Lula and
Dilma Rousseffs conservative rural policies. These developments are set in context and reviewed in terms of their impact on the mst. The text closes by drawing out two paradoxes that emerge from this appraisal and weigh on the future
of Brazils democracy, its peasantry, and the ecological fragility of our planet.

Note
1. The term peasant is used in a broad sense throughout this volume. It refers basically
to rural cultivators or people of the land. These agricultural workers may or may not
have control over the land they till. When they do, peasants usually engage in family
labor practices on a modest parcel of land. For useful reviews of the definition of the
peasantry, see Shanin (1987) and Kurtz (2000). The notion of a landless peasant deals
with a variety of social categories of workers, mostly of rural origin, who aspire to cultivate a small plot of farmland. This concept is treated at length in various chapters in
this volume, especially in chapters 3, 4, and 5.

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