Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
Submitted to:
Atty. Robert Raypon
Submitted by:
Jag Iesu Inigo G. Murillo
March 30 , 2015
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Pages
I.
Introduction
2-3
II.
4-6
III.
IV.
V.
7-9
10
10-11
11-12
Conclusion
Bibliography and references
12-14
15
I.
Introduction
Fighting corruption in the Philippines is like trying to kill
an elephant with a flyswatter.
Atty. Simeon V. Marcelo,
Philippine Ombudsman 2002-2005
Systemic and widespread corruption has long been a disease that has
festered for a long time in the Philippines and has thereby hampered its progress
and development. Corruption exists in all levels of the government, especially
among high-level civil servants in the Philippines. 1 Atty. Simeon V. Marcelo,
Philippine Ombudsman for the years 2002-2005, once said that it is wrong to
say that there is corruption because there is poverty; rather, it is the other way
around, there is poverty because there is corruption.
The framers of the 1987 Constitution envisioned the Ombudsman as an
official critic who studies the laws, procedures and practices in government, a
mobilizer who ensures that the steady flow of services is accorded the citizens,
and a watchdog who looks at the general and specific performance of all
government officials and employees. (cf. Journal No. 40, July 26, 1986, p. 432). 2
The Ombudsman has been dubbed as the protector of the people. But it
seems that since the time it became operational on May 12, 1988, the
Ombudsman can hardly point to any case against high-ranking officials that
resulted in convictions. With the notable exception of former President Joseph
Estrada who was convicted of corruption in extraordinary circumstances (after he
was already ousted from office), the Ombudsman cannot point to any highranking official that it has convicted and imprisoned for corruption. 3 Other highranking officials that were impeached were former Chief Justice Renato Corona
and the very own former Ombudsman Mercedita Gutierrez. 4
So, we may ask, has the Ombudsman been complying with its mandate to
act promptly on complaints filed in any form or manner against officers or
employees of the Government, or of any subdivision, agency or instrumentality
thereof, including government-owned or controlled corporations, and enforce
their administrative, civil and criminal liability in every case where the evidence
warrants in order to promote efficient service by the Government to the people
(Section 13, R.A. 6770). Whether it has (at least to some extent, though menial)
or it has not at all, it is indubitably clear that it has not produced the best results it
could have possibly done so.
Is there an institutional weakness? A stark contrast can be made between
the Philippine Ombudsman and the Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK), the
anti-corruption institution of Indonesia.
1 US Department of State Investment Climate Statement 2013 - Philippines.
2 Official Website of the Office of the Ombudsman.
http://www.ombudsman.gov.ph/index.php?
home=1&navId=MQ==&subNavId=ODU=
3 Bolongita, Emil P. An Exception To The Rule?. U4 Anti-corruption
Resource Center Issue. August 2010: p. 10
4 http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/nation/03/10/11/blue-ribbon-gutierrez-resign
2 | MURILLO
powers are such that a civic leader remarked, upon the laws passage, that
politicians were inviting a tiger into their house. 1 This paper focuses the lens on
the investigative and prosecutorial powers of the KPK that made it more
responsive to its duty as an anti-corruption institution as compared to the
Philippine Ombudsman and suggests that the emulation of the formers
investigative and prosecutorial system may improve the conviction rate of the
latter.
1 Ibid, 2
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II. The Basis for Emulating the KPKs Investigative and Prosecutorial System
Why is it good to consider the KPK and its investigative and prosecutorial
system a good model for the Philippine Ombudsman to emulate? The Indonesia
and the Philippines share a number of similar important characteristics that would
warrant this parallelism. Geographically, both Indonesia and the Philippines are
Southeast Asian countries and are members of the ASEAN (Association of
Southeast Asian Nations).
Apart from the Philippines and Indonesias geographical location, there are other
important similarities politically, economically and in terms of corruption in the
country, to wit:
1.) Politically, both countries experienced long periods of authoritarian rule
that were characterized and sustained by rent-seeking and systemic
corruption. The Marcos dictatorship in the Philippines lasted 14 years,
from 1972 to 1986, while Soehartos authoritarianism endured for 31
years, from 1967 to 1998. Similarly, both authoritarian governments
collapsed following popular protest movements fuelled by widespread
anger against massive corruption and its precipitating role in economic
crises. Moreover, both countries equally saw a burst of pluralism during
their respective transitions from authoritarian rule. Numerous political
parties formed, civil society organisations mushroomed, and media
channels multiplied. Today, both countries are characterised by strong
chief executives, with relatively weak bicameral legislatures, and a
robustly decentralised local government sector.1
2.) Economically, both Indonesia and the Philippines are lower middle income
countries. Indonesias Gross National Income per capita in 2008 was
US$1,880 while the Philippines was US$1,890 (World Bank 2009). Their
political economies are likewise similar in terms of the persistence of neopatrimonial practices, where the structures and systems of modern
government mask the practices and patterns of patronage and corruption.
The respective transitions to democracy of both countries failed to
dismantle the family-focused, clan-oriented, and region-sensitive ways
that dominate politics and economics in interlocking ways. 2
3.) In terms of corruption, both Indonesia and the Philippines are considered
among the more corrupt in Asia. Both score very low in various indices
such as Transparency Internationals Corruption Perceptions Index and
the Word Banks Control of Corruption indicator. (Indonesias ranking,
however, has improved in recent years compared to the Philippines, in
part because of the work of the KPK.) When the KPK and the
Ombudsman were established (in 2003 and 1988 respectively), both faced
similarly high levels of state capture as well as grand and petty
corruption.3
It is to be noted that Atty. Simeon Marcelo has recognized the importance of the
Office of the Special Prosecutor and the Field Investigation Office, and thus
1 Bolongita, Emil P. An Exception To The Rule?. U4 Anti-corruption
Resource Center Issue. August 2010: p. 7.
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
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2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
The KPKs investigative and prosecutorial system now comes into the picture as
a relevant model for the Ombudsman. Apart from the aforementioned similarities
in characteristics between Indonesia and the Philippines, the KPK has valiantly
become an exception to the commonality that most anti-corruption agency failed
in upholding their mandate.1
Furthermore, the KPK has had its crises, including harassment and intimidation,
interagency feuds, slashed budgetsand it is subject to the higher powers of the
president and the parliament. But KPK has also built up a formidable base of
public support. When it locked horns with the national police, thousands staged
public demonstrations supporting KPK. When the parliament refused to allocate
money for a much-needed KPK building, Indonesian citizens voluntarily donated
money for the building construction. Now on its tenth year, KPK has become a
symbol of reform and hope for Indonesians, and is hailed as one of the few
effective anti-corruption agencies in the world. 2 Hence, the KPK has indeed won
the hearts of the Indonesian constituents as their anti-corruption institution. Thus,
there is much reason for the Philippine Ombudsman to emulate Indonesias KPK.
(ITF vs. Comelec, G.R.159139), found the said Resolution and Contract null and
void, as a consequence of which, "the purchase of the machines and all
appurtenances thereto including the still to be produced software as well as all
the payments made therefor (P849, 167, 697.41 by Comelec computation), have
no basis whatsoever in law. Thus the SC ordered the recovery of the funds
expended pursuant to the void Resolution and Contract from the payees and/or
"from the persons who made possible the illegal disbursements without prejudice
to possible criminal prosecutions against them".1
Today, the Ombudsman has not yet fully complied with the SC directive. While it
promptly started the investigation the day after the directive came out, it got stuck
there. The SC itself believes that this delay and inaction is already unreasonable
and inexcusable so it gave the Ombudsman until June 30, 2006 to complete its
investigation. Yet instead of meeting the deadline, news report says the
Ombudsman is asking for more time.2
Ofcourse, apart from the deficiency in the investigative capacity of the
Ombudsman, there are other factors such as inefficient leadership. According
Human Development Network, low conviction rate is explained by highly
centralized system, a weakened Office of the Special Prosecutor, and a
demoralized staff. This and bad relations with other anticorruption organizations
contribute to the bad image of the Ombudsman and thus its growing
unpopularity.
The Office of the Ombudsman said there is no fixed period in the investigation of
cases or complaints because of the various factors involved, such as the
complexity of the allegations, the volume of evidence required, and the number
of public officials/employees accused.
Ombudsman investigations are always aimed at presenting a strong case so our
inquiries are always in-depth, says de Jesus. Although the standard of proof in
fact-finding is only probable cause, the FIO (Field Investigation Office)
investigators always aim at proof beyond reasonable doubt, or, in an
administrative case, preponderance or substantial evidence. The reason behind
this is to increase the chances of conviction of an offender. 3
There is no problem with the goal of aiming at presenting a strong case through
aiming proof beyond reasonable doubt even if standard of proof in fact-finding
probable cause is only. The problem is with minimizing the least time possible to
gather such strong and credible evidence.
As previously mentioned, KPK has been so successful and one of its primary
distinctive traits is that it has very broad investigative and prosecutorial powers
that allowed it to circumvent and overrule police and prosecutors. These powers
included the right to tap phones without a court order, to impose travel bans, to
freeze bank accounts, and to access financial records.
1 http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/151030/news/the-comelec-megapacific-consortium-deal-timeline
2 Ibid
3 Ilagan, Karol Anne. Sanctum Sanctorum?. Philippine Center For
Investigative Journalism. February 8, 2011.
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be conducted in order to secure a strong case and perhaps even win all case
or substantially all of it whenever it reaches the Supreme Court.
B.
Should it be difficult to restructure all over again the whole machinery of the
prosecutorial system of the Ombudsman, there is another alternative which
would ensure that the cases filed by the Ombudsman are backed with strong
and sufficient evidence to secure conviction of the corrupt official charged as
well as a mechanism of checks and balance.
This system has in fact been already established during Atty. Simeon
Marcelos occupation of the Office of the Ombudsman and was not followed
by his successor, Mercedita Gutierrez.
As mentioned previously, it was during Atty. Simeon Marcelos incumbency as
the Ombudsman where the sincerity rating was at its peak. This is precisely
because of some re-engineering in the internal process in the Ombudsman
which is similar to or having similar effects and implications with the threestage panel review of the KPK.
Marcelo 're-engineered' the internal procedures at the Ombudsman, drawing
from lessons learned in the practices of Ombudsmen Vasquez and Desierto.
Marcelo decentralized some powers to the deputy Ombudsmen, retaining a
few key powers to ensure check and balance. This delegation of powers has
resulted in efficient handling of cases, without necessarily compromising the
integrity of the institution through sufficient checks and balance in place. 1
Another institutional strength that Marcelo built on during his leadership was
the Ombudsman's good relations with other partner organizations in the fight
against corruption (Commission on Audit, Civil Service Commission,
Presidential Anti-Graft Commission, and civil society organizations such as
the Transparency and Accountability Network). The Solana Covenant a
covenant between the OMB, COA, and CSC was a celebrated agreement
among 'like-minded institutions' towards a more coordinated approach to
fighting corruption. It outlined programs of the three agencies that should not
duplicate but rather complement and strengthen each other's anticorruption
efforts.2
With Gutierrez as new Ombudsman, most of these institutional
practices/policies have been undone. Gutierrez centralized almost all
decisions e.g. travel orders, information dissemination, approval/disapproval
on complaints filed by the Field Investigation Office before the Preliminary
Investigation Administrative Adjudication and Monitoring Office (PAMO) and
entrusted approval powers to Assistant Ombudsman Mark Jalandoni and
Overall Deputy Ombudsman Orlando Casimiro. (Rufo, 2008b; Office Order 20
series of 2006) The Deputy Ombudsmen for Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao,
have been ordered to transfer all pending cases involving governors and vicegovernors to the Office of the Overall Deputy Ombudsman. 1
Even the Ombudsman's official spokesman, Jose de Jesus, has to seek
clearance from the Ombudsman and her 'delegates' before he can do his job
as spokesperson and liaise with media. As a result of this centralized
decision-making, conviction rates have dropped and the staff are
demoralized. Gutierrez also strained relations with the Office of the Special
Prosecutor (OSP) headed by Dennis Villa-Ignacio.2
According to Atty. Simeon Marcelo in a talk at UP: we should always
encourage the institution of Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty so that it would be
easy to get evidence. Katulad ng case ni dating Major General Carlos Garcia,
because we already had assistance from the United States, it took us [only a
few months to file the case]. We started in September, we were able to file the
first case on November, and then we were able to file the plunder case during
March of the following year. Ganun kabilis. So it all depends on whether the
documents are complete.3
V. Conclusion
The KPK has been so effective in complying with its mandate because of a
broad and efficient investigative and prosecutorial arm. If the Philippines
should emulate their investigative and prosecutorial system, there is likelihood
that the Ombudsman would enhance its conviction rate.
Of course, there are other factors to consider such as the leadership of the
incumbent Ombudsman, the support of the general public against the fight of
corruption, budgetary constraints, other macro-political factors and many
more. Nonetheless, an effective internal system for investigating and
prosecuting corruption cases of public officials is one of the backbone for the
success of the war against corruption.
In a world where even very poor countries exhibit high levels of technology
and mobility, an anti-corruption agency without the powers to conduct
wiretaps, investigate financial records, freeze assets, and apprehend
suspects is a useless entity. An anti-corruption agency needs to be able to
conduct surveillance, follow the money trail, set up sting operations, and
make arrests of likely fugitives. Only with standard investigative powers and
capacities can an anti-corruption agency gather the necessary evidence to
ensure effective prosecution.4
1 Ibid, 5
2 Ibid
3 Marcelo, Simeon. Talk at the UP College Of Law. March 3, 2009.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qMWR8w9HJsQ.
4 Bolongita, Emil P. An Exception To The Rule?. U4 Anti-corruption
Resource Center Issue. August 2010: p. 14
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Hence, the government must give the Ombudsman more teeth to conduct a
more aggressive investigation against corrupt officials. The problem is that
many of those in charge are corrupted themselves. Maybe it is their real
intention to leave the Ombudsman as it is but a toothless tiger. It is suggested
that this must not be so.
The Ombudsman, for the sake of public transparency and welfare, should be
allowed as an exception and be free to conduct wiretap, freeze assets, and
apprehend suspect without prior judicial approval, of course, also within
reasonable bounds of law.
It must be independent to do so, as it is called the protector of the people. It
cannot be under the leash of the judiciary. Nonetheless, as all things are, it
should still be open to Court review for grave abuse of discretion.
The KPKs joint investigative and prosecutorial units have demonstrated
remarkable efficiency and effectiveness in collecting evidence and developing
compelling cases. In contrast, by letting the investigators decide when to
prosecute, the Ombudsman has weakened key factors in prosecutorial power.
Moreover, in sharing responsibility for decisions to prosecute, the quantum of
evidence in deciding to prosecute should not only be on basis of probable
cause but on the probability of guilt beyond reasonable doubt. 1
Hence, the Ombudsman may make an order restructuring the whole
machinery of its prosecution by ensuring that the investigators and the
prosecutors shall work hand-in-hand in every step of the way from the
investigation until the prosecution of suspected corrupt officials and not
separately as though the work of the prosecutors begins after the work of the
investigator. The decision to prosecute must also be subjected to panel
review by the Commission, the investigators and the special prosecutors in
order to secure a strong case against the official and to immensely enhance
the likelihood of conviction.
Alternatively, the Ombudsman must re-establish its relationship with other
partner organizations such as the Solana Covenant a covenant between the
OMB, COA, and CSC which was a celebrated agreement among 'likeminded institutions' towards a more coordinated approach to fighting
corruption.2 Corollary, the Ombudsman should also decentralize some powers
to the deputy Ombudsmen, retaining a few key powers to ensure check and
balance in lieu of three-stage panel review.
With this at hand, and the whole Nations dedication to the eradication of
corruption in the Philippines, may very well ensure the victory of the war
against corruption. This is a valiant and noble endeavor because again, as
what Atty. Simeon Marcelo has said, It is not true that there is corruption
because of poverty; but rather, it is the other way around, there is poverty
because of corruption. Stop corruption, save the Nation from poverty.
1 Ibid, p. 28
2 Human Development Network. The Office Of The Ombudsman: Is There An
Institutional Weakness?. PHDR Issue Number 2. 2008-2009. P. 6
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