PROTOCOLS

Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, Distinguished Ladies and

Gentlemen, permit me to commence this inaugural
lecture by raising a fundamental issue of critical concern
within the context of our intellectual engagement at this
auspicious forum. The issue relates to the purpose of an
inaugural lecture. But before then, I wish to state that this
is the first inaugural lecture in the Department of Political
Science, University of Lagos in the last two decades, and
second in the history of the Department, established
almost 50 years ago. The first inaugural lecture in the
Department was delivered about 23 years ago by
Professor Cornelius Alaba Ogunsanwo, who shortly after
the lecture, was appointed Nigerias High Commissioner
to Botswana, with concurrent accreditation to Lesotho,
and later Ambassador to Brussels.
Taking a cue from my late Professor of International
Relations at the University of Ife (now OAU), Prof. Olajide
Aluko, who in his inaugural lecture delivered on 17th
March, 1981 explicated the purpose of an inaugural
lecture as enunciated by its founding fathers, I believe his
meaningful contextualization is still germane to current
thinking on the issue and should therefore be espoused,
albeit briefly, to this audience. Prof. Alukos candid
submission which I allude to is that there has been a
gross misconception of inaugural lecture. Some
Professors see it as a flamboyant socio-political occasion
meant for wining and dining, while others perceive it as a
platform for raining abuse on their academic colleagues.
Yet, others consider the occasion as a unique opportunity
to mark the effective assumption of their role as

professors in the universities. All these are considered

wrong and a misuse of inaugural lectures.1
In the opinion of its founding fathers, inaugural lectures
are designed for three main purposes and all are purely
academic. The first is to provide a veritable avenue for
the newly appointed Professor to critically analyze the
state of his specialized discipline. The second is to
enable the professor to present a piece of unpublished
research upon which he has been working before his
appointment, or completed afterwards, with a view to
displaying his credentials as a scholar and vindicating his
appointment before a cross section of the university
community and outsiders. The third purpose of inaugural
lecture is to afford the professor the opportunity to
elaborate the research scheme that he intends to follow
while occupying the chair.2
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, what I propose to do and which I
have been doing with my professorship falls into the last
two categories. As my first purpose, I intend to continue
with my study of International Relations and specifically
Foreign Policy Analysis. I shall focus my research on the
dynamics of Nigerias foreign policy in contemporary
globalized context.
I have published two major works in this area one in the
Journal of Global Initiatives (2006) and the other in
Globalization (2007). Also relevant to the study is my
latest book Perspectives on Africas Crises: The
1

Aluko, O.(1981), Necessity and Freedom in Nigerian

Foreign Policy, An Inaugural Lecture delivered at the University
of Ife now (OAU), Ile-Ife, 17th March.
Ibid.

Challenges
of
Socio-Political
and
Economic
Transformation in the 21st Century published by
Spectrum Books in 2011. In terms of the focus of my
address this evening, the topic falls specifically under the
second purpose of inaugural lecture as explicated above.
I consider it a unique opportunity and a momentous
occasion to showcase to this august assemblage of
intellectuals of diverse backgrounds my humble
contributions to the expansion of knowledge in my field of
study in the last two decades, and express my profound
thought about the trajectory of Nigerias foreign policy in
retrospect and prospects.
Introduction
Nigerias adventure into the global arena began with its
attainment of independence on 1st October, 1960 and
subsequent admission as the 99th member of the United
Nations on the 7th October, 1960. Since then, the
country as a sovereign state has experienced a meteoric
rise and fall in its diplomatic soldiering. As a scholar of
International Relations, I have been intrigued and
consternated by the sliding fortune of Nigerias activities
at the global level. Since its independence, the country
has been confronted by governance challenges as it
oscillated between civilian and military rule. It is for this
reason that Nigeria has been floundering in its profoundly
dynamic and proactive foreign policy. There has been a
general shift in policy from different regimes since 1960.
The historical trajectory upon which the countrys foreign
policy has been constructed and the pedestrian nature of
the political leadership have combined to endanger the
nations overall foreign policy postures and directions.
A major defining characteristic of the international system
at the outset of Nigerias independence which influenced
tremendously the evolutionary trend and development of
3

its foreign policy was the Cold War between the West and
East led by the United States of America and Soviet
Union respectively. While a number of assumptions have
suggested that the newly independent African States
were products of the Cold War, and benefitted from it,
Nigeria shared in the Cold War debacle as a member of
the Non-Aligned Movement. The African continent was
used as the theatre for Cold War ideological struggle.
Nigeria proclaimed and avowed to pursue an
independent stance in the global politics.
Thus, the Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, while
addressing the Parliament on 20th August, 1960
perceptively asserted that Nigeria would follow an
independent foreign policy, which would be founded on
Nigerias interests and would be consistent with the moral
and democratic principles on which the countrys
constitution was based.3 Nigeria was not oblivious of the
fact that it was difficult at that early stage of statehood to
cut the umbilical cord that ties it with Britain, its excolonial ruler. Thus, Balewa declared:
.based on the happy experience of a successful
partnership, our future relations with the United
Kingdom will be more cordial than ever, bound
together as we shall be in the Commonwealth by a
common allegiance to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth
who we proudly acclaim as Queen of Nigeria (hence)
we are grateful to the British officers who we have
known, first as masters and then as leaders and
finally as partners but always as friends.4
3

Tafawa Balewa, Quoted in Gambari. I (2008), From Balewa

to Obasanjo: The Theory and Practice of Nigerias Foreign
Policy in Adekeye Adebajo and Abdul Mustapha(eds) Gullivers
Troubles: Nigerias Foreign Policy after the Cold War, Scottsville,
South Africa, University of Kwazulu-Natal Press, p.62
Balewa, Abubakar Tafawa (1960), Our Great Day has
Arrived, Text of Independence Day Address to the Nation,

With this type of statement, it was very clear Nigerias

foreign policy was laid on a foundation of limited
autonomy and independence. It therefore means that
Nigerias claim for leadership in Africa was tied to British
interest. The formative stage of its match to greatness
through assertive foreign policy was characterized by
uncertainty and timidity against the background of certain
phenomenal events including the Anglo-Nigeria Defence
Pact and its position as a member of conservative bloc
(Monrovia bloc) in the process of establishing the
Organization of African Unity (OAU).
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, the central thesis of this lecture is
that in the recent past, Nigeria had evinced the
manifestation of a lackluster foreign policy and a
distinctively wobbled diplomatic practice; and the litany of
contradictions bedeviling the countrys foreign policy has
grievously undermined the reputation of the nation. It is
particularly worrisome that at a time when other African
states with successful democracies, for example
Botswana, Mozambique, Ghana, South Africa etc. are
counting their achievements in the diplomatic sector no
matter how miniscule, Nigeria is appallingly backtracking
on its diplomatic foray. The conclusion emanating from
this scenario is that the timidity, docility, ambivalence,
dissonance, indecisiveness and inertia that characterized
the foreign policy pursuit in the First and Second
Republics have resurfaced, while the foreign policy
machinery of the nation has been subjected to a plethora
of conceptual and epistemological confusion. The
contradictions emanate from political instability, policy
somersault, domestic forces and external environment of
foreign policy. There is therefore the imperative need to
fundamentally transform Nigerias lethargic foreign policy,
October 1

re-fix the diplomatic compass, construct, deconstruct and

reconstruct a new foreign policy architecture that is
capable of significantly redressing the systemic foreign
policy disorders and meeting the challenges of diplomacy
in contemporary global system. Thus, at the theoretical
and methodological levels, this lecture interrogates
Nigerias foreign policy and the paroxysmal future of
diplomatic practice.
It draws from empirical and
theoretical formulations on various aspects that impinge
on Nigerias foreign policy.
Conceptual Discourse
In our trade in social sciences, we do our bargaining with
the help of theory. Theory and practice address critical
issues and cover the gap that may exist in the academic
world. Stephen Walt has intimated us that policy makers
pay relatively little attention to the vast theoretical
literature in International Relations and many scholars
seem uninterested in doing policy-relevant works. The
reasons for this, he explains: First, scholars are more
likely to read those works. Secondly, policy makers are
unlikely to be swayed by advice to pay greater attention
to academic theory. He concludes, If academic writings
are not useful, however, no amount of exhortation will
persuade policy makers to read them. 5 In this lecture, I
do not intend to dwell on theoretical exhortation but rather
to marry both theory and practice.
I am aware that there are indeed contending approaches
to the study of foreign policy generally and Nigerias
foreign policy in particular. It has remained contentious
among scholars and writers to analyze Nigerias foreign
policy from one theoretical prism because there are
5

Walt, S (2005) The Relationship between Theory and Policy

in International Relations, Annual Reviews of Political Science,
arjournals.annualreviews.org

contending theoretical approaches. Traditionally,

the
philosophical, legalistic, institutional and ideological were
analytical tools before the advent of the behavioural
movement in the 1950s.
We have often been misled that the state is the only actor
in international relations, without understanding human
beings and institutions that are involved in making
decisions.
One of the foremost Nigerias political
theorists, Adele Jinadu has pointed out that we assume
that structure and process are the main determinants of
state-action in the public policy, but structure alone
cannot be used to explain public policy without
understanding the place and relevance of ideas to public
policy. The idea of foreign policy is the philosophical
foundations of such policy. In his words, the external
reality of the phenomenal world is central to the public
policy domain, much about public policy cannot be
explained or understood without reference to the place
and relevance of ideas to public policy. 6 Foreign policy
falls within the ambit of public policy that means that the
philosophical world must be understood in its formulation.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, let me avoid living in one world
but many theories. I will in this lecture dwell on the
alternative theoretical map to follow in this discourse.
This theoretical approach has been dominant among
scholars on Nigerias foreign policy. Quite often, we
erroneously assume that theory is only for theorists and
practice is for practitioners. As I would not dwell so much
on theoretical issues, I would do it just to illustrate the
point or establish the relationship between theory and
6

Jinadu, A. (2005) The Philosophical Foundations and

Fundamental Principles of Nigerias Foreign Policy in Ogwu, J.
(ed.) New Horizons for Nigeria in World Affairs, Lagos: N.I.I.A.,
p.18

practice. However, this relationship is so complex that it

cannot be resolved today.
From the philosophical point of view, the studies of
actions of a particular state will be interpreted in terms of
its consistency with basic principles of international law
and its conformity with the moral purpose that is expected
to inform the goals of foreign policy. It is a common
knowledge that states behavior is predicated on its
historical experience and geo-strategic location.
The dominant school is the realist paradigm which has
provoked much interest and controversy. Nigeria as an
actor in the international system exhibits the character of
a state that aspires to dominate others. It has maintained
from inception the principle of sovereignty and
nationalism which are decisive on the foreign policy.
There is every tendency for us to believe that Nigerias
foreign policy is generally consistent with realist principles
because most of its actions are still designed to preserve
Nigerias predominance in the West African region and
African continent as a whole. The pursuit of power is the
guiding philosophy of realism which statesmen must
vigorously pursue, conserve,
consolidate and
demonstrate at all times. This is the only condition for
ensuring national security and maintaining order and
peace in the political system.
While these debates reflect the diversity in the discipline
of International Relations, I must not fail to point out that
the behavioural approach to the study of Nigerias foreign
policy still remains relevant. For any foreign policy
decision made, there are some motives behind them.
This is why Gordon Idang has eloquently and
persuasively argued that in foreign policy making,
reference is made to the personality and general
8

dispositions and value preferences of the decision

maker.7
In all this, many academics and few policy
makers are loathed to admit it; realism remains the most
compelling general framework for understanding Nigerias
foreign policy. Each of these competing paradigms
captures important aspects of understanding state
behavior.
Mr. Vice Chancellor Sir, in the entire global terrain, states
articulate and implement foreign policies in order to guide
their external relations and protect or advance their vital
national interests. Foreign policy and national interest
are locked in a symbiotic relationship, and since the two
intertwined concepts are germane to this discourse, their
conceptual view within the context of our analytical
construct is considered imperative in order to obviate any
misunderstanding and misrepresentations of our
viewpoint.
I would agree with Olajide Aluko who rightly observes that
nobody has really formulated a universally acceptable
definition of the concept, and probably nobody will ever
succeed in doing so.8 Notwithstanding, notable scholars
of International Relations have espoused their views on
what foreign policy portends. Dougherty and Pfaltgraff
define foreign policy as the formulation, implementation
and evaluation of external choices within one country,
viewed from the perspective of that country. 9 Northedge
simply construes foreign policy as interplay between the
outside and the inside. 10 Hence, foreign policy is
essentially the instrumentality by which states influence
7

Idang, G. (1971) Nigeria Internal Politics and Foreign Policy

(1960-1966), Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, p.2.
Aluko, O (1981), Essays in Nigerian Foreign Policy, London:
George Allen & Unwin, p.1
Dougherty, and Pfaltgraff(1971), Contending Theories of
International Relations, Philadelphia, Lippincott,p.23

or seek to influence the external world, and to attain

objectives that are in consonance with their perceived
national interest. Situating this within the context of, and
linkage to national interest and its relationship with
foreign policy pungently suggests that foreign policy and
national interest are inseparable concepts in International
Relations, and the foundation of a states foreign policy is
its national interest which in turn directs the course of its
actions in the global arena.
National interest is construed as the totality or the
aggregate interest of individuals and groups within a
given state. These are clear objectives that are pursued
by States in their interaction with one another in the
international system.
It becomes an instrument of
political action; it serves to justify or repudiate a states
foreign policy option and action in the international
system. This explains the interconnectedness of foreign
policy and national interest. Suffice to state that national
interest as a guide to the formulation of foreign policy is
not an end in itself but a means to an end. It therefore
means that it is a method of reaching a goal and in
formulating such a goal, core values and national ethos
are considered. Thus, the objectives or goals that Nigeria
pursues are central to its survival. It is the totality of
these goals that constitute the national interest. There is
therefore the need to articulate the goals, though it may
not necessarily guarantee the successful implementation
of foreign policy.
It becomes imperative to espouse what was considered
as the fundamental objectives of Nigerias foreign policy.
Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa on August 20, 1960,
underscored the primacy of National Interest of Nigeria.
10

Northedge, F.S.(ed.) (1968), The Foreign Policies of the

Powers, London: Faber, p.15

10

However, what constitutes the countrys national interest

was not explicitly articulated.
Indeed, Balewa
administration and the two successive regimes of Major
General Aguyi Ironsi and Gen. Yakubu Gowon merely
premised their foreign policies on their perception of what
they considered as Nigerias interests. It was under the
Murtala/Obasanjo regime in 1975 that the broad strands
of Nigerias national interest were clearly addressed. The
regime in its own ingenuity set up the Adebayo Adedeji
Commission to articulate Nigerias interest among other
things. Based on the commissions report, General
Obasanjo, in June 1976, identified the core elements of
Nigerias National Interest which also constitute the
objectives of its foreign policy to include:
the defence of our sovereignty, independence
and territorial integrity, the creation of necessary
political and economic conditions in Africa and
the rest of the world which will facilitate the
defence of the independence and territorial
integrity of all African countries while at the same
time foster national self-reliance and rapid
economic development, the promotion of
equality and self-reliance in Africa and the rest of
the developing world; the promotion and the
defence of justice and respect for human dignity
especially the dignity of the blackmen; the
defence and promotion of world peace. 11
Former military President, General Ibrahim Babangida,
conceived Nigerias national interest as predicated on the
nations military, economic, political and security issues.
In other words, anything that will enhance the capacity of
Nigerians to defend their national security, promote
Nigerias economic growth and development, and make
11

Aluko, O. (1981) Essays in Nigerias Foreign Policy Op. cit.

11

Nigeria politically stable constitutes Nigerias national

interest.12
Similarly, Chapter 2 of the 1999 Constitution, which is the
fundamental objectives and directive principles as
provided in Section 19 (a-e) encapsulates the Nigerias
foreign policy objectives to include: (a) promotion and
protection of the national interest; (b) promotion of
African integration and support for African unity; (c)
promotion of international cooperation for the
consolidation of universal peace and mutual respect
among all nations, and elimination of discrimination in all
its manifestations; (d) respect for international law and
treaty obligations as well as the seeking of settlement of
international disputes by negotiation, mediation,
conciliation, arbitration and adjudication; and (e)
promotion of a just world order.13
Since the dawn of a new democratic era in 1999, a major
trend is clearly discernible in Nigerias foreign policy. This
is the desire to establish and maintain friendships with
countries that have historically shaped global diplomacy
while forging new alliances with emerging powers in the
global economic arena. This trend reflects the countrys
overall objectives as envisioned in its Vision 20-2020
document.14 To this end, six major determinants have
underlined Nigerias foreign policy since 1999. These
include: (i) removing the near-pariah status that the
country attained during the last phases of military rule; (ii)
remaining a key player in regional or continental politics,
12

13
14

See Akinboye, S.O. (1999) Nigerias Foreign Policy in

Remi Anifowose and Francis Enemuo (ed.) Elements of Politics,
Lagos: Malthouse, p366
1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
Alao, A. (2011) Nigeria and the Global Powers: Continuity
and Change in Foreign Policy and Perceptions, Occasional
Paper No.96, SAIIA,p.6

12

particularly in light of the increasing importance of the

Gulf of Guinea; (iii) ensuring that external relations assist
in domestic economic development, especially through
strategic cooperation with traditional and emerging global
economic actors; (iv) bringing about debt relief; (v)
obtaining assistance to consolidate democracy; and (vi)
improving the image of the country affected by negative
press on the illegal activities of its nationals abroad. 15
This citizen diplomacy strategy has also had a parallel
domestic policy of ensuring an agenda to make the nation
proud.
It is very clear that there is continuity across regimes in
spite of changes in the pursuit of national interest. There
is constancy in Nigerias foreign policy objectives and
foreign relations from the civilian regime of Prime Minister
Abubakar Tafawa Balewa to President Goodluck
Jonathan. What can be deduced from various regimes in
terms of articulation of national interest is that, it is the
leadership that determines what constitutes Nigerias
national interest. It is widely acknowledged that there is a
direct relationship between domestic politics and the
making of foreign policy. There is therefore the need to
establish the linkage between domestic politics and
foreign policy.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, it is important to draw attention to
the internal universe of domestic politics that has helped
to define the foreign policy choices and actions. Nigeria
is an amalgam of different ethnic nationalities that
adopted a federal system of government imposed on it by
the British. This federal system has its attendant
consequence of citizenship and nationality questions. 16
15
16

op. cit.
Ottoh, O.F (2012) Theoretical Approaches to the
understanding of the impact of Domestic Factors to Nigerias

13

This domestic environment is conceptualized to mean

those features, factors and forces peculiar to the state.
Taking a sociological look at the domestic forces of
foreign policy, it explains that foreign policy decisionmaking does not exist in a vacuum; rather, it operates
within a constitutional framework, domestic institution and
interest groups.17 The structuralist argument is that the
elitist nature of foreign policy is traced to the social origins
of the diplomatic corps of 19th Century. Ibrahim Gambari
has made it eloquently clear that foreign policy
formulation, articulation and implementation reflects the
needs and aspirations of national elites of political,
business, bureaucratic, military and traditional ruling
groups.18 These groups of elite are never cohesive; they
are deeply divided along ethnic, regional, religious and
ideological lines.
Thus, there is lack of consensus on critical foreign policy
issues such as the membership of Organization of Islamic
Conference (O.I.C.), and severance of diplomatic
relations with Israel in 1973. Pluralist argument is
fundamentally important in this regard. Pluralists attempt
to establish the fact that the Westphalia world of statesystem has been sub-divided into interest groups,
transnational corporations, and international nongovernmental organizations, etc. Therefore, the impact of
domestic factors on foreign policy can be appreciated by
understanding how the sub-state actors exert influence
over state institutions and decision-making processes. 19

17
18
19

Foreign Policy A paper presented at a Conference organized by

Nigerian Society of International Affairs, held at Lead City
University, Ibadan, 6th -8th April.
Ibid
Gambari, I (2008), op. cit.
Ottoh, O.F.(2012) op.cit.

14

Nigeria, like other countries in the world, has sub-state

actors as the interest groups, public opinion and the mass
media. Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye have critically
looked at the inter-connections between state, sub-state
and non-state actors and how they affect the dynamics of
foreign policy of states.20 The argument presented by the
pluralist writers is that the level of political participation
depends on the system of governance. Therefore, there
is a link between democracy and foreign policy. The
return of Nigeria to democratic rule in 1999 has enhanced
its capacity to participate actively in global politics.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, as Nigeria is grappling with
internal political contradictions in the foreign policy
formulation and implementation, it is equally confronted
today with an external environment occasioned by the
new phenomenon of globalization. A number of scholars
have alluded to the fact that the globalization of world
markets, the rise of transnational networks and nongovernmental organizations, and the rapid spread of
global communications technology are undermining the
power of states and shifting away from military security
toward economic and social welfare. 21 The challenges
posed by globalization are the integration of the economic
systems of nation states into global economy, the
primacy and supremacy of international competitiveness,
and the phenomenal rise in the internationalization of
labour, capital and portfolio investments. 22 The argument
is that given the nature and character of the Nigerian
state with its inherent weak domestic base, globalization
has its adverse implications on the nations economy and
in the conduct of its external relations.
20
21
22

See Keohane, R. and Nye, J. in Ottoh, O.F.(2012)

Walt, S. (2005), op. cit.
Akinboye, S.O. (2007), Globalization, Special Issue.

15

Contemporary globalization is simply the latest form of

capitalist penetration into Africa and the rest of the Third
World countries. I agree with critics of globalization that
say it is the newest form of colonization and slavery. 23 As
new global consciousness continues to direct the course
of events, in the world, Nigerian protesters over the
removal of fuel subsidy in 2012 were inspired by
Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans who embarked on
revolution to bring about a change in the political order.
The struggles for emancipation in the Arab World have
global reverberations. This was made possible through
the new social media. It implicitly suggests the possibility
of leaders emerging from the struggle that challenges and
replaces the established leaders and helps to engender
truly democratic governance that is based on rule of law,
accountability and transparency.
Diplomatic Odyssey:
In the early period of Nigerias independence and up to
the advent of the Second Republic, its external conduct
could best be described as towering and most glorious.
The statement of the First Republic leaders Dr. Nnamdi
Azikiwe and Alhaji Tafawa Balewa made it clear that
Nigeria had an historic mission and a manifest destiny in
Africa. This was why the regime made every effort to
pursue decolonization policy in Africa. In the spirit of PanAfricanism as initiated from the time of Sylvester
Williams, W.E.B. Du Bois, Nigeria pursued policy rooted
in the struggle against racism, colonialism, imperialism,
exploitation and oppression.

23

Gibson, N. (2007) Africas Global Futures in Moyo, B.(ed.)

Africa in the Global Power Play: Debates, Challenges and
Potential Reforms, London: Adonis and Abbey Publishers
Limited, p.163.

16

Decolonization, particularly in Southern Africa, was a

recurring theme in Nigerias Africa policy. The Balewas
administration was totally committed to decolonization of
Africa and was deeply obsessed with the eradication of
racism and apartheid from Africa. This was demonstrated
by the regimes declaration of total support for the
freedom fighters with both technical and financial
backing. In his words: we (Nigeria) shall never relent in
our endeavour to prescribe South Africa as an unfit
member of the international community as long as it
continues to practice racism.24 This statement was a
confirmation of the countrys anti-apartheid position which
it viewed as inhuman and to say the least criminal to
human race. It was seen also as a complete violation of
the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights as well as a negation of the principles and
purposes of the United Nations Charter. A practical
demonstration of this was the great deal of sympathy
generated by the Sharpeville massacre of March 1960
and the Soweto uprising of 1976.25
Nigeria played significant role in the independence of
Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Namibia. Nigeria
was contrived to become a member of the frontline states
in spite of its geographical distance from the Southern
African region. The country became a founding member
of the African Liberation Committee and served as
chairman of the UNs anti-apartheid Committee. In other
words, its total commitment towards the dismantlement of
apartheid earned it the chairmanship of United Nations
Committee against Apartheid, and it went further to
24
25

Ministry of External Affairs Document, Lagos, 1970, p.6

Akinboye, S.O. (2003). Nigeria and South Africas relations in
the 20th Century: A Case of symbiosis and reciprocity in Yomi
Akinyeye (ed.) Nigeria and the wider World in the 20th Century,
Essays in Honour of Professor Akinjide Osuntokun, Ibadan:
Davidson Press,p.257

17

establish the National Committee against Apartheid

(NACAP) and the Southern Africa Relief Fund (SARF) in
1976 to provide relief materials to South African refugees
and scholarships to black South African students in
Nigeria.26 The country was in the forefront in the clamour
for intensification of embargoes, boycotts and economic
sanctions against repressive rule in any part of Africa.
Dismantlement of apartheid and installation of black
majority rule in South Africa in May 1994 was therefore a
major grand finale and breakthrough in Nigerias
articulated post-independence foreign policy.
As a demonstration of its principle of non-alignment, the
Murtala/Obasanjo regime in 1975 recognized the Popular
Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) as the
authentic representatives of the Angolan people. This
was the most dynamic, informed, assertive and activist
foreign policy in Nigerias diplomatic history.This
remarkable and bold step in its foreign policy adventure
became the golden era of Nigerias foreign policy.27
Notwithstanding the death of Murtala Muhammed in 1976
in an abortive coup, the foreign policy of Nigeria remained
aggressive, radical and militant in nature. Olusegun
Obasanjo who succeeded him consolidated Mohammeds
efforts, and Nigerias voice continued to be heard in
global politics. The regime applied punitive measures
against the British government over its policy in Southern
Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and South Africa. Thus, in 1978,
the regime of Obasanjo nationalized the British owned
Barclays Bank and the Nigerian government took over
26

27

Akinboye, S.O.(2005). From confrontation to strategic

partnership: Nigerias relations with South Africa, 1960-2000 in U.
Joy Ogwu (ed.) New Horizons for Nigeria in World Affairs, Lagos:
N.I.IA., p.214
Fawole, A (2003), Nigerias External Relations and Foreign
Policy Under Military Rule, 1966-1999, Ile-Ife, Obafemi Awolowo
University Press Ltd, p.2

18

80% of the companys shares and changed its name to

Union Bank of Nigeria Limited. In a similar way, the
British Petroleum was nationalized in 1979. These
actions were taken to hasten the Lancaster Conference
talk to usher in Zimbabwes independence in 1980.
Nigerias greatness and adventurous foreign policy was
further demonstrated in its peacekeeping mission. Since
its independence in 1960, Nigeria has been involved in
peacekeeping operations in the different troubled areas in
the world. It participated in peacekeeping mission during
the Congo crisis in 1960. Nigeria contributed troops
under the auspices of the United Nations peace
operations. However, the Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa
made it clear that Nigeria supported United Nations
peacekeeping operations for the purpose of maintenance
of law and order.28 In 1977, Nigeria equally participated
in the peacekeeping operations during the civil war in
Lebanon.
Nigeria as the leader of the sub-regional organization,
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS),
initiated the formation of the ECOWAS Ceasefire
Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) during the Liberian civil
war in the 1990s. Peacekeeping mission therefore
constitutes a fundamental area in which it has, within the
context of its leadership image in West Africa, strived to
resolve conflicts in the sub-region. Bola Akinteriwa has
observed that: Nigerias record in peacekeeping
operations worldwide, and particularly Africa, is
impressive and second to none in Africa. The record is a
reflection of unwavering commitment to peace as
instrument of national and African development. 29
Indeed, the deployment of ECOMOG in Liberia and later
28

See Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, (1967) Nigeria

Speaks, Ikeja: Longman Nigeria, p.101

19

Sierra Leone was an historic action aimed at conflict

resolution in Africa by African States.
Babangida graphically illustrates:
Being responsible members of ECOWAS, we believe
that it would have been morally reprehensive and
politically indefensible to stand by and watch while
the citizens of that country (Liberia) decimate
themselves and other West Africa citizens resident
there in an orgy of mutual antagonism and self
destruction.30

General Ibrahim Babangida also alluded to the security

implication of the civil war in Liberia and justification for
the deployment of Nigerian troops to Liberia under the
aegis of ECOMOG. In his words:
Unless arrested, the carnage in that country (Liberia)
could have spilled over to neighbouring countries,
leading to external non-African intervention and
thereby posing a security threat to us all. We
therefore decided to send our troops to participate in
this laudable peacekeeping mission.31

Nigeria was also involved in the resolution of conflicts in

Sudan, Somalia, Rwanda, Cote dIvoire and now Mali. In
some cases, the country committed blunders in its
actions. For instance, Nigeria supported the use of
military action against Laurent Gbagbo. It backed the
United Nations Security Council resolution on the use of
force to force Gbagbo to surrender.32 Akinjide Osuntokun
29

30
31
32

Akinterinwa, B. (2005). Nigeria and Permanent membership

of the United Nations Security Council: Dynamics and Difinienda
in Akinterinwa, B. (ed.). Nigeria and the United Nations Security
Council , Ibadan: Vintage Publishers Limited p.68
Soja Magazines 1991, p.10
Africa Guardian, 1991,p.143
Ogunsanwo, A. (2012), Challenges and Prospects of
Nigerias Foreign Policy in the 21st Century in Thomas Imobighe

20

has rightly observed that Nigeria was complicit in the

intervention, when French military intervened in crisis in
Cote dIvoire. It was paradoxical that in spite of the
tremendous support Nigeria gave to President Alassane
Quattara, it was treated with ignominy and disdain. This
became obvious as Quattaras first state visit was to
Senegal on May 12, 2011; and during his inauguration,
glowing tribute was paid to France and French leader
(then) - Nicholas Sarkozy was singled out for recognition
while no mention was made of Nigerias President
Goodluck Jonathan.33 This is something that needed to
be pondered over by the Nigerian policy makers.
However, it must be acknowledged that Nigeria has
shown strong commitment to peace and security in Africa
and the rest of the world.
A UN Department of
Peacekeeping Operations report of May 2010 noted that
the country had approximately 6,000 men and women
participating in peacekeeping missions. This figure is
surpassed only by Pakistan, Bangladesh and India. 34 The
involvement of Nigeria in peace operations had earned it
recognition, with a member of the Nigerian army,
Lieutenant General Chikadibia Obiakor appointed as the
United Nations Military Advisor for Peacekeeping
Operations. The UN subsequently accredited the
Nigerian Army Peacekeeping Centre, making it one of the
four facilities in the world where UN peacekeepers are
trained before deployment to missions.35
Apart from actual troop mobilization, Nigeria was very
proactive in restoring peace in Sao Tome and Principe

33
34
35

and Warisu Alli (eds) Perspectives on Nigerias National Politics

and External Relations: Essays in Honour of Professor A. Bolaji
Akinyemi, Ibadan: University Press, plc. p.124
Ibid,pp.124-125
See Alao, A. (2011) op.cit. p.21
Ibid.

21

when there was a coup detat while the President,

Frederique de Menezes was on a state visit to Nigeria.
President Olusegun Obasanjo was credited to have
resisted regime change not only by ensuring the return of
de Menezes to power, but also accompanied him back to
the country safely without any further intimidation or
molestation from the coup plotters. Nigeria equally
ensured that Guinea Bissau returned immediately to
transition to civil rule when the government of Kumba
Yala was ousted in a coup detat; and in Togo as well, the
government of Obasanjo insisted that the country
returned to constitutional rule following illegal assumption
of power by Faure Gnassingbe after the death of his
father Gnassingbe Eyadema. All these point to the fact
that Nigeria has the ability to transform the character of
its foreign policy. Perhaps, one may say that these
adventurous actions in the West Africa region changed
the perception of the international community that had
earlier ostracized Nigeria and branded it as pariah state.
Nigerias opinion began to be sought on global issue and
was respected.36
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, I might be committing serious
omission in this lecture if I failed to acknowledge the role
of Nigeria in the transformation of OAU to AU (African
Union). Besides, Nigeria showed more concern about
African problems and therefore without mincing words; it
insisted that there must be home-grown solutions to
Africa problems. In this direction, it initiated with South
Africa and Senegal the establishment of the New
Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD) in 2001.
NEPAD document provided the path for socio-economic
agenda of the newly conceived and later AU, which today,
36

Kolawole, D(ed.) (2005) Nigerias Foreign Policy since

independence: Trends, phases and changes, Lagos: Julius and
Julius Associate ,p.877

22

represents
Africas
development
framework.
Subsequently, in pursuance of good governance policy in
Africa, Nigeria as a new democratic bride was
instrumental to the introduction of a scheme called The
African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). This is a
scheme for African Governments to present their score
cards of performances in their respective countries.
It is interesting to note at this point that Nigeria has
continued to use the platform of multilateral diplomacy to
project its foreign policy since independence. Without
boring this audience with the catalogue of activities by
Nigeria at various international institutions notably the
United Nations, OAU/AU, Commonwealth, ECOWAS,
G77, OPEC, it is important to single out the period 1999
to 2007. This is because Nigeria adopted new diplomatic
approach through the instrumentality of multilateralism.
This was necessary because of negative image the
country has earned during the period of military rule,
especially with the annulment of June 12, presidential
election in 1993.
We will recall the Abacha regime and the area boy
diplomacy under the Foreign Affairs Minister Chief Tom
Ikimi. It was against this background that the newly
elected President Olusegun Obasanjo, in 1999 embarked
on shuttle diplomacy using personal contact and
multilateral institutions to woo both enemies and friends
of Nigeria. Indeed, between May 1999 and Mid-August
2002, Obasanjo embarked on 113 foreign trips, spending
340 days out of the country.37 In explaining his reasons
for undertaking the trips, Obasanjo stated:
37

See Oyedoyin, T (2002) in Alao, A (2011) Nigeria and the

Global Powers: Continuity and Change in Policy and
Perceptions Occasional Paper, No.96, October, SAII,p.6

23

I have devoted much time and energy journeying

virtually all corners of the globe on my personal
effort to positively reintegrate our country into the
international community and attract investment. We
are happy to report that the results from these trips
have been encouraging enough to confirm my
personal belief and the advice of marketing experts
namely that personal contact is the best way to
market your product. And my product is Nigeria.38

Nigeria aspired within this new era of democratic

experiment to regain its respect and relevance in the
international arena. Most striking was the thrust on the
promotion of foreign investment, trade and policy of debt
repudiation and reduction. With the readmission of
Nigeria to the Commonwealth in 1999, it bidded to host
the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting
(CHOGM) in December, 2003.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, as an expert in Foreign Policy, I
am most fascinated by the economic diplomacy
employed by the regime of Olusegun Obasanjo. As it has
been alluded to in this lecture, I would like to present a
graphic picture of the gains achieved through the shuttle
diplomacy. Nigeria was granted estimated $18billion debt
forgiveness by the Paris group of creditors. 39 The sum of
$12.4 billion balance representing a regularization of
arrears of $6.3 billion plus a balance of $6.1 billion to
complete the exit strategy was to be sourced from the
nations foreign reserves, which had hit $26 billion
including the excess crude oil proceeds of about $10
billion as at the end of September 2005. 40
This
38
39

Quoted in Alao, A. 2011,pp.6-7

Akinboye, S.O.(2006), Africas debt crises: Nigerias escape
from debt trap, in Journal of Global Initiatives, Vol.1. No 2, pp7994

24

constitutes a major foreign policy achievement and

engagement with the global powers.
Nigerias relationship with her traditional allies United
States and Britain is worth reflecting on under the current
diplomatic adventure.
The emergence of a new
democratic era in 1999 changed the phase of the US
Nigerian relations. There are four main issues that
underline Nigerias relations with the U.S. under the
current democratic dispensation.41 These are: assistance
in military professionalism and security sector reform; the
support for global war on terror; trade and investment;
and efforts to ensure debt relief and financial assistance.
As regard the professionalization and security reform,
there was unusual consensus among foreign policy elites
under Obasanjos administration. For instance, the idea
of entering into a military agreement with the US was not
acceptable to most elites. Arguably, the invitation of the
US military training team, the Military Professional
Resources Incorporated (MPRI) to train members of the
Nigerian army would amount to foreign domination and
an act of military imperialism. Similarly, the issue of the
US Africa Command (AFRICOM) was also objected to;
but surprisingly, the Yar Adua administration either
naively or out of inexperience endorsed it when he (the
President) visited United States. Nigeria has continued to
enjoy the military collaboration with the United States to
the extent that President Barack Obama in 2011 donated
two warships to Nigeria.42

40

41
42

Aluko, M.E. (2005), Debt relief, Debt punishment or greed?

The case of the Scoogey Paris Club. Retrieved July5, 2006 from
Dawodu.com: On Nigerias Social and Political Issues,
http://www.dawodu.com/aluko127.htm.
Alao, A.(2011), Op.cit.p.7
Ibid. p.9

25

Terrorism is a global phenomenon and therefore

deserves comments.
America views
with serious
concern the activities of terrorists in different parts of the
globe. It is also important to establish that there is a link
between religious radicalization and terrorism. Nigeria is
most vulnerable because of its chequered history of
religious riots and crises. Therefore, US expects that
Nigeria should not be indifferent to the global war on
terror. Unfortunately, Nigeria was placed on the USs
Terror Watch List, especially with the attempted bombing
of Northwest Airlines Flight 253 by Umar Farouk
Abdulmutallab in December, 2009. However, Nigeria was
more compelled to join in the US war on terror and this
became a foreign policy priority to Nigeria. 43 As a matter
of urgency and in fulfillment of the condition to remove
Nigeria from the US Terror Watch List, the anti-terrorism
bill before the National Assembly is meant to be passed
without further delay.
Another area of the Nigerian US relations is in trade
and investment. Trade improvement between Nigeria
and the US was a great priority since 1999. Nigeria has
been involved in the African Growth and Opportunity Act
(AGOA), which was passed by the US Congress in May
2000 to provide duty-free and quota-free market
preferences for about 6,400 products from sub-Saharan
African countries to the US markets till 2015.44
Critics have observed that Nigeria has not benefitted
much from AGOA because Nigerias products are not
economically competitive in the US. Coupled with the
problem of infrastructure such as power, transport and
delay in ports combined to increase the cost of production
of some of the goods to be exported to the US markets.
43
44

Ibid
Ibid.

26

Nigeria and US relations are further concretized with the

signing of Bi-national commission in April 2010. This is
aimed to establish a mechanism for sustained, bilateral,
high-level dialogue to promote and increase diplomatic,
economic and security cooperation. 45 The commission
seeks to promote cooperation in efforts to resolve conflict
in the Niger Delta and to protect US multinationals
operating in the Niger Delta region.
Nigerian-British relations have remained cordial since the
dawn of a democratic rule in 1999. The relationship
between the two countries is at diplomatic, trade, debt
relief and recovery of looted fund, and fighting corruption
in Nigeria. It was reported in August 2010 by the Deputy
Chief Executive of UK Trade and Investment, Susan
Haird that trade in services from the UK to Nigeria in
2008 amounted to approximately GBP 27 billion, while
exports from Nigeria to the UK in 2009 stood at about
GBP 600 million.46
This attentive audience also desire to know where Nigeria
falls in the midst of emerging economic powers. In the
1980s and 1990s, we were constantly singing the
success songs of Asian Tigers-Taiwan, Singapore,
Malaysia, Indonesia, etc. Today, it is now Brazil, Russia,
India, China, and South Africa to complete the circle
which is now called the BRICS states. The emergence of
this group in the world economic stage has caught the
attention of Nigerias foreign policy makers. In particular,
China is a giant economic power house in contemporary
global system. Interestingly, the volume of trade between
Nigeria and China has increased since 2001. In 2001, it
stood at about $1.44 billion, $1.169 billion in 2002, $1.86
45
46

Ibid.
Ibid.

27

billion in 2003, $2billion in 2004 and to $2.83 billion in

2007. In 2011, trade between Nigeria and China reached
$7.76 billion, thus making Nigeria the fourth largest
trading partner and the second largest export market of
China in Africa.47 Chinese companies are involved in the
construction, oil and gas, technology, service and
education sectors of the Nigerian economy. China in turn
has increased its volume of agricultural exports from
Nigeria. Also, in 2011, the government handed over the
Olorunsogo Power Station in Ogun State to a Chinese
consortium led by SEPCO III Electric Power Construction
Corporation of China. China provided 65% of the funding
required for 335-megawatt-capacity Olorunsogo plant and
also 335-megawatt-capacity Omotosho Power Station in
Okitipupa, Ondo State.48
Also the principle of exchanging oil for development was
adopted by the Nigerian Government as a part of
diplomacy to woo China to assist in the development of
rail transport. In April 2011, the government signed a
contract to rehabilitate the 2110 kilometre Eastern rail line
with Chinese company China Gezhouba Group
Corporation.
It is indeed imperative to remind this audience that the
widespread failure of the hegemonic Washington
Consensus has led to the rise of a counter-vailing Beijing
Consensus and proliferation of Look East policies
across most of the developing world based on the

47
48

Ibid.
Ibid.

28

Chinese model of development49 Similarly, Ramo has

remarked that:
China is marking a path for other nations around
the world who are trying to figure out not simply
how to develop their countries, but also how to fit
into the international order in a way that allows
them to be truly independent to protect their way
of life and political choices in a world with a
single massively powerful centre of gravity.50
The second scramble for Africa has brought China as a
major competitor into a region that is exclusively reserved
for the Western powers by their own creative ingenuity.
Diplomatic Dysfunctionality
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, greatness is not measured in
terms of strength but by the ability to sustain what has
been achieved. During the formative stage of Nigerias
nationhood, the foreign policy was consistently tilted
towards the West. Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa
Balewas pronouncement of a policy of non-alignment
was only on paper because there was no firm
commitment by his government towards it. The AngloNigeria Defence pact with the British government in 1961
was seen as a misnomer. The pact provided that Nigeria
would grant Britain unrestricted overflying and air staging
facilities in Nigeria. This policy was opposed by articulate
Nigerians leading to its abrogation in 1962.51
49

50
51

SamaSuwo, N.( 2007) The Insurrection of subjugated

knowledge: Towards an Post-Western Asymmetric Africa in
Moyo, B.(ed.) Africa in the Global Power Play: Debates,
Challenges and Potential Reforms, London: Adonis and Abbey
Publishers Ltd.p.75
Ibid. p.75
Akinboye, S.O.(2005) Op. cit. p.222

29

The Balewa regime was not dynamic in its foreign policy

approach. This may be as a result of limited financial
resources to support foreign policy dynamism. During the
Congo (D.R.C) crisis of 1960, Nigerias behaviour showed
an act of timidity as it emphasized law and order.
Similarly, on the issue of Southern Rhodesia (now
Zimbabwe), the Balewa administration took a
conservative stance.
Gowon administration was equally confronted with both
internal and external constraints that made it impossible
to pursue more active foreign policy. Despite the buoyant
economy in which the regime conducted its foreign policy,
the idea to elongate its Military rule beyond the agreed
timetable created widespread internal discontents and
this led to his overthrow in a bloodless coup staged in
July 1975 by General Murtala Mohammed.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, during the Second Republic
(1979-1983), Nigerias external image and diplomatic
profile began to dwindle and consequently, its leadership
in African affairs was seriously eroded as it vacillated on
some critical issues of national interest. The country
virtually lost all its respect to the extent that some African
states had the effrontery to cross into Nigerias territory to
attack and kill its soldiers and civilians with impunity.52
Shagaris administration was not able to maintain the
momentum of the policies of the Murtala/Obasanjos era.
The regime was deeply attached to the West to the extent
that the whole argument of pursuing non-aligned policy
was only on paper and not in action. The recklessness
52

Bukarambe, B (2010) Nigerias Foreign Policy in Africa,

1960-1910: An interpretive analysis in Osita Eze (ed.) Beyond
50 years of Nigeria Foreign Policy: Issues, Challenges and
Prospect, Lagos: NIIA, p.40

30

and mismanagement of the economy made it impossible

for the administration to meet up with its foreign policy
challenges. There was a serious threat to domestic
peace and stability because of economic hardship
occasioned by the austerity measure adopted by the
regime. The resultant effect of this domestic problem was
that Nigerias leadership in African affairs became
questionable, as it was not able to take a stand on critical
issues such as Western Sahara and Namibia. 53 The
regime was also caught in a deep foreign policy crisis
over the expulsion of three million West African citizens
who were regarded illegal aliens. This was in contrast to
ECOWAS policy on free movement of peoples within the
sub-region.
Again, the timid official policy towards Chad, when it
participated in the ill-fated OAU peacekeeping force in
that country between 1981 and 1982 inspired little or no
respect for Nigeria because of installation of a regime
opposed to Goukouni Weddeye.
Nigeria also demonstrated a sign of weakness when the
regime was pressurized by America not to attend the
OAU Summit in Libya in 1982. This was why Nigeria was
seen as a mere demographic and economic Gulliver on
the continent, but a political and diplomatic Lilliputian in
African affairs.54
The Buhari regime was seen as international bully and
compounded the image crisis through its draconian antihuman rights policies and decrees. The Decree No. 4 of
1984 barred any publication on public officials which was
designed to gag the press and other mass media.
Besides, Decree No. 2 undermined the Writ of Habeas
53
54

Gambari, I. Op cit p.67

Ibid.p.69

31

Corpus as the basic principle of rule of law and

fundamental freedom. An attempt by the regime to
abduct Umaru Dikko from Britain back to Nigeria under
questionable circumstances caused serious diplomatic
embarrassment for the country. The regime embarked on
the policy of expulsion of illegal aliens, which brought
about the Ghana Must Go era. For this singular act, the
country suffered a great deal of diplomatic tongue-lashing
and global media criticism, especially for a country that is
positioned to be a regional influential.
Nigerias relations with ECOWAS member states
degenerated as the countrys borders were permanently
closed against its neighbours, thus, hurting the
economies of its immediate neighbours: the Republics of
Benin, Niger and Chad. These countries depended on
Nigeria for their exports and imports.55
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, Nigeria reached a crescendo in
its diplomatic enterprise, especially in the second half of
the 1980s and most of the 1990s, and receded to
diminuendo. The country continued to operate in a circle
of diplomatic dysfunctionality. While it must be
acknowledged that under the Babangidas administration
then, the countrys diplomatic profile rose to a point,
particularly with the introduction of the Technical and Aid
Corps(TAC) scheme, the regime could not sustain the
momentum as it was rather immersed in its own internal
domestic contradictions. Nigeria began to battle with
image crisis as a result of corruption which systematically
and pragmatically became official policy of the regime.
This was a great paradox. As the regime continued with
the problem of moral image question, the truncation of
55

Fawole, A.(2000), Obasanjos Foreign Policy under

democratic rule: Nigerias return to global reckoning in Nigerian
Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 26, No.2, p.21

32

the democratic process dealt a mortal blow to the entire

nation. The surreptitious annulment of the June 12, 1993
Presidential election brought about international
condemnation and was seen as an affront to the
advancement of democratic ethos. This led to a widerange of sanctions against Nigeria by the international
community.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, Nigerias image crisis reached its
zenith during Abachas era. General Abacha instituted a
form of Machiavellian dictatorship never known in the
annals of the country.56 Indeed, his ruthless personality
affected his dealings with fellow countrymen and the
international community. As Fawole puts it:
in the five years he reigned, General Abacha
presided over the most combative and defensive
foreign policy in Nigerian history. Abachas brand of
diplomacy pitched the regime in conflict with the
West, because of poor domestic policies particularly
the issue of human rights which condemned the
regime to a state of permanent isolation.57

General Abachas despicable human rights abuse

reached its climax with the judicial murder of Ken Saro
Wiwa and eight other Ogoni environmental activists. This
led to the expulsion of Nigeria from the Commonwealth of
Nations and severance of diplomatic relations with its
traditional allies. The country derogatorily became a
pariah state in the international system following General
Abachas self aggrandized effort to transmute from
military head of state to a civilian president.The various
actions of the regime further stigmatized it from the
56
57

Fafowora, O (1997), Guardian, Lagos, June 16

Fawole, A (1999), Paranoia, Hostility and Defence: General
Sani Abacha and the New Nigeria Foreign Policy, Ile-Ife, OAU
Press

33

international community and this probably forced the

regime to court new allies. Following the death of the
dictator on June 8,1998, a process of reconciliation with
the lost friends and allies commenced as his successor,
General Abdusalami Abubakar tried to redeem the image
of the country before handing over to the President-Elect,
Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999.
Under Obasanjos civilian administration that commenced
in May 1999, the Bakassi issue resurfaced.
The
International Court of Justice ruling in 2002 and the 2006
Green Tree Agreement are issues to be reflected on. The
way and manner the government of Obasanjo prosecuted
the case in spite of the huge resources expended on it
exposed the degree of dysfunctionality in Nigerias
diplomatic conduct. Nigerias leadership exhibited an act
of diplomatic naivety. At the initial stage after the World
Court verdict, there was massive public outcry over the
Nigerian government attitude towards the case.
Consequently, Obasanjo attempted to renege on the
handover date. The National Assemblys call for a
referendum was borne out of opportunism rather than on
genuine concern for the rights of the Bakassi people. 58
Nigeria surrendering itself to the World Court left it with no
option than to accept the ruling of the court. At the height
of the controversy, the then UN Secretary General, Kofi
Annan, brokered a diplomatic agreement in 2006, when
the Obasanjos government timidly accepted to withdraw
Nigerian troops, dismantle governance structure and
subsequently effect hand over of the peninsula to
58

Omeje, K. (2007).The Territory is Cameroon but the People

are Nigerians: Resolving the Bakassi Peninsula Conflict in
Moyo, B. (ed.) Africa in the Global Power Play: Debates,
Challenges and Potential Reforms, London: Adonis and Abbey
Publishers Ltd., p.245

34

Cameroon within 60 days. 59 The overriding import of the

Green Tree Agreement was to ensure that the two parties
(Nigeria and Cameroon) uphold the International Court of
Justice (ICJ) verdict. Perhaps, one may conjecture that
Obasanjo acted in order to curry favour of America and
the other Western Countries to secure their support for
his third term agenda bid. This may be contested but the
truth is that no nation ever agrees to surrender any part of
its territory that it has hitherto occupied for years to
another. Indeed, the general consensus, mostly in
informed circle, is that Bakassi crisis constituted a major
sore in the countrys diplomatic pursuit. 60 The President
inadvertently violated the constitution he swore to uphold.
This is because the 1999 constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria reads in part: no treaty between the
federation and any other country shall have the force of
law except to which such treaty has been enacted into
law by the National Assembly. 61 This provision is only
intended to set a standard in the enforcement of treaty,
but international law recognizes the fact that a treaty that
is validly entered into by sovereign head of states
becomes binding without ratification from the national
parliament. This is in line with the principle of Pacta Sunt
Servenda. Akindele and Akinsanya have remarked that
President Obasanjos attitude could be likened to Louis
XIV of France. In their words:
59
60

61

Ibid.,p.246
Falana, F. (2012), The Independence of the State of
Bakassi: Legal Dimension, A paper presented at 12 th
Brainstorming Session on Bakassi at the Nigerian Institute of
International Affairs, Lagos, 23rd August; and Dokubo, C.(2012)
ICJ Ruling and Maritime Security: Implications for Nigerian
Southeast Zone A paper presented at 12 th Brainstorming
Session on Bakassi at the Nigerian Institute of International
Affairs, Lagos, 23rd August.
1999 Constitution of the Federal of Republic of Nigeria

35

Obviously, he (Obasanjo) was aware of the

implication of concluding an executive agreement
such as the Green Tree Agreement but cared less
since he governed the Federal Republic of Nigeria
in the mould of Louis XIV of France. If he was not
an imperial President, he should have caused that
provision to be inserted in Green Tree Agreement
making its entry into force contingent upon
legislative approval.62

In addendum, the eventual handing over of the oil-rich

peninsula to Cameroon in 2008 by Yar Aduas regime
without the relevant section of the 1999 constitution
symbolized another fraud and illegality. The government
did not consider it politically and legally expedient to
amend the section of the constitution that included
Bakassi Local Government as one of the 774 local
governments listed in the constitution.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, how do we explain all these
ambiguities to the outside world? How do we expect to
command respect of others? I have earlier alluded to in
this lecture that there is an interface between the internal
and external environments of foreign policy. Thus, a
countrys external image is determined by how it
conducts its affairs domestically. The Bakassi issue was
one of those diplomatic blunders and may continue to
haunt the country for generations to come. No wonder,
the Seventh Nigeria National Assembly realized that
Nigeria should still appeal the judgment of the World
Court as provided in Articles 60 and 61 of the Courts
statute. To that effect, there was a call in 2012 for the
62

Akindele, R.A and Akinsanya, A (2012), The National

Assembly, the Bakassi Peninsula and the GreenTree Agreement:
Matter Arising, A paper presented at 12 th Brainstorming Session
on Bakassi at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs,
Lagos, 23rd August.

36

Nigerian government to appeal to the ICJ without

understanding the legal requirement for appeal. Of
course, there was no fresh argument to warrant an
appeal, hence government lackadaisical response. This
matter will not be exhausted in this lecture, let me save
the time of this assemblage of academics and attentive
audience to discuss the basic fundamentals of this
lecture.
Contradictions in Nigerias Quest for Power/Influence
in the International System
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, Nigerias quest for power and
influence in the global politics has been inhibited by its
image crisis that it has been grappling with for three
decades. There are various other challenges confronting
Nigerias foreign policy. These challenges reflect the
contradictions in its quest for power and influence in the
global politics. It is important for purpose of clarity to
situate these contradictions within the context of those
issues that manifest negatively in its life.
The first issue is corruption which has created a negative
image for the country. The current image problem is a
result of widespread corruption which has reached its
apogee in the last ten years. A country that is inflicted
with this kind of cankerworm cannot parade itself as a
power in the world. It must be clear today that those
years of hyperactive role by Nigeria in the global
peacekeeping and humanitarian actions were not
because of the genuineness of the leaders to make
Nigeria great but simply as a way of siphoning money
abroad. At home, corruption in the public offices or
official circles is so alarming. Some instances will suffice
at this point. During Obasanjos regime as the military
head of state, the administration was alleged to be unable
to account for the sum of N2.8 billion oil money. Similarly,
37

Shagaris administration was characterized by corruption

while Babangidas administration could not also account
for the windfall of about $12.4billion during the Gulf War
in the 1990s. Abachas regime was also notorious for
reckless looting of the treasury. It was estimated that
Nigeria realized $20 million daily from crude oil without
any disclosure by the regime. It was confirmed that about
$5 billion have been stashed in Swiss, UK, German and
American banks respectively.63 Within the few months of
General Abdusalami Abubakars regime, the sum of $7
billion external reserve funds could not be accounted for.
Thus, we can see how Nigerian leaders have engaged in
the competing race for corruption. It is the worst paradox
in economic theory of corruption that each leader that
rules the country wants to be applauded for having stolen
more than his predecessors. The same scenario applied
to those in the public offices whose looting has earned
the country the title of the third most corrupt nation in the
world. It is not surprising to any keen observer of
Nigerias corruption index profile that the following
persons have been celebrated corrupt officers not in the
law court but the court of public opinion. The former
Minister of Housing under Obasanjo civilian rule , Mrs.
Mobolaji Osomo was relieved of her appointment
because of a housing scandal involving about 207 top
government officials,64 the former Minister of Education
Prof. Fabian Osuji was similarly sacked for offering bribe
to the tune of N55 million to some Senators including the
Senate President Adolphous Wabara; a former Speaker
of the House of Representatives, Miss Patricia Etteh was
also involved in misappropriation of $5 million for the
purchase of 12 cars and refurbishing of two houses.
These are just a tip of the iceberg as there are other
63
64

Akinboye, S.O. (2006), op.cit. p.89

Vanguard, April 1, 2005

38

instances well known to everyone. The Code of Conduct

Bureau in exercise of its investigative function reported in
September 2005 that 14 state governors were operating
foreign accounts.65
Empirically, there were some
celebrated fraudulent cases of some governors of
Plateau State, Joshua Dariye, Bayelsa State Diepreye
Alamieyesigha, Delta State, James Ibori, Edo State,
Lucky Igbinedion and the Inspector General of Police,
Tafa Balogun.
Joshua Dariye was arrested in London in 2005 for money
laundering and was granted bail but later jumped the
bail and subsequently returned to Nigeria, contested and
won election into the National Assembly as a Senator.
Diepreye Alamieyesigha was arrested at the Heathrow
Airport in London on September 15, 2005 and was
equally charged for money laundering. He was found with
about 1 million cash during a search of his London
residence by detectives from the Scotland Yard. This is in
addition to the sum of 420,000 and 470,000 found in
different bank accounts and assets worth 10 million. 66 In
Nigeria, Alamieyesigha was accused of diversion and
misappropriation of public funds to facilitate the
acquisition of N1 billion shares in Bond Bank Plc and
purchase of Chelsea Hotel in Abuja for N2 billion. 67
Similarly, Tafa Balogun as the then Inspector-General
was charged for corruptly enriching himself to the tune of
N17 billion while in office thereby impoverishing men and
women of the Nigerian Police Force.
For a country that aspires to be a regional influential but
found itself deeply immersed in corruption, it is the worst
65
66

67

Daily Sun,Sept.8, 2005

http://www.guardiannewsngr.com/news/accessed on August
8, 2010
Ibid

39

contradiction. Politics is a game of influence and for a

country to influence others, it must be seen to be
influential. This is the paradox of Nigerias quest for
leadership in Africa and a major player in global politics.
For those steering the affairs of the Nigerian state to
engage in transnational criminal activity with impunity and
without the slightest compunction smacks of gross
irresponsibility.
Notwithstanding the setting up of two main institutions to
fight corruption Independent Corrupt Practices and
other related Offences Commission (ICPC) and Economic
and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), it is not yet
clear that the government is serious about fighting
corruption and reducing it to the barest minimum. Recent
state pardon granted to DSP Alamieyesigha by President
Jonathan generated international and local outcry to the
extent that the proposed visit by the US President Barack
Obama to Nigeria was cancelled.
United States
diplomatic relations with states is tied to fundamental
principles of rule of law, good governance, transparency
and accountability. Thus, it is not until the government
begins to show seriousness in fighting corruption that
Nigeria will be taken seriously at the international level.
It is one thing to device a slogan at home, such as the
one designed by the then Minister of Information, Dora
Akunyili good people, great nation, it is another thing to
back it up with good diplomatic conduct abroad. Until the
fundamental domestic sources of the image problem are
addressed, Nigerias aspiration as a regional influential
will remain an illusion. This is why Nigerias aspiration to
occupy one of the exalted seats in the United Nations
Security Council as a permanent member will be a
wishful thinking because of loss of confidence in Nigeria
40

by the same African countries that would have flexed

muscles to support Nigeria.
Mr.
Vice-Chancellor
Sir,
another
fundamental
contradiction in Nigerias foreign policy is its policy of
Afro-centrism. The successive Nigerian leaders have
invested so much resources, both material and human, in
the prosecution of this policy of Africa being the centre
piece of diplomatic relations. In other words, it committed
itself resolutely to certain actions to demonstrate its
unflinching support for Africas cause. Unfortunately and
disappointingly, many of the countries that have
benefitted tremendously from Nigerias largess often
turned around to show ingratitude to both its citizens and
the government itself. Not quite long, South Africa
exhibited xenophobic attack against Nigerian citizens
living in that country. This was a country that every child
at secondary school then contributed money to ensure
the freedom of the black population. It is most ironical that
it was the same blacks that marked Nigerians living in
their country for extermination. Besides, the countries it
has supported financially, diplomatically and strategically
becomes but the butt of derision and envy by them.
Some of these countries equally harbour or even offer
training facilities for terrorists, while others campaign
openly against Nigerias bid to occupy one of the
permanent seats of the United Nations Security Council.
What this implies is that the policy option of Africa as the
corner stone of its foreign policy is largely unrequited and
unappreciated. To say the least, Nigerias leadership
position and role as a regional and continental power is
unbelievably and visibly challenged.68
68

Obioma, J.D (2013). Nigerias Father-Christmas foreign

policy : A case of unrequited love. Assessed on Feb.11 2013 from
http://theeconomyng.com/news174.html

41

Furthermore, this despicable display of attitude of

ingratitude became obvious in 2010 when Nigeria
contested for the non-permanent membership of the
United Nations Security Council, and what ought to be
unanimous election for Nigeria was grossly eroded by the
abstention of the Guinean Permanent Representative and
most embarrassingly the outright voting against Nigeria
by Liberia and Sierra Leone. These were countries that
Nigeria sacrificed both human and material resources to
safeguard and ensure their survival from the fratricidal
wars that threatened their nations. From these instances,
it has become clear that the age-long philosophical notion
of Africa as the center piece of the countrys foreign policy
has become moribund, mundane and anachronistic.
The policy of Afrocentrism and non-alignment are long
overdue for review. In the midst of economic challenges,
the country cannot pretend to be comfortable in carrying
the burden of leadership in Africa and claim at the same
time to be non-aligned. It follows logically and reasonably
to argue that the dynamics of the contemporary global
system makes it politically expedient for states to define
their foreign policies and external relations within the
context of their national resources and geo-strategic
location. Besides, Nigeria is caught in the system that is
contemporaneously characterized by a new phenomenon
of globalization.
Despite its huge natural resource
endowments, there are distortions in the nations
economy as a result of its incorporation into the global
economic relations.
Nigerias development impotence is largely attributable to
its weak domestic economic structure. The international
political structure through which power is exercised must
42

be congruent with the structures of economic production.

Nigeria has continued to depend on oil production for its
foreign exchange earning. At any point in time, there is a
fall in oil price in the international oil market; Nigeria is put
in a traumatic and helpless situation. This helps to
explain further how and why Nigerians are caught in the
desperate mood to strike a balance between the old lifestyle and new life-style occasioned by either rise or fall in
oil price. This is partly the reasons why some Nigerians
sought to maintain themselves by acting as couriers of
illegal drugs. This is not good for a country that aspires
to be great.
This gathering deserves to be told the truth that since the
introduction of Structural Adjustment Programme by the
Bretton Woods institutions - World Bank(IBRD) and
International Monetary Fund (IMF), the economies of
African states have become externally managed. The
phrase, structural adjustment as coined by the then
President of World Bank, Robert MacNamara, at a
meeting of the Banks Board of Governors in Belgrade in
October, 1979 was designed to address the problems in
African economic management
as articulated in a
number of reports commissioned by the World Bank such
as Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa
(known as the Berg Report of 1981); the Bank report on
Africas Adjustment and Growth in the 1980s of 1989;
and Governance and Development report of 1992.69 In
all these, the Bank consistently took a liberal or marketoriented approach to economic management on the
assumption that economic rationality was a constant
across all societies.70
This approach negates the
development of independent economic management
69

70

Clapham, C(2000), Africa and International System : Politics

of State Survival, Cambridge: University Press, p.169
Ibid.

43

policy. It is against this background that Nigerias

economy vis--vis the Structural Adjustment impacted
negatively on the countrys aspiration to be one of the top
20 world economies by the year 2020.
Structural adjustment challenged the political as well as
the economic basis of power and independent statehood
which the governing class sought to establish and
maintain from the beginning. These elites needed to
extract resources and control the resources in order to
sustain state power. The elites are caught in a dilemma
of either following the Bretton Woods institutions
injunctions and allow the citizens to die in hunger or to
disobey the institutions and face the consequences.
Majority of us in this auditorium were witnesses to the
SAP riots of 1989. In a similar version in 2012, the
Occupy Nigeria and Save Nigeria Group protest was a
fallout of the sudden removal of subsidy from petroleum
product. This shows the link between economic benefits
and political stability. However, the imposition of political
conditionalities by the Western financial institutions such
as multiparty electoral democracy, political accountability,
good governance, rule of law, human rights, due process
etc, have made it difficult for the country to operate freely
in the international arena as a truly unfettered sovereign
state. Whereas, it is plausible to argue that the
implementation of structural adjustment policies requires
a courageous, ruthless and perhaps undemocratic
government.71 This explains partly the action of the
government in 2012 during the protest to call the military
to the street to quell the protest. Frankly speaking,
Nigeria cannot afford to be indifferent or be isolated from
the global economic interplay. This is why conscious
efforts should be made by the leadership to transform the
nations economy so as to fully harness the benefits of
71

Ibid. p.193

44

globalization. The various endogenous and exogenous

factors that have attempted to undermine macroeconomic stability in the country should be frontally
tackled. The critical sectors of the economy such as
agriculture, mining, industry, and energy should be the
focus of economic diplomacy of the countrys foreign
policy, for the purpose of sustainable growth and
development.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, the issue of insecurity affects all
of us in this gathering; therefore it must be taken
seriously. Nigeria has been grappling with the problem of
armed insurgency in the genies of ethno-nationalist
movements in the Niger Delta region and the Northern
region. The various movements described as ethnic
militias such as Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC),
Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of
Biafra (MASSOB), Movement for the Survival of Ogoni
People (MOSOP), Egbesu Boys, Movement for the
Emancipation of the Niger Delta(MEND), Boko Haram
etc. Nigeria is perceived both at home and abroad as an
unsafe place to live and do business. At a critical time of
armed insurgency in the Niger Delta, most of the
multinational oil corporations shut down their operations.
There were frequent cases of armed robberies,
kidnappings, economically and politically orchestrated
assassinations and killings, etc.72
This is the worst paradox and contradiction for a country
that desires to be among the twenty most developed
economies of the world in the Year 2020. This was why
an intelligence report predicted in 2006 that in the next
fifteen years, Nigeria may no longer be seen in the world
map. This prediction was greeted with serious criticisms
72

Reflections on Nigerias Foreign Policy: Foundations and

Challenges (2011), Friedrich Ebert, Stiftung, Vol.1.pp.65-66.

45

by Nigerias leadership. If we must tell ourselves the

truth, the terrorist attacks against public institutions,
religious homes, and international institutions cannot be
justified in a decent society. Given this scenario however,
the country may gradually degenerate to hobbesian state
of nature, where it was a war of every man against
everyman. The most recent prediction was after the 2011
presidential election, former American Ambassador to
Nigeria, John Campbell, raised the fear that Nigeria
would likely break up along religious and sectarian lines if
President Goodluck Jonathan, a Christian from the
Southern part of Nigeria was returned as President at the
expense of General Muhammadu Buhari, a Muslim from
the North. Even though Nigeria has not broken up as
predicted, the situation in the North gives cause for
concern.
Since the assumption of Goodluck Jonathan as the
president of Nigeria, the country has acquired the
unenviable notoriety as a veritable theatre of terrorism
and implosions unleashed by the Boko Haram
insurgency. Thus, this has posed serious insecurity to the
country and a threat to foreigners and investors. Nigeria
has remained on the front burner of contemporary global
discourse. This security challenge has diminished the
countrys ability to command global respect. 73 Former
Commonwealth Secretary General and current Chairman,
Presidential Advisory Council on Foreign Relations, Chief
Emeka Anyaoku pointed out that: the security in the land
is a drag on our foreign policy no doubt, because our
standing abroad depends on our domestic conditions. So
to the extent that we have insecurity at home, it is a
drawback to our foreign policy. 74 This explains why
73
74

Ibid.
Anyaoku, E.(2013) , Remarks at the presentation of two
books published by the Presidential Advisory Council on Foreign

46

America gave Nigeria the condition that for it to be

delisted from the list of countries on the terrorist watch
list, the country must demonstrate seriousness by
passing the anti-terrorist bill. Recently, also, America has
announced $7 million reward for anybody who could give
information about the leaders of Boko Haram. This
shows the importance attached to security in the conduct
and prosecution of foreign policy.
As Ogunsanwo
observed, the domestic architecture that represents the
infrastructural foundation of Nigerias foreign policy must
be adequately re-worked in order to ensure that the
countrys foreign policy stand on a firmer ground.75
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, you will agree with me at this
juncture that Nigeria is suffering from internal decay
which poses a considerable threat to international order.
The security debacle has created a common space within
which we situate the health of Nigeria in global trade. So,
while terrorism and proliferation of small arms and light
weapons are clearly discernible, we must go to the root of
the problem which has to do with poverty, illiteracy, and
underdevelopment. Although, one cannot justify the act
of terrorism and other means of protest or resistance by
groups on political, philosophical, ideological, religious or
ethnic grounds. At the same time, it cannot be ignored
that there is a correlation between conditions of extreme
poverty, injustice, hopelessness, marginalization, political
oppression and the likelihood that people may take up
terrorism as a means to vent their discontent. It becomes
most imperative for the government to address the socioeconomic challenges that the people face in Nigeria to
75

Affairs, Abuja.
Ogunsanwo,
A.(2012) Challenges and Prospects of
Nigerias Foreign Policy in the 21st Century in T.A. Imobighe and
W.A.Alli (eds.) Perspectives on Nigerias national politics and
external relations: Essays in honour of Professor A. Bolaji
Akinyemi, Ibadan: University Press Plc., p 212

47

avoid further contradiction in our global quest for power

and influence. The more insurgent movements continue
to spring up from different parts of the country, they may
for the purposes be regarded as quasi-states, and then
begin to exercise many of the functions of statehood,
including the conduct of external relations.
Beautiful Abroad but Ugly at Home: My thought
about the future of Nigerias Foreign Policy
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, let me at this juncture explicate
on the metaphorical import of the topic of this lecture. To
be beautiful is to be attractive, elegant and comely. A
beautiful behaviour by individuals or an institutional entity
like Nigeria connotes acts of benevolence, kindness and
sometimes sacrifice geared towards the good of others.
Over the past fifty years of independence, Nigeria has
executed various foreign policies, much of which moral
referent can be interpreted as beautiful. From the
altruistic involvement in the fight against apartheid in
South Africa, to the deployment of massive human and
material resources to the operation of ECOMOG in
Liberia and Sierra Leone, among others were acts of
benevolence. The beauty in Nigerias foreign policy can
steal the heart of the most disinterested suitors. The
various commendations and awards on peace keeping
operations that the country has received from
international organizations such as the United Nations
Organization attest to the aestheticism that characterize
and define Nigerias foreign policy.
Let me emphasize that if only the political elites have
complemented the external beauty with internal virtues,
the country would have assumed a commendable
position in the global affairs, and the green-back passport
would have been carried with a sense of pride and dj
48

vu. Alas, as the Great Preacher, King Solomon noted in

Proverbs 31 thousands of years ago, Beauty is vain
and favour is deceitful. It is axiomatic that while
Nigeria has been exhibiting acts of benevolence abroad,
the domestic environment has been marked by ugliness
in terms of tolerance for corruption, avarice, greed,
primitive capital accumulation and sheer lack of direction
on how to achieve development. The fallout of these
unfortunate domestic conditions are the high level of
poverty, inequality, insecurity, mutual distrust, individual
disillusionment and hopelessness among the old and the
young and ethnic antagonism (instead of cohesion) that
now define the daily existence of an average Nigerian.
It is instructive to note that as a Policy Science, Foreign
Policy and the returns or benefits that a country derives
from it are a function of strict observance of certain
immutable laws and generalizations. The most salient of
these is how healthy is the domestic condition in terms of
political stability, economic buoyancy, social cohesion and
that sense of pride of the individual citizen, (patriotism)
that may warrant dying for the sake of the country. To all
intents and purposes, these qualities are below
expectation in Nigeria as of today.
Notwithstanding the current unpalatable domestic
situation and the attendant losses in the foreign policy
milieu, there are ample opportunities for the country to
derive some benefits from its foreign policy. This will
involve turning around the ugly domestic situation around
through social and political re-engineering of the country,
which will involve a change in the nature and character of
the state, entrenchment of a culture of participatory
democracy, active citizenship, taming the monster of
corruption and value re-orientation. Of course, the
economy must also be strong both at the level of
49

performance as indicated by growth but also structurally,

with equitable distributive impact. At the specific level of
foreign policy formulation and implementation, the
government must discard the current top-bottom
approach, which to all intents and purposes has been
dysfunctional and unproductive.
To the extent that
foreign policy affects the lives of people at micro and
macro levels, the citizens must be involved in its
formulation through consultation and dialogue. The
neglect of the intelligentsia in foreign policy making in
Nigeria has been one of the Achilles heels. This must
be urgently addressed by ensuring that experts in various
fields such as Political Science, Economics, History and
Strategic Studies, Mass Communication and so on are
involved from conception to implementation.
Achievement of dynamic, virile and robust foreign policy
as an instrument of obliterating Nigeria from the docile
and fragile foreign policy constitutes a critical issue that
dominates contemporary diplomatic agenda. Regrettably,
the variety of diplomatic strategy that has consistently
been adopted to achieve this end has not realistically
resolved the debacle in a fundamental sense. This lecture
contends that it is only through a well articulated,
cohesive foreign policy plank that Nigeria can obviate its
perennial, incoherent foreign policy.
I allude to Atah Pines submission that while there have
been conceptual and doctrinal transitions in Nigerias
foreign policy, in reality, these have not been borne out of
political faddism, pragmatic exigencies, conceptual
elegance and regime identity.76 Hence, Nigerias foreign
76

Pine-Attah (2011). Nigeria Foreign Policy , 1960-2011: Fifty

one
years
of
conceptual
confusion
in
http:www.modernghana.com/news/354264/1/Nigeria-foreign

policy-1960-2011-fifty one years, Accessed on 4/9/2012

50

policy over the years can be summed up to be change

and continuity, motion without movement, and dynamism
without surge.
Almost fifty-three years has passed in Nigerias foreign
policy pursuit. The time is auspicious now for government
to outline its visions of the countrys foreign policy in the
next 47 years. There is need for a paradigm shift in the
manner of conducting our foreign policy. It is incumbent
on the government to reconstruct the nations foreign
policy and put it back on the path of dynamism and
aggressively engage in diplomatic assertiveness and
proactiveness that characterized the Murtala/ Obasanjo
foreign policy pursuit in the seventies when Nigeria was
visibly brought into global reckoning. The domestic and
international conditions have changed and there is the
need to overhaul Nigerias Foreign Service apparatus
through the instrumentality of the Foreign Affairs Ministry.
This becomes imperative in view of the fact that the
Ministry requires now, more than before, highly
competent and professional diplomats that are well
informed, adequately versed, representing honest
opinions seriously held and convincingly expressed on
the nitty gritty of Nigerias diplomacy and diplomatic
practice. For the Ministry to perform its sacred diplomatic
responsibilities as expected, government should ensure
proper funding of its foreign missions. It is incumbent on
the Jonathans administration to re-organize the obtuse
and rapacious Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The ministry in
partnership with the Nigerian Institute of International
Affairs (NIIA) and the National Institute for Policy and
Strategic Studies(NIPPS) as think-tanks are expected to
be veritable avenues and very highly-respected platforms
for canvassing and articulating critical issues on Nigerias
foreign policy in contemporary context.
51

Conclusion
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, so far, I have had a panoramic
view of Nigerias foreign policy, provided an epigrammatic
account of it, engaged in deep and philosophical
reflections on it, articulated its historical trajectory from its
foundation, examined critically and holistically the
diplomatic algorithm, diagnosed the matrix of diplomatic
disarray and disjointedness, dissected the gamut of the
diplomatic odyssey, highlighted the ebbs and flows of
events that characterized the various epochs, and xrayed the dysfunctionality of the foreign policy and the
diametric
disequilibrium
between
foreign
policy
formulation and execution. This is the tradition in
academics, that is, the ability to navigate around issues
and proffer solutions.
All that is left for me is to stress pungently that the
weakness or outright dysfunctionality in Nigerias foreign
policy has proven distinctly unremarkable, and it is
evidently detrimental to the interest and survivability of
the nation. There is therefore the need for a paradigm
shift and proactive transformational plans to reverse the
degeneration that characterized the nations diplomatic
practice. For us to stand tall within the contemporary
global community, there is the need to fashion out a new
progressive diplomatic agenda that will boost the profile
of the country and fundamentally conform to current
global realities.
Recommendations
Mr. Vice Chancellor Sir, distinguished ladies and
gentlemen, in the light of the foregoing, the following are
my concrete recommendations:
1. Nigerias foreign policy in contemporary global
context should necessarily involve the countrys
52

best minds. Hence, there is need for a major reorganisation of the nations Foreign Service.
Ambassadorial positions should no longer be
politicized. Only career diplomats and practitioners
who understudy and understand the nuances of
international relations and global politics should be
appointed
as
Ambassadors
and
High
Commissioners. The era of arm-chair diplomacy is
gone and appointment of kleptomaniac politicians
to represent the country in ambassadorial position
should be discountenanced.
2. Recruitment into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
should be based purely on merit, and not
sacrificed on the altar of political expediency or
parochial exigencies. Diplomacy is a game of
elaborate rules requiring a thorough professional
acumen. Hence, considerable emphasis should
be laid on professionalism through the
instrumentality of training. In this regard, the
certificate programme designed for the newly
recruited officers at the Foreign Service Academy
should be restructured to be in tune with
contemporary global realities.
Similarly, the
Masters degree in International Relations and
Strategic Studies being run for the Ministrys
officials by the Department of Political Science of
this University should be further strengthened. The
University should provide more congenial serenity
for effective and efficient running of the
programme.
3. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be reorganized to ensure adequate synergy between it
and other Ministries, Departments and Agencies
(MDA). It should be sufficiently funded to enable it
53

discharge its statutory obligations. The number of

Foreign Missions should be streamlined to
manageable proportion. The Nigerian Institute of
International Affairs (NIIA) should not just be an
appendage of the Ministry; it should be recognized
as its powerful research arm and policy think tank.
4. Since the economy constitutes the bedrock of a
vibrant foreign policy, government should
holistically address the economic challenges
confronting the nation. The economy should be
diversified and be attuned to the realities of
contemporary
globalization.
The
economic
diplomacy
framework
of
the
Jonathan
Administration should be radically retooled to meet
contemporary challenges.
5. Nigerians in Diaspora should be properly
recognized in the scheme of foreign policy
articulation and implementation.
They have a
prominent role in advancing the foreign policy of
the country and hence should be given sufficient
diplomatic attention. Their input and intellect
should be sought and tapped for the benefit of the
country.
6. There is the need for a strong strategic plan and
long term projection of the nations foreign policy
posture with a view to fashioning out a roadmap
for Nigerias diplomacy. A realistic and rational
analysis of our foreign policy scenarios will give
room for strategic calculations of the costs and
benefits of the nations diplomatic practice.
7. There is the necessity for an urgent remedy to the
current abysmal security challenges in order to
54

spruce up the battered image of the country.

Government should robustly unravel the root
causes of the insurgency. The nations security
intelligence should be reappraised while the
security operatives including the Police, State
Security Service and the National Intelligence
Agency should be adequately equipped to fight
terrorism. The Boko Haram insurgency must be
fundamentally contained and nipped in the bud.
Government should not under any illusion or
pretext grant amnesty to the Boko Haram terrorists
who have been persistently involved in serious
human rights perversion. Instead, members of the
sect and their sponsors should be fished out and
brought to justice.
8. While the internal logic of reforms of the Jonathan
Administration seems to be coherent and
predicated on the perception of Nigerias social
reality, it failed to address the fundamental
problem of corruption which has become a
cankerworm that has eaten deep into the fabric of
the nation. There is therefore the imperative need
to frontally confront the pervasive, corrosive,
systemic and episodic character of corruption in
the nation.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, distinguished ladies and
gentlemen, let me conclude by reiterating emphatically
that Nigerias foreign policy in contemporary context must
be premised solely on national interest with emphasis on
national security and welfare, regional and global peace,
as well as robust multilateral diplomacy that is tailored
along strong strategic partnership with friendly states in
the global arena. The need to ensure that the country
stand firmly rooted in sound diplomatic practice is not
55

only imperative but should supersede every other

consideration. It is therefore incumbent on President
Jonathan to demonstrate that Nigeria will no longer slide
into a morass of diplomatic trepidation and conundrum.
He has the opportunity to transform the character and
framework of Nigerias foreign policy, and pursue a
sound, dynamic, virile, robust and proactive foreign policy
that can profoundly transform the Nigerian diplomatic
milieu and build a firmer base for a new diplomatic order
that can stand the test of time. The challenges are
enormous but certainly not insurmountable.

56

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I appreciate most deeply and
immensely the Almighty God, the Omnipresent,
Omnipotent and Omniscient; the Ancient of days, the One
that was, the One that is and the One that will forever be.
Glory, Honour and Majesty be unto His name. I thank
Him for His abundant love and grace in my life and for the
opportunity to witness this day that He has made. I stand
to boldly assert that it is not by power nor by might but
by my Spirit says the Lord.
Beyond the traditional ritual of using acknowledgement to
appreciate numerous people that have profoundly
contributed to shaping ones life, I have consciously and
deliberately avoided pontificating laboriously on this in
order to avoid offending numerous friends, mentors,
family members and inspirators who have toiled most
wonderfully to influence my life from childhood to date.
Nevertheless, it might appear preposterous not to
acknowledge certain individuals who have one way or the
other contributed immensely to my academic career. In
general, I acknowledge with extreme profundity the
galaxy of those I describe as sharp, polyglot, brilliant
minds, budding scholars, erudite intelligentsia and
intellectually profound audience with experiential
knowledge who have pleasantly gathered here this
evening to lend insight and credence to the themes of my
analytical discourse.
I wish to acknowledge with extreme candour and
pleasantry a charming and penetrating scholar cum
politician Prof. Jerry Gana who is the Pro-Chancellor of
this great University and Chairman of our esteemed
Council, the icon of our time and immediate past Pro57

Chancellor and Chairman of Council, Dr. Gamaliel

Onosode, our able, amiable, inimitable, inestimable and
indefatigable Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Rahamon Ade Bello
and the entire workaholic management team Prof.
Babajide Alo Deputy Vice-Chancellor (A&R), Prof. Duro
Oni Deputy Vice-Chancellor (MS), Oluwarotimi
Shodimu Esq. Registrar, Mr. Lateef Odekunle Bursar
and Dr. (Mrs.) Olukemi Fadehan University Librarian. It
is my prayer that God in His infinite mercy will continue to
guide and guard you in your aspiration to ensure that
University of Lagos becomes one of the best top
Universities in the world.
I pay glowing tribute to two former Vice-Chancellors of
this great University, who, by providence, are still ViceChancellors of two new universities in Nigeria Professor
Oye Ibidapo-Obe under whose tenure as VC, I became
Associate Professor about nine years ago and Professor
Tolu Odugbemi under whose tenure as VC, I became
Professor about five years ago. Professor Tolu
Odugbemi, deserves special recognition. My knowledge
of this great and noble scholar dated back to my days in
the College of Medicine. Since then, he has been a
source of inspiration to me. He is a straight forward and
no-nonsense man. A man of probity, integrity and
credibility, he is acclaimed for his popular philosophy of
Team Work and Divine Intervention as well as Be a
Mentor and not a Tormentor. He has really been a
mentor to me, and I appreciate him and his wife Mrs. Titi
Odugbemi for their esteemed love for me and my family. I
also express my deep appreciation to Kabiyesi, the
Ogiyan of Ejigboland, Oba Omowonuola Oyeyode
Oyesosin II, the one that brought me up and put me in
good academic standing.

58

As I traverse the seemingly difficult terrain of academics, I

have been motivated and inspired by a number of people.
I appreciate my Ph.D supervisor, Dr. Omajuwa Natufe, an
erudite scholar of international repute, who, although had
travelled out to Canada for greener pasture before my
defence in November 1989, ensured that the work was
brilliantly completed before his exit from the country.
The late Provost of the College of Medicine of this
University, Prof. Ajibayo Akinkugbe steered the path
towards my foray into academics when, as an
administrative staff of the College, and following my
award of a Federal Government Postgraduate
Scholarship for a Ph.D degree in the Department of
Political Science, University of Benin, he enthusiastically
granted me study leave in December 1986 to utilize the
award. He was profoundly impressed when I resumed
duty well before the expiration of my 3-year study leave,
following the completion of the Ph.D degree. Although,
Prof Akinkugbe is no more, he has significantly influenced
my life positively, and the memory of what he did will
certainly linger on.
I recognize other eminent scholars that navigated me
through the various stages of my career in academia.
They include Prof. Remi Anifowose and late Prof.
Stephen Olugbemi who encouraged me to join the league
of academics following my attainment of Ph.D degree. I
want to single out Prof. Remi Anifowose who is popularly
known and called Oga or Baba Ani. He is not just a
boss and colleague but an academic father to me. He
has great confidence in me and I constantly confide in
him. I thank him for being there always for me. Since my
headship of the department about 4 years ago, Prof.
Adele Jinadu has been an inspirational scholar and
advisor on various issues relating to academic and
59

administration in the department. I recognize Professor

Tunde Babawale, Director-General of CBAAC who has
also been a source of encouragement to me.
I
acknowledge
and thank most profoundly all other
academic staff of my department Drs. Onuoha,
Ologbenla, Akinyemi, Ugoh, Okeke, Odukoya, Eneanya,
Quadri, Fadakinte, Oluwajuyitan, Onah, Eesuola,
Odubajo, Ashiru, Mr. Awosika and Mrs. Majekodunmi
including my mentees, who are often referred to as my
Senior Special Assistant Dr. Ferdinand Ottoh and
Special Assistant Dr. Samuel Oloruntoba . These two
gentlemen are very loyal, committed and hardworking.
Together with Mr. Semiu Basiru (my Ph.D candidate),
they went through this lecture and offered necessary
suggestions. I thank them immensely. I also thank most
sincerely my friends - Prof. Alade Fawole for his useful
suggestions and Dr. Sola Osoba for proof-reading the
lecture, as well as Mrs. Rachael Fatodu for typing it. My
gratitude also goes to the Dean of my Faculty, Professor
Omololu Soyombo who has been impressively paddling
the affairs of the Faculty, and Heads of our various
departments Prof. Adebayo Ninalowo (Sociology), Prof.
Iyiola Oni (Geography), Prof. Ndubuisi Nwokoma
(Economics), Dr. Ibi Agioubu-Kemmer (Psychology) and
Dr. Yomi Daramola (Mass Communication) as well as all
academic and non-teaching staff members of my
Department and the Faculty.
I appreciate the presence here in our midst of the
Chairman of the Court of Governors, College of Medicine,
Chief J.A. Obafemi-Olopade and members of the Court
including the Provost, Professor Folasade Tolulope
Ogunsola, Chief Medical Director of the Lagos University
Teaching Hospital (LUTH), Prof. Akin Osibogun and the
immediate past Provost, Professor Oluwole Atoyebi; as
well as Mr. Oladejo Azeez (College Secretary) Mr. N.
60

Lawal (Director of Finance) and Engr. Sobande (Director

of Engineering Services)
I wish to acknowledge with profound gratitude my very
dear colleagues and members of the Critical Group
Professors Toyin Ogundipe, Sola Fajana (Vice-Chancellor
of Joseph Ayo Babalola University), Mopelola Olusakin,
Taiwo Akinyele, Ayo Atsenuwa, James Olaleye, O.M.
Sadiq and Jerry Obiefuna. As Sub-Deans of our various
Faculties between 1998 and 2000, we worked tirelessly
towards the upliftment of our Faculties and the University
at large. The bond of friendship established has since
then been waxing stronger. Prof. Toyin Ogundipe, in
particular - a humble, energetic and resourceful scholar
has been a source of inspiration and support for me in all
ramifications. I thank him most sincerely.
My special thanks go to my club Ejigbo Eagles Clubstarting with our dynamic Patron, Chief Remi Olowude,
the President, Prince Femi Oyewole and all members for
their presence at this lecture.
My profound appreciation also goes to my other
distinguished colleagues and friends, Prof Lai Olurode
(INEC Commissioner), Prof Alaba Ogunsanwo, Prof Chris
Bode, Prof Gbenga Ilori, Prof. Chuks Maduabum, Prof.
Tunde Makanju, Prof Ademola Omojola, Prof. Damola
Oke, Prof. Abubakar Momoh, Prof. Lai Oso, Prof A.
Olukoju(Vice-Chancellor, Caleb University, Imota) and
Prof. Diji Aina, (Vice-Chancellor of Adeleke University,
Ede). Also deeply appreciated are Prof. Akin Oyebode,
Prof. R.F. Ola, Prof. J.A. Faniran, Prof. Eddy
Omolehinwa, Prof. Bola Akinterinwa (DG of NIIA), Prof.
Osita Agbu, Prof. Ogaba Oche, Prof Olaide Abass, Prof
Funso Akere, Prof Segun Awonusi, Prof Amoda, Prof
Oyediran, Prof Kayode Amund, Prof Wole Familoni, Prof
61

Esezobor, Prof Bayo Adekanye, Prof Adigun Agbaje, Prof

Jide Owoeye, Prof Ayo Olukotun, Senator Mudashiru,
Senator and Mrs Mamora, Hon. Salaam(Speaker, Osun
State House of Assembly, Dr. Fred Agwu, Dr. Adelabu
Salawu, Dr. Sat Obiyan, Prof. Ben Oghojafor, Prof.
Felicia Oyekanmi, Prof. Laide Adedokun, Prof. O.
Okedele, Prof. Yomi Akinyeye, Prof. Kayode Soremekun,
Dr. Mike Ogbeidi, Dr. David Aworawo, Dr. (Mrs.) Taiwo
Ipaye, Dr. (Eng.) Ezekiel Adeniran, Dr(Mrs) Taiwo
Makinde, Mrs. Funmi Amodu, Mrs. Morenike Adare, Mr.
Ademola Aliu, Pastor Gbenga Adefarakan, Hon.
Ademoye, Mr. Cyril Nwankwo, Toun Adenuga, Mr. L. O.
Animashaun (Registrar, Lagos State University), Chief A.
Adebowale and Mr. Dele Oladunjoye of Concept
publications.
My deep appreciation goes to my distinguished
colleagues when I was Chairman of APC at the
Postgraduate School. Im particularly grateful to my ViceChairman then, Prof. Olusoji Ilori who is now the Dean of
Science, our charming and indefatigable Sub-Dean then,
Prof. Oluwayemisi Obasoro-John who is now the Director
of the General Studies, my immediate past Chairman,
Prof. Yomi Okanlawon who is now the Deputy Provost of
the College of Medicine and Prof. Wale Okunuga who is
now the Director of Quality Assurance. Together with the
then Dean of the School of Postgraduate Studies, Prof.
Oluwatoyin Ogundipe, we worked assidously as a team
to produce the highest number of Ph.D graduands in the
University. I appreciate immensely our highly innovative
current
Dean, School of Postgraduate Studies,
Prof. Obinna Chukwu, the Sub-Dean, Dr. Emmanuel
Adedun, the Deputy Registrar, Mrs. Yetunde Ogunlewe,
Current Chairman of APC, Prof. Dele Olowokudejo, other
members of the APC including Prof. Ralph Akinfeleye,
Prof. Ngozi Osarenren, Prof. Rasheed Ojikutu, Prof.
62

Godwin Azenabor, Prof. T.G Nubi, Dr. Ademola Adeleke,

Dr. O.S Soneye, Dr. Virgy Onyene, Dr. C.C. Nnorom, Dr.
A.O Lawal-Are , Dr. Yemi Oke, Dr. Greg Simire and Dr.
(Mrs) R.O Igwe.
My sincere gratitude goes to my spiritual leaders, Rev.
Michael Afolabi, Rev. (Dr.) Philip Kolawole, Rev. (Dr.)
A.A. Adeyemi and Rev. Gbemi Otolorin as well as
members of Imole Oluwa Society, BYWOG Society, the
Choir and all my Church members at Surulere Baptist
Church, Ojuelegba, for their deep love for me and my
family.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, distinguished ladies and
gentlemen, it gives me profound joy to declare that within
the period of my academic career, I have successfully
supervised and co-supervised 15 Ph.D candidates who
have distinguished themselves very well both in the
academic world and other areas of professional calling.
They are as follows:
Supervised
1. Dr. Jerry Agbaike (2004)
2. Dr. Tola Odubajo (2009)
3. Dr. Godwin Okeke (2009)
4. Dr. Cletus Akwaya (2009)
5. Dr. Ferdinand Ottoh (2010)
6. Dr. Adebayo Salami (2010)
7. Dr. Olugbenga Olaoye (2011)
8. Dr. Samuel Oloruntoba (2013)
Co-Supervised
9. Dr. Mohammed Habu (with Prof. Remi Anifowose)
2009
10. Dr. Isuwa Dogo (with Prof. Kayode Soremekun)
2009
63

11. Dr. Surajudeen Mudasiru (with Dr. Derin Ologbenla)

2010
12. Dr. John Arewa (with Prof. Akin Oyebode)
2011
13. Dr. Emmanuel Akinwale (with Dr. Derin Ologbenla)
2011
14. Dr. Benson Akintola (with Prof. Remi Anifowose)
2012
15. Victor Ajulor (with Dr. Samuel Ugoh)
2013
(successfully defended and awaiting Senates
approval)
This is a glorious day in which they are also being
celebrated. I thank all of them for finding time to be
present at this lecture.
I also appreciate all our
M.Phil/Ph.D students as well as all the M.Sc., MPA, MISS
and MILD and even undergraduate students for finding
time to attend the lecture. I sincerely thank members of
the Inaugural Lecture Committee Dr. Samuel Ugoh
(Chairman), Mr. Lanre Awosika, Dr. Omolara Quadri, Dr.
Ferdinand Ottoh, Dr. Samuel Oloruntoba, Dele Ashiru,
Dr. Franca Attoh and Dr. Michael Kunnuji.
My profound appreciation goes to my late parents, Pa
Daniel Olayiwola Akinboye who transited to the world
beyond about 15 years ago and Madam Rachael
Adeduntan Akinboye who was called to glory almost a
year ago. I recognize most profusely their Christian and
disciplinarian virtues which tremendously impacted my
life.
I thank most sincerely my siblings and their spouses Dns
Alice and Mr. Gideon Adebayo, Mr. Akin and Mrs. Bola
Akinboye, Dns Elizabeth and Mr. Matthew Ogundiya, Dns
(Dr.) Omoyiola and Chief Moses Fagbohun, Mr. Omoloye
and Mrs. Nike Akinboye, Mr. Morakinyo and Mrs.
Funmilayo Akinboye, Mrs. Kehinde and Mr. Emmanuel
64

Ajadi, Mrs. Oredola and Mr. Segun Adeyemi, Dns

Florence and Mr. Yinka Erinfolami, Mr. Bode and Mrs
Bukola Akinboye, Mr. Abiodun and Mrs. Folashade
Akinboye, Mrs. Funmilayo and Mr Adekunle Oyeniran and
Mr. Kehinde and Mrs. Bukola Akinboye. I thank them all
for yielding to our fathers laid down rule that we should
be bonded together. Also to be sincerely appreciated are
members of the Adeoye family- my in-laws.
Finally, Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, distinguished ladies and
gentlemen, I owe immeasurable and profound gratitude
to one individual that has been part of my life and on
whose behalf much of the successes reeled out should
be ascribed to. This singular individual is my wife of 30
years standing Mrs. Elizabeth Bosede Akinboye a
pretty,
radiant,
cultured,
exquisite,
supremely
domesticated and elegantly refined woman. She is a
highly dedicated, faithful, understanding and caring wife
and mother of our beautiful, outstanding and loving
children. I also appreciate very sincerely our children and
those that have lived with us and whom we also regard
as our children Oladoyin, Oladapo, Olayinka, Bolanle,
Bolaji, Bisola, Olamide, Samuel, Kola, Seun, Sunday,
Yetunde and Carol.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, distinguished ladies and
gentlemen, I stand before you to affirm once again and in
an unequivocal manner that, its not by power nor by
might but by my Spirit says the Lord.
Thank you all for your attention.
GLORY
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65

TO GOD BE THE

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