Badran-The Means of Survival - Education and The Palestinian Community, 1948-1967

The Means of Survival: Education and the Palestinian Community, 1948-1967
Author(s): Nabil A. Badran

Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 9, No. 4 (Summer, 1980), pp. 44-74
Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies
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The Means of Survival:

Education and the Palestinian
Community, 1948-1967
NABIL A. BADRAN*
been notedthatthe PalestinianArabshave an exceptionIt has frequently
ally highrate of education. The purpose of this articleis to examinethe
socio-economiccauses of this level of educational achievementand to
indicate some specific developmentswithinthe Arab world which have
encouragedit. The periodcoveredwillbe thatbetweenthe end of the British
mandate in Palestineand the 1967 war - years which were of crucial
yet whichare
importanceto the developmentof the Palestiniancommunity,
examined far less frequentlythan the subsequent period in which the
Palestiniansbecame an importantpolitical factoron the Middle East and
scene.
international
Because this articleseeks to explainthe Palestinianeducationalsituation
in the context of the socio-economicstructureof the Palestiniancommunity,its startingpoint will be a surveyof thiscommunityas it existedat the
end of the Mandatein Palestine,and thenin itsnew situationin exile shortly
afterwards.
THE LEVEL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AT THE END OF THE MANDATE
At the end of the Mandatethe naturalpopulationgrowthof the Arabsof

Palestinewas 30 perthousand- the highestrateforany Arabcountryat the
time - and at the end of March1947 the populationwas estimatedat about
* Nabil A. Badran is the authorof al-Ta'limwal-Tabdithfil-Mujtama'al-'Arabial-Filastini,1948-67
(Education and Modernization in Palestinian Arab Society), (Beirut: PLO Research Centre, 1979) on
which this article is based.

THE MEANS OF SURVIVAL
45
1,380,000, composed of 1,253,000 sedentary persons, and 127,000

thousandBedouin.1
The age pyramidof the Arab population of Palestinein 1945 was as
follows:
Age group 0-15:
16-59:
60 +:
43.6 percent
50.2 percent
6.2 percent2
As regardseducation,at the end of the Britishmandateabout 30 percent

of the Arabs of Palestine could read and write. The majorityof them
belongedto the risinggeneration,who had benefitedgreatlyfromthe rapid
growthof educationafter1943. This expansionwas greatestin thesectorof
public education,wherethe numberof schoolsrose from403 in 1942/43to
in addition
555 in 1947/48. Hundredsof classroomswerebeingconstructed,
the
number
of
pupilsin
to dozens of new schools. Duringthe same period
this sector rose from 58,325 to about 103,000. These, along with some
45,000 pupils in privateand religiousschools, broughtthe total of Arab
pupilsto 148,000.
TABLE 1
DISTRIBUTION OF PUPILS BY STAGES OF EDUCATION AND KINDS
OF SCHOOLS 1946/47*
Stages of
Education
Total
Publicschools Privateschools
Males Females Males Females Males Females Total
Primary
72,650
18,400
23,800
15,000
96,450
33,400
129,850
2,100
350
2,000
1,200
4,100
1,550
5,650
Academicand
Vocational
Secondary
* JordanianDelegation,Review of the Educational Situationin theHashemiteKingdomofJordan,

No. 1, UNESCO, Regional Centre for the Trainingof Civil Servants,Investigationsof the delegates
1961/62 (Beirut,1962), p. 60.
1 This figureis fromthe reportof the Clapp Commission(the UN Economic SurveyMissionof the
MiddleEast), New York, 1949, p. 22. The Commissionobtained it fromthe Britishgovernment.
2 See UnitedNations,Assistanceto PalestineRefugees,GeneralAssembly,Sixth Session,Reportof
the Director of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East,
SupplementNo. 16 (A/1905), Paris,1951, p. 30.

46 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES
In 1946/47 pupils accounted for about 11.7 percent of the total

population- the highestpercentagein the ArabworldafterLebanon.Table
1 shows theirdistribution
amongthevariouscategoriesof schoolsand stages
of educationin 1946/47.
In the last year of the Mandateeverymajortown had a completepublic
school preparingfor the general secondaryexamination,while the other
townshad secondaryclasses.Many of the privateand religiousschools also
had secondaryclasses,a numberof which preparedpupils forthe general
secondary examination. Many of the larger villages had also opened
secondaryclasses.
In spite of this educationaldevelopment,the educationof girlslivingin
ruralareas continuedto lag behind,whereasthetownshad startedto accept
most girls of primaryschool age. The countrysidestill maintainedthe
principleof refusingeducation to girls, and though this principlewas
somewhat relaxed, mixed classes remained unacceptable, and financial
resourcesdid not permitthebuildingof specialschoolsforgirls.
A featureof educationat that timewas the largenumberof pupils who
were olderthanthe normalage of theirclass,because of theirfamilies'desire
that theirsons should be educated and completetheirschooling.For this
reason the elementaryschools containeda highproportionof older pupils
who were politicallymatureand conscious.Thisfacilitatedthe expansionof
the student movementto rural areas after the Second World War, and
studentpoliticalactivitywas influentialin inducingthe older pupilsto join
in nationalistactivity.
The increasednumbersof educatedyouthhad an effecton socio-political
activity.New political movementsarose, such as the League for National
Liberation and the Syrian Nationalist Party. Groups of educated and
politicallyinvolvedyoung men emerged,and the numberof culturalclubs
(publicor attachedto schools) increased.Branchesof thelabourunionswere
establishedin the towns and villages,which were run by workingand
educatedyouth.
Economic and educationaldevelopmentsencouragedthe emergenceof
new concepts and values, even thoughthey were unable to effectradical
structuraland social change. In the economic field, consumptionand
productionincentivesencouragedmodernization
and investment,
but onlyat
the individuallevel, or withinthe frameworkof familyrelationships.The
servicessector continuedto dominatethe towns,openingup horizonsfor
workto the educatedyouth,but it did not encouragecollectiveactionin the
economic field. On the contraryit led the individualto aspireto personal
independenceand to the achievementof individualfinancialsuccess. This
had some positiveimpactin thatit achievedliberationfromold relationships
and fromthe stagnantpatternof artisanproduction,and to the extentthat

47
it createdin the individualthe need to become acquaintedwithothersat the

professional
and social levels.
Withthe emergenceof a vast difference
betweentown and country,and
and returnsin the towns,the movement
opportunities
expandinginvestment
was
of the ruralbourgeoisieto the townsincreased.Partof theirinvestment
movement
to the new urbansectors.This situationled to further
transferred
of the bourgeoisie to the towns and to their taking on more urban
Theirincreasedreadinessto sell partof theirland to well-off
characteristics.
peasantsled to the spreadof smallholdingsin the country.
Culturalconditionsin the townsalso encouragedthe dissolutionof tribal
ties,whichin turnfacilitatedmarriageoutsidethe clan and the family,and
and economicinterestsunrelatedto thisframethe buildingof friendships
work.The tendencyto be liberatedfromthe social and politicalpressuresof
the clan increasedwithlongresidencein the townand in streetsand quarters
wheretherewerefewothermembersof the clan.
or
Thisliberationdid not ruleout the maintenanceof familyrelationships
of contacts with the villageor continuedlocal social and politicalactivity.
indepenHowever,the aspirationsof the new generationgrew increasingly
dent of tribal duties. In rural areas, on the other hand, the patternof
traditionalrelationshipsinheritedfrom feudal society prevailed,with the
clan and its relationshipswith the traditionalfeudalfamiliespredominant.
The familiesof whichthe clan was composedwere not economicallyequal
and the well-offfamiliesweresometimeson good termswitheach otherand
forleadershipof the clan. The well-off
sometimesquarrelledin theirstruggle
familiestook advantageof economicdevelopmentto increasetheirproperty
and develop their agricultureand, in a subsequent period, to turn to
economicactivitiesin non-agricultural
sectors.
The clan retainedinternalleadershipby maintaining
the dominationof
patriarchaland paternalauthorityfor fear of revoltby the young.In the
absence of mass and social institutions
the clan succeededin convincing
the
new generationthat its influencemust be maintained,inasmuchas this
influenceprovidedthe individualwith a sortof social insurancenot to be
foundoutsidethe clan. It also ensuredthathe acquiredeconomicadvantages
throughthe success of the clan in local elections. Thus the municipal
electionsin Palestineand the 1946 electionsconstituteda renewalof the
tribal conflictratherthan a reflectionof political trends. Some of the
which
politicaltrendsin the traditionalpartiesreflectedlocal tribalinterests
had linkswiththe centresof influencein the towns.
In spite of the existenceof conflictbetween the differentclans and
of nationalstruggle
withinthe singleclan, the circumstances
and the role of
the villagein public affairsled to the achievementof greatercoordination
withinthe village.The political struggleagainstZionism encouragedjoint

movesto supportthe PalestinianArabposition;thishelpedto bringthe clans

between them. To make
closer to each other and enabled intermarriage
in thevillageit was necessaryto takejoint actionto levytaxes
improvements
and collect contributionsfor the execution of essentialprojects,as any
secondaryconflicttendedto impedethe developmentof the villageand to
makeit lag behindothervillages.
As a resultof the long political struggleand of adherenceto the Arab
becameless intense,to
characterof Palestine,feelingsof religiousaffiliation
be replacedby feelingsof beingPalestinianor belongingto theArab nation.
solidarity,
Certainspecificstruggleshelped to consolidatePalestinian-Arab
such as the Arabization of the Orthodox Church and the defence of
al-Haramal-SharifagainstZionistclaims.Thoughtherootsof the Palestinian
as the
committees,
nationalistmovementinitiallylay in the Islamic-Christian
struggledevelopedtherewas no longerany need forthese committees,and
theywerereplacedby the unifiednationalistmovements.
DISPLACEMENT AND DISPERSION
areas
The exodus of refugeesin 1948-49 tendedto be to the neighbouring
because of theirgeographicalproximityand because of the family,social and
in
economicrelationsthatexistedwiththem.Table 2 showsthe distribution
the unoccupied parts of Palestine and the Arab host countriesof the
a
Palestinianrefugeesregisteredwith UNRWA in 1951. This table illustrates
numberof points:
Areas
Mass Emigrationto theNeighbouring
1. The majorityof the refugeesin Syria and Lebanon came fromthe
Haifaand Galileedistricts.
2. Inhabitantsfrom all districtsemigratedto the West Bank and East
Jordan,because the West Bank interlockedwith the variousdistrictsand
because the qada (sub-district)of Beisan (Galilee district)was close to
Transjordan.
3. The Gaza Strip receiveddisplacedpersonsfromthe Lydda and Gaza
districts.
4. The populations of some districtsand qadas weredispersed over a
by sea to certainArab
widerarea because of the possibilityof emigrating
ports(as in the case of the inhabitantsof the city of Jaffa)or as a resultof
in the reception
the need to go on to otherareas because of overcrowding
to Syria).
from
and
Lebanon
the
East
to
West
Bank
the
areas(from
Bank,
Table 2 shows the distributionof most of the refugeesin the host
countries.The groupsnot mentionedin Table 2 include:

49
1. The refugeesin Egypt(10,000) and Iraq (5,000) fromthe villagesof

theTriangle.
2. The well-offrefugeeswho went to Jordan,Lebanon and Syria and
who did not ask foraid fromany quarter.The numberof theseis estimated
TABLE 2
DISTRIBUTION OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES REGISTERED WITH UNRWA
IN 1951 IN THE HOST COUNTRIES AND THE GAZA STRIP ACCORDING
TO THE DISTRICTS THEY CAME FROM* (in percentage)
District
Jerusalem
(Qadas of Jerusalem,
Hebronand Ramallah)
Syria
Jordan
Lebanon
Gaza
1.27
26.64
1.43
0.38
8.81
37.08
11.13
40.49
0.36
12.07
0.08
58.34
24.32
12.67
28.14
0.55
0.19
5.80
0.12
0.19
65.05
5.74
59.09
0.05
Lydda
(Qadas of Jaffaand Ramleh)
Gaza
(Qadas of Gaza and Beersheba)
Haifa
(Qada of Haifa)
Nablus
(Qadas of Nablus,Jeninand
Tulkarm)
Galilee
(Qadas of Acre,Beisan,
Nazareth,Safad and Tiberias
Other Countries
100.00
100.00
.01
100.00
100.00
* UNRWA-PR,StatisticalBulletin,May 1950-June1951, volumesforSyria,Jordan,Lebanon and
Gaza.

as follows:
at 18,000,3 distributed
6,000 in Jordan
4,000 in Syria
8,000 in Lebanon.
3. A final group, whose names were deleted from UNRWA records
highincome,because theyhad receivedloans
because of theircomparatively
fromUNRWA,or because theyhad gone elsewherethanthe Arabcountries.
Theirnumberis estimatedat about 30,000.
This bringsthe total of Palestinianrefugeesin 1951 to about 900,000. In
1948 the Arab countriesestimatedtheirnumbersat about 750,000, while
the Clapp Commission,after a statisticalstudy by the Britishmandate
estimatedthemat about 726,000.
government,
The LivingStandardof RefugeesfromRuralAreas
The livingstandardof the refugeesfelldrastically.The savingsof some of
those who came fromruralareasdwindledto nothingthe longertheywaited
to return,and it was difficultformost of themto findregularwork.They
were consequentlyreduced to destitutionand to dependingon aid from
UNRWA. In 1951 the averageannual cash income of the individualrefugee
in Lebanon, Syriaand Jordanwas estimatedat P?8.9, whereasthisaverage
incomein Palestinein 1944 had been estimatedat P?41.4 The 1951 income
was thusabout 22 percentof thatof 1944. Thisaveragedoes not,moreover,
show the disparityof incomethat existedbetweenthe variousgroups.The
theirtotalincomein
greatmajorityof the workforceworkedintermittently,
the threecountriesamountingto about one millionAmericandollars.But
1,700 employers,who were also refugeesin the same three countries,
enjoyed an annual income of $2.09 million. Thus the averageindividual
incomeof the labouringclasseswas muchless than P?8.9. And evenwithin
places of
thesegroupsthereweredisparitiesof incomeaccordingto different
residence,because of differencesin the extent of unemploymentand the
possibilityof findingwork.
The refugeesin the Gaza Stripand theWestBanksufferedmost,because
theywerein areaswitha limitedeconomiccapacitywhichwereexperiencing
a periodof economicstagnationas a resultof the Zionistoccupationof the
rest of Palestine,which had left the majorityof theiroriginalinhabitants
unemployedand poor. The economic situationof the refugeesin the other
or seasonal
areas varied: thoselivingin or near towns found intermittent
3 Yusif Sayigh, "Economic Implications of UNRWA Operations in Jordan, Syria and Lebanon"
(M.A. Thesis, American University of Beirut, 1952), p. 29.
4 Sayigh, pp. 29-30.

51
work,whilesome of the workersin the remoterruralareas were unable to

do so because of the highdegreeof competition.Those who did findwork
did so at the expenseof local workerswho wereunableto competewiththe
to acceptverylow wages.
refugeeworkersbecause of the latters'willingness
The refugeesmade up fortheirlow incomewithaid in theformof food and
clothingfromUNRWA(rations).
The Situationof the Upperand MiddleBourgeoisie
Let us now turnto the situationof the bourgeoisgroups.In connection
with the general income of Palestiniansin Lebanon, Syria and Jordan
bettersituationof the upper
mentionhas alreadybeen made of therelatively
and middle bourgeoisie.The Palestinianbourgeois refugeeswere able to
transfer
part of theircash savingsto the Arabcountries,and evenbeforethe
disastersome businessmenhad opened branchesof theirbusinessesin certain
escalatedtheystartedto channelsome of their
Arab capitals.As the fighting
ordersto these branches,and afterthe disasterthey triedto transferall
ordersto them. In these new locations they soon applied themselvesto
expandingtheirbusinesses.They foundan extensivemarketin the demand
of the Palestinianmiddleand pettybourgeoisrefugeesforessentialconsumer
goods, which encouragedinvestmentin this field. Moreover,the refugees
provideda source of cheap labour which assistedcheap and competitive
industrial
production.Thissectionof thebourgeoisiealso broughtwiththem
of goods and technical
experiencein such economicfieldsas the distribution
services.
The Palestinianbourgeoisiebenefitedfromboth the traditionaland new

and fromthe highmobilityof
linkstheyhad withthe dispersedPalestinians,
qualified and professionalPalestinians,to set up a varietyof contracting
Arabcountries.
companiesthatoperatedin the different
This section of the bourgeoisie was eager to educate its children,
numberof whomobtaineduniversity
qualifications.Beforethe disasterthese
childrenhad constitutedthe overwhelming
majorityof thepupilsof thefinal
theycontinuedtheirstudiesand went
secondarystage,and afteremigrating
to universityas soon as they could. As a resultthese university
graduates
rapidlyfound good posts because of the expandingneed for such qualifications in the Arab countriesafterthe Second WorldWar. This class had
provided the greaterpart of the senior civil servantsof the Mandate
qualifications
governmentin Palestine;they had the high administrative
for the new adminisrequired,and some of them assumed responsibility
trativemachineryin Jordan,while the oil states were ready to welcome
themshould theydecide to leave Jordanand join theircolleagueswho had
alreadygoneto thesecountries.

Two furtherfactorshelped to improvethe economic situationof the

upper and middle bourgeoisie. The firstwas the payment of Mandate
bearerbonds, and the second the paymentof compensationto
government
officials.The numberof bondsheld by PalestinianArabs,
thatgovernment's
has been estimatedat 150,000.5 The
both refugeesand non-refugees,
compensationpaid by Britainto civilservantsof the Mandategovernment
was eitherin the formof a lumpsum or monthlypayments.The membersof
the bourgeoisiewho had been Palestinegovernmentofficialsthusenjoyed
greatadvantagesas a resultof the poststheyhad occupiedand thelengthof
theirservicein these posts. Even those who continuedto receivemonthly
paymentsreceivedlarge sums b-ecauseof the accumulationof arrears.For
the 41 monthsafterthe disaster,thatis, up to the end of December1951,
compensation,indemnitiesand emergencyaid totalled $10.8 million,$1.8
millionof whichwas paid in annualcompensation.6
As a generalrule the middle bourgeoisiehad experiencein the modern
and professional),
economic sectors(commercial,industrial,administrative
to the capitalsand major citiesof the Arab countries
and afteremigrating
theywereat painsto educatetheirchildrenand sendlargernumbersof them
to university.These advantageshelped them to improvetheirstandardof
livingand to make an economic recoverywithoutdelay. The disasterhad
liberatedthesegroupsfromirrationalconsumptionpatterns,and led themto
devote all theirresourcesto makingan economicrecoveryand to ensuring
that theirchildrenobtained a universityeducation. The demandforthem
was increased by their knowledge of the English language, which was
required in the various Arab countriesfor the expansionof Anglo-Saxon
commercial and production sectors, and by the need of international
forsuchprofessionalpersonnel.
institutions
With the establishmentof UNRWA and its need for certainkinds of
of self-helpand itsfinancing
of production
commodities,its encouragement
projects employingrefugeelabour, the middle bourgeoisieobtained the
greaterpart of most of the tenders,aid and loans. The Agency'sactivities,
along withconstructionand education,requireda varietyof materials,part
of which had to be obtainedfromthe marketsof the Arab host countries
Palestinian merchantsand contractorsprovided a great part of these
UNRWA encouraged certain groups, already possessingcapital, to help
themselves
privateprojects.In Lebanon,forexample,about 3817
by starting
had
received
assistance
by 1952, 202 of whom set up commercial
persons
5 Sayigh,p. 25.
6
Sayigh, Appendix C, Item V.
7 UNRWA, Statistical Research Dealing with Fluctuations in Numbers of Refugees and Their
Movements in the Lebanon (Beirut, 1952), p. 202.

53
firmsand shops, while other projectsincludedfarms,workshops,artisan

activitiesand schools. The middlebourgeoisiewas best able to make a new
startbecause it had the financialresourcesand experiencenecessaryto
ensure the success of such projects. In 1951, UNRWA took part in the
of the JordanianDevelopmentBank,and by March 1954 the
establishment
bank had granted100 loans totalling258,000 Jordaniandinars,for 85
and 15 industrialprojects.8
agricultural
Thus we findthatthe upperand middlebourgeoisiewereable to makea
newstartthanksto both personaland externalcircumstances.
Theirstandard
of living rapidly improvedwith the increase of their savingsand the
developmentof the Arab economy,which encouragedfurtherinvestment
and economicactivity.The releaseof the frozendepositsin the branchesof
the Ottoman Bank and BarclaysBank in theirpreviousareas of residence
increasedtheir economic capability.By the end of 1955 frozendeposits
releasedby thesebanks totalled?2,5 38,642,9 distributedamongdepositors
in thevariousArabcountriesas follows:
Jordan
Lebanon
Syria
Gaza
Egypt
Othercountries
? 1,528,400
602,900
124,000
24,000
74,900
184,442
Total
?2;5 38,642
The large total of depositsreleasedto Palestinianslivingin Lebanon,as

comparedto the much lower figurefor Palestinianslivingin Gaza, shows
thata largepart of the upperand middlebourgeoisieemigratedto Lebanon.
Our intention in reviewingthe situation of the upper and middle
the stateof the destituteworkingclass,has been
bourgeoisie,afterdescribing
to show the immense discrepancyin their livingstandards,which was
expressedin furthereducationforthe childrenof thisbourgeoisie,most of
whom wveredirectedto higherspecializationat university.But it mustbe
in livingstandardsdid not involveany falling
noted that this improvement
offas regardsnationalistattitudes.Most groupsof thisbourgeoisieheld fast
to theirPalestinianidentity,and theiruniversity-educated
childrenplayedan
8 United Nations, General Assembly,Ninth Session, Report of Director..., Supplement No. 17
(A/2717), 1954, p. 11.
9
Palestine Arab Delegation,
Report of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine
(1948-1961), New York (1962? ), p. 64.

54
JOURNAL
OF PALESTINE
STUDIES
importantrole in the rise of the Arab nationalistmovement.Because they

were educated, theyfeltprofoundlythe bitternessof defeat,the extentof
Arab backwardnessand the graveimpairmentof nationalhonour.For them
an Arabrevivaland
the idea of Palestinianliberationand returnrepresented
that were
domination
and
colonialist
the
of
backwardness
the rejection
holdingback social and economic growthin the Arab homeland. But the
and more
growthof theireconomicinterestsmade themless revolutionary
the real situationand the
diplomatic,and less capable of understanding
aspirationsof the destitutemasseslivinginsideand outsidethe camps.
The PettyBourgeoisie
Let us now reviewthe situationof the pettybourgeoisie,or ratherthat
part of it with qualificationsand experiencein moderneconomicactivity
and professional).This group differedfromthe
(technical,administrative
traditionalgroup in that there was some demand for theirqualifications,
whichincreasedwithurbaneconomicdevelopment.
Livingconditionsin the West Bank were such that displaced technical
workerswere unable to starttheirown businessesforlack of the necessary
capital and because of the high rate of competitionin a situationof
to
economicstagnation.The wagesearnedby mostof themwereinsufficient
ensure a minimumstandard of living. But their readiness to move to
economicallydeveloped areas inside and outside Jordanenabled them to
improvetheir livingstandards.They lost no time in initiatingtheirown
projectswhenevermoneywas availablein the formof aid and loans granted
by UNRWA. They possessed advanced experienceand social advantages
(throughfamilylinks and acquaintances) that enabled them to obtain a
certainamountof moneyto starttheirown businesses.This led themto help
their relativeswho also had technical qualificationsand sometimesto
become their partnersin projects. The fact that they had old or new
individuals- especiallyinthemiddlebourgeoisiewithwell-off
relationships
withthese
also gave them the chance to enterinto economicpartnerships
previousjob relationsin Palestine
persons in theirprojects. Furthermore,
enabled themto attractold and new clientsquickly,and thisassistedtheir
economicsuccess.
The one conditionfortheirrapid economic successwas theirmobilitytheirabilityto go and live in new places and areas. The marriedmen with
largefamilieswere the least mobile,but theirchildren,firstthe males and
later the females,who had continuedtheirschoolingand completedall or
partof the highersecondarystage,did movein searchof work.
The decisionof mostgroupsof the urbanpettybourgeoisieto emigrateto
Arab cities or their environsfavouredthe continued education of their
childrenand, with the grantingof numerousprivilegesto refugeepupils,

55
most familieskept their childrenin school and allowed them to pursue

secondarystudies,whichwerenow freeor almostfree.
THE SOCIAL SITUATION OF THE PALESTINIANS IMMEDIATELY AFTER 1948
A disastereffectschangesin social relationswhenthereare newforcesin

a societycapable of assumingleadership.But immediatelyafterthe disaster
the PalestinianArab people lacked such forces, and their geographical
dispersiongreatlyreduced the possibilityof contactbetweenthe emerging
forces. Harsh living conditions and oppression by the local authorities
meanwhilemade movementand contacts even more difficult.But the
of the disasterand thedesireto returnencourageda determination
bitterness
to confrontreactionarygovernments
and foreigndomination.New movementsemergedwhichbecame increasingly
popularin the secondhalfof the
sixties.
In the absence of such forcesthe groupingsof refugeeshad to look after

officialand
themselves;in thistheywerehelped by Arab and international
charitable organizations. Fearing their resentmentthe Arab regimes
restrictedtheir political activity,and the internationalaid organizations,
headed by UNRWA,refusedto recognizetheirnationalidentity,regarding
themas refugeesand makingeveryeffortto settlethem.This renderedthe
Palestiniansmore wary and resentfulof the UN and its agencies. The
refugees'suspicionand rejectionof the Arab League was reinforcedby its
obviousmilitaryincapacityand the spiritof defeatismevincedby severalof
theArabregimes.
The Palestiniansrejectedall formsof settlement,
and thosewho rejected
it mostvehementlywere the ruralpopulation,who had sufferedmorethan
othergroupsbecause of theirlack of income and work opportunities.So
tenaciouslydid they insiston the rightto returnthat they oftenrefused
the rationcard as an officialdocument
many importantservices,regarding
theirrightto returnto the homeland.The ruralpopulationhad
establishing
an increasingsense of socio-economicisolation and deprivation,which
increasedtheircollectiveattachmentto theirtraditionalframeworks
(family,
clan, village). This phenomenonmade its appearance at the startof the
emigration,when it became clear to the refugeesthat a feelingof security
could onlybe acquiredwithintheframework
of familyand villagesolidarity
Whenthe camps were established,the dispersedrefugeeswerereunitedand
the smallgroupsdistributedthroughoutthe hostcountrystartedto movein
nearerto thelargerbody of thelocal societyof the originalvillage.
The villagedependedon its traditionalorganizationto survivethe stageof
economicprivation,because this organizationprovidedit withthe soundest
advice and ensured social solidaritythat helped to surmountharshliving

56
JOURNAL OF PALESTINE
STUDIES
conditions.Dependenceon the traditionalleadershipsmadeiteasierto obtain

additional servicesfrom officialquarterssuch as UNRWA and the host
countries.UNRWA, in turn,encouragedthe emergenceof the traditional
local leaderships,
witha viewto gettingthe refugeesorganized.Beforetaking
decisionsit consultedthe traditionalPalestinianpoliticalleadershipsand the
local political authorities.The ruralrefugeesrealized that by movingto a
place where people belongingto theirclan and villagewere concentrated
they would more easily find accommodation,and also obtain the full
servicesof UNRWAwithoutdelay.
This developmentinvolvedthe greaterpartof theruralpopulation,while
the greaterpartof the formerurbanpopulationfolloweda contrarypattern
characterizedby furtherdisintegration
of the social and economicrelations
between families.The people of the townshad confidencein theirprofessional qualificationsand their ability to look after themselves,and this
tendencyto independencehelped them to take the economic and social
initiativesthat would lead to the realizationof theiraspirations.As a result
of these values, after the disaster people started to leave their social
groupings,
to withdrawfromfamilyattachments
preferring
in theirefforts
to
findwork and opportunitiesto educate theirchildrenand to findsuitable
accommodation. This did not lead to total severance from the family
environment;emotional needs and economic requirementsdemandedthe
maintenanceof such ties, for,in the absence of institutional
creditframeworks,familyor personalsourcesof creditwere generallythe rule. But the
townsman'sconcept of social securitynow ceased to be framedsimplyin
termsof the need to maintainfamilyties and became much moreclosely
linkedto a beliefin individualenterprise.
Theiraspirationsinducedthe heads of urbanfamiliesto accept extensive
mobilityto ensuretheirlivelihoodand the educationof theirchildren.They
soughtand accepted posts in the developingoil countries.If residentialand
educationalconditionsthere became favourable,the familywould be sent
for. The individualisticvalues which influencedtheir concept of social
security did not rule out psychological,economic and socio-political
attachmentto thehomelandon the partof townspeople.Theywereinsistent
on theirrightto theirpropertyand felt an emotionalneed forthe social
climateof the homeland.Theirresentment
was heightenedby theirsenseof
the loss of theirnationalhonour and the disclosureof the extent of the
weaknessand backwardnessof Arabsocietyafterthe disaster.
Increasededucation led to increasedrejectionof traditionalsocietyand
politicians,especiallyamongstudents.In generalthisrejectionwas based on
the ideas of the modern bourgeois revolt against the leadershipof the
traditionalelite, which wanted to stabilize the authoritariantribalsystem
and made colonialism its ally in its attemptto maintainits social and

57
economicinfluence.The prevalenceof thistype of analysisdid not prevent

the emergencenext to it of a progressive
movementemployingdialectical
materialismas the basis of its analysisof the socio-economicsituation,and
using historicalmaterialismto determinestrategicand interimgoals. But
most of the followersof this lattermovementcame fromthe Palestinian
and action.
bourgeoisie,whichlimitedthe radicalismof theirthinking
The thinkingof both Palestinianand otherArab educatedyouthwas the
same as regardsthe failureof tribal,authoritarian
and backwardsocietyin
the face of the challengeof a modernEuropeansocietybased on education
and democraticorganization(which was embodied locally in the Jewish
communityin Palestine). ConstantineZurayk'sbook The Meaningof the
Disaster"0providesthe most searchinganalysisof thereasonsforthe failure
of Arab society and the conditionsforthe buildingof a new society.This
issue has also been dealt withby the PalestinianwritersMusa Alami" and
Qadri Tuqan."2 All threebooks stressededucationand democracyas prime
factors in development.This frank criticismof traditionalsociety was
accompanied by widespreadresentmentof colonialismand its directand
indirectpresence,and an unequivocalcall forits eradicationfromthe Arab
countries.
THE GROWTH OF THE ARAB PUBLIC SECTOR
With the annexation of the West Bank Jordan witnessed the rapid
developmentof governmentdepartments.The numberof ministriesrose
fromfive in 1947 to fifteenin 1955. Severalspecializeddepartments
were
set up withassistancefromthe AmericanMissionand UNRWA."3Most of
these new ministriesand departmentsneeded educated and professional
personnel.
With the developmentof the machineryof state in Jordanand the
expansionof its activities,therewas increasinginternalpressureagainstthe
and favouritism
policy of discrimination
in appointments,
accompaniedby
externalpressurecallingforthe raisingof the efficiencyof this machinery.
The state passed various laws to regulatethe civil service. Some of the
in particularthe Ministryof Education,startedto systematize
ministries,
10 Constantine Zurayk, Ma'na al-Nakba (The Meaning of the Disaster), (Beirut: Dar al-'rlm
lil-Malayin,1948).
1 Musa Alami, 'IbratFilastin (The Lesson of Palestine),(Beirut: Dar al-Kashaf,1949).
12 Qadri Tuqan, Ba'd al-Nakba (Afterthe Disaster),(Beirut: Dar al-'Ilmlil-Malayin,1950).
13 The extent of American interest in the development and managementof the Jordanian
economy is indicated by the fact that when the JordanianDevelopment Board was established,it
includedas membersdelegatesfromthe AmericanMission as well as UNRWA officialsand Jordanian
ministers.

58
STUDIES
appointmentsand salaryscales to keep pace withthe rapiddevelopmentof

to attractpersonnelwithvariousprofessional
and its efforts
itsestablishment
qualifications.
Under the new service regulationsemployees were divided into two
categories:a first,highercategoryfromgrade 1 to grade6, and a second,
fromgrade 7 to grade 10, withfiveyearsservicein each grade.In 1958 the
Civil ServiceRegulations,whichmade certificates
the basisof appointments,
wereissued. This basingof classification
on certificates
and lengthof studies
arose because therewere no entranceexaminationsand no job descriptions
such as are therulein advancedcountries.Accordingto Emile Shihadeh,this
classification
was a responseto the growthof bureaucracyand to increasing
public pressureforit to be made moreefficient.
It was also a responseto the
rapid increasein the numbersof university
and secondaryschool graduates
and theirneed for employment,which was practicallynonexistentin the
privatesector of the economy.This classificationcould not be regardedas
ideal because it did not seek real qualifications."4
The JordanianCivil ServiceRegulationsof 1958 definedcertificates
and
theirrelationto classification
as follows:15
1) Holders of a matriculation certificate and high school graduates are
appointed to grade 10 withthe rate equivalentof year one.
2) Those with an additional year of schoolingaftermatriculationare appointed
to grade 10 witha rate equivalentof year three.
3) Those having two years of schooling after matriculationare appointed to
grade 9 witha rate equivalentof year one.
4) Those with three years of schooling after matriculationare appointed to
grade 8 at the rateequivalentof year one.
5) Holders of a Bachelor of Arts degree with four years of study after
matriculationare appointed to grade 7 at the rateequivalentof year three.
6) Holders of a Master's degreeare appointed to grade 6 at the rate equivalent
of year one.
7) Holders of a Doctor of Philosophydegree and medical doctors receivegrade
5 at the rate equivalentof year three.
8) Medical Doctors with one year of specializationreceivegrade 4 and the rate
equivalentof year one.
9) Medical Doctors with more than one year of specialization receivegrade 4
and the rate equivalentof year five.
Accordingto thisclassification
by certificates,
new employeeswithlower
educationalqualificationsthan thesewere regardedas unclassified(withthe
exceptionof certaincategoriesof technicalpersonnelwho could be classified
in grade 10). But even in the appointmentof unclassifiedemployees,
14 Emile S. Shihadeh, "The Jordanian Civil Service: A Study of Traditional Bureaucracy"
1965), p. 3.
(Ph. D. thesis,CornellUniversity,
15 Ibid., p. 86.

59
educationalstandardsweretakeninto account.
was similarto the standardsset by UNRWA,the Arab
This classification
countries,and in particularthe Arab oil countries.This made Palestinians
eager to obtain such certificatesat all costs so as to ensure a higher
income- the principalobjectiveof the Palestinianmasses,who had no other
sourcesof incomeand wishedto avoid the heavyburdenof makinga living
in
as workingclass wage-earners.The educated had greaterresponsibility
theirfamilybecause of the low wages of manualworkers,and hopes were
pinned on them to increasethe family'sincome.The census of population
and domicile carried out in Jordan in 1961 showed that each worker
supportedan averageof 3.38 persons.Thiswas one of thehighestaveragesin
the Arab world and much higherthan those of advanced countries.The
districtsof Jordan,beinghighin the WestBank
averagevaried in different
and the principaltowns in the East Bank whichhad a highproportionof
Palestinianrefugees.Withinthe West Bank, the average for the Nablus
and in itsruralareasthe
districtwas higherthan that forthe otherdistricts,
averagewas as highas 4.35 personssupported.16
To help solve the problemcaused by the largenumberof graduates,the
JordanianCivil Service Regulationsgave thempriorityin appointmentand
classification.But it nevertried to find a full solution to the problemof
and graduatesof the fifthsecondaryclass
holdersof secondarycertificates
whose numbersincreasedso greatlythat the state machinerywas unableto
absorbthem.The 1957 annual reportof the CivilServiceBoardstressedthe
extentof thisproblem.
foremployment
to the Boardthisyearwas
The numberof applications
submitted
holdingsecondary
ofgraduates
higherthanlastyear.Thiswasbecausethenumbers
and fifthgradesecondarycertificates
doubled. As a resultit is clear thatthe
numberof applications
foremployment
willincreaseyearbyyear.The Boarddrew
the attentionof the quartersconcernedto this problemand a committeewas
appointedto investigateit, but it nevermet.... The Table showsthat 4,562
applicationswere submittedthis year,but only 1,410 of theseapplicantswere
appointed- only 31 percentwere thus appointed,and it is likely that this
postsis
percentagewill decreaseyear by year,for the numberof government
to stabilize,whilethenumberof applicants
is increasing.
tending
Soon, new educationalstandardsemerged,which requiredhigherqualifications. The number of teachers with modest or low educational
qualificationsstartedto decrease,whilethe categoriesof teacherswithhigh
educational qualificationsincreased (see Table 3). Once the patternof
primaryeducation stabilized, the demand for male teacherswith qualificationshigherthan the generalsecondarycertificatestartedto increase
16 Hilde Wander,Analysis of Population Statisticsof Jordan,Departmentof Statisties,Amman,
1964.

60
STUDIES
greatly.The numberof women teacherswith low qualificationsremained

veryhigh,because the educationalopportunitiesforgirlslaggedbehindthat
for boys. Because of the importanceof illustratingthe trend in the
appointmentof male and femaleteachersin both theJordanianMinistryof
Education and UNRWA, a detailed breakdownof theireducationalqualificationsin theyear 1958/59is givenin Table 4.
TABLE 3
INCREASE IN NUMBERS OF MALE AND FEMALE TEACHERS IN JORDAN
ACCORDING TO EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT FROM THE SCHOOL
YEAR 1952/53 TO THE SCHOOL YEAR 1958/59*
EducationalAttainment
A. Male Teachers
School Year
1952/53 1953/54 1954/55 1955/56 1956/57 195 7/58 1958/59
Total
3,039 3,452 3,926 4,570 4,909 5,244 5,541
Primary
Certificate
and Below
255
71
81
69
51
64
59
Matric,Secondary
and Below 2,229 2,330 2,900 3,392 3,643 3,679 3,931
Certificate
University
Degrees
and Below
209
257
515
677
802 1,001 1,012
Vocationaland Other
Certificates
346
794
430
432
413
500
539
B. Female Teachers
1,403 1,629 1,794 2,141 2,523 2,775 3,079
Total
Certificate
Primary
and Below
388
Matric,Secondary
and Below
Certificate
899 1,083 1,322 1,702 2,005 2,225 2,506
University
Degrees
and Below
Vocationaland Other
Certificates
264
261
239
233
214
173
27
50
104
150
225
277
324
89
232
107
50
60
59
76
* Jordan, Ministry of Education, Annual Report 1958/59, p. 90.

TABLE
61
3 (cont.)
School Year
EducationalAttainment
1952/53 1953/54 1954/55 1955/56 1956/57 1957/58 1958/59
C. Male and Female Teachers

4,442
5,081
5,720
6,711
7,432
8,019
8,620
643
335
342
308
284
278
232
3,128
3,413
4,222
5,094
5,648
5,904
6,437
UniversityDegrees
and Below
236
307
619
827
1,027
1,278
1,336
Vocational and Other

Certificates
435
1,026
537
482
473
559
615
Total
PrimaryCertificate
and Below
Matric, Secondary
Certificateand Below
TABLE 4
DISTRIBUTION OF MALE AND FEMALE TEACHERS ACCORDING TO
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATIONS IN MINISTRY OF EDUCATION SCHOOLS
AND UNRWA SCHOOLS IN THE SCHOOL YEAR 1958/59*
Schools
Sex
Total
Below Pri- Prepa- Fifth

Pri- mary ratory Secondary
mary
Matric
Ministry
Males 3,848 5 6
of
Education Females 1,610 8 38
112
255
762 1,895
495 585
UNRWA Males
853 3 7
Females 559 4 10
86
149
303
226
Annual
of Education,
Ministry
Jordan,
292
132
Post
Univ- Voca- Others
Secon- ersity tional
dary
510 127
163 37
52
25
23
7
233
3
198
26
38
-
49
6
Report 1958/59, pp. 111 and 138.
THE DEMAND FOR EDUCATED PERSONNEL IN ARAB COUNTRIES
Reference has already been made to the emergence of a demand for

Palestinians with professional and administrativequalifications. The technological developments that took place during the Second World War had
given rise to a need for more oil and stressed its strategicimportance. Both

62
STUDIES
the Korean War and the nationalizationmeasurestaken by IranianPrime

MinisterMossadeq in 1950 speeded up the productionof Araboil, whichit
was hoped could be used to exertpressureon the progressive
regimein Iran.
Oil productionin Iraq was expanded, the extensiveexploitationof the
Kuwaitifieldsbegan and attentionstartedto be focusedon the exploitation
of Saudi oil.
As oil revenuesbegan pouringin the local authoritiesstartedto expand
theirservicesand to activatethe local economy.UnlikeIraq, the otheroil
countrieshad comparatively
smallpopulations,wereculturallyless advanced
and liveda semi-Bedouinlife.The numberof foreigners
attractedto workin
the Iraqi economic sectors was limited, because human resourceswere
available locally and could be rapidlytrained.Kuwait,on the otherhand,
needed all categoriesof non-local workersfor its economic and social
development,and the rapidityof domesticgrowthand expansionensured
the continuedinfluxof suchnon-localworkers.The processwas encouraged
by the policy of financialinducementsaimedat obtainingthebest qualified
personnel.The oil industryin Saudi Arabiastartedto attractlargenumbers
of non-SaudiArabs,and the publicsectorbeganto need educatedpersonnel
as a result of the policy of expansion in certain public sectors such as
educationand health.
Kuwait
The need fornon-localwork forcesin both thepublicand privatesectors

(includingthe oil companies) led to an extensivepopulationinfluxinto
Kuwait. In 1957 about 45 percentof the populationresidentin Kuwaitwere
non-Kuwaitis- 92,000 in all, thoughsome of them(the Iraniansand Iraqis)
had come before 1950. This economic growthattractedlarge numbersof
qualifiedPalestinianswho werepreparedto go thereand to staya longtime.
Accordingto the 1957 Kuwaiti census,therewere 15,173 Jordaniansand
Palestinians(including3,557 females),almostall of whom were Palestinian
in origin.
The Palestiniancommunitywas then numericallythe thirdlargestafter

the Iranian and Iraqi communities,whose presencein Kuwait was traditional. But only fouryearslater (1961) the Palestiniancommunitywas the
mostnumerousof all.
We can discoverthe economic activitiesof most of the Palestiniansin
Kuwaitfromthe 1961 Jordaniancensus,as a largeproportionof Jordanians
who emigratedwent to Kuwait, and most of these came fromthe Nablus
area. Table 5 showsthe distribution.
Those workingin professional,
clericaland administrative
jobs accounted
for 22.4 percent of all Jordanianseconomically active outside Jordan,
whereasonly 8.8 percentof the total workforceeconomicallyactiveinside

63
TABLE 5
PERCENTAGE OF JORDANIANS ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE INSIDE AND
OUTSIDE JORDAN BY BASIC OCCUPATIONS - 1961 CENSUS*
Basic Occupation
In Jordan
4.1%
etc.
(0) Technicaland Professional
0.6
Executiveetc.
(1) Administrative,
4.1
(2) Clerical
6.8
(3) Salesmen
Fishing,Hunting,Forestryetc. 35.4
(4) Agriculture,
2.0
etc.
(5) Mining,Quarrying
5.5
(6) Transportand Communications
Artisans,ProductionWorkers,
(7/8)Craftsmen,
Labourersand Porters(Not classified
28.7
elsewhere)
5.9
(9) Services,Sportand Recreation
6.9
by
Occupation
Classified
Workers
Not
(10)
100.0
OutsideJordan
9.9%
0.8
11.7
18.2
4.3
0.2
8.6
39.7
6.4
0.2
100.0
* Jordan, Directorate General of Statistics, 1961 Census, Vol. 4, p. 90.
the countrywere employed in such jobs. The high proportionof these

categories abroad, and particularlyin Kuwait, was the result of the
opportunitiesopen to educated and professionallyqualifiedpersonnelin
Kuwait. There were fewer chances of findingwork for non-professional
Palestinianworkersbecause of strongcompetitionon the partof both Arabs
and non-Arabs.The 1961 Jordaniancensus indicatesthat "Most of the
and best qualified
Jordaniansoutsidethe countrycome fromthe better-off
strata of the population,otherwisethey would not be able to travelor
acquire the qualifications that help them to find high income jobs
abroad."'7
We can appreciate how attractiveKuwait was to the Palestinianwork
17 Wander, p. 88.

64
STUDIES
forceby comparingthe income levels in the public sector in Kuwait and

Jordan.
Such a comparisonyieldsthe followinginformation:
1. The highincomesof mediumpostsin Kuwaitcorrespondto the second
grade in the JordanianCivil ServiceRegulations,whichincludesall holders
and highercertificates.
ofgeneralsecondarycertificates
betweeneach gradeand highannual
2. Thereare conspicuousdifferences
increments.
betweenthe salariespaid in the originalhost
This conspicuousdifference
countriesand thosepaid in Kuwaitled to a drainof personnelworkingin the
fromthe
to Kuwait.Resignations
departments
variousJordaniangovernment
servicecontinuedand startedto extendto thefieldof
Jordaniangovernment
personnelwithhigherqualifications.
The 1965 Kuwaiti census showed that the Palestiniancommunityhad
doubled in numbersand that an unmistakabledemographicchange had
takenplace.
1. The Palestinian(Jordanian+ Palestinian)communitytotalled77,712,
36 percentof whom were females(the percentagein 1961 had been 31
percent).The percentageof childrenunderten yearsof age was 31 percent
whereasin the 1961 Jordaniancensusit
of the total Palestiniancommunity,
had been 16 percent.The tendencywas thusto settlein Kuwaitand to bring
membersof the family.
2. The percentageof the total populationconstitutedby the Palestinian
communityhad risenfrom11.61 percentto 16.63 percent.
3. The percentageof the labour forceworkingin the servicessectorhad
increased to 42.6 percent,and the percentageof those workingin the
sector(14.8 percent)was higherthanthatin the buildingand
manufacturing
the higherrateof employconstructionsector(11.9 percent).This confirms
ment for the educated and qualified or semi-qualifiedwork force. The
illiteracyrateof maleswas only8 percent.
had
4. The numberof males and femalesholdingsecondarycertificates
risento 6,692, in addition to 645 personsholdinghigherthan secondary
degreesand 65 withadvanceduniversity
certificates,1,230 with university
constituted
17
These
percentof theage groupof 15 and over.
degrees.
5. Thirty-onepercentof the Jordaniansand Palestinianswereengagedin
technicalor professionalwork,were directors,or were employedin adminand clericaljobs.
istrative
Whathappened in Kuwait was a typical example of rapid development
and the extensiveneed for non-local work forces,and the consequent
to obtain
readinessto pay temptingsalariesand to offernumerousprivileges
the requiredqualifiedpersonnel.As we haveseen,the demandforpersonnel
with various qualificationsresultedin resignationsfromthe government

65
servicein Jordanand fromUNRWA,and in emigrationto Kuwaitand the

graduatesstartedgoingto
other oil countries.Large numbersof university
aftergraduation,rather
Kuwaitand the oil countriesin generalimmediately
thanseekingemploymentin the originalhostcountries.
Palestiniansplayed a particularlyimportantrole in the developmentof
education in Kuwait, where the education budget increased 31 times
betweenthe years 1946/47 and 1952/53. 18 Because of the lack of educated
personnel,non-Kuwaititeacherswere employed,and mostof thoseengaged
were Palestinians,forhistoricaland local reasons.In the absenceof accurate
statisticsbeforethe school year 1958/59,we shalluse the statisticsforthat
of Palestinianteachers.
yearto illustratethe extentof the emigration
Table 6 shows the breakdownof Palestinian(Jordanian+ Palestinian)
teachersin Kuwait.
TABLE 6
PALESTINIAN
ACCORDING
TEACHERS IN KUWAIT IN 1958/59

(JORDANIAN + PALESTINIAN)
TO STAGES OF EDUCATION AND SEX AND THEIR PROPORTION
OF THE TOTAL OF TEACHERS IN KUWAIT*
Number
of Males
Kindergarten
Primary
Intermediate
Secondary
390
125
12
Special Schools
11
Percent
of Total
Number
of Females
Percent
of Total
61
56.5
65.0
43.7
15.0
283
71
4
66.0
44.8
11.0
* Kuwait, Education Department, Annual Report 1958/59.
Saudi Arabia
Duringthe same period as the demand for a non-localworkforcewas

arisingin Kuwait,a similardemandarose in Saudi Arabia. At firstno rapid
economic developmenttook place because of the prevailingconservative
policy of rejectingquick development.But it was not long before the
demandsof the growingbourgeoisieforthe provisionof educationand the
18 Kuwait, Education Department; Annual Report, from 1958/59 to 1966/67.

improvement of health services were met. Only after 1963 did extensive
economic development start. But the demand for certain categories and
qualifications had already begun.
The education of males in Saudi Arabia started to expand in the middle
fifties.In the school year 1957/58, there were 1,348 non-Saudi teachers. In
spite of the effortsof the Ministryof Education to provide local personnel,
great numbers of non-local teachers were attracted to the country. The
number of these rose to 3,841 teachers in the primary stage in 1962/63.
TABLE
BREAKDOWN OF JORDANIAN AND PALESTINIAN MALE TEACHERS

IN SAUDI ARABIA IN 1963/64 AND THEIR PERCENTAGE
AT EACH STAGE
OF ALL NON-SAUDI TEACHERS AND TEACHERS IN GENERAL*
Total
Total
Teachers Non-Saudi
Teach ers
Educational
Stage
Primary
Palestinian Teachers
Palestinian %
of Total
Jordan- Palesians tinians
Total
Palestinian %
of All Non-
Teachers
Saudi Teachers
8,301
3,829
2,731
709
3,440
41
90
Independent
Intermediate
573
415
163
94
257
44
62
Secondary
Intermediate
212
176
80
33
113
53
64
Secondary
129
100
37
13
50
39
50
PrimaryTeachers
Institutes
420
307
129
48
177
42
58
44
33
14
21
47
64
Intermediate
Industrial
325
174
75
25
100
30.8
57.5
Intermediate
Commercial
63
46
20
27
42.8
59
Intermediate
Agricultural
57
55
44
45
78.9
82
Secondary Teachers
Institutes
* Saudi Arabia,Ministry
of Education,Guide to Educational Statistics for the Year 1383 (1963/64)

67
Afterthat the numbersstartedfallingbecause of the availabilityof local

maleteachers.
Because the numberof applicantsexceededthe demand,as a resultof the
in the Arabcountriesand
largenumbersof holdersof secondarycertificates
particularlyin Jordanand Gaza, the Ministryof Educationstartedcutting
who sought
downsalaries.ThisonlyharmedunemployedyoungPalestinians,
income
sufficient
to
families
their
them
to
complete
and
to
help
an
support
education.The firstdetailedSaudi censuswe havebeen able
theiruniversity
to obtain for the year 1963/64 shows that there were 3,440 Palestinian
(Jordanian+ Palestinian)male teachersin the primarystage- 90 percentof
all non-Sauditeachersand 41 percentof all male teachersin the primary
stage (see Table 7). This census also shows the high proportionof Palestiniansemployedin the othereducationallevels,as a resultof the small
numbersof total personnelemployedat these levels and of the refusalto
appoint Egyptianteachersbecause of the political crisisbetweenthe two
countries at the time. Jordan at this time was also encouragingthe
employmentof its teachersabroad, by secondingteachersto workwiththe
of Education.
Saudi Ministry
The establishmentof girls' schools, startingin 1958/59,and the expansion of theireducation in the sixties,led the DirectorateGeneralof Girls'
Schoolsto appointlargenumbersof non-Saudifemaleteachers.
Table 8 shows the rapid increasein the numberof Palestinianfemale
TABLE 8
INCREASE IN NUMBERS OF PALESTINIAN (JORDANIAN + PALESTINIAN)
FEMALE EMPLOYEES IN THE SCHOOLS OF THE SAUDI DIRECTORATE
OF GIRLS' SCHOOLS AND THEIR PERCENTAGE OF ALL FEMALE EMPLOYEES
AND ALL NON-SAUDI EMPLOYEES IN THE SCHOOL YEARS 1961/62 TO 1966/67*
School Year
1961/62
1962/63
1963/64
1964/65
1965/66
1966/67
*
Total
Female
Employees
Total
Non-Saudi
Female
Employees
386
729
1,454
1,898
2,573
3,239
297
565
1,228
1,618
2,139
2,687
Palestinian Female Employees

I
Jordanians
72
179
646
772
936
1,136
Palestinians
85
224
400
534
654
765
%Palestinians
of Total
Total
157
403
1,046
1,306
1,590
1,901
40.7
55.3
72
68.8
61.8
58.7
%Palestinians
of Total NonSaudi Female
Teachers
52.9
71.3
85
80.8
74.3
70.7
Saudi Arabia, DirectorateGeneral of GirlsSchools, StatisticsDepartment,StatisticalGuide to
the Education of Girls in the Seven Years 80-81 to 86-87 (1960/61 to 1966/67), p. 62.

employees,includingteachers,which increased11 times in 6 years.Palestinianfamiliesin the Gaza Stripin particularwelcomedthisnew opportunity

of workforeducatedgirls,and encouragedthemto applyforemploymentin
Saudi Arabia by contactingrelativesthereor goingtherewithmembersof
the family. Palestiniansas a whole welcomed the expansion of work
forgirlsin the educationsectorwhichhad been made possible
opportunities
because of the freeeducationalfacilitiescapable of absorbingmoregirlsin
secondaryeducation that had become available in certain areas where
Palestinianslived, the best situationbeing in the Gaza Strip where the
population concentrationmade the establishmentof secondary schools
easier.
THE GENERAL SECONDARY CERTIFICATE
Having illustratedthe demand for teachers,let us now turn to the

developmentof education itself among Palestinians.Table 9 shows the
TABLE 9
CANDIDATES FOR THE JORDANIAN SECONDARY STUDIES CERTIFICATE
FROM 1955/56 TO 1958/59*
School Year
Sex
Male
1955/56
870
172
1,042
74
52
69
2,101
393
2,494
1,510
260
1,770
72
66
71
Female
Total
3,669
604
4,273
2,141
329
2,470
58
54
58
Male
Female
Total
4,242
744
4,986
2,533
414
2,947
59
55
59
Female
Total
Female
Total
Male
1957/58
1958/59
*
Successful Percentage
Candidates Successes
1,181
330
1,511
Male
1956/57
Candidates
Jordan,Ministryof Education,Annual Report 1958/59, p. 32.

69
in
increasein thenumbersof candidatesforthegeneralsecondarycertificate
Jordan.Primaryeducationhad spread to include all males, and the great
majorityof femalesin the earlysixties.In 1966, 39 percentof the 13-18 age
groupwereprimaryor secondarypupils- thethirdhighestpercentagein the
Arab world,afterKuwait (60 percent)and Bahrein(46 percent).19Since
some of the preparatoryand secondarypupils in Kuwait wereJordanians,
ratioof secondarystudentswas probablyeven
the real Palestinian/Jordanian
higher.
In the four years 1955-59, the number of male candidates for the
examinationincreased359 percent,and the numberof females325 percent.
In the same periodthe averagesuccessrate rose 291 percentformales and
241 percentforfemales.
The demand for education was also visibleamong Palestiniansoutside
Jordan. In the Gaza Strip, for instance, the number of pupils in the
preparatorystage increasedby 42 percentbetween1961/62 and 1964/65.
The ratio of girlsat this stage was a striking42 percentof all pupils.The
secondarystagealso increasedrapidly- by about 33 percent(a thirdof the
totalpupilsbeinggirls).20
In Syria, the demand for education was shown by the rise in the
percentageof those who completed the preparatoryand the generalor
technicalsecondarystages. In 1960 these constituted6.3 percentof all
Palestiniansover 10 yearsof age livingin Syria(9.6 percentof malesand 2.7
percentof females).The next censusheld in Syria,in 1970, showeda great
risein the percentageto 14.7 percentof the over10 age group(19.6 percent
of males and 9.6 percentof females).
The same enthusiasmforeducationwas to be foundin the Palestiniansin
stagehad not
Lebanon,thougheducationalconditionsafterthe preparatory
been good for the workingclass. This was due to the lack of public
secondaryschools in the earlierperiod and limitationson the numbersof
Palestiniansacceptedby publicschoolslater.
HIGHER EDUCATION
This intensivedemand for secondaryeducation among the Palestinian

communitiesoutside the occupied territoriesresultedin a corresponding
increase in the demand for higher,especiallyuniversityeducation. This
19 See Muhammad al-Ghannam, Education in the Arab Countries in the Light of the Marrakesh
Conference (1970), UNESCO Regional Centre for the Training of Senior Education Officials in the
Arab countries (Beirut, 1970), p. 79.
20 Administration of the Governor-General of the Gaza Strip, Official Statistical Bulletin for
1959-1964.

70
STUDIES
TABLE 10
BREAKDOWN OF JORDANIAN UNIVERSITY STUDENTS STUDYING ABROAD
IN 1960/61*
Total Students
Country
Male Students
Syria
Egypt
Lebanon
Iraq
Libya
Iran
Turkey
Pakistan
WestGermany
Italy
Spain
USA
1,188
910
581
48
6
17
540
12
609
16
11
604
1,046
888
419
46
3
17
540
12
608
12
10
556
Total
4,542
4,157
* Jordan, Ministry of Education, Annual Report 1960/61, p. 56.
demand grew rapidly as the employmentopportunitiesand salaries for

decreased.
holdersof thegeneralsecondarycertificate
The firstmore or less comprehensivecensus of Jordanianuniversity
studentswas the educational census of 1960/61, which showed that they
numbered4,542 (4,157 males and 385 females).This censusdid not include
studentsstudyingin the United Kingdomor those at higherinstitutesin
Jordan.Because of its importancethe census will be analysedin detail to
show the basic characteristics
of highereducationin thatperiod(Table 10).
Thistable disclosesthat:
1. Therewas a largenumberof studentsin Syrianuniversities
(Damascus
and Aleppo), especially in the Syrian Universityat Damascus, and a
preponderanceof students of arts and humanities.This high figureis
explainedby Syria'sproximity
to Jordanand itslow cost of living.
2. There was a large numberof studentsat the AmericanUniversity
of

71
Beirut, both because of its prestigeand of the high number(155) of

scholarshipsavailable.
3. The US remainedthe Mecca forspecializationand higherstudies.This
also appliedto the UK, althoughno statisticsare available.
4. WestGermanyand Turkeyweregreatlyin demand,because it was easy
in both countries,
to findplaces in the facultiesof medicineand engineering
and because the cost of livingwas low, especiallyin Turkey.
The sixties witnessedan expansion of highereducation in the Arab
made theirconditionsforadmissionless
countries,wheresome universities
strict.This developmentwas the resultof the greatexpansionof general
education and the consequentneed forteachingpersonnel.The resultwas
that universities
relaxed theirtermsof admissionuntileventuallystudyby
correspondencewas permitted,with studentsattendingonly to sit forthe
final examinations.This measurehad the advantageof avoidingextensive
ruled
investmentin highereducation,whichthe variousArab governments
out because theycould not affordit, because it was not clearto themwhat
tangibleadvantageswould accruefromthe extensiveexpansionof university
educationand because theywereafraidof the politicalconsequencesof large
concentrations
of students.
took
Jordanianstudentsin general,and Palestiniansstudentsin particular,
at thevarious
advantageof the new opportunitiesand proceededto register
universities
before,while or afterworking.As a resultof increasedopportunitiesto join facultiesof medicineand engineering
in the Arab countries,
the number of those seeking to specialize in these subjects increased,
or
includingsome studentswhose marksin the generalsecondarycertificate
classical
the
not
of
their
did
whose materialcircumstances
attending
permit
universities.
A comparisonbetween Tables 10 and 11 shows that the numberof

universitystudents increased fourfoldbetween the years 1960/61 and
1967/68. Althoughthe JordanUniversitywas establishedin 1962, it and
other Jordanianhigherinstitutescould only providea limitednumberof
places. Their studentsaccounted for only 13.3 percentof all Jordanian
students.
university
in the Arab
Withthe expansionof the systemof studyby correspondence
in
to draw
Beirut
the
Lebanon
and
Lebanese
began
University,
University
largernumbersof universitystudents.The numberof studentsregistered
thereconstitutedthe largestsinglegroupof Jordanianstudents.Egyptcould
also provide great opportunitiesfor those who wanted to study in the
facultiesof medicineand engineering.
Jordanianstudentswithhighmarks
to studyin
studentspreferred
wentthere,whilea largenumberof full-time
Egyptbecause of its highprestigein the Arabworld,and because of the low
cost of livingthere. Other Arab countries,such as Iraq, Saudi Arabia and

72
STUDIES
Algeria, also started to receive Jordanianstudents,but the desire of

thousandsof studentsto specializein the applied sciencesled themto turn
even furtherafield,to Austria,Yugoslavia,Spain, Pakistan,Italy and India.
To complete our analysislet us considerthe conclusionsreached by a
study conducted by the DirectorateGeneral of Statisticsin Jordanof
Jordanianstudentspursuinghigherstudiesin theyear 1969/70.
1. Eighty-two
percentof Jordanianstudentsstudyingabroadwereat Arab
universities.Fiftypercentof those studyingabroad were studyingvarious
branchesof the arts,25 percentof themstudiedeconomics,politicalscience,
business managementand commerce,and the remainderwere studying
medicine,engineering,the naturalsciences and agriculture,or attending
industrial institutes.About 12,000 of the total were correspondence
students,usually studyingliteratureand the humanities,attendingtheir
universitiesonce or twice a year, and workingin Jordanor the occupied
territories.
2. The studentsin WesternEurope,includingYugoslavia,were studying

medicineas a firstpriority,
The situationwas different
and thenengineering.
in EasternEurope,whereengineering
came first,followedby medicine.Most
of the studentsin the Asiancountrieswerestudyingengineering.
3. The percentageof the total numberof studentsstudyingengineering,
medicine,economicsand literatureand the arts were 8, 10, 23.5 and 41
percentrespectively.Only 4.6 percentwere studyingnaturalsciences,24
percentof whomwerefemales.
In the sixtiesthe situationof Palestiniansin Jordanand the Gaza Strip
fromthat of other Palestiniancommunitiesoutside the
was distinguished
territories
occupied in 1948 by the factthat in the latterthe capacityfor
absorption of highereducation was limited or non-existent.Jordanian
nationalityensuredthose who held it of the chanceof social mobility.Local
conditions also played an importantrole in education for Palestinian
studentsin Gaza. The great majorityof the studentsof the Gaza Strip
decided on Egyptianuniversities
and higherinstitutesbecause of the grants
and aid providedby the Egyptiangovernment
or UNRWA,and because of
the low cost of livingand minimaltravelling
expenses.The numberof Gaza
Stripstudentsgoingto Egyptianuniversities
was high:evenintheschoolyear
1961/62, theynumbered3,450.21 This figurehad almostcertainlydoubled
by 1967.
With the Syrian universitiesadmittinglargernumbers,the numberof
Palestinianmale and female studentsattendingthem rose from1,046 in
21 MuhammadAli Khulusi,al-Tanmiya al-Iqtisadiya fi-Qita' Gbaza-Filastin, 1948-1961 (Economic
Developmentin the Gaza Strip),(Cairo: al-Matba'al-Tijariyaal-Muttahida,1967), p. 295.

73
TABLE 11
BREAKDOWN OF JORDANIAN STUDENTS INSIDE AND OUTSIDE JORDAN
IN 1967/68*
Country
TotalStudents
EastJordan
JordanUniversity
HigherTechnicalInstitutes
OutsideJordan
Syria
Lebanon
Iraq
Saudi Arabia
UAR (Egypt)
Pakistan
Turkey
India
Algeria
Russia
Yugoslavia
Austria
Britain
Italy
Spain
Germany
USA
OtherCountries
Total
Male Students
3,420
2,292
1,128
2,501
1,749
752
22,150
3,682
6,700
656
200
5,842
696
508
54
54
50
600
250
366
125
788
489
717
373
21,231
3,384
6,411
621
174
5,706
696
498
53
54
50
600
248
342
121
782
489
661
341
25,570
23,732
* Jordan, Ministry of Education, Yearbook of Educational Statistics in the Hasbemite Kingdom of

Jordan for the Year 1967/68, pp. 253 and 294.

1960/61to 2,083 in 1967/68. In additiontherewerehundredsof Palestinian

studentslivingin SyriastudyingoutsideSyria,mostof thempursuinghigher
studiesthat were not available locally or on scholarshipsfromthe Syrian
government.
No accurate statisticsare available on the developmentof the higher
education of Palestiniansin Lebanon, but the Palestinianbourgeoisie
residenttheretook an increasinginterestin highereducation.As we have
seen, they were able to provide their children with good secondary
education.Withthe establishment
of the Lebanese University
and the Arab
of Beirut,and withthe increasingnumbersof Palestinianstudents
University
obtainingthe Egyptianor Syrianbaccalaureat,opportunitieswere provided
for a large number of young Palestiniansto obtain higher degrees in
Lebanon; amongthemwereincreasing
numbersof the workingclasses.Most
of these studentsspecializedin the arts and the humanities- branchesof
studywhichdid not requireconstantattendance,whichwas made difficult
by theirjobs.
The Palestiniansituationin Lebanon thereforedeveloped in a different
way, with the bourgeoisieseekirng
to providetheirchildrenwithadvanced
education that would place them in the forefront
of professionalsin the
Arab world, while the childrenof the workingclasses were only able to
specializein otherbranchesof studyin universities
of secondaryorder.Some
childrendid succeed in going to the AmericanUniversity
working-class
of
Beirut by obtaininggrantsfromUNRWA or elsewhere,by dependingon
theirown effortsto providethe requiredfees,or by securingremissionof
fees. However,theirnumbersremainedsmall because of the difficulty
of
successfully completing the secondary certificate stage. They were,
moreover,outstrippedby the childrenof the pettybourgeoisiewho werein
a betterpositionto take the available educationalopportunitiesand who
managedto obtainmostof the UNRWAaid.


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The Means of Survival: Education and the Palestinian Community, 1948-1967

Author(s): Nabil A. Badran

This content downloaded from 193.140.201.95 on Wed, 11 Feb 2015 01:46:25 AM

The Means of Survival:

At the end of the Mandatethe naturalpopulationgrowthof the Arabsof

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THE MEANS OF SURVIVAL

1,380,000, composed of 1,253,000 sedentary persons, and 127,000

As regardseducation,at the end of the Britishmandateabout 30 percent

* JordanianDelegation,Review of the Educational Situationin theHashemiteKingdomofJordan,

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46 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

In 1946/47 pupils accounted for about 11.7 percent of the total

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THE MEANS OF SURVIVAL

it createdin the individualthe need to become acquaintedwithothersat the

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48 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

movesto supportthe PalestinianArabposition;thishelpedto bringthe clans

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THE MEANS OF SURVIVAL

1. The refugeesin Egypt(10,000) and Iraq (5,000) fromthe villagesof

* UNRWA-PR,StatisticalBulletin,May 1950-June1951, volumesforSyria,Jordan,Lebanon and

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50 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

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THE MEANS OF SURVIVAL

work,whilesome of the workersin the remoterruralareas were unable to

The Palestinianbourgeoisiebenefitedfromboth the traditionaland new

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52 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

Two furtherfactorshelped to improvethe economic situationof the

Sayigh, Appendix C, Item V.

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THE MEANS OF SURVIVAL

firmsand shops, while other projectsincludedfarms,workshops,artisan

The large total of depositsreleasedto Palestinianslivingin Lebanon,as

Palestine Arab Delegation,

Report of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine

(1948-1961), New York (1962? ), p. 64.

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importantrole in the rise of the Arab nationalistmovement.Because they

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THE MEANS OF SURVIVAL

most familieskept their childrenin school and allowed them to pursue

A disastereffectschangesin social relationswhenthereare newforcesin

In the absence of such forcesthe groupingsof refugeeshad to look after

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conditions.Dependenceon the traditionalleadershipsmadeiteasierto obtain

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THE MEANS OF SURVIVAL

economicinfluence.The prevalenceof thistype of analysisdid not prevent

THE GROWTH OF THE ARAB PUBLIC SECTOR

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appointmentsand salaryscales to keep pace withthe rapiddevelopmentof

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THE MEANS OF SURVIVAL

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greatly.The numberof women teacherswith low qualificationsremained

1952/53 1953/54 1954/55 1955/56 1956/57 195 7/58 1958/59

3,039 3,452 3,926 4,570 4,909 5,244 5,541

899 1,083 1,322 1,702 2,005 2,225 2,506

* Jordan, Ministry of Education, Annual Report 1958/59, p. 90.