A Socio-cultural Study of bk Songs in Yorb Land

Written by George Olusola Ajbd, PhD

This ethnographical work examines the Yorb concept of "bk" (lit. born-to-die) by analysing
their songs. The study begins with the analyses various "bk" names seen in their songs by
looking at their interpretations from sociological perspective. It delves into classification of bk
among Yorb drawing line of demarcation from varying attributes given as their characteristics
for categorization. The paper discusses the social context of bk songs in the Yorb
indigenous religious system. It proves that regardless of Western scientific medical justification
that proves the non-existence of bk, The Yorb still believe in its existence up to the
moment. Though the context of bk songs and rituals associated with it had given way to
modernization and foreign religions. Still, the practices of domesticated religions-Islam and
Christianity authenticate the Yorb belief in bk syndrome. This work concludes with the
examination of some bk songs by categorizing them into Propitiatory, Incantatory, Satirical
and Praise.
Introduction
Song is part of Yorb culture. It is a form of poetry or verbal art that has become integrated
into their lives. Yorb people love to express the intent of their hearts including thoughts or
feelings of joy or of sadness in songs. They use songs to express joy, happiness, sadness,
protest, resentment, worship, invoking of spirits, among others. Many scholars have worked on
Yorb poetry especially songs. Among them are Olukoju (1973), Beier (1974), Ogunba (1975),
latunji (1982), Vidal (1982), Ilesanmi (1985), Agbaje (1995) and Akinymi (1998). Attempts
have been made to classify Yorb songs and the widely accepted classification based on
utilitarian as criteria is that which classifies them into religious and secular. This classification
may not be regarded as all embracing; neither is it all encompassing. This is because it is
difficult to put a clear-cut demarcation.
bk songs fall into religious category. Though the songs of bk and rituals associated with it
had given way to modernization and foreign religions still the practices of domesticated religionsIslam and Christianity also authenticate the belief in bk syndrome in Yorb land. A close
observation of the prayers and deliverance services of the African Indigenous Churches (AIC)
proves that the Yorb belief about bk still exists. Many of their prayers and deliverance
especially for a barren woman or a pregnant woman focuses on prayers against bk and
deliverance from the spirit of bk. The idea of dissociating an bk and emr (yyo kr
lgb) from their heavenly mates in the traditional practice by the If priests is equivalent to
deliverance from the spirit of bk and emr by the deliverance ministers and preachers in the
Indigenous Churches in the contemporary society. They adapt this Yorb belief in order to fit
the new beliefs. This idea of spirit-children among the Christians in Yorb land is not limited to
prayer and deliverance services, it is finding its way in the Christian home videos. The Captive of
the Mighty produced by Mike Bamiloye, a popular Yorb Christian dramatist is a good example
that illustrates the belief of Yorb Christians in the existence of bk/emr even in the
contemporary society. Thus, it is a way of revitalizing the Yorb indigenous cultural forms.
Who are the bk Children?
Death is not a strange phenomenon among the Yorb. However, premature death is considered
mysterious and tragic. This is called k f. The Yorb belief that everybody is going to die is
revealed in one of the sayings that "wy k k s, run nkan lrmab" (trans. "Everybody
born into the world is bound to die, it is only existence in heaven that is permanent"). In Yorb
society a bk child is that child believed to have been born and has died but reincarnation
several times and being born each time by the same mother or another depending on
circumstances.
Therefore, when a woman loses her infant children several times consequently not long after
birth, it is believed that it is the same child that has come to the world several times. This belief

in reincarnation is reinforced if the new child bears resemblance to the deceased. Idowu (1973:
175) spoke about bk that:
There is a strong belief about another curious category of spirits. It is not certain whether these
began as spirits of deceased persons or not. But they are the spirits known to the Yorb as
bk or to the Igb as Ogbanje: that is, spirits 'born-to-die'. The belief here is that there are
wandering spirits who specialize in the sadistic mischief of finding the way into wombs to be
born in order to die.
From the above, it is clearly evident that the concept of "bk", that is, 'born -to-die' children is
prominent among the Yorb. Not only this, the belief that some children are born to die is not
limited to the Yorb people. The phenomenon is also prevalent among the Igb people of
Eastern Nigeria. It has also been suggested that "bk" are wicked spirits who engage in the
mischievous enterprise of coming to this world several times to torment the parents by dying
young.
Ladele et al (1986: 87) prove that "bk" are spirit children and that they are common among
small children. Furthermore, are "bk" believed bot God-given but that they originate from the
Devil (s, the Yorb Trickster Deity) with the covenant to trouble the mother who give birth to
them in the world. Maduka (1987: 17) opines that "bk" is an aspect of Yorb religion dealing
with the beliefs in reincarnation and predestination. He describes the "bk" as:
The child, who is generally a paragon of beauty, constitutes a constant source of anxiety to
his/her parents because of his/her idiosyncratic behaviour, which may manifest itself in any form
of mental or physical illness. The parents make frantic efforts to perform rituals (normally
supervised by specialist priests/doctors) in order to break the bond of kinship of the "bk" and
the kindred spirits.
In his contribution, Maduka makes us to realize that the sadistic acts of these spirit-world
children constitute a psychological problem to the earthly parents. Not only this, their earthly
parents take various precaution to prevent further occurrence including visiting traditional
healers.
Another scholar, Wenger (1990: 58-59) has also carried out studies on "bk". On them, she
says:
bk are children who are so emphatically concerned with experience of their "playmates in
heaven" (i.e. their distracted subconscious emotional complexity) that they mostly die young, so
as to return to them. But, they do so only to long again for their earthly parents, allowing them
to give birth to them again, only to desert them soon again. One performs ritual to the sacred
central instance of gb, where with one may find the remedy for this calamity. One also inflicts
scares on the little dead body, with which they are often reborn (as a fact). These scars then
help as a psychic focus in the forthcoming ceremonies, destined to make the mischievous
"angle" stay...
According to (Hawley 1995: 30), bk are regarded as spirit children who are given special
treatment such as special jewellery and foods prepared to tempt them to choose life rather than
return to their playmates in "heaven".
Abimbla (1995: 57) describes "bk" as a situation, When a mother loses her young children,
one after the other, she is believed to be troubled by a certain kind of wicked children who are
born only to die sooner or later. Such children are known as "bk"
Abimbla's explanation of "bk" also corroborates others' explanation on "bk" that they are
special children wielded with power to die and come again.

In this work it has been found out from If priests and traditional healers that there are different
categories of "bk". Not only this, they have been given various names that show Yorb
cosmological beliefs about these strange children. Looking at these various names that bk is
called will shed more light on their personality and attributes.
Appellation of bk
Apart from the common name "bk", there are about seven other names by which they are
called. These are: Emr - The one who takes/uses the profit
Elr - The one who exhibits mysterious attitude
r igb - Mysterious being who lives inside the bush
Onpr - The one who repeats visits
gbrun - The society in heaven
sk orun - The Fairy beings in heaven.
Egbe we - The society of little children.
These are not ork (verbal salutes/praise descriptive poetry/panegyric) but proper names,
though; they could form part of their ork. bk is synonymous to the above names hence they
are used interchangeably. They are also called "r", which is a short form of r igb .
One could observe that these names give insights into the personality of the "bk" as
conceived in the philosophy of Yorb people. It is noted that "bk" children are from heaven
or the spirit-world, who usually cause grief to their earthly parents in the world by making them
to spend their profits on unproductive ventures. They are also seen as a formidable group or
society in the spirit-world with the power to shuttle between the spirit-world and earth whenever
they liked with their earthly parents being the victims of their shenanigans. In fact, there is a
Yorb saying that confirms the people's belief that bk children have powers above that of
traditional healers and herbalists. "bk s olgn dk- herbalist turned into a liar by bk ").
This implies that a bk child is so powerful that no herbalist can curb his/her powers.
Among the Yorb where this belief prevails, people are always seeking protection against this
category of spirits. It is believed that divination and certain rituals can curb them or prevent
them from ever again attempting the prank on the same woman. Even though it is difficult to
curb bk from their evil acts, but sometimes, the spirit may be made to decide to break the
pact with its spirit companions and remain a human being on earth. Therefore, when it is noted
that any bk child has decided to stay he/she will be given name like: Kky (death rejects this
one), Mlm (Don't go back), Bmijk (Sit/stay with me) etc.
Classification of bk
The concept of bk children has faced a great challenge especially from modern medical
practitioners. It has been vigorously suggested that the high rate of infant mortality in ancient
Yorb society was the influence of lack of parental care and diseases including sickle cell
anemia. This is contrary to Yorb world-view that is founded on their belief and sociological
experiences. From the data collected on this subject, the Yorb have classified the bk into
three types:

rn-s-n-dbk / Diseases turned them into bk.

j-s-n-dbk / Witches turned them into bk.

bk-gbrun / bk of the heaven's society.

rn-s-n-dbk are those children who die repeatedly at a tender age or those that
die in the womb, at childbirth or the stillbirth (sb). This group also includes those
affected by abortion and miscarriage. Those in this category are not regarded as
belonging to the spirit world (bk gbrun).
Witches are members of female secret cults who possess irresistible powers. They are believed
to have power of second or spiritual sight and are able to see the foetus inside the womb and
inflict such with death marks. They usually trouble people with different mishaps such as
barrenness and pre-mature death among others (Thompson 1984: 74). They are believed to be
the source of j-s-n-dbk children. Again, those in this group are not members of
children of the spirit world ( bk gbrun). Their deaths could be traced to witchcraft

through divination.
The third category is the bk gbrun also called "bb"3. They are believed to belong

to a strong and unconquerable society and reside, meet and operate in and from the
spirit world. They operate independently and whatever effort made by their victims
they would not stop until they are ready to go to somewhere else. They are given
various names to demonstrate despite for them and various "punishments" are inflicted
on their corpses in order to deter them from revisiting their victims. Usually, all these
are to no avail4.
This categorization confirms that the spirit-world bk are those in the third category. Our
analysis of bk is worthwhile in that it shows us that the third category are the original bk in
Yorb belief, those who are wondering spirits, who have their company or cult. The songs would
apply specifically to this category. The categorization is also useful as it corroborates the claims
of modern medicine to a great extent, confirming that medical inadequacies might be the source
of high or incessant infant mortality rate in particular families, among the Yorb before the
advent of orthodox medical care and among the poor households. But it does not nullify the
Yorb philosophy and belief in bk in their cosmology.
The Social Context of bk Songs among the Yorb
It is pertinent to know that there are three social contexts of performance of bk songs in the
indigenous Yorb society. In the past in Yorb land (and even to the present in certain remote
places) sacrifice is made to appease these mysterious children. A shrine is usually made for
them in the bush in the outskirts of the town. In sogbo, a community in sun state of

Nigeria, there is bk shrine located in the main shrine of sun, which is the civil deity
of this community. It is called gb shrine as seen in the picture below.

Fig. 1 gb/bk shrine in sun court in sogbo picture taken by the author, July
2000).
A day is dedicated to bk children during the period they are worshiping npnn5. They are
also worshiped weekly6 at the same spot with items like he-goat (bko), groundnuts (p),
wine (ot), kola nuts (ob), sugarcane (rk), bitter kola (orgb), alligator pepper (ataare) and
other edible materials or food items. Their shrine is usually made by If priests 7. Most of the
bk songs are rendered either during the annual or weekly or periodical worship usually by
women who have been or still victims of their mischievous acts. Here we categorize them into
satirical, praise, propitiatory and incantatory. The reason why gb/bk shrine is located
within the court of sun is not far fetched. sun, the communal River Deity of sogbo
community is a goddess associated with healing all manners of paediatric diseases and
sicknesses with her mystic water (Ajibade, 2003). Hence, she is praised as the one capable of
solving problems of barrenness, infertility and bk. She is praised in this manner to portray
this trait:
Ongb bk- the one who has the capacity to handle bk cases,
Ongb rn- the one who has the capacity to solve diseases,
rmi tutu sogn bk- the one who uses ritualised cold water to cure bk.
Various songs have been developed among the Yorb to addressing the bk for the purpose
of entreating or warding them off. This is the second social context of producing bk songs.
There are masquerades (Egngn) in many Yorb communities that are used for the purpose of

warding off epidemics and bane forces and spirits including the spirits of bk. They believe that
the deities (rs) and ancestors in the form of Egngn through piety, rituals and sacrifices can
help to prevent or avoid the wrath of bane forces in their communities. The deities gives the
benefit of sound health, wealth and blessings of children and at the same time they punish
neglect and breaking of social and religious taboos. This idea reinforces their attitude of
venerating the deities and ancestors to help them ward off the wicked spirits and powers that
are inimical to their existence. During this kind of occasion many songs are rendered the
masquerades that is chorused by the spectators to ward off bk and other pernicious spirits.
The type of drum designed for the masquerade usually accompanies the song. But Bt drum is
the commonly used drum by many masquerades. As they sing they dance with the hope of being
victorious over these forces.
Another context of performance of bk songs among the Yorb people is during the
preparation of a prospective couple for the marriage ceremony. In the past among the Yorb,
every step in marriage contract involves different types of divination with the ultimate aim of
enhancing peaceful and fruitful marriage. This divination involves knowing through oracular
consultation the type of person a prospective wife would be. If If oracle forecasts that the
would-be wife belongs to the children of the spirit world (bk or Emr) there is the need to
undergo a ritual whereby they will prepare a type of sacrifice called r k run literally

load for the husband in heaven. The ritual is to detach the born-to-die child from the
assumed husband in the spirit world. It is the belief of Yorb that most of these
bk that are females are already married to their male mates in the spirit world ever
before they were born by their earthly parents. It is the belief that if the ritual is not
observed the betrothed lady might die before her marriage day. And that the spirit
husband (oko run) might be tormenting her and consequently render her marriage
childless. It is also the folk belief that the spirit-husband will have sexual intercourse
with her and will also bear him children in the spirit world.

In order to forestall this the If priest (Babalwo) prescribes the ritual items similar to the
aforementioned ones to be offered to the sprit-husband and his other mates. These sacrifice
materials are carried into the bush at the outskirt of the town in a place chosen by If oracle.
This is usually at the base of either Mahogany (rb) or rk tree. These trees are believed to
be the major meeting places of these groups of mysterious children. They sing to detach the
spit-child from her mates in the spirit-word as they carry the sacrifice to the chosen spot. The
parents of the bk may also join cults devoted to interventionists sacrifices and prayers
(wre) meant to detach the bk from the spirit-world mates. Another context of producing
bk songs is during the bride rendition of valedictory poetry- nuptial poetry. It is the customary
practice among the Yorb girls during their marriage to ritualise their parting with their kinsmen
and women with the nuptial poetry. Some of the songs render by the bride are for deliverance
from this kind of wicked children who are born only to die prematurely. This is an example of
such songs:
Ire, n k n m fbk sw- pray for me so that my first child will not be bk,
Ire, n k n m y ns gn- pray for me so that I will not be numbered with barren women.
The havoc brought by women in Yorb society especially during the time that there was high
rate of infant mortality is enormous. In order not to suffer from their mischievous acts new
brides make it a cogent prayer point when performing epithalamium.
Here, a few bk songs are examined in order to bring out what they reveal about the
cosmological beliefs and practices of Yorb people of Western Nigeria.
Satirical Songs
Satire serves as corrective measure for people who are in dire straits of social misbehaviour. It
improves the moral standard that sustains the society. It expresses dislike for a particular

deviant behaviour in a person, group of people, idea, opinion and institution. This is concomitant
to Gilbert (1962: 231) who maintains that satire wounds and destroys individuals and groups in
order to benefit society as a whole.
It is the belief of Yorb people that when they give certain names or make some statements to
ridicule or lampoon the bk it could help to discourage them from perpetrating their vices.
Names in this category include ktn-ky (the dunghill has rejected this), Ksk (there is no hoe
- to dig ground - for your corpse), and many others. It is believed that open rebuke can make
way for a change of attitude.
The Yorb placed much value on children as they despise barrenness and infertility. They
believe that it is better for someone to have bk than not to have child at all. This captured in
the Yorb saying: "bk p jgn", meaning, "Having bk is better than barrenness".
However, bk are regarded as mysterious children and that is why they are ridiculed. In a
particular song they are likened to useless plants, which are found on human body. They are
found on human body because they are essential as children but they need to be ridiculed if this
can prevent them from embarking upon their mischievous acts. The song says:
r-igb dojm o, Pnt jmra db o

(Good-bye fairy being in the bush, good bye useless plants on the body).
A number of other songs also belong to this group of satirical songs. The essence of satirical in
Yorb ontology is to curb bad behaviour.
Praise Songs
There are songs that portray bk as special beings that need to be revered and worshiped may
be if they are praised they can change their attitude. One of such songs goes thus:

y r l r l dr -You saw the leader of r and you are standing.

y r l r l br - You saw the mother r you did not prostrate.
yin br kra r yn -You did not prostrate and live peacefully.
dr gangan blsin dgba - You are standing as the horse rider.
sin r o - You must worship r.
r l sn - r must be worship.
ni t sn - Anyone who refuses to worship
r tanra r j - r deceives him/herself.
The above song is cryptic with meanings. There is a myth about bk that in the spirit world
they have their society and that their leader or mother called y r or y Jnjs
coordinates the society. She is the one who gives any of the members who wants to go into the
world the permission to do so. Thus, whenever people worship bk, this mother of bk is
present with them to listen to their plea and might thereby show mercies on them. The song is
also revealing the power and prowess of bk and that anyone that refuses to hallow them
could suffer punishment and have no peace. That is why the call is made that "r" must be
worshiped. The singers at the shrine of r believe that the y r is present with them at the
shrine that is why they made their requests known to her though she is not visible. Another song
in this category goes thus:
b r o - I pay homage to r
r, mo jb o - r, I pay homage to you.

Bmd krin - When a child is singing

A jb r o - He/she must pay homage to r
r, mo jb - r, I pay homage to you.

Aragb adamyy - Fellow in the bush who is accompanied by plenty children.

Mo pal - I've beautified the house

Mo ss - I've performed weekly ritual

M d mi lr - Don't harm me

Fm mi fn mi - Give me my children.
Rituals accompanied by praises are of great importance in the worship of the bk children. This
is because of the peoples belief that the Leader of these mysterious children is at present with
them at the scene. They will dance to her, and make genuflexions to reverence her so that she
can grant them their requests. It is a form of performance that could be regarded as cult drama
and each phase is symbolic. Till today, this ritual process of appealing to their society in the
spirit world for their favour and mercies is still in operation. It has not given itself to modernism
or technological inventions for people still hold reference to beliefs in mystical beings and
powers. Even, the incursion of Islam and Christianity has not succeeded in eroding this
traditional belief from the people. Instead, these domesticated religions reinforce it in some
ways.
Incantatory and Propitiatory Songs
The next category of bk songs is incantatory and propitiatory songs. As noted earlier, the
Yorb believe that it is rare for the power of Yorb traditional healers to curb the activities of
the bk. Therefore, they try to employ incantations, which they believe can ward off these
strange spirits. This idea is reflected in a song rendered by a masquerade called JDK 8. This
masquerade comes out annually during egngn festival in a town called Ekosin. As the
masquerade sings round the town many items including, blood of he-goat, groundnuts, wine,
kola nuts, bitter kola and honey. This pot will be thrown in a flowing river called gn, located at
the outskirts of the community. As they move round the town, these children will be singing
after the masquerade thus:
Ll n lbk l nl y ogb n llm jr m-n r Ll n lemr l nl y ogb
n llm jr m-n r
Solo Today, bk will cease from this land All Today, parents will have profit from their children
Solo Today, Emr will cease from this land All Today, parents will have profit from their
children
Though the above song is a kind of incantation, but it is also a form of prayers. It is meant to
ward off evil, including bk spirits, and to prophesy into the community that parents who have
been suffering from the bk menace would begin to experience the joy of parenthood. This is
because the children would live to ripe old age and succeed their parents. That children are
expected to outlive their parents is further confirmed in another Yorb proverb that says,
"m k lyl, ni m sin l bm ". (Trans., your rejoicing at the birth of a new
baby is not real, it is only the person whose children succeeded or who was buried by his
children after his/her death could be regarded as the one who has given birth to children).
If somebody lived to a ripe old age but his children had died while he was still alive - no matter
the age of the children - such person is not considered a successful parent. That is why
everything possible is done in Yorb communities to prevent premature death, which they
regard as a bad omen. It is relevant to know that there is a kind of link between masquerade
and bk. The Yorb word for the masquerade is either egngn or ar run (host/person from
heaven). Similarly, the bk are called ar run.
Apart from this, the babalwo and Onsgn (Native doctor) who are exponents of incantations
use the same to ward off these bk children. This they do as they carry their rituals to the
outskirts of the town. This is contained in Ejogb of Ifs literature. The ritual materials include:
fifteen fowls, fifteen pigeons, sugarcane, grind dry corn mixed with palm oil (dn),

groundnuts, salt, pepper and bean cake. They put these materials inside new calabashes and
clay pots and it is carried to a dunghill where the ritual takes place. The If priest will be reciting
the incantation as they put the articles of rituals on the ground thus:
Ar run gb yw
b k r o
Ar run gb yw
Ar run pynd
Ar run pynd
b jogb m n mi r o
Ar run pynd
sk run pynd
sk run pynd
b jogbe m n mi r o.
Host of heaven consider this
This is sacrifice for long life
Host of heaven consider this
Host of heaven from him/her
This is jogb sacrifice
Host of heaven abstain from him/her
sk of heaven abstain from him/her
sk of heaven from him/her
This is the jogb sacrifice of my son).
The Yorb believe that the inner selves of these spirit children have control over their heath and
their willingness, either to live or to die. Therefore, the incantation-like song is used to address
the inner selves (Or in) of these spirit children in order to secure their lives.
Though the Yorb employ incantation as a means of solving the problems of bk in their
communities, yet they have found out that they need to entreat the bk rather than resort to
force. That is why Yorb will say "b l b sk", that is "the wicked person is

entreated". This takes us to the last category of bk songs, the propitiatory songs.
This category of bk songs reveals many things about them. These include their personality as
spirits or gods to be worshiped and propitiated so that they can show pity on people. They also
reveal the articles of propitiation or worship, and the nature and structure of their society. This
class of their songs constitutes the bulk of the songs that are sung for them. A possible
explanation for this could be the inadequacy of using charms and incantations to curb their
activities. This is why some bk bear names that suggest they are being propitiated such as

BLK10

(trans; the only thing left is to treat the child). One such song is rendered thus:
Solo
Ta l le sr na?

Who is capable to worship r?

All
Maa ser

I will worship r
Solo
bk blj
(With) fat calf
All
Maa ser
I will worship r
Solo
kk ggr
(With) a tall or hefty fowl
All
Maa ser
I will worship r
Solo
Ow orp wwo (With) big plenty of money
All
Maa ser
I will worship r
All
r l sn ni t The person who refuses to worship
sr tanra r j
r is deceiving him/herself.
The above song shows that Yorb people regard bk as objects of worship. Also materials
used in worshiping them are seen mentioned in the song. These include fatted calf, fowl and
money. Women suffering from bk syndrome would present the items. Due to the special
nature of these children, only special materials could be used in worship and not the ordinary or
regular ones. This is reflected in the adjectives describing those materials including "fat",
"hefty", and "plenty". The song concludes with an important warning that it is compulsory to
worship bk children who operate mainly in the spirit world. It is not that they are physically
seen when called but they are believed to be present at their shrine.
These children are regarded as mysterious and terrible and they can put their parents into
shame due to childlessness or grief over their loss. Hence they appeal to them in a song like
this:
m m j n t o
Child, don't put me to disgrace
m gbb mi
Child, accept my plea
m m j n t o
Child, don't put me to disgrace
It implies that they need to be entreated so that they will not nip the joy of their parents in the
bud by dying prematurely. It is the belief of the singers of this song that the inner selves of the
bk child hears the requests of the mother and consent to them. Childlessness brings a lot of
reproaches to women in indigenous Yorb society and even till now. That is why a Yorb
woman does all she could in order to have child that last. In the philosophy of the Yorb people
a woman is not seen as a bonafide member of her husbands family unless she has child. A
typical Yorb woman would therefore prays that, K lrun j k n rd jk nil k mi -may
God give me the chance to sit down in my husbands house. Sitting down in her husbands

house portends bearing children for the husband that will make her to be well respected and
treated as someone that has come to add to the numbers of people in her husbands house.
Another bk propitiatory song that portrays them as powerful individuals who can show pity on
their earthly mothers when entreated goes like this:
Lile:
M pal
Mo Ss
M d mi lr fm mi fn mi
Solo:
(I have tidied up the house
I have performed rituals
Don't punish me, give me my child)
gb:
M pal
y r mo Ss
Oj n rj sn
M dmi lr fm mi fn mi
Chorus:
(I have tidied up the house
I have performed ritual, mother of r
An eye shows compassion on eyes
Don't punish me, give me my child)
The above song is loaded with meanings. Apart from confirming that rituals and sacrifices are
offered to the bk children, it also reveals that they have mother in the spirit world called "y
r"11. y r is believed to be the one presiding over the meetings of the bk group in the
spirit world. She is also regarded as having the power to recall any bk who is over staying
his/her specified time on earth. Due to this tremendous power the y r possesses, those
suffering from bk syndrome/disorder entreat her.
Since women are easily the most affected when their offspring dies, they are usually the ones
worshiping at the bk shrine. That is why the mother of bk is regarded as "Eyes" that
should pity or have compassion on "Eyes" which stands for the mothers of bk on earth.
In most cases, all pleas, rituals, sacrifices and propitiatory services made are directed towards
this mother of the bk children. She is also called "y Olpde" in another song in Eksin. 12 In
that song, she is the mother Olpde, the mother of born-to-die children who is called or
entreated. The song goes thus:
Solo:
y Olpde
Mother
Olpde
All:
Ma, p I will call her
Solo:

Ogn Orgbo (With) forty bitter Kola nuts

All:
Ma, p I will call her
Solo:
j ob (With) forty Kola nuts
All:
Ma, p I will call her
Solo:
kuru wlm (With) fine bean cake
All:
Ma, p I will call her
Solo:
bk blj (With) fat calf
All:
Ma, p I will call her
Solo:
kk ggr (With) a tall and hefty fowl
All: Ma, p I will call her
All:
gb Members of the society
y Mother.
From this song, different materials used in offering sacrifice to the mother of bk children in
the spirit world are mentioned. These are twenty bitter kola nuts, forty kola nuts, fine bean
cak3, a fat calf, and a huge fowl. bk are worshiped like any other god or goddess in Yorb
pantheon of r. The mother (Olpde) is considered important and worthy to be called upon
in order to show mercies on women suffering from child loss through the bk syndrome. It is
observed that women shoulder almost all responsibilities for child-care. That is why they are
found entreating bk children. It is believed that the spirit of mother r or Jnjs is present
at the place of worship. Whatever ridicule cannot achieve; it is possible that praises can do.
From this song, different materials used in offering sacrifice to the mother of bk children in
the spirit world are mentioned. These are twenty bitter kola nuts, forty kola nuts, fine bean
cak3, a fat calf, and a huge fowl. bk are worshiped like any other god or goddess in Yorb
pantheon of r. The mother (Olpde) is considered important and worthy to be called upon
in order to show mercies on women suffering from child loss through the bk syndrome. It is
observed that women shoulder almost all responsibilities for child-care. That is why they are
found entreating bk children. It is believed that the spirit of mother r or Jnjs is present
at the place of worship. Whatever ridicule cannot achieve; it is possible that praises can do.
We gathered from our field work that many Yorb people still believe that bk exist up till
today and that when they are properly entreated they will stay with their mother on earth. In
sogbo, many of these children who believed that they belong to this group of spirit children
usually come together at the main shrine of sun during the annual communal worship of this
civil Deity to sing with pride that they belong to the group. Below is an example of their songs.
A jogn nn gb - we have inheritance in our society,A jogn nn gb o - we
have inheritance in our society,Olrs l jogn j- It is the btl worshippers that inherit the
lead,A jogn nn gb - we have inheritance in our society.

This group of women are still visible during the performance of sun festival in sogbo. It shows
that the belief in this mysterious group of children still exists.
This group of women are still visible during the performance of sun festival in sogbo. It shows
that the belief in this mysterious group of children still exists.

Conclusions
This study examined the Yorb philosophical concept of bk by analysing their songs, which
forms an integral of Yorb cultural practices. The study has brought out the various names
given to the bk and the meanings in relation to their characters in Yorb cosmography. This
work also attempts a classification of bk taken both the scientific or modern healthcare
justification and the Yorb biosocial into consideration. By highlighting the performance of
bk songs among the Yorb people, I extend the analysis beyond the text in order to include
the social context and extra-textual components such as the ritual objects. It also attempts a
classification of bk genre based on their attributes and identified the various categories of
songs rendered to them. These are propitiatory, incantatory, satirical and praise songs. The
study showed that propitiatory songs form the largest number of songs. The peculiarity of bk
children as powerful and special children makes this possible. In conclusion, the phenomenon of
bk among the Yorb has not given way to modernism and domesticated religions in their
society; instead, they reinforce this belief in a different dimension, solving the problem with a
different approach.
AJBD, GEORGE OLUSOLA, PhD,

E-mail:
solajibade@yahoo.com This email address is being protected from spam bots,
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Department of African Languages and Literatures,
Faculty of Arts, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State,
Nigeria.

Notes
1. In this work, bk, which is the Yorb word for the studied subject, is used synonymously
as born-to-die children. The plurality marker cannot be indicated. In Igbo language bk is
called Ogbanje. bk is also called r.
2. People here refer to the informants who are mainly Traditional Healers, old people, and If
Priests.
3. bb is another names for a class of bk. Literally, it means died before another one is
born. This refer to the condition whereby a woman victim of bk will have a small baby and
carrying another pregnancy but shortly before she delivers the new baby, the small baby is
nursing will die. The new baby will not meet the baby already born.
4. They also have society called "gb". That is why gb-related names such as

gbbnmi-the society gave/dashed me, gbfnmik- the society has given me this
to nurse/pet, gbdnnn-Society is good to have and so on are found among the
Yorb.
5. npnn is also called balay who kills children with small pox.

6. Their own week is seventeen days. It means that they are worshiped on every seventeenth
day in many Yorb communities, even till today in many rural places.
7. If speaks a lot about bk, myths of bk could be found in some If verses, such as
fnrosn, Ogbs, rtk, and so on.
8. JDK means a thug. This is the name of a masquerade specifically designed for the
purpose of warding off evil from Ekosin Community.
9. A Community is Od-tn Local Government, un State Nigeria.
10. This is one of the names usually given to these strange children. It connotes that after
several means of sustaining a particular child after several births proved futile, the only means of
sustaining such is by entreating him/her. This is just to proof that these children have irresistible
powers.
11. If has said a lot about mother of bk in the spirit. This is covered by forth-coming paper
by Ajbd G.O., titled "Ifa Myths of bk".
12. Eksin as earlier pointed out in this work is one of the locations where this research was
carried out.
13. This cake is made from beans. It is the cake made from grounded raw beans without adding
palm oil as in case of Mn-mn. Potassium Hydroxide (Knn) is added to it.
Oral Source
1. Pa ytgn E.A.100, Native Doctor (Onsgn) in Eeksin, Od-tn Local Government, un
State, Nigeria. He was interviewed in 2000 and 2001.
2. Mrs. Safuratu Ifdoyin 94, Olfin priestess (ylrs) and a singer of bk songs, ksin,
Od-tn Local Government, un State Nigeria. She was interviewed in 1999, 2000 and 2001.
3. Fagbade Aderemi, 41, If priest (Babalwo), kigb, in kigb/Il-Olji Local Government,
Ondo State, Nigeria. He was interviewed in 1999, 2000 and 2001.
4. Chief Ifayinka Isola Olutolu, 94, Ifa Priest (Babalwo), Abeokuta, Chairman, Traditional
Council, Ogun State, Nigeria. He was interviewed in 1999.
5. Chief-Ifaymi, lbuibn, 56, w of Osogboland, Oogbo, un State, Nigeria. He was interviewed in
1999, 2000 and 2001.
6. Chief Ganiyu Awotunde Agbaakin of If, 61, sanyn priest, Iyekere, Ile-Ife, un State, Nigeria.
He was interviewed in 1999, 2000 and 2001.
7. Chief Adwl Ifrnwl gndran, 60, a Traditional healer and w of Modakk, un State,
Nigeria. He was interviewed in 1999 and 2000.
8. Chief Jwl Adwl wl, 55, Apn of syn, traditional healer, y State, Nigeria. He was
interviewed in 1998, 1999 and 2000.
Mrs. Adenle Omileye, 59, Chief Priestess of Osun Cult in Osogbo, 1999 to date. She was
interviewed in 1999, 2000 and 2001.

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