Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
CONSEJERA DE EDUCACIN,
JUVENTUD Y DEPORTE
Comunidad de Madrid
EXTRACT
LETTER
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
LETTER
21. to remove
22. surprising
TRANSCRIPT:
TASK 1: CHILDREN AND LEARNING
0. DEALING WITH ANGRY KIDS
As children most of us were not taught how to deal with anger. Being angry was to be bad.
Barbara Wells of Education Plus suggested parents should accept childrens anger and then
encourage different behavior. Try to catch your children being good. Tell them what pleases
you. You might say: I like the way you came to dinner without being reminded or you did a
great job reading to your sister.
1. BE AWARE OF EARLY SIGNS
Often times when children have difficulties with reading and writing they are considered to be
low achievers or slow learners but the real problem may be a learning disability. Dyslexia is one
type of learning disability that affects how a child perceives and processes words, numbers and
symbols. Although dyslexia can only be diagnosed by a trained professional, there are some
signs that you can look for. In most cases signs of dyslexia show up as soon as children began
learning to read.
2. ENCOURAGING WRITING
From writing letters to writing speeches, good writing skills will enrich your childs life socially
and academically. An early start is the key. Fortunately, most young children love to write.
Here is how to encourage them to love writing throughout their lives. Start by reading what
your child writes. Take out ideas and sentences you particularly like and ask your child how he
or she thought of it. Try to avoid criticism. You can show your kids how useful writing can be by
incorporating writing into your routine family life.
www.youtube.com
It's well-known that in March of 1981, John Hinckley attempted to assassinate Ronald Reagan.
What's not well-known is that several years later, the life of the president, and the life of the
vice president, were threatened again, in fact, not just once. In the space of 18 months, four
situations came to the attention of the Secret Service.
This is Robert Fein, who in the mid-80s was working with the Secret Service as a psychologist.
In two of these incidents, he says, people with weapons and an intent to kill appeared at public
events. In two, they were intercepted before the events. Now, all four of these cases were
ultimately prosecuted, though the government didn't exactly advertise it. These were not
stories that hit the news, but they were situations that caused great concern for protectors. So
after these incidents, the Secret Service leadership got together and said - we really would like
to know more about the behaviors of these people.
And so Fein and a Secret Service agent named Brian Vossekuil undertook the most extensive
study of assassins and would-be assassins ever done. They identified 83 people who had
completed assassinations, or made assassination attempts, since 1949 - some cases were
known to the public, some not - and collected every document they could find. But also, Fein
and Vossekuil went to visit many of these people in jail. In 1999, they published the results in
the Journal of Forensic Sciences . And the insights of this study are really interesting to look at.
Perhaps the most interesting finding - at least, to me - is that according to Fein and Vossekuil,
assassinations of political figures were almost never for political reasons. It was very, very rare
for the primary motive to be political, though there were a number of attackers who appeared
to clothe their motives with some political rhetoric.
What emerges from the study is that, rather than being politically motivated, most of the
assassins and would-be assassins simply felt invisible. In the year before their attacks, most
struggled with acute reversals and disappointment in their lives - which, the paper argues, often
led to their true motive. They didn't want to be non-entities. They experienced failure after
failure after failure, and decided rather than being a nobody; they wanted to be a somebody.
They chose political targets, then, because political targets were a sure way to transform the
situation; then, they would be famous. Randy Borum is a professor at the University of South
Florida, who worked on this study. If the objective is notoriety or fame, that's the most
efficient instrumental mechanism by which to achieve that. I don't mean to be flip about that,
but a public official is likely to bring them a substantial amount of recognition instantly, without
having to achieve something.
One thing Borum and Fein say about choosing a political figure - as opposed to, for example, a
show business celebrity - is that the attacker is able to associate himself with a broader political
movement or goal, which allows the assassin not to see himself as such a bad person. In this
way, Borum says, assassins are basically murderers in search of a cause. People make
decisions to act, and then from that construct for themselves - and potentially, for others - a
narrative about why that is OK, or how this could be justified. It's sort of a reverse pattern from
what we would typically think.
Now, the other assumption that people make about assassins is that they're insane, people
completely divorced from reality. But this study, to a degree, rejects that idea as too simplistic.
Yes, the authors write, many of the people were experiencing, or had experienced, serious
mental health issues. Forty-four per cent had a history of depression; 43, a history of delusional
ideas. But as Robert Fein points out, the way these people sought to address what they saw as
their main problems - anonymity and failure - wasn't inherently crazy. There's nothing crazy
about thinking that if I attacked the president or a major public official, I'd get a lot of
attention. I would get a lot of attention. My goal was notoriety. That's why I brought the
weapon.
And, Fein says, most of the assassins and would-be assassins weren't totally disorganized by
mental illness, either. They were quite organized, because one has to be organized - to at
least, some extent - to attack a public official.
www.npr.org, January 2011.
DAVE BERGE: There is an economic efficiency associated with getting rid of cash. The costs
of cash are very high, even in the most developed countries, it costs a lot of money to have
ATMs, and security guards, and bank vaults and armored cars going around, so just the cost of
cash is too high and, of course, that cost is very unevenly distributed because it falls very
heavily on the poor. If you are trapped in a cash economy, then having to walk for two hours to
pay a utility bill is something that the rich never, never, encounter, they never come across. But
there is a second factor as well, which, I think, has a lot to do with fairness, so in great parts of
the world cash is nothing to do with commerce, trade, prosperity, its to do with corruption, and
crime, and money laundering, and drug dealing. And the economic inefficiencies that that
introduces into societies can be crippling.
INTERVIEWER: But how do you go about establishing a cashless society cause we are
nowhere near that yet, are we?
DAVE BERGE: I think you see different approaches emerging from different cultural
backgrounds and heritages. I think it was theoretical until recently but the advent of the mobile
phone has made cashlessness a real possibility in many countries. You look at Kenya and you
see the M-Pesa system, which allows you to send money from person to person just using
simple messages on your mobile phone. You see 15 million people using that and a third of the
countrys GDP flying through the system. In Sweden, you see an alliance of government and
labour unions working together to try to remove cash because bank clerks and store clerks,
those are the people that get injured in armed robberies. In the Netherlands, you see streets in
Amsterdam that wont take cash anymore, you see certain types of shops that wont take cash,
like pharmacies and so on.
I saw a very surprised letter in the newspaper the other day from somebody who couldnt use
cash at the farmers market in Amsterdam and thought that was really, really surprising. So you
see different cultural backgrounds leading to cashlessness in a different way. But you do see
one common element, which is that the arrival of the mobile phone has made this possible.
INTERVIEWER: You are not saying as much of that, though, are you, in the developed world
its actually happening, as you said in Kenya, in the developing world.
DAVE BERGE: Its different in the developed countries because for a great many people they
are very happy with, you know, debit cards and so on, you know, which arent acceptable, but
you see the same migration on the way. If you could walk out of the house in the morning
without your transit card, without your wallet or any of your credit cards, if you could just walk
out with your phone and use that to get on a bus, buy a cup of coffee, pay your friend the 10
pounds you owe them, for most people that would be quite a suitable solution.
INTERVIEWER: What are the technical leaps that weve had apart from simply having mobile
phones that are gonna make this more possible?
DAVE BERGE: Crucially, mobile phones have some security with them, the little SIM chip thats
inside your mobile phone. Thats the same kind of chip that you find on your bank card or in
secure computers. So it adds not just the communications capability but it also adds the
security thats critical when you want to bring money into the equation.
THE INTERVEIWER: The argument for a cashless world from Dave Berge of Consult
Imperium . BBC Business.
Adapted from BBC Business Daily , April 2012.