Human Resource Management Review 25 (2015) 6879

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Human Resource Management Review

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/humres

Factors affecting hiring decisions about veterans

Christopher Stone a,, Dianna L. Stone b
a
b

University of Texas at San Antonio, One UTSA Circle, San Antonio, TX 78249, United States
University at Albany, State University of New York, c/o 866 Fawnway, San Antonio, TX 78260, United States

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Keywords:
Veteran
Stigma
Selection
Hiring decisions

a b s t r a c t
Military veterans have numerous problems gaining and maintaining jobs in the U.S., and their
unemployment rates are consistently higher than nonveterans (Bureau of Labor Statistics
2013). Despite these problems, little theory and research in Human Resource Management
(HRM) has focused on understanding the factors affecting hiring decisions about military veterans
(e.g., Bordieri & Drehmer, 1984). Thus, the present paper modied an existing model of the
treatment of persons with disabilities (Stone & Colella, 1996) to explain the issues that inuence
selection decisions about veterans. We also offered hypotheses to guide future research on the
topic. Our modied model indicated that the (a) attributes of the veteran, (b) the characteristics
of the observer, (c) the nature of the job, (d) the perceived transferability of skills from military
to civilian jobs, and (e) the differences between military and civilian organizational cultures
inuence hiring decisions about veterans. We believe that an increased understanding of these
selection decisions will help organizations utilize the many talents and skills that veterans bring
to the workforce, and enable veterans to enjoy a more fullling work life and career.
2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
Although military veterans have many skills that should make them attractive to employers (e.g., discipline, leadership, teamwork
skills), they often have numerous difculties gaining and maintaining employment. For example, according to the Bureau of Labor
Statistics (2013), Gulf War II veterans have a 10 percent unemployment rate compared to 6.4 percent for non-veterans. In addition,
64 percent of U.S. veterans who served in the military after 9/11 revealed that they have difculties adjusting to civilian life
(Prudential, 2012). Furthermore, a large number of veterans (i.e., 69 percent) report that nding a job is their greatest challenge
(www.whitehouse.gov, 2011). These reports indicate that organizations are not always using the many talents and skills that veterans
bring to the workforce and these individuals may have fewer opportunities to enjoy a satisfying work life than nonveterans.
Among the many potential reasons for the employment problems of veterans, some analysts argued that veterans are more likely to
have a disability or health condition than nonveterans (Prudential, 2012). Estimates indicate that 66 percent of veterans have health conditions or disabilities stemming from their military service, and a corresponding unemployment rate of 20 percent (Prudential, 2012).
Furthermore, even those without a disability are often perceived as disabled. As a result, the stereotypes and biases associated with people with disabilities are often attributed to veterans, and serve as major obstacles to their employment (Stone & Colella, 1996). Although
in some cases there are positive characteristics attributed to veterans (e.g., discipline, adept at teamwork, leadership), reports suggested
that veterans are often stereotyped as withdrawn, bitter, mentally ill, depressed, or drug and alcohol abusers (Bordieri & Drehmer, 1984).
Another reason for veterans' employment problems is that they may lack civilian work experience, and employers do not always
understand how military experience transfers to private sector jobs (www.whitehouse.gov, 2011). For example, the military trained
approximately 10,000 health care workers and 10,000 truck drivers after 2011, but these skills are not always recognized by private-

Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: Christopher.stone@utsa.edu (C. Stone), Diannastone@satx.rr.com (D.L. Stone).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.hrmr.2014.06.003
1053-4822/ 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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69

sector employers or licensing agencies (Prudential, 2012). In particular, veterans trained in health care or truck driving often go
through new training and licensing tests before applying for private sector jobs. Recently, 34 states adopted laws that waive behind
the wheel tests for truck drivers so that veterans with relevant military experience can gain access to these jobs (www.
whitehouse.gov). However, despite the shortage of health care workers in the United States (Department of Labor, 2012), military
medical experience does not translate into private-sector health care jobs, and veterans must get a diploma from an approved nursing
program or pass licensing exams before applying for health care jobs.
In an effort to increase employment opportunities for veterans, Congress recently passed legislation that offers employers tax
credits for hiring veterans (www.whitehouse.gov). In addition, a larger number of employers have made a compelling business
case for hiring veterans because they often have high levels of performance. For instance, 29 percent of private sector employers designed specialized programs to recruit veterans (e.g., Amazon, General Electric, Wal-Mart, Charles Schwab, USAA, Dupont, JB Hunt,
etc.) (Harrell & Berglass, 2012). Research showed consistently that employees' military service was positively related to performance
on civilian jobs (Harrell & Berglass, 2012), and other studies found that veterans with disabilities perform as well as nonveterans without a disability (Gurchiek, 2011). Research also revealed that compared to nonveterans, veterans are more likely to: (a) have advanced
technology training, (b) be adept at skills transfer across contexts and tasks, (c) display good teamwork skills, (d) exhibit cultural sensitivity and acceptance of diversity, and (e) possess high levels of resiliency, integrity, and loyalty (Syracuse University, Institute for
Veterans and Military Families, 2012). These results suggested that many of the stereotypes attributed to veterans may be unfounded
(e.g., rigidity, bitter, lack of adaptability to new contexts), and that hiring veterans may be quite benecial for organizations.
Despite the employment problems experienced by veterans and employers' interest in recruiting them, little theory and research
in Human Resource Management examined the factors that affect hiring decisions regarding veterans. Some notable exceptions include research in the journal of Military Psychology regarding stigmas associated with veterans (e.g., McFarling, D'Angelo, Drain,
Gibbs, & Olmstead, 2011; Sudom, Zamorski, & Garber, 2012). However, much of this research focused on: (a) barriers to rehabilitation
and mental health or drug abuse treatment for veterans (McFarling et al., 2011; Sudom et al., 2012), (b) affective responses to treatment for mental health and substance abuse (Gibbs, Olmstead, Brown, & Clinton-Sherrod, 2011; Kim, Britt, Klocko, Riviere, & Adler,
2011; Olmstead et al., 2011), and (c) self-stigmas (Dickstein, Vogt, Handa, & Litz, 2010).
To our knowledge, only one study addressed the factors affecting hiring decisions about veterans (e.g., Bordieri & Drehmer, 1984).
As a result, the primary purposes of this paper are as follows: (a) expand an existing model (Stone & Colella, 1996) to explain hiring
decisions regarding veterans, (b) present hypotheses based on the model to guide future research on the topic, and (c) offer strategies
for organizations and individuals to overcome the challenges faced by veterans in the employment process. We believe that an understanding of the factors affecting selection decisions concerning veterans is important for organizations trying to hire these individuals,
and for the veterans who want to enhance their job and career opportunities.
2. Modication of the Stone and Colella (1996) model
We expanded a model of the factors affecting the treatment of persons with disabilities by Stone and Colella (1996) (hereinafter
referred to as the disability model) to explain the variables thought to inuence employer decisions to hire veterans. The original
model is presented in Fig. 1, and a depiction of our modied model is noted in Fig. 2.
We believe that the Stone and Colella (1996) model provides a compelling explanation of the factors that are likely to affect hiring
decisions about veterans because it: (a) focuses on stereotypes associated with individuals with disabilities and many veterans are
perceived as disabled or actually have a disability, (b) identies a number of key factors that are likely to inuence hiring decisions
(e.g., attributes of the person, attributes of the observer, and nature of the job), and (c) provides strategies that can be used by
organizations and veterans to ameliorate the challenges faced by veterans in the hiring process. Although the disability model focused
specically on people with disabilities, we believe that the factors in the model apply to hiring decisions about members of all stigmatized groups (e.g., veterans). Furthermore, we added two unique factors to the existing model because the situations facing veterans in
the hiring process may be somewhat different than those facing people with disabilities. As a result, the two new factors included the
(a) degree to which military skills are perceived to transfer to civilian jobs, and (b) differences between military and civilian role
requirements and organizational cultures. Therefore, we describe the existing model and our modications and extensions to the
model in the sections that follow, and offer specic hypotheses to guide research.
It merits noting that we present hypotheses in this paper rather than propositions because our predictions are based in a specic
theoretical framework. A number of research methodologists argued that hypotheses are relational predictions that are based on
theory, and can be tested empirically (Kerlinger & Lee, 2000; Stone-Romero, 2011). However, propositions are broad statements
that are typically used with exploratory research (e.g., not based in theory), and cannot be directly tested (Kerlinger & Lee, 2000).
Thus, we presented hypotheses because we wanted to include specic predictions based on a theoretical model, and believe that
they will advance our knowledge of the factors affecting hiring decisions about veterans.
2.1. Categorization and stereotyping of veterans
In their original model, Stone and Colella (1996) used a social cognitive framework to understand the cognitive factors that affect
the treatment of people with disabilities in organizations, and we believe these same processes apply to hiring decisions regarding
veterans. As a result, we modied the original model to focus on applicants who are veterans. For example, the disability model argued
that when individuals apply for jobs, raters: (a) assign them to a category (e.g., post 9/11 war veteran), (b) use the categorization to
generate stereotypes about the individual (e.g., veteran is mentally ill, rigid, an alcohol and drug user), and (c) apply the stereotypes to

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Fig. 1. Original model of factors affecting the treatment of disabled individuals in organizations (Stone & Colella, 1996).

generate job-related expectancies or anticipatory beliefs about the person's behavior (e.g., the veteran is mentally ill, and he or she
will not be able to perform the job in a satisfactory manner). As a result, if there are negative expectancies about the veteran's job
performance then the observer will rate the veteran as less suitable for jobs than others, and they will not hire them for jobs.
The explanation above illustrates clearly that hiring decisions about veterans are inuenced by the categorizations, stereotypes,
stigmas, and job expectancies associated with one's veteran status. Stereotypes are often dened as over-generalized beliefs about
members of a category that are typically negative (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1981; Brewer & Kramer, 1985). For instance, a number of
analysts argued that veterans are stereotyped as mentally ill (e.g., depressed, having post traumatic stress disorder [PTSD], bitter,
withdrawn, rigid, angry, and lacking skills needed for private sector jobs etc.) (Beckerman & Fontana, 1989; Bordieri & Drehmer,
1984; Mangum & Ball, 1987).
Similar to a stereotype, stigmas are dened as deeply discrediting negative characteristics (e.g., mentally ill) (Jones et al., 1984)
that reveal that one's actual identity is discrepant from one's virtual identity or the identity which is expected in society (Goffman,
1963). As a result, stereotypes can be stigmas when they are extremely discrediting for the person. For example, some reports indicate
that post 9/11 veterans are perceived as ticking time bombs ready to explode with anger at any moment (Harrell & Berglass, 2012).

Fig. 2. Factors affecting hiring decisions about veterans.

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This inference may be a stigma because it severely damages the individual's identity and reputation. Stigmas are actual or inferred
attributes that serve as the basis for the person being perceived as atypical, aberrant or deviant and thus being discredited by those
who are not stigmatized (Stone, Stone, & Dipboye, 1992: 388).
Many of the stereotypes about veterans are very inconsistent. For example, on the one hand they are often viewed as rigid, bitter,
angry, withdrawn, and mentally ill (Bordieri & Drehmer, 1984). However, they are also perceived to be disciplined, with good leadership and teamwork skills (Dickstein et al., 2010). Although research on inconsistent stereotypes does not clearly indicate how
observers process positive and negative information, stigmatizing information (e.g., veteran is mentally ill) is likely to have a greater
impact on hiring decisions than stereotypically positive information (e.g., person is disciplined, a good leader) because selection
processes are often a search for negative information (Cascio & Aguinis, 2005).
Furthermore, the existing research on inconsistent stereotypes revealed that observers often explain away information that is not
consistent with the prevailing stereotype or resort to subtypes to defend negative stereotypes (Wigboldus, Dijksterhuis, & van
Knippenberg, 2003). For example, if the veteran is perceived as rigid, but also a good leader, then a rater might say that this person
is the exception rather than the typical veteran. Similarly, some research found that observers' inferences are determined by their implicit assumptions about whether human attributes are xed or malleable (Plaks, Stroessner, Dweck, & Sherman, 2001). If observers
perceive that traits are xed then they are likely to focus on stereotype consistent information (e.g., veteran is rigid, mentally ill). However, if they believe that traits are malleable then they are likely to focus on inconsistent information (e.g., veteran is disciplined, has
teamwork skills) because it has the greatest informational value. Given that there are often inconsistent stereotypes about veterans,
research is needed to determine how raters process positive and negative information about veterans' attributes.
The original disability model argued that several factors affect hiring decisions including: the attributes of the applicant, attributes
of the observer, and the nature of the job. Each of these variables is included in our modied model, but we also added two other
factors to the model that may be unique to veterans: the difference in military and civilian organizational cultures, and the degree
to which skills transfer from military to civilian jobs.
2.1.1. Attributes of the veteran
The attributes of the veteran are thought to play a crucial role in the stigmatization and hiring process. For example, the original
disability model maintained that a number of variables affect the degree to which an individual's social identity is discredited. For
example, based on the work of Jones et al. (1984), Stone and Colella (1996) indicated that the nature of an actual or perceived disability, danger/peril, disruptiveness, aesthetic qualities, origin, and course inuences the extent to which individuals are stigmatized. We
included most of these factors in our modied model, and will consider them in the paragraphs below.
2.1.1.1. Presence/nature of a disability. Even though all veterans are not disabled, research revealed that many veterans are perceived or
stereotyped as having a disability (e.g., depression or PTSD) (Beckerman & Fontana, 1989; Bordieri & Drehmer, 1984; Mangum & Ball,
1987). In other cases, veterans may have experienced a loss of limbs or disgurement in a war, and these individuals often have a
double disadvantage in the hiring process. For instance, they may be stereotyped as veterans, and also perceived as a person with a
disability. Alternatively, they may be stereotyped as having few private sector job skills, and also viewed as mentally disabled
(Stone et al., 1992). Given these multiple stereotypes, research on interpersonal attraction suggests that they will be liked less, and
thought to have less desirable characteristics than non-veterans (Byrne, London, & Reeves, 1968).
Results of research on multiple stereotypes revealed very mixed ndings (Hosoda, Stone, & StoneRomero, 2003), but studies on
persons with disabilities indicated that there is a hierarchy of disabilities. For instance, individuals who are stereotyped as mentally
disabled are viewed more negatively than those with sensory (e.g., hearing impairments), or physical disabilities (e.g., paraplegia)
(e.g., Tringo, 1970). In particular, Richardson, Goodman, Hastorf, and Dornbusch (1961) found that individuals reacted more negatively to those who were former mental patients than to those who had physical disabilities (e.g., paraplegia) or sensory (e.g., hearing
impairment) disabilities. As a result, we argue that veterans may have difculty gaining access to jobs because many of them are
stereotyped as having a mental disability.
Despite the arguments noted above, there has been very little empirical research on the stereotypes or stigmas associated with
veterans. Most of the stereotypes associated with veterans have been promulgated by the media, and are based on anecdotal rather
than empirical evidence. One notable exception is the work of Bordieri and Drehmer (1984) who found that Vietnam era veterans
were perceived as having higher levels of psychological problems than non-veterans. The same research also revealed that
Vietnam veterans received lower hiring recommendations than non-veterans despite equal qualications. Other research by
Dickstein et al. (2010) indicated that veterans were more likely to be stereotyped as mentally ill, violent, and personally responsible
for their own plight than non-veterans.
Given the lack of empirical research on stereotypes and stigmas associated with veterans, we believe that some of the rst research
on veterans should focus on identifying the specic stereotypes and stigmas attributed to veterans. An understanding of these stereotypes can help organizations and individuals dispel myths about veterans. As a result, we offer the following propositions to guide that
research:
Hypothesis 1. Applicants who are veterans will be more likely to be stereotyped as having: (a) mental illness, (b) depression, or
(c) having post-traumatic stress disorder, than those who are not veterans.
Hypothesis 2. When applicants who are veterans are perceived as mentally ill, they will be (a) rated as less suitable for jobs and
(b) less likely to be hired for jobs than those who are not perceived as mentally ill.

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2.1.1.2. Danger/peril/disruptiveness. Another factor in the disability model that should affect hiring decisions about veterans is the
degree to which the person is perceived to have attributes that are dangerous, perilous or disruptive. For example, some research revealed that veterans are often stereotyped as violent or ticking time bombs that may display their anger on the job at any point in time
(Dickstein et al., 2010). Given these potential stereotypes, some raters may view veterans as dangerous and disruptive, and perceive
that they are a hiring risk because they might harm themselves or others. As a result, the degree to which veterans are perceived as
dangerous or disruptive may have a negative impact on job-related expectancies and hiring decisions. To our knowledge, only one
study has directly addressed this issue (Dickstein et al., 2010), and we present the following proposition to guide research:
Hypothesis 3. Applicants who are veterans will be perceived as more (a) dangerous, or (b) potentially disruptive than non-veterans.
Hypothesis 4. When applicants who are veterans are perceived as dangerous they will be (a) rated as less suitable for jobs, and
(b) less likely to be hired than those who are not perceived as dangerous.
2.1.1.3. Aesthetic qualities. A third factor that may affect ratings of veterans is their aesthetic appeal or attractiveness (e.g., Stone &
Colella, 1996). Research showed consistently that applicants who are attractive are rated higher, and receive higher salary levels
than those who are less attractive (Hosoda, Stone-Romero, & Coats, 2003). For example, a meta-analysis by Hosoda, Stone-Romero
et al. (2003) revealed that unattractive applicants were rated more negatively than attractive applicants regardless of the type of
job, and a study by Commisso and Finkelstein (2012) found that raters were more willing to terminate unattractive than attractive
females.
Some veterans have experienced the loss of limbs or other types of disgurement in war zones. As a result, when veterans have lost
limbs or experienced physical disgurement, especially facial disgurement, they should be viewed as less aesthetically appealing
than those without disgurement. In support of this argument, Goffman (1963) argued that abominations of the body, especially
facial disgurements or amputations, elicit feelings of disgust or revulsion in others. Thus, our model predicts that when veterans
are perceived as unattractive or disgured they will be less likely to be hired for jobs than when they are not viewed as unattractive.
Although this argument seems plausible, we know of no research that specically examined the extent to which hiring decisions
about veterans are inuenced by their aesthetic appeal. However, research on people with disabilities showed that applicants in a
wheelchair were offered fewer interviews than their able bodied counterparts (Johnson & Heal, 1976), and raters were more likely
to avoid those with an amputated leg than those without a disability (Kleck, 1968). In contrast, other research indicated that
applicants with physical disabilities were not rated differently than those without a disability (Krefting & Brief, 1976).
However, it merits noting that the results of the research noted above may have been inuenced by social desirability or impression management artifacts. As a consequence, research is needed to assess the degree to which veterans who are viewed (a) as physically unattractive or (b) have physical disgurements are rated as less suitable for jobs and less likely to be hired than those who are
attractive or do not have disgurements. Thus, we offer the following hypothesis to foster that research:
Hypothesis 5. When applicants who are veterans have visible physical disgurements they will: (a) be rated as less attractive, (b) be
rated as less suitable for jobs, and (c) be less likely to be hired than those without a visible physical disgurement.
2.1.1.4. Origin. The original disability model claimed that the origins of the stigma, or the extent to which individuals are perceived as
responsible for their plight affect ratings of individuals. As a result, our modied model noted that another factor that may inuence
stereotypes, stigmas, and ratings of veterans, is the degree to which the rater views the veteran as responsible for his or her own fate.
However, this issue may be more complex for veterans than those with other types of stigmas. For instance, veterans who joined the
military because they were patriotic or wanted to protect their country should be rated more favorably than those who joined the military for other reasons (e.g., to escape a prison sentence or they had few job opportunities). One reason for this is that those who are
patriotic should be viewed as having greater integrity than those who joined the military for other reasons. Furthermore, raters are
less likely to view patriotic veterans as responsible for their own fate compared to those who had to join the military for other reasons.
However, those veterans who joined the military because they had few job opportunities or were required to join by the courts
should be viewed as more responsible for their own fate than others. For example, raters are likely to perceive that those who joined
the military because of poor job-related skills should have developed skills in high school, college, or training programs. As a result,
they may perceive that the veteran is responsible for his or her own fate because they had no other job-related options but to join
the military. We know of only one study on this issue, and its results revealed that veterans were rated more negatively than nonveterans because they were perceived as personally responsible for their fate (Dickstein et al., 2010). Given that there is relatively little
research on this issue, we present the following hypothesis to guide research:
Hypothesis 6. Veterans who joined the military because they are patriotic will be rated (a) higher in terms of job suitability and
(b) more likely to be hired than those who joined because they (c) had no other job opportunities or (d) were ordered to join by
the courts.
2.1.1.5. Course. The disability model maintained that the course of the stigma, or the degree to which it is temporary or long term, also
inuences ratings of the individual. We included this variable in our modied model, and predicted that when raters believe that a
veteran has a long term physical or mental disability they should be less likely to rate the veteran as suitable for a job than when
the person is viewed as having a short term disability. For example, if a rater perceives that a veteran has mild anxiety he or she is

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likely to rate the person more positively than when the veteran has PTSD, typically a long term impairment. In support of this argument, research on disabilities showed that when an applicant had a long term disability (e.g., cancer) the person was rated more negatively than when he or she had a temporary disability (e.g., broken leg) (Stone & Colella, 1996). We know of no specic research on
this issue with veterans, and provide the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 7. When applicants who are veterans have a long-term disability they will be (a) rated as less suitable for jobs and (b) less
likely to be hired than those who are perceived to have a short term disability.
2.1.1.6. Other attributes of the veteran. Although the Stone and Colella (1996) model argued that applicants' previous performance
level, gender, race, ethnicity, and social status may inuence hiring decisions, space limitations preclude a detailed discussion of all
of these issues. However, some of them (e.g., previous performance or skill levels) are considered indirectly in the nature of the job
section.
2.1.2. Attributes of the observer
Consistent with the disability model, we believe that the attributes of the observer are key variables that affect hiring decisions
about veterans. Therefore, we included observers' attributes in our modied model. In particular, we argued that observers' values,
personality, previous military experience, and previous contact with veterans should inuence stereotypes and ratings of veterans
in the hiring process. Each of these attributes will be considered in the sections below.
2.1.2.1. Observers' values. Observers' values about military service, patriotism, and war are likely to inuence their reactions to veterans. For example, observers vary in terms of patriotism or how much they value military service. Those who are high in patriotic
values should be more likely to value military or national service than those who are low in patriotism. For example, many
Americans display or communicate their appreciation for the service of veterans who served after 9/11. These observers may also perceive that veterans' values are similar to their own, and these beliefs should have a positive inuence on their liking of veterans
(Byrne, 1971).
Although many Americans express gratitude for those who served in the military after 9/11, people often ridiculed Vietnam era
veterans, and often held these individuals responsible for a very unpopular war (www.whitehouse.gov, 2011). In some cases they
called Vietnam era veterans baby killers and vented their frustrations on those returning to the U.S. (Prudential, 2012). As a result,
many stereotypes about veterans emerged during this era (e.g., veterans are mentally ill or abuse drugs and alcohol), and many
Vietnam era veterans became alienated from our society. They also had numerous problems adjusting to civilian life and gaining access to jobs. As a result of these employment problems, the Vietnam Era Veterans' Readjustment Assistance Act (VEVRAA) was passed
in 1974. This act requires federal government contractors and subcontractors to take afrmative action to employ, and advance
Vietnam era veterans and prohibits discrimination against them. Therefore, many federal government job openings give preference
to Vietnam era veterans over other applicants.
Even though many Americans are more likely to appreciate veterans today than after the Vietnam conict, there are still many observers who have anti-war values and perceive that veterans' values are not congruent with their own. As a result, observers' anti-war
values may have a negative impact on ratings of veterans, and negatively affect hiring decisions about them. We know of no research
on this issue, so we offer the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 8. Observers who have (a) high levels of patriotic values or (b) view war as a necessity should be (c) more likely to rate
veterans as suitable for jobs and (d) more likely to hire them than those who have low levels of patriotic values or do not perceive war
as a necessity.
2.1.2.2. Observers' personality. Another attribute that should inuence hiring decisions about veterans is the observer's personality. The
disability model maintained that the observers' personality should affect how stigmatized persons are perceived and treated. Furthermore, some research on disabilities revealed that observers' personality is more likely to predict reactions to those with disabilities
than demographic characteristics (e.g., gender, age) (Colella & Stone, 2005). However, studies did nd that attitudes toward the disabled were consistently related to observers' personality characteristics including empathy, self-concept, tolerance for ambiguity, and
dogmatism (e.g., Cesare, Tannenbaum, & Dalessio, 1990; Noonan, Barry, & Davis, 1970; Whiteman & Lukoff, 1965). One of the most
widely studied personality characteristics is empathy (Cesare et al., 1990), and we believe that it should be predictive of raters' evaluations of veterans. Empathy has been dened as the ability to understand and share the feelings of another (Cesare et al., 1990).
Surprisingly, research indicated that observers with high empathy levels may feel more discomfort and pity working with people
with disabilities than observers with lower empathy levels (Cesare et al., 1990). Other research noted that the ability to distance oneself emotionally from an individuals' disability may help them work more effectively with those with disabilities (Colella & Stone,
2005). Thus, we predict that those with high levels of empathy may react more emotionally to veterans, and may not focus on the
person's job-related skills and abilities. As a result, they may rate the veteran as less suitable for jobs than those who are low in
terms of empathy.
Although some research exists on the relation between observers' empathy and reactions to individuals with disabilities (Cesare
et al., 1990; Noonan et al., 1970), research is needed to assess the relation between observers' empathy, and reactions to veterans with
actual or perceived disabilities. Even though research on disabilities may be applicable to veterans, we believe that the relations may
be different because of the unique background of veterans. Thus, we present the following hypothesis to foster that research.

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Hypothesis 9. Observers who have high levels of empathy will (a) report greater levels of discomfort working with veterans, (b) rate
them as less suitable for jobs, and (c) be less likely to hire them for jobs than those who have low levels of empathy.
2.1.2.3. Observers' military experience or previous contact with veterans. Two other observer characteristics that should affect hiring
decisions about veterans are the observers' previous service in the military, and their positive contact with veterans. First, we believe
that observers who have served in the military will rate veterans more favorably than those who do not have military experience
because the former individuals are more likely to understand the experiences and feelings of veterans.
Second, the disability model argued that observers' previous positive contact with stigmatized persons will affect how they are
perceived in the selection process. If observers have had positive interactions with family members, friends, or coworkers who are
persons with disabilities they should have individuating information about them. This individuating information should dispel
many of the stereotypes about the person, and observers should be less likely to use stereotypes to make job-related inferences.
We believe that the same relation should hold for veterans. For instance, if observers have had contact with veterans they may
know that many veterans are disciplined, hard working, and experienced individuals who do not all suffer from psychological impairments. However, if observers have never had contact with veterans they should be more likely to base their hiring decisions on group
stereotypes.
Indirect support for this argument is provided by research on previous contact with persons with disabilities (Stone & Colella,
1996). Some research found that intergroup contact decreases intergroup prejudice (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006, p. 766), and personal
contact may enhance attitudes toward people with disabilities especially when the contact reveals non-stereotypical behavior (Frith &
Mitchell, 1981). However, other studies showed that when personal contact was not intimate or frequent observers were still likely to
use negative stereotypes to make inferences about the person's behavior (Anderson & Antonak, 1992; Corrigan, Edwards, Green,
Diwan, & Penn, 2001; Gaier, Linkowski, & Jaques, 1968; Taylor, 1981; Weinberg, 1976; Yuker, 1988). Thus, we argue that personal
contact with veterans will enhance positive attitudes toward veterans, or dispel negative stereotypes about them, when the contact
is positive. We know of no research on this issue so we offer the following hypotheses.
Hypothesis 10. When observers have served in the military they will be more likely to (a) understand the experiences of veterans,
(b) rate them as more suitable for jobs, and (c) hire them than those who have not served in the military.
Hypothesis 11. When observers have positive previous contact with veterans they will (a) rate the veteran as more suitable for jobs,
and (b) be more likely to hire them than when they have not had previous positive contact with them.
2.1.3. Nature of the job
The disability model indicated that the nature of the job should have a key impact on job suitability ratings and hiring decisions
about stigmatized persons. In the selection process, decision makers assess the degree to which applicants' prior experience, skills,
and abilities are consistent with the requirements of the job. However, when veterans apply for jobs raters may not have clear
information on the nature of military jobs or the skills and abilities associated with them. As a result, this ambiguity is likely to
have a negative impact on job suitability ratings and hiring decisions.
For example, research showed that when observers are uncertain about an applicant's previous experience or skills, they often use
gap lling or stereotypes to make judgments about applicants' job suitability (Heilman, 1983). For example, raters assess the t
between the stereotypes about the person and the prototypical requirements of jobs (Heilman, 1983). In particular, when a veteran
applies for the job of customer service representative, and the job requires that the incumbent have good interpersonal skills, be emotionally well adjusted, and extraverted, raters compare the perceived attributes of the person (e.g., rigid, depressed, withdrawn) with
the prototypes associated with the job to make inferences about the person's success on the job.
2.1.3.1. Stereotype-job t. This framework is known as the stereotype-job t model (Heilman, 1983), and research on the topic revealed
that when stereotypes are inconsistent with job requirements individuals are less likely to be hired for the jobs. Research by Heilman
(1983) found that women were less likely to be hired for managerial jobs because gender stereotypes (e.g., women are weak, unassertive, indecisive, emotional) were inconsistent with the perceived prototypes of managerial jobs (e.g., managers should be assertive,
decisive, unemotional). In view of these ndings, we believe that the stereotypes attributed to veterans (e.g., bitter, withdrawn,
mentally ill) should have a negative impact on their perceived t for many jobs. To date, little research has assessed this argument,
but a study by Bordieri and Drehmer (1984) found that raters viewed Vietnam veterans as more likely to have psychological problems,
and viewed them as less suitable for jobs than nonveterans. Given the lack of research on the degree to which the stereotype-job t
model applies to veterans, we set forth the following hypothesis to foster additional research.
Hypothesis 12. There will be a two-way interaction between veterans' stereotypes and perceived job requirements such that
veterans will be rated as less suitable for jobs when the stereotypes attributed to them are inconsistent with job requirements than
when they are consistent with job requirements.
2.1.3.2. Ambiguity about veterans' skills. As noted above, one of the greatest challenges facing veterans in the employment process is
that observers may not have information about the nature of military jobs or the knowledge, skills, and abilities associated with
them. Thus, they may not know about military work experience or skills transfers to civilian jobs. Furthermore, a survey of 12.1 million
veterans indicated that veterans have difculty explaining how their military skills translate to civilian jobs (Prudential, 2012). In

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75

some cases the nature of the military job is clear (e.g., truck driver, cook), and the transferability of skills is quite evident to decision
makers. For instance, a decision maker can often make accurate inferences about the job of truck driver, plumber, computer programmer, or motor vehicle mechanic. As a result, raters should be less likely to use stereotypes about veterans to make hiring decisions
when the skill sets associated with the military job are clear than when they are ambiguous. In support of this argument, research
by Kleykamp (2009) revealed that employers rated black military veterans as more suitable for jobs than black nonveterans when
their military skills clearly transferred to civilian jobs than when they did not. Furthermore, veterans with traditional military experience in combat arms were not rated as more suitable than nonveterans regardless of their racial or ethnic background (Kleykamp,
2009). These ndings suggested that veterans who have military occupational specialties (e.g., truck driver, motor vehicle mechanic)
with a high degree of perceived transferability should be more likely to be hired than those who have military specialties that are not
viewed as transferable. The ndings for race may be due to the fact that blacks are more likely to be assigned to low level military jobs
with clearly transferable skills than members of other groups.
Given that the perceived transferability of skills is a factor that may be important to hiring decisions about veterans, we added this
variable to our expanded model (see Fig. 2). We also believe that additional research is needed on the relation between the perceived
transferability of veterans' military experience and skills to civilian jobs. Therefore, we offer the following hypothesis based on our
expanded model.
Hypothesis 13. When observers are unsure if a veteran's military skills transfer to civilian job requirements then they will
(a) rate veterans as less suitable for jobs, and (b) be less likely to hire them than when it is clear that military skill sets transfer
to civilian jobs.
2.1.4. Differences in organizational cultures
Another factor that may be related to hiring decisions about veterans is that raters often perceive that there is a difference in the
cultures of civilian and military organizations. As a result, veterans' role expectations and behaviors may not be congruent with the
role requirements in civilian organizations. For example, military organizations are typically hierarchical or autocratic, and subordinates are expected to (a) follow orders from superiors, (b) adhere to the chain of command, and (c) comply with well-dened policies
and procedures (Trice & Beyer, 1993). Although civilian organizations in the U.S. vary, the culture of U.S. organizations reects the
broad values of the overall American culture (Trice & Beyer, 1993). For example, many civilian organizations in the U.S. have at or
egalitarian organizational forms, exible rules and processes, and emphasize participation in decision-making, individualized freedom, and supervisors who inuence rather than control subordinates (Trice & Beyer, 1993).
Given the difference in the military and civilian organizational cultures, raters may be concerned that veterans have internalized
military roles that are not consistent with the role expectations in civilian organizations. For example, as a supervisor in the military
they may have learned to be autocratic, but this behavior may not be effective in more egalitarian civilian organizations. Likewise, supervisors who are veterans may adhere rigidly to organizational policies and procedures, but civilian supervisory roles stress some
exibility to meet individual needs (e.g., time off to attend a child's school event). In view of the different role expectations in military
and civilian organizations, decision makers may perceive that the skills and roles learned in the military may not transfer to civilian
jobs. However, in some cases civilian organizational cultures and role expectations may be similar to those in the military (e.g., police
or security organizations), and in these cases veterans with military experience may be viewed as more suitable for jobs than others.
Therefore, we believe that the degree to which the military culture and role requirements are perceived as similar to civilian culture
and role requirements may be key determinants of hiring decisions regarding veterans. To our knowledge, no research has examined
this argument so we make the following prediction to foster additional research.
Hypothesis 14. When raters perceive that the role requirements of military organizational cultures are dissimilar to those in civilian
organizational cultures, they will (a) rate veterans as less suitable for jobs, and (b) be less likely to hire them than when they perceive
that the military organizational culture is similar to the culture in a civilian organization.
In summary, our modied model indicated that hiring decisions about veterans are inuenced by the (a) attributes of the veteran,
(b) attributes of the observer, (c) nature of the job, (d) degree to which raters perceive that military skills transfer to civilian jobs, and
(e) perceived difference between role requirements in military and civilian organizational cultures. Throughout this paper, we identied several obstacles to the employment of veterans, but in the section below we consider some strategies that organizations and
veterans can use to overcome these barriers.
3. Strategies to enhance veterans' employment opportunities
In the previous sections we argued that a number of key factors interact to affect hiring decisions about veterans. Although the
challenges facing many veterans seem formidable, we believe that there are a number of strategies that veterans and organizations
can use to increase the employment opportunities for these individuals. In the sections that follow we consider some of these
strategies.
3.1. Strategies that can be used by organizations
We believe that our modied model has important implications for identifying strategies that private-sector organizations can use
to increase the inclusion of veterans. Therefore, in the paragraphs below we consider some of these strategies.

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3.1.1. Strategy 1: Modifying beliefs about veterans

In our model, we emphasized that hiring decisions about veterans are inuenced heavily by observers' stereotypes, and veterans
are often stigmatized by virtue of their experiences in the military. Therefore, we believe that one important strategy is to alter stereotypes and unfounded beliefs about veterans. Although a few studies have focused on stereotypes of veterans (e.g., Bordieri &
Drehmer, 1984; Dickstein et al., 2010), additional research is needed to identify the current job-related stereotypes attributed to veterans. A key goal of modifying these stereotypes is to ensure that organizational decision makers have an accurate picture of veterans'
knowledge, skills, and abilities (KSAs), and do not use unfounded beliefs to make hiring decisions about them. An understanding of
these stereotypes may be useful in designing training programs and creating an organizational culture that fosters respect for veterans
and other stigmatized persons.
One mechanism that can be used to change beliefs about veterans is to increase positive contact between decision makers and
veterans. As noted previously, positive contact provides individuating information about individuals so that decision makers are
aware of the person's actual characteristics rather than unsubstantiated stereotypes. Another mechanism is to use education and
training programs to show decision makers that stereotypes are often inaccurate, and should not be applied to all group members.
In addition, organizations might alter stereotypes by tracking veterans' performance, and publicizing their many successes and
contributions in organizations.
They might also change organizational norms and values, and emphasize that they value attracting and including veterans. This
may only be effective if top management stresses these new values. To our knowledge, very little research has addressed the strategy
noted above. Therefore, we present the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 15. When organizations (a) increase positive contact with veterans, (b) use educational programs to dispel stereotypes,
(c) publicize veterans' job successes, and (d) change the organizational culture to emphasize values regarding hiring veterans, hiring
decisions about veterans will be more positive than when organizations do not use these strategies.
3.1.2. Strategy 2: Hire and train decision makers
Another strategy that organizations might use to increase the inclusion of veterans is to hire decision makers who value hiring
veterans and members of other diverse groups. Organizations should use training to ensure that the goal of hiring veterans is clear
to decision makers. In addition, they might recognize and reward decision makers who attract, hire, and place veterans who are
successful in the organizations. Furthermore, organizations could use recruiting strategies that focus on military outplacement organizations, rehabilitation groups, and other veterans' associations, to identify veterans who have the KSAs that meet job requirements.
They could also provide recruiting bonuses for employees who uncover and refer talented veterans to the organization. We know of
little research on these strategies so we offer the hypothesis below:
Hypothesis 16. When organizations (a) employ decision makers who value hiring veterans, (b) recognize and reward those who hire
veterans, (c) use expanded recruiting to uncover talented veterans, and (d) give bonuses to employees who refer veterans, hiring
decisions will be more positive about veterans than when the organization does not use these strategies.
3.1.3. Strategy 3: Increase knowledge of military job-related tasks and KSAs
As noted previously, one reason that veterans may be perceived as unqualied for jobs is that decision makers are not always
familiar with military jobs, and make the inference that veterans do not have the KSAs needed to perform civilian jobs. As a result,
we believe that decision makers should become familiar with military jobs and their associated KSAs. During the course of their
military jobs, service members often receive extensive training and experience, and the skills gained in these positions may be especially benecial to organizations. One strategy that organizations can use to become familiar with military jobs is to use the special
features of O'Net that allows employers to determine if the KSAs associated with military jobs are similar to civilian positions. We
know of no research on this issue so we present a hypothesis to guide research:
Hypothesis 17. When decision makers become familiar with the nature and KSAs associated with military jobs, (a) they will rate
veterans as more suitable for jobs, and (b) be more likely to hire them than when they do not become familiar with military jobs.
3.1.4. Strategy 4: Socialize veterans in the role requirements or norms in civilian organizations
Another reason that veterans are often viewed as less suitable for jobs than nonveterans is that decision makers perceive that there
are differences in the role requirements in military and civilian organizational cultures. As a result, they believe that veterans may
have learned distinct military roles, and have different assumptions about acceptable role behaviors in civilian organizations. For
example, the U.S. Army's organizational culture can be labeled as a hierarchical structure that is based on a strict chain of command
and top down authority systems (Trice & Beyer, 1993). The Army's organizational culture is also characterized by an emphasis on:
(a) stability and control, (b) formal rules and policies, (c) coordination and efciency, (d) teamwork, (e) goals and results, and
(f) hard-driving competitiveness (Trice & Beyer, 1993). These characteristics are thought to guide behavior consciously or unconsciously, and individuals in the military are expected to follow supervisors' orders and rules, put the welfare of the country, Army,
and team members before their own, and fulll their obligations even in the face of danger or adversity.
Although the culture of civilian organizations in the U.S. shares some of these values (e.g., teamwork), they typically focus on
informality, decentralized participative decision making, equality and egalitarianism, autonomy, individuality, and job enrichment
(Trice & Beyer, 1993). As a result, employees in these organizations are expected to behave autonomously, participate in decision-

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77

making, act proactively, and perform as an individual. Furthermore, managers are expected to allow employees to participate in
decision making, and form relationships with them in order to elicit voluntary cooperation and behavior.
Given the differences in cultures of military and private-sector organizations, decision makers may not perceive that veterans t
with the role requirements of civilian organizations. However, we believe that even though veterans may have been socialized in a
hierarchical military culture, they are open to learning new roles and behaviors. Thus, we believe that outplacement organizations
should use socialization and training programs that ensure that veterans know the norms, values, and role expectations of civilian
organizations. Of course, research is needed to determine if these strategies enhance the t between veterans' role expectations
and those of civilian organizations. Thus, we offer the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 18. When outplacement organizations socialize veterans in the norms, values, and role requirements of civilian organizations, raters will (a) perceive that veterans are more suitable for jobs, and (b) be more likely to hire them than when they have not
been socialized in these norms and values.
3.2. Mechanisms that can be used by veterans
3.2.1. Mechanism 1: Use of impression management techniques
Although veterans may have some legal recourse when they are discriminated against unfairly in the employment process, we believe that the use of proactive strategies to modify stereotypes and identify skills may have a positive inuence on hiring decisions. In
particular, veterans might use strategies to modify others' stereotypes, job related expectancies, and gain acceptance from decision
makers. For example, we argue as do others (Hebl & Kleck, 2002; Ragins, 2008; Stone & Colella, 1996) that veterans should use one
or more impression management techniques (e.g., concealment, acknowledging a disability, emphasize skills and abilities) to enhance
others' evaluations. First, veterans may conceal invisible health conditions to avoid the negative attitudes and stigmas associated with
them especially if these conditions do not affect job performance. However, when a disability is apparent a concealment strategy may
not be feasible, and veterans may have to use alternative strategies. Furthermore, one problem with concealment strategies is that
subsequent disclosure of a health condition or disability may violate others' expectations and result in negative reactions (Ragins,
2008; Stone, Shetzer, & Eggleston, 1986; Tagalakis, Amsel, & Fichten, 1988). To date, the research on concealment strategies indicated
that their effectiveness may depend on the nature of the disability and degree to which the disclosure is seen as voluntary (Stone,
1986; Stone et al., 1986; Tagalakis et al., 1988). For instance, concealing physical disabilities may be perceived more positively than
concealing neurological or psychological disabilities.
Another related impression-management strategy that can be used by veterans is to acknowledge their disabilities or health conditions (e.g., Belgrave & Mills, 1981; Evans, 1976; Hastorf, Wildfogel, & Cassman, 1979). For instance, if they have lost a limb and have a
prosthesis they may discuss this with the decision maker, and let the person know that they are well adjusted and perform most tasks
easily. Research on this strategy revealed that it may be effective because it reduces others' anxiety about discussing ability limitations
with a job candidate (e.g., Belgrave & Mills, 1981; Hastorf et al., 1979).
A third strategy that veterans might use to modify stereotypes is to convince decision makers that they have similar interests, opinions, and values. Research showed that this strategy may be effective because similarity increases liking (Belgrave, 1984; Byrne, 1971).
Finally, veterans might alter others' stereotypes and job-related expectancies by revealing that they have the skills, abilities, and
experience needed to perform jobs. For instance, they could identify the specic skills gained in military service, and indicate how
these skills and abilities transfer to civilian jobs. As noted previously, this is a very difcult process for veterans, but they should
gain assistance from professionals (e.g., vocational rehabilitation counselors) in identifying transferable skills. We know of no research
on these strategies for veterans; therefore, we present the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 19. When veterans use impression management techniques including (a) acknowledging health conditions or disabilities, or (b) convincing decision makers that they have similar interests and values, they will (c) be perceived as more suitable for
jobs, and (d) receive more positive hiring decisions than when they do not.
3.2.2. Mechanism 2: Use of programs to build self-efcacy and self-esteem
One of the obstacles facing veterans in the employment process is that they often adopt self-stigmas which are negative preconceptions associated with their membership in a stigmatized group (Dickstein et al., 2010). Self-stigmas often lower veterans' selfesteem and self-efcacy levels which can inhibit their performance in the selection or interviewing process. The concept of selfstigmas is similar to that of stereotype threat which argues that when a person enters a situation where the stereotype of the person's
group becomes salient, concerns about being judged according to the stereotype decrease performance (Steele & Aronson, 1995).
Even though stereotype threat can affect performance in a number of contexts, research showed that it has a deleterious effect on
test performance in the selection process. Most of the studies on stereotype threat focused on racial minorities and women (Steele
& Aronson, 1995), but we believe that stereotype-threat may also hinder the performance of veterans in the employment process.
Furthermore, self-stigmas or stereotype threat may articially limit their career options and prevent them from realizing their full potential. Thus, we believe that strategies used to enhance their self esteem and job-related self-efcacy (e.g., outplacement programs,
coaches or mentors, feedback, successful role models) may increase their job-related prospects. We know of no direct research on
these strategies for veterans; therefore, we suggest the hypothesis below:
Hypothesis 20. When veterans use (a) coaches, (b) feedback, and (c) successful role models to enhance their self-efcacy they will
(d) be rated as more suitable for jobs and (e) receive more positive hiring decisions than when they do not.

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4. Conclusion
In the next few years we can expect increased troop withdrawals from the Middle East war zones, resulting in greater numbers of
combat veterans searching for jobs in the private sector. Furthermore, we believe that these individuals and those who have returned
from other wars should have numerous problems gaining and maintaining employment. As a result, the unemployment rates of
veterans will be even higher in the coming years. Despite these recurring problems, little theoretical or empirical research in HRM
has identied the challenges that they face in the employment process. Thus, we modied and extended an existing model (Stone
& Colella, 1996) to explain the factors that inuence hiring decisions about veterans, and offered some hypotheses to guide future
research on the topic. Our modied model indicated that the (a) attributes of the veteran, (b) the attributes of the observer, (c) the
nature of the job, (d) the perceived transferability of military skills to civilian jobs, and (e) the differences between military and civilian organizational cultures affect hiring decisions about veterans. We also used the model to suggest some strategies that organizations and veterans can use to enhance their access to jobs. In conclusion, we believe that an increased understanding of the factors
that affect selection decisions about veterans will facilitate their inclusion in organizations. Our hope is that the model and review
of research on veterans will foster additional research on the topic, and uncover the issues that place limits on their ability to secure
jobs. In addition, we are optimistic that an improved understanding of these factors will help organizations utilize the many talents
and skills that veterans bring to the workforce, and enable veterans to enjoy a fullling work life.
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