A Review and Framework

Journal of Applied Psychology
2014, Vol. 99, No. 6, 1096 1112
2014 American Psychological Association

0021-9010/14/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0037885
INTEGRATIVE CONCEPTUAL REVIEW
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Sleepiness at Work: A Review and Framework of How the Physiology of

Sleepiness Impacts the Workplace
Heather M. Mullins and Jose M. Cortina
Christopher L. Drake
George Mason University
Sleep Disorders and Research Center, Henry Ford Hospital,

Detroit, Michigan
Reeshad S. Dalal
George Mason University
Sleepiness, the biological drive to sleep, is an important construct for the organizational sciences. This
physiological phenomenon has received very little attention in the organizational science literature in
spite of the fact that it influences a wide variety of workplace behaviors. In this article, we develop a
framework through which sleepiness can be fruitfully studied. We describe (a) what sleepiness is and
how it can be differentiated conceptually from related concepts such as fatigue, (b) the physiological
basis of sleepiness, (c) cognitive and affective mechanisms that transmit the effects of sleepiness, and (d)
the behavioral manifestations of sleepiness in the workplace. We also describe (e) job demand characteristics that are antecedents of sleepiness and (f) individual differences that moderate the aforementioned
relationships.
Keywords: sleepiness, job performance, job demands, affect, physiology
Schaubroeck and Ganster (1993) used a physiological framework

to explain connections between work demands on experienced
stress. Several other articles in the organizational sciences also
have drawn from physiology to explain workplace phenomena (see
Canli, 2004; Dimotakis, Conlon, & Ilies, 2012; Watson, Wiese,
Vaidya, & Tellegen, 1999). With the present article, we hope to
follow in this tradition by using this integrated approach. Specifically, we utilize a physiological framework to explain how
changes that occur within the brainin conjunction with sleep
wake processesin turn influence workplace outcomes. That is,
we demonstrate how these physiological changes inherently tied to
sleep and wakefulness are ultimately responsible for changes in
performance and other important workplace outcomes.
Sleep research has shown that sleep problems are quite
common. According to the 2008 Sleep in America Poll, at least
65% of people experience sleep problems a few nights a week
(Swanson et al., 2011). Moreover, this research has shown that
sleep problems including voluntary sleep restriction are linked
to the nature of ones employment, and full-time workers seem
to be at greatest risk. The amount of sleep that full-time workers
get has been decreasing over the past 30 years as the number of
hours worked has increased (Knutson, Van Cauter, Rathouz,
DeLeire, & Lauderdale, 2010). Furthermore, full-time workers
are more likely than part-time workers to be at risk for sleep
disorders and are more likely to report having driven while
drowsy in the recent past (Swanson et al., 2011). Individuals
who curtail the number of hours that they sleep are using the
extra time for personal activities (Basner & Dinges, 2009;
Basner et al., 2007; Biddle & Hamermesh, 1990), including
Workplace psychology has expanded its focus to include research aimed at understanding the impact of nonwork variables on
workplace outcomes. One area of particular interest is the role of
sleep in workplace outcomes. Most people spend the majority of
their time as adults either working (7 hr/weekday, 2 hr/weekend day; Basner et al., 2007) or sleeping (6.68 hr/night; Barnes,
Wagner, & Ghumman, 2012). Despite the significant amount of
time people spend engaging in these two activities, organizational
psychologists know very little about the relationship between
them. Sleep is inherently a physiological phenomenon. Thus, when
one is studying the relationship between sleep and work variables,
physiology provides useful models with which to examine connections among such variables. The approach taken in the present
article is similar to that adopted by previous influential articles that
have used a physiological framework in order to explain relationships among workplace variables. For example, Heaphy and Dutton (2008) used a physiological framework to explain the role of
social interactions on physical health and work engagement.
Heather M. Mullins and Jose M. Cortina, Department of Psychology,

George Mason University; Christopher L. Drake, Sleep Disorders and
Research Center, Henry Ford Hospital, Detroit, Michigan; Reeshad S.
Dalal, Department of Psychology, George Mason University.
The authors would like to thank Tom Roth for his many insightful
comments throughout the development of this article.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Heather
M. Mullins, Department of Psychology, George Mason University, 4400
University Drive, 3F5, Fairfax, VA 22030. E-mail: hmullin1@gmu.edu
1096
SLEEPINESS AT WORK
television watching (Basner & Dinges, 2009; Hamermesh, Myers, & Pocock, 2008) and family obligations (Barnes et al.,
2012). When full-time workers perceive that there is not enough
time for personal and family obligations, they tend to choose to
reduce the amount of time spent sleeping.
One of the most common and disabling immediate consequences of sleep problems is sleepiness (e.g., Pack et al., 2006;
Swanson et al., 2011). In the most basic sense, sleepiness can be
defined as a craving or desire for sleep (Dement & Carskadon,
1982, p. S57). Although related to the common notion of fatigue,
sleepiness is a more precise term that reflects a universal physiological homeostatic need state, comparable to hunger or thirst, that
is associated with increased sleep pressure and that leads to decrements in function (Drake, 2011; Roehrs, Carskadon, Dement, &
Roth, 2011). Sleepiness in the general population results from
reductions in quantity or quality of sleep, circadian rhythms, drugs
that act upon the central nervous system (CNS), or the presence of
a CNS disorder (Roehrs et al., 2011) and is associated with
memory lapses, decreases in performance, and increases in the rate
of accidents (Carskadon et al., 1986; Drake et al., 2010).
The amount of sleepiness one experiences can range from full
alertness on one extreme to a debilitating state known as excessive
daytime sleepiness (EDS) on the other. Roughly half of patients
seen by physicians in sleep centers and at least 11% of the general
population experience EDS (Carskadon et al., 1986; Drake, 2011).
Although many sleep researchers and clinicians focus their efforts
on studying the EDS extreme of the sleepiness spectrum, the sleep
research community recognizes that subclinical sleepiness, which
affects an additional 33% of the general population, deserves
empirical attention as well (Drake et al., 2010). The importance of
sleepiness in the general population and workforce was perhaps
best expressed by Dinges (1995): As a daily biological curtain on
waking function, sleepiness is the most ubiquitous regulator of
performance capability experienced by our species (p. 12). Because individuals are often unaware of the impairments in neurobehavioral functioning that result from sleepiness, it is wrongly
assumed that sleep restriction is benign (Banks & Dinges, 2007;
Van Dongen, Maislin, Mullington, & Dinges, 2003).
Survey research has shown that sleepiness has a significant
impact on organizations. For example, when asked with regard to
the past month, 29% of respondents reported having fallen asleep
or become significantly drowsy at work, 12% were late to work as
a result of sleepiness, 4% left work early, and 2% did not go to
work as a result of sleepiness and sleep problems (Swanson et al.,
2011; see also Lger, Massuel, Metlaine, and the SISYPHE Study
Group, 2006). Furthermore, reduced sleep duration contributes to
many health-related outcomes such as obesity and metabolic disturbance (Spiegel, Leproult, & Van Cauter, 1999; Wolk & Somers,
2007) as well as hypertension, heart disease, and cardiovascular
mortality (Newman et al., 2000). The combined effects of lateness,
absenteeism, health problems, and the aforementioned increase in
accident rates and decreased performance provide compelling evidence that sleep loss and resulting sleepiness have a substantial
financial impact on organizations (Culpepper, 2010). The economic burden of sleepiness in the United States is estimated
annually at $14 billion in medical expenses (Walsh & Ustun,
1999), between $53 billion and $69 billion in vehicle accidents,
and between $18 billion and $24 billion in work-related accidents
(Lger, 1994). Thus, organizations have a vested interest in pre-
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serving human capital, as well as monetary capital, by minimizing

sleepiness experienced by employees.
Many have concluded that work itself is leading to the increase
in sleepiness. The sleep literature has made some links to sleepiness from work variables, most notably in the areas of shift work
(Drake, Roehrs, Richardson, Walsh, & Roth, 2004; Paech, Jay,
Lamond, Roach, & Ferguson, 2010), nontraditional work schedules (Luckhaupt, Tak, & Calvert, 2010), and long working hours
(Basner & Dinges, 2009; Virtanen et al., 2009). Furthermore,
reduced sleep quality (e.g., disturbed sleep) has been linked to job
demands and stress (Nordin, Knutsson, Sundborn, & Stegmayr,
2005) and workplace bullying (Niedhammer, David, Degioanni,
Drummond, & Philip, 2009). Workplace psychology research has
only recently begun to examine the effects of sleep. For example,
Scott and Judge (2006) found that fluctuations in self-reported
sleep quality within an employee over time are linked to fluctuations in mood and job satisfaction.
One of the most common causes of sleepiness is sleep loss.
Recent work by Christopher Barnes has shown that sleep loss is
related to an increase in workplace injuries (Barnes & Wagner,
2009), an increase in unethical conduct (Barnes, Schaubroeck,
Huth, & Ghumman, 2011), and a decrease in self-regulation (Wagner, Barnes, Lim, & Ferris, 2012). Barnes (2012) presented a
model of the work-related consequences of two distinct sleep
constructs, sleep loss and poor sleep quality, that are driven by
self-regulation. Specifically, Barnes proposed that work withdrawal, goal level, incivility, and defection in workplace social
dilemmas are all impacted by sleep loss or reduced sleep quality
through self-regulation (Barnes, 2012). In the present article, we
build on the work of Barnes (2012) in three ways. First, the focus
of this article is on sleepinesswhich is the more immediate
cause, compared with sleep loss or sleep quality of sleep-related
workplace outcomes and covers a physiological state that can have
little to do with sleep per se (e.g., circadian rhythm, sedating
medication, CNS disorder). Second, we go beyond self-regulation
to consider the effects of sleepiness through a comprehensive
physiological framework. Third, whereas Barnes (2012) focused
solely on the consequences of sleepiness, in this article we examine not just the work-related manifestations but also the workrelated antecedents of sleepiness. To reduce overlap with Barnes
(2012), only those constructs for which there is evidence emanating from theoretical frameworks beyond self-regulation are discussed here.
Although the findings from sleep research may be unfamiliar to
most of us in the organizational sciences, they are well established
in sleep literature. For this reason, we offer these initial conclusions as lemmas (i.e., well supported statements used as intermediary components for future propositions). The bulk of the article
is devoted to explanations of the links between sleepiness and
workplace variables, accompanied by propositions typical of a
review article.
Although there is empirical evidence supporting the conclusion
that sleepiness impacts the workforce, organizational researchers
have not yet delineated a comprehensive framework through
which sleepiness and workplace variables can be fruitfully researched. The purpose of this article was twofold: to describe such
a framework based in the physiological changes that occur in
association with sleepiness and to provide a clear research agenda.
This article is organized utilizing a problemsolution format. Spe-
MULLINS, CORTINA, DRAKE, AND DALAL
1098
cifically, (a) sleepiness can be a problem for individuals and

organizations, and (b) by understanding the organizational antecedents of sleepiness, researchers can devise interventions to provide solutions that will reduce sleepiness. The problem is described first in the manifestations portion, and the way forward to
a solution is presented second in the antecedents portion.
We present two key take-away messages that are directly tied to
understanding the manifestations and antecedents of sleepiness.
The first key take-away message is that sleepiness has the potential
to significantly influence workplace outcomes, largely through
physiological changes that manifest through information processing and affective mediating mechanisms. To illustrate this first
take-away message, we provide a series of lemmas and propositions that explain how sleepiness impacts workplace outcomes. We
start by (a) presenting the construct of sleepiness and differentiating it conceptually from related concepts such as fatigue; this is
followed by (b) a description of the physiological changes that
occur in the brain of a sleepy individual. Next, we build on this
description by illustrating (c) how these physiological changes
affect two processes that are key in the organizational sciences and
are important transmitters of the effects of sleepiness: information
processing and affect. Then, we offer propositions that are supported by findings and rationale consistent with the sleep literature
(but are still not well understood). Specifically, these propositions
provide a clear agenda for future research exploring the effects of
sleepiness on workplace outcomes by describing (d) the subsequent behavioral manifestations of acute sleepiness transmitted
through information processing and affect (reduced job, task,
adaptive, and contextual performance; increased accidents; and
withdrawal and deviant behaviors; see Figure 1).
The second key take-away message is that there are organizational antecedents that can influence individual employees sleepiness, and by understanding the relationships between these antecedents and sleepiness, organizational scientists can develop
policies and interventions aimed at reducing the sleepiness of
employees. The series of propositions that follow aim to guide
future research in this direction. Specifically, we focus on (e) job
demands such as work schedules, time pressure, work load, and
perceived control for two reasons. First, each of these demands is
likely to be related to subsequent sleepiness and the relationship
between these demands and sleepiness is not well understood and
Figure 1.
has not yet been tested. Second, organizational policies and interventions can potentially be developed to reduce these demands and
subsequently reduce sleepiness. Finally, we describe (f) the individual differences that likely moderate the aforementioned relationships.
Sleepiness
Sleepiness Defined
Sleepiness can result from (a) low sleep quality, (b) low levels
of sleep quantity, (c) circadian rhythms, (d) CNS-acting drugs, or
(e) the presence of a CNS disorder (Dinges, 1995; Roehrs et al.,
2011). Although sleepiness can be measured as a subjective feeling
(i.e., self-report), objective measures of sleepiness that are rooted
in physiology, specifically electrophysiology, are considered the
gold standard (e.g., the Multiple Sleep Latency Test, or MSLT; see
Carskadon et al., 1986). The definition of sleepiness presented here
and the propositions that follow are based on objective measures of
sleepiness. Sleep researchers usually define quantity of sleep as the
amount of total sleep per 24-hour day (Roehrs et al., 2011).
Reductions in the quantity of sleep include not only partial and
total short term sleep deprivation but also the accumulation of
sleep loss from longer term restriction of the number of hours slept
(Van Dongen, Masilin, et al., 2003). Sleep debt, the increased
pressure for sleep that results from an inadequate amount of
physiologically normal sleep (Van Dongen, Rogers, & Dinges,
2003, p. 6), can result from restriction of sleep over a period of
days; the accumulation of sleep debt results in sleepiness (Durmer
& Dinges, 2005).
Reductions in sleep can occur through reduced sleep opportunity (i.e., sleep deprivation and sleep restriction) as well as reduced
sleep quality. One way in which sleep quality may be reduced is
through sleep fragmentation, which represents brief arousals that
occur during sleep. Fragmentation can occur both in the presence
of a sleep disorder (e.g., sleep apnea) and in nonclinical populations such as older adults (Roehrs et al., 2011). Furthermore, sleep
quality may be reflected by the amount of slow wave sleep, such
that a reduced quantity of slow wave sleep may indicate reduced
sleep quality (e.g., see Bonnet, 1987). Subjective sleep quality
refers to tiredness on waking and throughout the day, feeling
Framework of relations among sleepiness, its manifestations, and its antecedents.
SLEEPINESS AT WORK
rested and restored on waking, and the number of awakenings in

the night (p. 392; Harvey, Stinson, Whitaker, Moskovitz, & Virk,
2008). Thus, sleep quality objectively can refer to fragmented
sleep or reduced slow wave sleep or subjectively can refer to the
experience of nonrestorative sleep and awakenings during the
night. Depending on severity and chronicity, both objectively and
subjectively defined reduced sleep quality can result in increased
sleepiness.
Circadian rhythms are the naturally occurring rhythms that
mediate the timing of daily cycles of alertness, sleep, and many
other physiological systems that humans experience; these endogenous rhythms can be slightly longer or shorter than 24 hr but are
typically entrained to 24 hr through exposure to the daily light
dark cycle (Czeisler et al., 1999). The circadian cycle is marked by
changes in nearly all physiological variables including the hormone melatonin, plasma cortisol, urinary potassium, and body
temperature (Mohawk, Green, & Takahashi, 2012; Moore, 1997).
For normal day-sleeping individuals, the most alert portion of the
circadian cycle occurs during the evening, and the least alert
portion, which coincides with severe sleepiness, occurs during the
night approximately between 4 a.m. and 6 a.m. (Dijk & Czeisler,
1994). kerstedt (1995) and kerstedt and Folkard (1997) described a three-process model of alertness that provides a relevant
complementary framework through which to understand the circadian component of sleepiness. In this model, alertness is a
function of sleepiness due to circadian rhythms, time since awakening, and sleep inertia, which is the brief period of time (less than
30 min) between awakening from sleep and becoming fully alert
(Jewett et al., 1999). Alertness increases from the time since
awakening until the evening hours due to an active circadian
alerting signal that opposes the build-up of sleepiness with increasing time awake. The dissipation of this circadian alerting signal
coincides with the onset of the nocturnal hormone melatonin and
facilitates sleep onset and sleep consolidation throughout the night.
In the absence of nocturnal sleep (i.e., sleep deprivation), the
circadian nadir in alertness (maximal sleepiness) is revealed to be
in the early morning hours. With increasing time awake in the
24-hour cycle, the circadian alerting signal rises, again counteracting (partially) the build-up of homeostatic sleep drive, thereby
attenuating sleepiness despite continued wake without sleep (kerstedt & Folkard, 1997).
Finally, substances and CNS disorders both influence sleepiness. For example, substances that depress the CNS can increase
sleepiness (e.g., alcohol or sleeping medication), and CNS disorders such as narcolepsy and Parkinsons disease are characterized
by increased sleepiness (Roehrs et al., 2011). In summary, the
combined effects of sleep quantity and sleep quality, circadian
rhythms, and chemical and biological factors that influence the
CNS produce fluctuations in sleepiness. One of the only natural
ways to reverse sleepiness is the restorative process of sleep itself
(Sonnentag, Binnewies, & Mojza, 2008), and the restoration experienced from regular good sleep has positive long-term effects
(Rupp, Wesensten, & Balkin, 2010).
Some additional factors can influence the expression of underlying sleepiness. For example, changes in physical activity, food
intake, and posture can have effects on sleepiness (enhance or
decrease). However, it is important to note that these effects are
generally short lived and, in the case of increasing alertness, are
thought to mask sleepiness rather than produce a fundamental
1099
change in underlying state (Bonnet, 2011). In addition, there is

some evidence to suggest that exposure to bright light can enhance
alertness during the early morning hours (Badia, Myers, Boecker,
Culpepper, & Harsh, 1991; Campbell & Dawson, 1990), a finding
likely attributable to the suppression of melatonin by bright light
(Wright, Myers, Plenzler, Drake, & Badia, 2000). Thus, if environmental conditions require physical activity, contain bright
lights, are loud, and require the individual to stand, then the effects
of sleepiness may be temporarily impacted in important ways.
Of the primary causes of sleepiness, sleep quantity, sleep quality, and circadian rhythms are the most likely sources of sleepiness
in the working population. Throughout this article, we draw on
research that includes both the primary causes of sleepiness as well
as sleepiness itself. A clear distinction has been made throughout
as to the source of the sleep construct. Future researchers in the
organizational sciences should take an approach to the conceptualization of sleep variables such that they are consistent with the
definitions found in the sleep literature.
Sleepiness and Fatigue

The sleep literature draws a clear distinction between sleepiness
and fatigue. Fatigue can be defined as an overwhelming sense of
tiredness, lack of energy and a feeling of exhaustion, associated
with impaired physical and/or cognitive functioning (Shen, Barbera, & Shapiro, 2006, p. 70). The primary difference between
fatigue and sleepiness involves the respective antecedents of each.
Sleepiness is an increase in the propensity for sleep (increased
pressure for sleep) and can be brought on by reduction or fragmentation of sleep, the nadir of the circadian rhythm in alertness,
or factors that affect the CNS (i.e., specific substances or disorders). By contrast, fatigue is caused by time on task and cognitive
load and is influenced by emotional state and immune state. Thus,
an individual may experience fatigue as a result of spending a
considerable amount of time on a cognitively demanding task, but
this experience of fatigue is a completely separate construct from
that of sleepiness. Fatigue is more closely associated with a reduction in the efficiency of allocating mental resources while
sleepiness is more closely associated with a reduction in the
amount of resources that are available for allocation (Desmond &
Matthews, 1997). Furthermore, fatigue can be physical, which can
be experienced as muscular fatigue in manual laborers. Although
both fatigue and sleepiness result in declines in task performance,
the mechanisms through which their effects can be reversed differ:
fatigue can be reversed by rest (e.g., time off task), while sleepiness can only be naturally (e.g., without the use of stimulants)
reversed by sleep (Balkin & Wesensten, 2011). Thus, fatigue and
sleepiness differ conceptually, differ in antecedents, and differ in
the way that they are reduced and, in some cases (i.e., driving),
interact with one another (Balkin & Wesensten, 2011).
Manifestations of Sleepiness
Sleepiness is characterized by physiological changes that have a
direct effect on information processing and on affect. The behavioral manifestations of sleepiness can occur through these information processing and affective pathways. Recall the first takeaway message: sleepiness has the potential to significantly
influence workplace outcomes, largely through physiological
1100
changes that manifest through information processing and affective mediating mechanisms. In this section, we discuss the immediate physiological bases and effects of sleepiness and how such
changes impact information processing and affect. Because the
physiological bases and effects of sleepiness on information processing and affect have considerable empirical support, the conclusions from this research are presented as lemmas. Next we build
upon the lemmas and present a discussion of the work-related
behavioral manifestations of sleepiness (job performance, task
performance, adaptive performance, contextual performance, accidents, and withdrawal and deviant work behaviors). Although
some sleep research supports the relationships between sleepiness
and workplace outcomes, this support is insufficient, primarily due
to differences in operationalization of work-related constructs.
Here, we aim to extend the literature and thus provide propositions
denoting future research directions that incorporate operationalizations more consistent with those in the organizational sciences.
Collectively, we draw from the sleep literature to inform future
research directions that will fruitfully develop the understanding of
the manifestations of sleepiness on workplace outcomes.
Physiological Bases of Sleepiness

The physiological basis of sleepiness has been well documented
in medical research on sleep. Through a brief review of the
physiological consequences of sleep deprivation, sleep restriction,
and resulting sleepiness, we demonstrate how physiological
changes function as the mechanisms through which sleepiness
results in work-related manifestations.
Lab studies have shown that sleepiness has several physiological consequences that affect cognitive functioning. Thomas et al.
(2000) and Mu et al. (2005) demonstrated that 24 hours of sleep
loss results in 7% deactivation of the whole brain as evidenced by
hypometabolism of glucose. The areas of greatest reduction in
brain activity are in the prefrontal cortices, superior temporal
inferior parietal cortices, and the thalamus. The prefrontal cortices
control higher order cognitive abilities, such as planning, foresight,
and problem solving (Mesulam, 1985). The superior temporal
inferior parietal cortices are responsible for other higher order
cognitive abilities such as semantic processing of auditory and
visual information (Mesulam, 2000). The thalamus controls general arousal level (Mesulam, 2000). Thus, sleepiness results in
hypometabolism in areas of the brain responsible for higher order
cognitive abilities and in areas of the brain associated with arousal.
As a result, the immediate physiological consequences of sleep
loss are deficits in cognitive functioning and sleepiness. This
decreased metabolic activity that occurs in frontal brain areas with
inhibitory projections to the limbic system likely contributes to
increased emotional activation of the amygdala following sleep
deprivation (Gujar, Yoo, Hu, & Walker, 2011). Given the centrality of the amygdala in affective processing, this finding is key to
understanding the impact of sleepiness on emotion. The biochemical changes that accompany regional brain changes associated
with sleepiness (e.g., build-up of adenosine in the basal forebrain,
changes in orexin/hypocretin including ascending and descending
projections to brain stem arousal nuclei, and other neurotransmitters) are ongoing topics of research, as is a search for clear
biochemical markers of sleepiness. A detailed discussion of neuroanatomical and biomechanical mechanisms of sleepiness is be-
yond the scope of this article (for in-depth reviews of this topic,
please see Roehrs et al., 2011; and Saper, Cano, & Scammell,
2005).
The immediate physiological changes that occur as a result of
sleepiness impact several cognitive and affective processes. Two
of these processes, information processing and affect, have been
selected for inclusion in this article for four reasons: (a) they are
directly tied to the physiology of sleepiness, (b) they are important
antecedents of workplace outcomes, (c) they are potential mediating mechanisms between sleepiness and workplace outcomes, and
(d) they minimize overlap with previous reviews (e.g., Barnes,
2012). These physiologically based mediating mechanisms are
presented in the next section.
Physiologically Based Mediating Mechanisms

The work-related physiologically based cognitive and affective
transmitters of the effects of sleepiness include information processing and affect. In this section, we provide a brief review of the
effect of sleepiness on each of these. Although the majority of the
research presented in this section was conducted outside the workplace by biomedical and health researchers, we extrapolated the
results of this research to the workplace.
Recall that sleepiness and sleep loss are different. Here we
recognize that in normal working individuals (i.e., individuals
without sleep disorders), we are assuming that sleepiness is induced most commonly by sleep loss, sleep restriction, or poor
sleep quality (and not other causes such as CNS-acting substances
or CNS disorders). We also recognize that the negative physiological effects are in some cases contributed to by more than one
cause of sleepiness; thus, making more specific statements would
require further study. For example, some of the acute performance
deficits of sleep loss may be eliminated by improving sleep, which
provides evidence that these deficits are caused by sleepiness
induced by sleep loss. Finally, we also recognize that often the
manipulation in sleep studies involves sleep deprivation. Although
there are some findings that are unique to the process of total sleep
deprivation (e.g., those that concern memory consolidation), many
of the findings can be extrapolated to the resulting sleepiness. In
these cases, sleep deprivation studies are relevant in a discussion of
sleepiness, and the presence of sleepiness is assumed by the design
of the study, although not explicitly measured.
Information processing. Decreases in activation of the brain
regions responsible for higher order cognitive abilities result in
substantial deficits in information processing, particularly in the
areas of processing speed, attention, and learning and memory.
While some of the research in this area focuses on sleepiness itself,
other research focuses on one of its immediate antecedents: sleep
deprivation, a short-term severe reduction in sleep quantity. Sleep
deprivation results in deficits in information processing speed,
which is evidenced by slower response times, increases in errors,
and decreases in the ability to correct errors (Hsieh, Tsai, & Tsai,
2009). Sleep deprivation has a general negative effect on attention
(Wimmer, Hoffmann, Bonato, & Moffitt, 1992) and on selective
attention, with greater deficits experienced in early stages of cognitive processing (e.g., visual processing) than in the later stages of
cognitive processing (e.g., response selection; Trujillo, Kornguth,
& Schnyer, 2009). This can be manifested in different ways. For
example, sleepiness decreases attentional capacity through hyper-
SLEEPINESS AT WORK
reaction to novel stimuli (Gumenyuk et al., 2010) or through lapses

in attention (Drake et al., 2001). Sleep deprivation has been found
to decrease memory function through a reduction in hippocampal
activity. Even a single night of sleep loss impairs working, procedural, and implicit memory (Forest & Godbout, 2000; Walker &
Stickgold, 2006) and, subsequently, any hippocampal-dependent
learning and memory (Alhaider, Aleisa, Tran, Alzoubi, & Alkadhi,
2010; Patti, Zanin, Sanday, & Kameda, 2010) including spatial
working memory (Hagewoud, Havekes, Novati, et al., 2010) and
sensory memory (Gumenyuk et al., 2010). Decreased attentional
capabilities resulting from sleepiness and impaired processing
speed and memory resulting from sleep deprivation have important
implications for cognitive tasks and behaviors that rely on information processing. It is also important to note that many of the
information processing, affect, and memory effects may be specifically mediated by reductions in certain sleep stages, such as
rapid eye movement or slow wave sleep, and thus would not
necessarily require a full night of sleep deprivation to manifest.
While this is beyond the scope of the present article, the reader is
referred to Walker (2010) for a comprehensive review.
Taken together, the previously discussed arguments lead to the
following:
Lemma 1: Sleepiness leads to poorer information processing
through its effects on attention, processing speed, and
memory.
Affect. Affect is a central construct in workplace psychology
(e.g., Eid & Diener, 1999; Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987; Seo, Barrett, &
Bartunek, 2004; Voronov & Vince, 2012). Research has shown
that sleepiness impacts both the recognition and the experience of
emotions. For example, sleep-deprived individuals have more difficulty recognizing low to moderate expression of happy and angry
emotions than do non-sleep-deprived individuals (van der Helm,
Gujar, & Walker, 2010). Sleep-deprived individuals are more
easily distracted by negative emotional stimuli (Chuah et al., 2010)
and are more likely to make choices associated with higher immediate emotional valence (Bayard et al., 2011). These effects
have been attributed to sleep-deprivation-induced reduction in
connectivity between the amygdala (the emotion center of the
brain) and the prefrontal cortices, and the resulting reduction of
inhibitory input to the amygdala (Chuah et al., 2010). Moreover,
Watson et al. (1999) found that state positive affect (PA) has a
circadian rhythm and relates to circadian phase such that one could
predict the level of state PA from the time at which a person
normally awakens
In addition, several of the causes of sleepiness have been linked
to changes in the experience of emotion. For example, poor sleep
quality and sleep deprivation are related to a decrease in positive
affect (e.g., cheerfulness or joviality; Bower, Bylsma, Morris, &
Rottenberg, 2010; Scott & Judge, 2006) and an increase in negative affect (e.g., hostility; Scott & Judge, 2006; Selvi, Gulec,
Agargun, & Besiroglu, 2007). This increased variability in emotions, combined with increased negative emotions and decreased
positive emotions, has been proposed as the mediating mechanism
between sleep quality and reductions in ratings of job satisfaction
(Scott & Judge, 2006). Studies on the restorative nature of sleep
show that good sleep is associated with positive affective outcomes. Additionally, good sleep quality is related to improved
1101
affect the following morning (Sonnentag et al., 2008), and individuals with good sleep habits (e.g., sleeping 6 hr or more a night
on average) experience fewer depressive symptoms and experience a positive sense of purpose in life (Hamilton, Nelson, Stevens, & Kitzman, 2007).
The previous arguments lead to the following:
Lemma 2: Sleepiness results in increased negative affect,
decreased positive affect, impaired emotion processing, and
impaired emotion recognition through reductions in inhibitory
input to the amygdala.
These lemmas act as stepping stones for the propositions that
follow.
Subsequent Behavioral Manifestations of Sleepiness

Sleepiness also impacts outcomes that are more distal than those
previously discussed. Overall job performance is one of the workrelated variables that is reduced by sleepiness. Sleepiness-related
deficits in attention and learning impact academic grades (Beebe,
Ris, Kramer, Long, & Amin, 2010), and sleepy individuals have
significant impairments in work productivity (Dean et al., 2010;
Swanson et al., 2011). The accumulation of sleep debt from sleep
restriction results in cumulative impairment (Mollicone, Van Dongen, Rogers, Banks, & Dinges, 2010). The degree of impairment is
greater for alertness, memory, and performance when the sleep
debt is accumulated rapidly than when it is accumulated more
slowly (Drake et al., 2001), perhaps because the brain adapts
somewhat to slow accumulation of sleep debt, and this adaption
stabilizes performance declines (e.g., Belenky et al., 2003; Drake
et al., 2001; Hagewoud, Havekes, Tiba, et al., 2010). Although
individuals can acclimate to the feeling of chronic sleepiness,
performance does not improve with acclimatization (Durmer &
Dinges, 2005).
In the next section, we provide evidence that sleepiness is not
benign by identifying linkages between sleepiness and more specific facets of job performance. Specifically, there is good reason
to link sleepiness with decrements in each of the various dimensions of job performance (e.g., task, adaptive, and contextual),
accidents, and withdrawal and deviant or counterproductive behaviors.
Task performance. Task performance is part of every definition of job performance and refers to the specific role-prescribed
behaviors that contribute to the technical core of an organization
(Borman & Motowidlo, 1993). A considerable body of research
links the deactivation in the brain associated with sleepiness to
subsequent deficits in vigilance task performance (Akerstedt &
Folkard, 1997; Akerstedt, Peters, Anund, & Kecklund, 2005; CoxFuenzalida, 2007; Dean et al., 2010; Durmer & Dinges, 2005;
Maddox et al., 2009). The decreases in vigilance task performance
are due to a combination of the low arousal caused by sleepiness
and the aforementioned decrements in information processing
(Cote et al., 2009; Glenville, Broughton, Wing, & Wilkinson,
1978). Numerous studies have focused on decreases in task performance and related phenomena such as performance monitoring,
error recognition, and correction of errors that contribute to high
performance. Sleep deprivation impairs aspects of task performance related to reaction times, response accuracy, errors of
omission, and lapses (A. M. Tucker, Whitney, Belenky, Hinson, &
1102
Van Dongen, 2010). Both sleep restriction and sleep deprivation

lead to a deficit in task-switching performance (Bratzke, Rolke,
Steinborn, & Ulrich, 2009; Couyoumdjian et al., 2010) and multitasking performance (Haavisto et al., 2010). Performance that
requires motor function is also reduced in partially sleep-deprived
individuals (Durmer & Dinges, 2005).
The effects of sleepiness on task performance are sometimes
complex. For example, sleepiness impairs active inhibition of
rule-based strategies (e.g., decision rule can be verbalized) but not
information-integration strategies (e.g., decision rule cannot be
verbalized and requires predecisional integration of information
from multiple dimensions; Maddox et al., 2009). Sleepiness also
increases the amount of attention required for response preparation
but not the amount of attention required for maintenance of task
performance (A. M. Tucker, Basner, Stern, & Rakitin, 2009). It is
important to note, however, that this does not necessarily indicate
that information integration and attention for maintaining task
performance are unaffected by sleepiness as both are influenced by
motivation. These findings imply that for jobs that require a great
deal of monitoring, sleepiness is likely to have a stronger effect on
performance than for jobs that require less monitoring. Furthermore, difficult, complex, or newly learned tasks are more affected
by sleep deprivation than simple or well-learned tasks (Bonnet,
2011). Thus, we expect that workplace task performance, which is
more complex than vigilance task performance, to be more greatly
affected by sleepiness.
Adaptive performance. The changing workforce now requires that employees have a degree of versatility and tolerance for
ambiguity and novel work experiences (Cortina & Luchman, 2012;
Murphy & Jackson, 1999; Pulakos, Arad, Donovan, & Plamondon,
2000). Adaptive performance as defined by White et al. (2005)
refers to an effective change in performance in response to a
dynamic environment. Sleepiness reduces several dimensions of
adaptive performance through impairments in learning, attention,
decision making, stress, and capacity for handling complex task
environments. For example, adaptive performance requires the
capability to learn work tasks, technologies, and procedures (Pulakos et al., 2000; 2002). Sleepiness resulting from a lack of sleep
may be related to deficits in learning/memory consolidation (Curcio, Ferrara, & De Gennaro, 2006). Furthermore, sleep deprivation
may impair the flexibility of previously learned information. Reversal training, training that aims to examine the ability to unlearn or replace old information with new information, is less
effective under sleep deprivation conditions (Hagewoud, Havekes,
Tiba, et al., 2010). Thus, sleep loss may lead to decrements in
learning or memory consolidation and to decrements in the ability
to unlearn information, an important form of learning that involves
the active and adaptive updating of memories to reflect new
relationships and realities. The implication is that this reduced
flexibility may impair adaptive performance. Voluntary shifts in
attention, attention selection, and attention-modulated information
processing are impaired by sleep deprivation. These processes are
required to monitor and respond to rapid changes in the environment (Trujillo et al., 2009), and their impairment could significantly reduce the capacity to handle emergencies or crisis situations and to deal with uncertain and unpredictable work situations
(Pulakos et al., 2000, 2002).
Adaptive performance is required in complex environments,
which often involve the necessity for multitasking or task switch-
ing (Murphy & Jackson, 1999). As was mentioned earlier, the

ability to multitask is substantially reduced for individuals experiencing sleepiness (Bratzke et al., 2009), and sleepy individuals
have a lowered capacity to monitor complex technical systems,
particularly because of reduced task engagement and increased
risk taking (Sauer, Wastell, Robert, Hockey, & Earle, 2003).
Finally, situations that demand adaptive performance, such as
emergencies or crises, often require decision making under conditions that are changing and do not fit within traditional
knowledge-based decision-making paradigms. A sleep-deprived
decision maker is less innovative, has less flexibility in thinking,
and displays poorer skills in risk assessment (Harrison & Horne,
2000), all of which lead to reduced adaptive performance.
The impact of sleepiness on adaptive performance is likely to
differ for distinct dimensions of adaptive performance. For example, interpersonal adaptability, which involves adjusting interpersonal style and requires recognizing and understanding emotions
of others, may be more difficult for sleepy individuals than physically oriented adaptability, which involves adjusting to physical
factors in the environment. Further research should be conducted
to directly test the impact of objective sleepiness on each dimension of adaptive performance and utilize validated subjective measures of sleepiness where appropriate in field studies.
Contextual performance. Contextual performance is defined
as the contextual work behaviors that support the work environment rather than support the technical core (Cortina & Luchman,
2012; Motowidlo and Van Scotter, 1994). It includes behaviors
such as demonstrating effort, personal discipline, organizational
citizenship behaviors (OCBs), and other interpersonal behaviors
such as facilitating team performance (Coleman & Borman, 2000).
The components of contextual performance that are dependent on
affect and interpersonal skills are most likely to be affected by
sleepiness. Because sleep-deprived individuals are more likely to
incorrectly recognize emotions such as anger or happiness and
because social interactions rely on the accurate recognition of
emotion (van der Helm et al., 2010), individuals who are sleepy
due to sleep loss may be more likely to incorrectly interpret social
situations. Furthermore, the propensity of sleepy individuals to
have increased intraindividual variability in emotion (Scott &
Judge, 2006) and to experience more negative affect and less
positive affect leads to a reduction of positive relations with others
(Hamilton et al., 2007) and inappropriate interpersonal behaviors
(Pilcher & Huffcutt, 1996). Also, Anderson, and Dickinson (2010)
found that sleep-deprived individuals were less likely to trust
others and more likely to make decisions that were heavily influenced by emotion. This combination is likely to have implications
for social exchange relationships. Barnes, Ghumman, and Scott
(2013) found that sleep quantity (and likely concomitant sleepiness) predicted OCB directed toward individuals but inconsistently
predicted OCB directed toward the organization. This complexity
suggests that the relationship between sleep quantity and contextual performance is intricate. Changes in affect recognition are
likely to increase relationship conflict in work teams (for a review
of the effects of sleep deprivation on teams, see Barnes & Hollenbeck, 2009). Research indicates that at least the interpersonal
components of contextual performance driven by affect processes
are likely to decline with sleepiness. By contrast, Baranski et al.
(2007) found that some sleepy individuals experience an increase
in motivation when they know that others are counting on their
SLEEPINESS AT WORK
contribution, which is notable because this was not expected of

sleepy individuals. Furthermore, because there are knowledge and
skill determinants of contextual performance (Dudley & Cortina,
2008), sleepiness is likely to lead to reduced contextual performance through its effects on knowledge acquisition and usage,
behavioral flexibility, and emotion perception and management
skills. For example, because acquiring and utilizing knowledge of
organizational norms is important for helping, courtesy, and cooperating behaviors (Dudley & Cortina, 2008), a sleepy individual
may be less helpful, courteous, and cooperative because of an
inability to acquire and use information, perceive emotions, and so
forth.
The preceding arguments lead to the following:
1103
driving home after night work was related to an increase in

accidents (kerstedt et al., 2005). The degree of impairment experienced by sleepy drivers is similar to that of someone operating
an automobile under the influence of intoxicating levels of alcohol
(Roehrs et al., 2004). Past research has provided a variety of
technological and biobehavioral countermeasures to address
sleepy driving and workplace conditions (e.g., please see Dinges,
1995). However, future studies should examine not only the degree
to which the workforce is driving to and from work impaired by
sleepiness but also potential workplace-specific ways to prevent
this hazardous situation.
The aforementioned arguments lead to the following:
Proposition 1: Sleepiness results in decreased job performance including task, adaptive, and contextual performance
through its effects on information processing and affect.
Proposition 2: Sleepiness results in an increase in accidents

through its effects on information processing and, at the extreme (i.e., microsleep), an absence of visual information
processing.
Accidents. A workplace accident is a safety-related incident

resulting in property damage, injury, or death (Smith & Carayon,
2011). Known predictors of workplace accidents include factors
such as intelligence, perceptual-motor skills, machinery, technology, materials, task activities, the work environment, and organizational design and management (M. J. Smith & Carayon, 2011).
Furthermore, work schedule factors including shift work and
length of workday are related to an increase in accidents (C. Smith,
Folkard, Tucker, & Evans, 2011) particularly because of the increased sleepiness associated with these work schedules (Drake et
al., 2004). We return to the issue of work schedules in subsequent
sections. In the current section, we focus on a considerable body of
research that links sleepiness to an increase in the prevalence of
accidents, predominately of automobile accidents.
An individual does not need to fall asleep on the job in order for
an accident to occur. Merely being sleepy is associated increases in
risk-taking behavior (Roehrs, Greenwald, & Roth, 2004) and decreases in both detection of visual stimuli and reaction time,
resulting in increases in the propensity for human error (Dinges,
1995). Objective measurement of sleepiness resulting from common causes in the general population, such as insufficient sleep,
has been found to predict police-verified automotive accidents
(Drake et al., 2010). Barnes and Wagner (2009) showed that the
single hour of sleep lost when changing to daylight savings time
was related to an increase in workplace accidents among miners.
Additionally, self-reported disturbed sleep, which contributes to
daytime sleepiness, has been found to predict both accidental death
at work (kerstedt, Fredlund, Gillberg, & Jansson, 2002) and
increased risk of work injury (Kling, McLeod, & Koehoorn, 2010;
Salminen et al., 2010).
Sleepiness measured by self-report (i.e., subjective sleepiness) is
also related to an increase in automobile accidents (e.g., Ingre et
al., 2006; Sagaspe et al., 2010). The increase in automobile accidents is relevant both for occupations involving commercial drivers and for all occupations in which employees commute by
automobile to their job sites. There is evidence to support the idea
that commercial drivers are particularly at risk for sleep-related
accidents when they are experiencing a high degree of sleepiness
(Vennelle, Engleman, & Douglas, 2010). Evidence from driving
simulator studies suggests that subjective sleepiness and time of
day predict automobile accidents (kerstedt et al., 2010) and that
Withdrawal and deviant behaviors. Withdrawal behaviors

are behaviors in which individuals engage to avoid dissatisfying
work situations (Hanisch & Hulin, 1990; Hanisch & Hulin, 1991).
Deviant work behaviors are behaviors intended to harm the organization or organizational stakeholders (Spector et al., 2006). Of
the withdrawal and deviant behaviors, absenteeism, lateness, turnover, and drug, alcohol, and tobacco use are most likely to be
impacted by sleepiness. Absenteeism has the most clearly defined
relationship with sleepiness. For example, individuals who report
daytime sleepiness take more days off work for health reasons than
do individuals who are not sleepy (Philip, Taillard, Niedhammer,
Guilleminault, & Bioulac, 2001). Furthermore, disturbed sleep is
related to both long-term (90 days) and intermediate length
(14 89 days) sickness leave (kerstedt, Kecklund, Alfredsson, &
Selen, 2007). Employees who are sleepy are also more likely to
arrive late to work (Swanson et al., 2011). Because turnover is
partially determined by job attitudes and by other withdrawal
actions (Hom, 2011) and because chronically sleepy individuals
may have more negative attitudes regarding their jobs and schedules, greater emotional reactivity, increased absenteeism, and increased lateness, it is likely that chronically sleepy individuals are
more inclined to leave their organizations. Future research should
examine the role of sleepiness and turnover to determine the
precise nature of the relationship.
Sleepiness may also be related to an increase in deviant work
behaviors, due to the increase in negative affect, decrease in
decision-making ability, and reduction in self-regulation experienced by sleepy individuals. For example, Wagner et al. (2012)
found that sleepiness leads to an increase in cyberloafing (using
work hours and company Internet access to check personal
e-mails or visit websites not related to . . . work, p. 1068), both in
lab settings and in the workplace, following the change to daylight
savings time. Additionally, there is evidence to support a bidirectional relationship between the number of hours one sleeps and
ones preference for heavy alcohol consumption (Roehrs & Roth,
2001). Although most sleep studies exclude those who use drugs
from participation, longitudinal studies have reported that sleep
problems (e.g., overtiredness and trouble sleeping) in childhood
are related to an increase in alcohol, tobacco, and drug use later in
life (Wong, Brower, Fitzgerald, & Zucker, 2004). Although the
drug and alcohol use reported may not necessarily occur on the
1104
job, the effects of substance abuse (e.g., hangover) can impair

performance on the job. Moreover, substance abuse is positively
related to other counterproductive work behaviors such as theft;
destruction of property; misuse of information, time, or resources;
unsafe behaviors; poor attendance; and poor work quality (Gruys
& Sackett, 2003). A sleepy individual who abuses drugs or alcohol
may have more attendance problems, including lateness, than a
substance abuser who is not sleepy. Clearly, further research on the
role of sleepiness in withdrawal and deviant behaviors is warranted.
Based on the previous arguments, we present the following
proposition:
Proposition 3: Sleepiness results in an increase in withdrawal
and deviant behaviors through its effects on affect.
Antecedents of Sleepiness
Now that we have discussed the behavioral manifestations of
sleepiness, one can clearly see how sleepiness at work can negatively impact outcomes of interest to organizations. In this section,
we discuss the job demands (e.g., work schedules, time pressure,
workload, and perceived control) that can impact a workers experienced sleepiness. Through an understanding of the organizationally relevant antecedents of sleepiness, we as a field can begin
to develop interventions that would reduce the sleepiness of individuals within an organization.
Job Demands
The term job demands refers to physical, social, or organizational portions of a job that require sustained effort (Demerouti,
Bakker, Nachreiner, & Schaufeli, 2001; Karasek, 1979). Job demands can increase strain and the experience of stress, particularly
when resources are low (Demerouti et al., 2001; Karasek, 1979).
Certain job demands such as work load, time pressure, perceived
control, and work schedules are also antecedents to sleepiness,
most likely through the reduced sleep and circadian rhythm causes
of sleepiness. Not only is this important given the behavioral
manifestations of sleepiness, but it is also important because the
restorative act of sleep itself can be viewed as a resource (e.g., Ota
et al., 2009; Sonnentag et al., 2008). In this section, we discuss the
role each of the aforementioned constructs plays in causing sleepiness.
Time pressure, work load, and perceived control. Job demands that include a large amount of time pressure, a heavy
workload, and low perceived control would be more likely to
increase the amount of sleepiness an employee experiences
through a reduction in the number of hours slept, overall sleep
quality, or development of a sleep disorder. Gadinger et al. (2009)
found that job demands and perceived control are related to subsequent impaired sleep quality. kerstedt, Knutsson, et al. (2002)
found that high work demands and the inability to stop thinking
about work while not at work predicted both disturbed sleep and
feeling not well rested upon awakening. Furthermore, they
found that high work demands predict difficulty awakening. De
Lange et al. (2009) found that over time, cumulative exposure to
high job demands and low perceived control was related to an
increase in sleep-related complaints (e.g., trouble falling asleep,
waking up early in the morning) and that cumulative exposure to

low job demands with high perceived control was related to the
highest levels of sleep quality. When examining these relationships
at the within-person level, they found that changing from a highdemand job to a low-demand job was associated with a substantial
improvement in sleep quality. Collectively, this suggests that job
design that emphasizes balance in job demands may have longterm effects on the sleepiness of employees, particularly through
improvements in both the quantity and quality of sleep.
The arguments presented lead to the following:
Proposition 4: Job demands including high time pressure,
high work load, and low perceived control will result in
increased sleepiness through sleep restriction (reduced sleep
quantity) and sleep disruption (reduced sleep quality).
Work schedules. A great deal of research links work schedules, specifically working long hours and working on a night shift
work schedule, to sleepiness. Although there are clear benefits to
both employees and the organization in utilizing nontraditional or
flexible schedules (e.g., Baltes, Briggs, Huff, Wright, & Neuman,
1999; Kossek & Michel, 2011), because of the way in which the
timing of work is changed, these schedules often require individuals to work outside the traditional nine-to-five workday. For
example, both flextime (i.e., which allows employees to alter their
work hours, across fewer days for longer hours or over the weekend; Ronen, 1981) and compressed work weeks (i.e., which allows
employees to work a full 40-hr work week in fewer than 5 days;
Pierce, Newstrom, Dunham, & Barber, 1989) result in employees
working extended hours each work day. Additionally, crisis situations often involve employees working additional hours on the
weekend, in the evening, or at night, such as when a manager at a
manufacturing plant must come to work in the middle of the night
to handle an emergency or when a cardiologist is called in late at
night to perform emergency surgery. When the length of the
workday is increased or the number of hours in the workweek is
increased, there tends to be a reduction in the amount of hours an
individual sleeps per night (e.g., increase sleep debt; Virtanen et
al., 2009). Working long hours is related to shorter sleep duration,
reduced sleep quality, and severe sleepiness (Basner et al., 2007;
Nakashima et al., 2011; Rosa, 1995; Son, Kong, Koh, Kim, &
Hrm, 2008; Swanson et al., 2011; Virtanen et al., 2009).
Shift work includes organizing the work hours into days, evenings, and nights (Kossek & Michel, 2011) and has been identified
as a major cause of sleepiness (for a review, please see Drake &
Wright, 2011). Shift work can either be composed of fixed shifts,
in which an individual only works a single assigned shift of days,
evenings, or nights, or rotating shifts, in which an individual
rotates among day, evening, or night shifts. For example, in a
rotating shift schedule, one might work days one week, evenings
the next, and nights the following week. This is referred to as
forward rotation of shifts. Alternately, in a backward rotating shift
schedule, one works nights, then evenings, and then days. Backward rotating shifts have been shown to lead to the largest reductions in sleep, particularly between the end-of-day shifts and
beginning of night shifts (Knauth, 1995; P. Tucker, Smith, Macdonald, & Folkard, 2000). Shift work often requires individuals to
work during the hours when they would normally be sleeping,
which results in misalignment or desynchronization between cir-
SLEEPINESS AT WORK
cadian rhythms and wakeful working activities (Drake et al., 2010;

Gumenyuk, Roth, & Drake, 2012; C. Smith et al., 1999). Approximately 10% of the night and rotating shift work population meets
criteria for shift work sleep disorder (Drake et al., 2004). It is
possible that there is self-selection out of shift work for older
adults, given that there are proportionately fewer workers over the
age of 55 who work on a shift work schedule (Molini, 2003).
Furthermore, shift work has been associated with feelings of not
being rested, excessive sleepiness, and sleep deprivation (kerstedt, Knutsson, et al., 2002; Culpepper, 2010; Drake et al., 2004;
Hrm, Sallinen, Ranta, Mutanen, & Muller, 2002; Sanquist,
Raby, Forsythe, & Carvalhais, 1997). That is, shift work leads to
sleepiness because of sleep restriction and circadian misalignment
because shift workers are awake and working at their circadian
nadir in alertness, either due to long shifts or to an inability to
sleep/having fragmented sleep. There is evidence that many shift
work schedules do not allow employees sufficient time to recover
from the severe sleep restriction that occurs during work time
(Paech et al., 2010). Additionally, there is an increase in falling
asleep on the job when the length of the shift is increased (Pilcher,
Lambert, & Huffcutt, 2000; Sallinen et al., 2003). Understanding
how work schedules impact an individuals sleepiness can allow
organizations to construct schedules that optimize employee performance.
The previous discussion leads to the following proposition.
Proposition 5: Job demands such as a long or desynchronous
work schedule will result in increased sleepiness through
decreased sleep quality and circadian misalignment.
Moderators
Although there is relatively little research on the variables that
moderate sleepiness relationships, there are several factors that
show promise. Moderators should explain under which boundary
conditions the relationships between sleepiness and its antecedents
or its work-related manifestations change in strength. These become particularly important when considering types of interventions to be implemented to reduce sleepiness or when understanding the degree to which certain tasks are impaired by sleepiness
relative to others. Here we present some of the more promising
moderators including demographic differences such as age, individual differences such as morningness versus eveningness, and
the role of type of task (see Figure 2).
Age
The average age of the workforce is increasing because individuals are delaying retirement and thus staying in the workforce
Age
longer (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2008). Because there are

well-researched changes in sleep that occur as individuals age,
there is reason to believe that age is relevant when one is examining relationships between work-related variables and sleepiness.
Specifically, age is expected to be an important moderator of the
relationship between work schedules and sleepiness. Recall that
desynchronous work schedules are likely to increase sleepiness.
Work schedules, specifically those involving shift work, are likely
to have a stronger effect on sleepiness in older workers. Older
individuals experience a peak in alertness approximately 2 hr
earlier than younger workers (Lieberman, Wurtman, & Teicher,
1989; Monk, 2005), and as individuals age, they drift toward a
morning orientation (Monk, 2005). Individuals over age 50 have
increased difficulty tolerating abrupt changes in their sleepwake
cycles (Hrm, 1995; Monk, 2005; Nachreiner, 1998). The effects
of desynchronized circadian rhythms on sleepiness, which characteristically occur in shift work, are amplified in older adults
(ODonnell et al., 2009). In addition, there is some evidence that
older workers may be less able to maintain their performance over
the course of a night shift and cope with longer spans of successive
night shifts (Folkard, 2008). Because older individuals have
shifted peaks in alertness, are less able to tolerate changes in
sleepwake cycles, and experience the effects of desynchronized
circadian rhythms to a greater degree than young individuals, we
expected age to moderate the relationship between shift work
schedule and sleepiness such that as age increases, the relationship
between shift work schedule (i.e., synchronous vs. desynchronous)
and sleepiness will be stronger.
Proposition 6: Age moderates the relationship between work
schedules that are desynchronized with circadian rhythms and
sleepiness such that as worker age increases, the ability to
tolerate desynchronous work schedules decreases.
There is some evidence that age may have more complex
relationships with sleepiness. In particular, age is likely to moderate the relationship between sleepiness and task performance,
possibly though the information processing mechanism. Bliese,
Wesensten, and Balkin (2006) found that under conditions of sleep
restriction, adults experienced a performance decline on vigilance
tasks. More important, the authors found that the slope of the
performance decline was less steep for older adults than for young
adults. The implication is that age provides some protection from
the effects of sleep loss on performance. One reason for this may
be that older adults have more experience with the effects of sleep
restriction and have learned to channel available resources to limit
the rate of performance decline. Because vigilance tasks require a
certain degree of information processing, it is possible that this
Morningness/
Eveningness
Work
Schedules
1105
Task Type
Sleepiness
Figure 2.
Moderators proposed in the model.
Performance
1106
experiential-learning-based conservation of resources provides

older individuals with an edge in information processing, which
translates into a reduction in performance decline. Although interesting, we did not feel that these relationships are sufficiently
understood to warrant a formal proposition.
Morningness/Eveningness
Morningness/eveningness was expected to moderate the relationship between work schedules and sleepiness such that the
relationship is stronger when there is a mismatch between work
schedule and circadian preference. Morningness and eveningness
refer to differences in circadian preference (known as chronotype),
and each type is associated with differences in when a person
prefers to carry out various activities. For example, morningness is
associated with going to sleep earlier at night and having an earlier
circadian temperature peak, whereas eveningness is associated
with being more alert later in the day and less alert early in the
morning (Baehr, Revelle, & Eastman, 2000). Morningness is
linked to greater daylight exposure in the early morning, and
eveningness is linked to greater daylight exposure in the evening
(Staples, Archer, Arber, & Skene, 2009). Morningness/eveningness preference affects ones ability to tolerate certain work schedules, specifically those that are desynchronized with circadian
preference (Hrm, 1995). Therefore, we would expect someone
with an eveningness preference to have greater difficulty with a
work schedule that requires morning responsibilities. Likewise, we
would expect someone with a morningness preference to have
greater difficulty with a work schedule that requires evening
responsibilities. This misalignment in circadian preference and
work schedule is likely to increase the amount of experienced
sleepiness. Thus, we proposed the following:
Proposition 7: Morningness/eveningness moderates the relationship between desynchronous work schedules and sleepiness such that the relationship is stronger when there is a
mismatch between work schedule and circadian preference
(morningness/eveningness).
Performance
While the previous moderators target the work-related
antecedentsleepiness relationship, here we suggest that it is possible for some variables to moderate the sleepiness behavioral
manifestation relationship. Specifically, we expected that type of
task would moderate the relationship between sleepiness and performance. Sleep deprivation studies suggest that some types of
tasks are more impacted by complete sleep deprivation than other
types of tasks. For example, tasks that are characterized by requiring a long period of time to perform and being high in monotony,
externally paced and without feedback, newly learned, and reliant
on memory performance are more likely to result in large performance decrements following sleep deprivation than tasks that do
not have those characteristics, in part because of the increased
opportunities for lapses in attention (Bonnet, 2011). High overall
job performance requires successful performance on a variety of
tasks that include the aforementioned task characteristics. When
the type of task includes characteristics that are more affected by
sleep deprivation, we would expect performance to be reduced
when an individual is sleep deprived. Because sleep deprivation

results in sleep loss, one result of sleep deprivation is sleepiness.
Here we are extrapolating the results of sleep deprivation to
sleepiness such that it is possible that the some of the effects of
sleep deprivation on performance are thus transmitted through
sleepiness. For example, driving is a task that can be long and
monotonous and is clearly impacted by sleepiness. Additionally,
monitoring a security system also includes these types of characteristics. We would expect that a sleepy individual would perform
more poorly on this type of task because of the increased opportunities for lapsed attention. Thus, we present the following:
Proposition 8: Type of task moderates the relationship between sleepiness and performance such that performance on
long, monotonous, externally paced (without feedback), and
newly learned tasks will be more affected by sleepiness than
performance on tasks without those characteristics.
Conclusion
In this article, we have presented a framework for the workrelated antecedents and manifestations of sleepiness, as well as
provided evidence for potential moderators of these relationships.
Sleepiness results in a distinct pattern of physiological changes
that contribute to reductions in information processing and
changes in the experience of affect and emotion. Taken collectively, sleepiness reduces various types of performance, leads to
increases in the rate of accidents, and is related to an increase in
withdrawal and deviant behaviors. The work environment and the
job itself can influence the amount of sleepiness that an individual
experiences. Given the complex dynamic between an individuals
work and sleep, it is essential to include sleepiness within the
framework of workplace psychology. Clearly, sleepiness, even
below the threshold for clinical diagnosis, has major implications
for organizations and their employees.
The work-related manifestations and antecedents of sleepiness
have implications for all areas of workplace psychology. For
example, a better understanding of the role of sleepiness would
allow for better design of jobs, better tailoring of flexible scheduling to employee needs, and better wellness program design. It
would also help to reduce short-term performance decrements and
increase overall job performance. It would allow for the development of a healthy workforce that can still meet the demands of a
24/7 global economy. Furthermore, it would allow organizational
scientists to understand how to create workplace climates that
promote not only traditional conceptualizations of safety but also
healthy sleep as a component of workplace health and safety.
The first key message presented in this article is that sleepiness has likely important implications for workplace outcomes
such as performance and that these effects are likely transmitted
through information processing and affect, both of which are
altered on the physiological level in a sleepy individual. Although we do have some understanding of the nature of the
effects of sleepiness on performance from the sleep literature,
organizational scientists do not have a full understanding,
largely due to differences in the conceptualization of workplace
constructs. Future research in the organizational sciences
should focus on exploring these relationships using the fields
conceptualizations of workplace variables in order to develop a
SLEEPINESS AT WORK
valid understanding of how sleepiness affects different types of

performance. For example, researchers could conduct a study to
examine the effects of sleepiness on contextual performance.
One possible study design for examining this relationship
would be to utilize a day-level cross-sectional field study in
which participants take a self-report measure of state sleepiness
(for a review of measures of sleepiness, please see Johns, 2008)
and self-reported measures of affect and information processing; then, supervisors or coworkers could rate the individual on
a multidimensional measure of contextual performance for the
day. Another possible design for assessing the relationship
between sleepiness and contextual performance is to conduct a
longitudinal or time series study in which the variables are
measured daily. A third way to examine this relationship would
be to design a lab study in which sleepiness can be measured
objectively (i.e., using the MSLT; see Carskadon et al., 1986)
followed by a carefully designed series of videotaped activities
that would provide participants opportunities to engage in contextual performance behaviors and later be rated by trained
coders. While the rigor of the study may depend on access to a
sleep laboratory and equipment, even simple designs would
allow organizational scientists to begin to understand these
relationships. Regardless, there is a recognized need for the
incorporation of physiology and physiologically based measurements into organizational research (e.g., Adis & Thompson,
2013; Volk & Khler, 2012). Understanding sleepiness in the
workplace provides a perfect opportunity for melding physiology into the organizational sciences.
The second key message presented here is that research that
contributes to understanding the work-related antecedents of
sleepiness can help to inform future policy changes that promote healthy sleep for employees. In particular, future research
aimed to address this goal should examine not only which
antecedents have the most important effects on sleepiness but
also the mechanisms through which sleepiness is affected. Once
both the antecedents and mechanisms are identified, specific
policy changes that are targeted to have the greatest impact, yet
lowest cost for the organization, can be developed. One possible
research direction that may lead to a solution for improving
healthy sleep for employees includes assessing both organizational climate for sleep and opportunity for napping. For example, in organizations with a climate for responsiveness (i.e.,
expectation to check and respond to e-mail at all hours), employees may perceive pressure to fulfill work duties at the
expense of sleep. Because there is considerable variation in the
amount of sleep employees experience by management level
and by industry (Luckhaupt et al., 2010), there appears to be
preliminary evidence that workplace norms and climates differ
with regard to their impact on employee sleep. Future research
that more closely examines these differences at the organizational level can provide insight into possible effective policy
implementation plans to influence healthy sleep. One possible
intervention is that of providing the opportunity for napping.
Although fewer than 5% of organizations currently have onsite
nap rooms (Fegley, Esen, & Schramm, 2010), companies such
as Google and Nike have embraced the practice with good
reason. Meta-analytic evidence suggests that napping may be
able to reduce the effects of sleep loss and may even reverse the
effects of sleep deprivation under certain conditions (Driskell &
1107
Mullen, 2005), particularly when the nap is taken during a

certain point of the circadian rhythm and is of limited duration
(Milner & Cote, 2009). Conceptualizing napping as resource for
individuals in an organization requires a drastic reframing away
from the negative connotation of sleeping on the job. However, given the potential effectiveness of napping interventions,
this reconceptualization is necessary. Such organizational context factors as climate and napping are one path for future
research aimed at improving the healthy sleep of employees.
Additionally, we presented demographic and individual difference moderators of the relationships proposed in the model.
Chronotype (e.g., morningness/eveningness) is if offered as a
moderator of the relationship between desynchronous schedules
and sleepiness. For example, evening types may not perform at
their peak in early morning job assignments, and job design
may be used to structure the workday to minimize sleepiness
and subsequently maximize performance around circadian preference. Task type may also influence the effects of sleepiness
on performance. Understanding this influence can improve
overall organizational effectiveness through delegation of important and highly impacted tasks to the least sleepy employees.
Finally, we discussed how older age may both harm and help an
individual. We proposed that older workers may be less likely
to be able to tolerate desynchronous work schedules. However,
it may also be that older workers have experience that allows
them to decrease the rate of performance decline when sleepy.
Together, these moderators represent only a small portion of
those that may be relevant in the organizational sciences. Improving understanding of the boundary conditions of the proposed model will aid in both the research and practical implications of sleepiness in the workforce.
Moreover, future research should focus on both intraindividual and interindividual effects of sleepiness. Sleepiness
should be examined in both its acute and chronic forms, as the
antecedents and consequences of each may differ greatly. An
individual experiencing acute sleepiness, such as an emergency
responder, may be impaired due to sleepiness that differs from
the chronic sleepiness experienced by an individual who experiences sleep restriction resulting from working long hours over
a long period of time, such as a corporate executive. On the one
hand, although both the emergency responder and executive
may experience similar problems with regard to judgment and
decision making (because they are both human), since their jobs
differ so greatly in content, tasks, and design, the organizational
implications may be very different. On the other hand, the
emergency responder who only experiences occasional acute
sleepiness may be much less at risk for long-term health consequences than the chronically sleepy executive. Level of analysis is just as important in the measurement and analysis of
sleepiness as it is in other organizational constructs.
Finally, and at the very least, sleepiness ought to be included
in future studies for which variables such as attention, affect,
and motivation might be relevant. The amount and strength of
the known relationships between sleepiness and work-related
constructs provide compelling evidence that studies that ignore
sleepiness, or even time of day or time on task, may have results
that are confounded by a mis-specified model. Until future
organizational research includes the construct of sleepiness in
1108
its measurement, design, and analysis, we do not have a full

understanding of the true impact of sleepiness on work.
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Received July 18, 2013

Revision received July 23, 2014
Accepted July 28, 2014

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Journal of Applied Psychology

2014, Vol. 99, No. 6, 1096 1112

2014 American Psychological Association

INTEGRATIVE CONCEPTUAL REVIEW

Sleepiness at Work: A Review and Framework of How the Physiology of

George Mason University

Sleep Disorders and Research Center, Henry Ford Hospital,

Schaubroeck and Ganster (1993) used a physiological framework

Heather M. Mullins and Jose M. Cortina, Department of Psychology,

serving human capital, as well as monetary capital, by minimizing

MULLINS, CORTINA, DRAKE, AND DALAL

cifically, (a) sleepiness can be a problem for individuals and

Framework of relations among sleepiness, its manifestations, and its antecedents.

rested and restored on waking, and the number of awakenings in

change in underlying state (Bonnet, 2011). In addition, there is

Sleepiness and Fatigue

MULLINS, CORTINA, DRAKE, AND DALAL

Physiological Bases of Sleepiness

Physiologically Based Mediating Mechanisms

reaction to novel stimuli (Gumenyuk et al., 2010) or through lapses

Subsequent Behavioral Manifestations of Sleepiness

MULLINS, CORTINA, DRAKE, AND DALAL

Van Dongen, 2010). Both sleep restriction and sleep deprivation

ing (Murphy & Jackson, 1999). As was mentioned earlier, the

contribution, which is notable because this was not expected of

driving home after night work was related to an increase in

Proposition 2: Sleepiness results in an increase in accidents

Accidents. A workplace accident is a safety-related incident

Withdrawal and deviant behaviors. Withdrawal behaviors

MULLINS, CORTINA, DRAKE, AND DALAL

job, the effects of substance abuse (e.g., hangover) can impair

waking up early in the morning) and that cumulative exposure to

cadian rhythms and wakeful working activities (Drake et al., 2010;

longer (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2008). Because there are

Moderators proposed in the model.

MULLINS, CORTINA, DRAKE, AND DALAL

experiential-learning-based conservation of resources provides

when an individual is sleep deprived. Because sleep deprivation

valid understanding of how sleepiness affects different types of

Mullen, 2005), particularly when the nap is taken during a

MULLINS, CORTINA, DRAKE, AND DALAL

its measurement, design, and analysis, we do not have a full

Barnes, C. M. (2012). Working in our sleep: Sleep and self-regulation in

Drake, C. L. (2011). Subjective measures of sleepiness. In M. J. Thorpy &

MULLINS, CORTINA, DRAKE, AND DALAL

MULLINS, CORTINA, DRAKE, AND DALAL

factories of Korea. Journal of Sleep Research, 17, 385394. doi:

Vennelle, M., Engleman, H. M., & Douglas, N. J. (2010). Sleepiness and

Received July 18, 2013

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