Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
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\endash even while insisting that \lquote we have never been modern\rquote \en
dash Latour has never explored how non-western animistic traditions might be in
dicative of different kinds of non-modern settlements; he has simply pointed to
the necessity of carrying out such exploration (e.g. Latour, 2010: 604).1\par
\par
Certainly, increasing empirical attentiveness and analytical flexibility seems i
ncumbent in a global situation characterized by flows and networks that respects
neither the geo-political boundaries of any particular nation-state nor the cos
mological presuppositions of any particular culture. Recognition of the challeng
es posed by such global flows \endash analytical as well as socio-political \en
dash would seem to be part of the minimal requirement for what Latour (followin
g Isabelle Stengers, e.g. 2010) calls \lquote cosmopolitics\rquote . Cosmopoliti
cs, as we will show, requires attention to people\rquote s more-than-human attac
hments; it is what happens to cosmopolitanism once the question of non-humans be
yond naturalism is afforded due attention (Latour, 2004).\par
\par
One striking thing to note about the instances of Japanese techno-animism refere
nced is that practices of techno-science do not appear radically separated from
spiritually informed ideas of worldly co-habitation. When laboratory scientists
pay tribute to the souls of dead animals, for example, they are not relating to
these animals as brute materiality or scientific objects to be manipulated from
a stance of detached neutrality. Instances of Japanese techno-animism, in short,
seem to run contrary to espoused western-modernist notions, according to which
science is very specifically demarcated from religious practices. While clearly
no modernist, even Latour himself notes, in reference to Catholicism (Latour, 20
02), that science and religion are as far removed as can possibly be imagined, c
oexisting without any contact, like frog and nightingale. The problem posed by J
apanese techno-animism, then, is the extent to which this Latourian settlement,
while explicitly aiming to by-pass modernity, may still reflect a particular Eur
opean-Catholic history.\par
\par
To further the symmetrical aspirations of actor-network theory, the present arti
cle engages with a formation that we call Shinto techno-animism. We suggest that
this formation indeed signals a different non-modern settlement from the one en
countered and described by Latour in the contemporary West. \lquote Non-modern\r
quote is taken here in the technical Latourian sense: it implies neither pre- n
or postmodernism, but simply refers to any situation which, while presumably mod
ern, in practice does not conform to the ontological separations of society, nat
ure and religion (Latour, 1993). Given the prevalent co-presence of techno-scien
ce and animism in Japan, we wonder whether, compared with Latour\rquote s depict
ion of modernism and non-modernity, we are here witnessing a quite different tra
jectory for bypassing modernity? Given that \lquote animistic\rquote Shinto, wh
atever else it might be, is characterized by disrespecting the boundary between
what western modernists call \lquote nature\rquote and \lquote culture\rquote ,
what might actor-network theory \endash which has garnered much strength from
challenging precisely that distinction \endash learn by focusing attention on i
t (see Latour, 2010: 602)?\par
\par
In order to stage this encounter, we mobilize two theoretical territories: the \
lquote new animism\rquote debate in anthropology is placed alongside sociologic
al discussions concerning the relations between Shinto, nationalism, nature and
politics. What is particularly relevant about the \lquote new animism\rquote de
bate is that anthropologists such as Philippe Descola and Eduardo Viveiros de Ca
stro, over the last decades, have begun to re-energize the previously discarded
concept of animism. Bringing these arguments to bear on our Japanese cases allow
s us to specify the concept of techno-animism. Locating our argument in the Japa
nese context, however, also poses a variety of problems. Most centrally, referen
ce to Shinto is invariably tainted by the affiliation of this \lquote indigenous
religion\rquote with early 20th-century Japanese modernization, including hype
r-nationalist identities.2 As a consequence, for most contemporary commentators
Shinto can be seen as hardly anything but a rhetorical banner wielded in the nam
e of Japanese (proto-)fascism. To create intellectual space for engaging Shintoinspired techno-animism we thus need to clear some analytical ground.3 We do so
by defining our interest in Shinto as ontological, as having to do with the spec
ification of what, following John Tresch (2007), we refer to as Shinto cosmogram
s.\par
\par
Although our main purpose in this article is not to contribute to studies of Jap
anese political ecology, one consequence of our argument is that it frees Shinto
from the burden of simply and exclusively signalling an ominous politics. While
using Shinto-inspired techno-animism to challenge and develop symmetrical anthr
opology, we also hope that our argument may help to open up the notion of Shinto
itself, enabling its potential recuperation for more worthwhile cosmopolitical
projects than those with which it has been historically affiliated. In particula
r, we want to consider whether Japanese techno-animism offers (to anthropology,
science studies and beyond) an attractive alternative model of the many \lquote
enabling\rquote powers of non-human agencies (cf. Strathern, 1996). What, we as
k, would be the implications of diffracting Latourian actor-network theory think
ing through the prism of Shinto cosmograms?\par
\par
\par
{\f1\b The \lquote New\rquote Animism Debate and Japanese Techno-animism}\par
\par
The locus classicus for the concept of animism is Edward B. Tylor\rquote
s Primitive Culture (2010 [1871]); since his seminal contribution the concept ha
s had a winding and troubled history. Taken to refer to \lquote religious belief
s involving the attribution of life or divinity to such natural phenomena as tre
es, thunder, or celestial bodies\rquote (Tylor, cited in Bird-David, 1999: S67)
, the original impetus of the concept was to describe how \lquote primitive\rquo
te people made sense of and related to the non-human world. Primitiveness was e
vinced in the animistic misattribution of life, soul and agency to material enti
ties governed by natural laws, like rivers or thunderstorms. Already in 1902, in
The Varieties of Religious Experience, William James (mockingly) summarized thi
s view: "There are plenty of people today \endash \lquote scientists\rquote or
\lquote positivists\rquote , they are fond of calling themselves \endash who w
ill tell you that religious thought is a mere survival, an atavistic reversion t
o a type of consciousness which humanity in its more enlightened examples has lo
ng since left behind and outgrown. If you ask them to explain themselves more fu
lly, they will probably say that for primitive thought everything is conceived o
f under the form of personality. The savage thinks that things operate by person
al forces \u8230 ? (James, 1963 [1902]: 118\endash 19)"\par
\par
To describe this \lquote mere survival\rquote , the concept of animism was adopt
ed in academic disciplines such as ethnology and psychology. Gradually, as well,
it also took on a popular life in everyday language (Bird-David, 1999: S67).\pa
r
\par
As anthropology became increasingly attentive to, and critical of, its own pract
ices of evaluating cultures against western norms and expectations, the idea of
animism became something of an embarrassment. The concept has, however, seen a l
ate revival. Rather than dismissing animism due to its historically derogatory c
onnotations, some anthropologists have aimed to re-specify the term. In particul
ar, the work of Philippe Descola and Eduardo Viveiros de Castro has been central
in defining the contours of a \lquote new animism\rquote , in a set of argument
s that have also been followed attentively by Latour (2009a). Indeed, Latour (20
04) refers affirmatively to both anthropologists when arguing his alternative \l
quote politics of nature\rquote .\par
\par
Philippe Descola (1996) engages in a project of categorizing the ways in which d
ifferent societies organize relations between human and non-human actors. In Des
d non-human forces and as what differentiates them, through processes that may t
ake multiple, sometimes predatory and violent, forms.\par
\par
Viveiros de Castro\rquote s criticism is specifically directed at Bird-David,4 b
ut it holds for Hornborg and Descola as well. Somewhat incongruously, Hornborg (
2006) ends an otherwise Latourian argument for recognizing animism in the West b
y insisting that it is still of key analytical importance to retain the distinct
ion between nature and culture (and thus of people and things). Yet, why this sh
ould be significant remains unclear. In Descola\rquote s case, it is obvious tha
t the \lquote schemata of praxis\rquote , which he uses to categorize broad type
s of nature\endash culture complexes, precisely exemplify what Viveiros de Castr
o (1999: 79) mocks as the \lquote Kantian ideal\rquote of modern anthropology.
If Descola\rquote s analytical end-point is proper classification, this runs dir
ectly counter to Viveiros de Castro\rquote s ambition to provide a \lquote theor
y of people\rquote s ontological auto-determination\rquote (Viveiros de Castro,
2011: 128) \endash that is, their ability to form innumerable worlds that will
precisely not fit into generalized schemes based on western science.\par
\par
This \lquote multinatural\rquote ambition is explicitly affiliated with Latour\
rquote s (1993) proposals for studying worlds that \lquote have never been moder
n\rquote . Indeed, Latour has been insistent on the importance of suspending wes
tern indigenous naturalism as the basic assumption in social studies of science
(retained, in inverted form, even in social constructivist positions). In this c
ontext, Latour has made use of Viveiros de Castro\rquote s concept of multinatur
alism as an alternative to multiculturalism. But whereas the Latourian position
clearly outlines what we ought to move away from \endash that is, naturalism \e
ndash his analysis of what we might be moving towards, or, indeed, what is alre
ady present elsewhere, is far less developed.\par
\par
The case of Japan, we suggest, is particularly interesting in this context for t
wo reasons. On the one hand, the Japanese case offers a challenge to analyses th
at locate relational animism as the \lquote other\rquote of modern dualist thin
king. As we indicate below, contemporary Japanese practices problematize this id
ea, since they fuse the animistic with the modern in unexpected ways: notably by
bringing animism into scientific and technological practices. Further, as criti
cs of Shinto in Japan have shown, this animism is far from \lquote pristine\rquo
te \endash not least due to its historical affiliations with Japanese fascist
modernity; to this day, Shinto remains highly politically contested.5 The Japane
se case thus exemplifies animism in a high-tech version quite distinct in the co
ntemporary world. We index this particularity by using Ann Allison\rquote s term
\lquote techno-animism\rquote , which points to the juxtaposition, or the weldi
ng together, of the technological (and thus presumably modern and cultural) with
the animistic (and thus presumably pre-modern and natural).\par
\par
The fusion of the technological with the animistic poses a challenge not only to
the new animism debate but also to the idea of Descola\rquote s modernist natur
alism; and, in turn, to Latour. If Japanese scientific, technological and cultur
al production is not only hypermodern but also (in some measure) animist, then m
odernity, too, must be seen as a multivalent form, one that may not even adhere
to Latour\rquote s dual processes of hybridization and purification (into \lquot
e nature\rquote and \lquote culture\rquote ). Put simply, we argue that it make
s a difference whether, like Latour, one starts from a (European) situation of s
trong purification pressures or whether one follows a (Japanese) trajectory wher
e human, natural, technological and spiritual forces appear to intermingle more
freely (see Nakazawa and Latour, 2000). Such a Japanese trajectory, we surmise,
will foster a rather different sensibility towards hybrids \endash which is not
to say, however, that it contradicts the general non-modern project outlined by
Latour. Rather, we believe that the study of high-tech Shinto animism facilitat
es the extension of such a sensibility and, consequently, allows for the develop
ment of new insights into the characteristics and capacities of actor-network th
eory.\par
\par
The question opened up by Japanese techno-animism is this: what happens to actor
-network theory \endash an analytical formation that has garnered significant s
trength from showing how western nature\endash culture dualism hides its own hyb
ridity \endash when it encounters a situation where such hybridization is quite
explicit (cf. Strathern, 1999)? Our suggestion is that Japanese techno-animism
allows us to identify different modes of human\endash nonhuman cohabitation, thu
s infusing new energy into the analysis of non-modernities outside the Euro-Amer
ican orbit. In particular, we argue that these modes activate a distinct set of
sensuous and aesthetic attachments to things, thereby allowing us to explore the
affective dimensions of hybrids. These are precisely dimensions to which Latour
\rquote s actor-network theory has been criticized for paying insufficient atten
tion (see Navaro-Yashin, 2009). This suggestion, however, hinges on how a phenom
enon such as Shinto may be approached analytically. Specifically, it requires at
tention to the vexed political history of Shinto over the last century, a histor
y that has long precluded Shinto from being taken seriously as animism.\par
\par
{\f1\b Shinto Nature, Shinto Nation: From Ideology to Cosmograms}\par
\par
These days, one does not have to be a devout post-humanist to notice that relati
ons between nature, culture and nationhood are unstable and mutable. The questio
n is what one does with such recognition. This issue is particularly relevant in
the Japanese context and nowhere as important as when dealing with Shinto, a hi
storically variable placeholder for a multitude of practices and interests. Scho
lars of Japanese cultural modernization have demonstrated how Shinto, through a
series of rhetorical manoeuvres, became tethered to a hyper-nationalist project
as a \lquote
non-religious state ideology\rquote (Thomas, 2001: 188). Gregory Golley (2008:
8) summarizes such a critical argument by noting how Japanese literary interpret
ations in the early 20th century showed a \lquote turn to the reactionary ideolo
gy of cultural self-defense\rquote \endash based in part on Shinto mythology \
endash and thus exhibited a \lquote profound moral failure\rquote .\par
\par
Tight interconnections between putatively Shinto-inspired conceptions of nature
and fascist state ideology or, as Golley says (2008: 8), \lquote the problems of
nationalism, imperialism, ethnic and racial oppression\rquote , has cast a long
shadow over Shinto. At issue has been the suspicion that the invocation of natu
re in political ideology \lquote is always the mark of traditional, conservative
, if not right-wing, ideals\rquote (Thomas, 2001: ix). The critical import of t
hese arguments is that what is called Shinto, far from being a \lquote nature re
ligion\rquote with a self-grounding relational epistemology is, rather, part of
a symbolic machinery used to repressive political effect. Taken literally, this
view of Shinto culturalizes the term completely, emptying it of all nature as w
ell as religion. In this view, at the end of the day, natures and religions are
simply expressions of cultural politics. Far from facilitating our aim to charac
terize Shinto as illustrative of an alternative non-modern nature\endash culture
complex, it entails that any attempt to take Shinto seriously enrols the analys
t as part of a dangerously essentializing argument about Japanese cultural uniqu
eness.\par
\par
But this is not a necessary analytical consequence. Gregory Golley, for example,
summarizes the over-determination of nature\endash culture relations by politic
s only to dismiss this position. Instead, he argues that more than one possible
modernity was at stake in the defining moments of Japanese political history; ea
ch related to different ways of dealing with nature and culture. Julia Adeney Th
omas concurs on this point. In Reconfiguring Modernity: Concepts of Nature in Ja
panese Political Ideology she notes how she \lquote had assumed that a naturaliz
ed politics was the antithesis of modernity\rquote . Her analytical starting poi
nt was that \lquote people who justified society\rquote s power structures or li
terest for us as a vehicle for rethinking relations with the non-human world.\pa
r
\par
Generally speaking, a core feature of animism is that spirits are located and em
bodied in things (Garuba, 2003: 266; see also Thomas, 2001: 188\endash 9 on the
deliberate efforts to dematerialize Shinto by the early 20th-century Japanese st
ate). Along such lines, Shinto posits a radical \lquote personalization\rquote
of the universe, with both human and non-human worlds consisting in a plethora o
f \lquote spirit beings\rquote known as kami, the boundaries between which are
vague and interchangeable (Clammer, 2001: 226). Human beings, ancestors and more
-or-less anthropomorphized gods can be kami, but so too can foxes, trees, thunde
r, rice, stones, mountains and waterfalls.10 According to Shinto principles, god
s, men, animals, plants and inanimate objects are mutually permeable entities, a
ppearing as a unified and dynamic field of existence, characterized by particula
r forms of immanence and vitalism (Maraini, 1983). As a socio-cultural phenomeno
n, moreover, Shinto animism takes place in material practices, whether oriented
towards ritual, towards features of the surrounding ecology, or towards modern-d
ay technologies. In these ways, as Clammer notes (2001: 223), Shinto forms an in
digenous knowledge system, alive and well in contemporary Japan in the shape of
everything from life-cycle rituals and religious festivals (matsuri) to aestheti
c renditions of nature, indigenous people\rquote s struggle for land rights, sci
entific discourses and intellectual work related to (contested) Japanese worldvi
ews.\par
\par
Together with Buddhism, Shinto continues to inspire ontological conceptions of t
he world, according to which (what in western parlance would be) \lquote nature\
rquote and \lquote culture\rquote are seen as mutually co-constituted around c
ontinuities, intermediaries and frequent boundary-crossings (Eisenstadt, 1995).
Animals, for instance, often play the role of messengers between deities and hum
ans, the fox being associated with Inari, the rice god, and monkeys being associ
ated with sacred mountains (Ohnuki-Tierney, 1989). In recent years, the distinct
roles afforded non-human agencies in Shinto has experienced cultural revival, c
ast as an \lquote ecologically benign\rquote view of human sociality \endash a
lso a topic of current \lquote western\rquote preoccupation. As a dynamic body
of practices and beliefs, however, Shinto animism \endash with its fascination
for \lquote things that change form\rquote (bakemono) between human and non-hum
an, this-worldly and otherworldly \endash has arguably haunted modernizing driv
es in Japan ever since the Meiji transition to bureaucracy, technology and ratio
nality from the 1870s onwards (Allison, 2006; Thomas, 2001). However fleeting, t
his \lquote ethnoscience\rquote (Clammer, 1995: 80) clearly warrants closer att
ention in the context of multinaturalism.11\par
\par
As noted, however, this ambition runs into some difficulties. Apart from the mor
al stain of ultra-nationalist State Shinto, popular (minzoku) Shinto may well be
long among the least understood religions in the world, its \lquote amorphous, l
ocalized and diversified\rquote character making it not only difficult to forma
lize but also to study anthropologically (Clammer, 2001: 218ff.). It has been su
ggested that, in pre-modern Japan, \lquote Shinto\rquote (the term itself is of
later origin) might be better seen as \lquote ecology\rquote than \lquote reli
gion\rquote (Golley, 2008: 275), forming highly diversified fields of cosmologi
cal practices, relating human groups to the animated more-than-human world of an
cestors, gods, animals and striking features of the landscape such as rivers, tr
ees, and mountains. With the advent of modernism, the basic cosmological tenets
and practices associated with Shinto have been continuously reinvented, notably
blending, in syncretistic style, with various Buddhist and \lquote folk\rquote
elements. All of this makes it difficult to \lquote locate\rquote Shinto with a
ny precision \endash something equally true, we should note, for western interp
reters and \lquote ordinary citizens\rquote of contemporary Japan.\par
\par
In our attempt nevertheless to locate Shinto cosmograms with significance to con
s, rivers, insects, wells \endash I like the idea that we should all treasure e
verything because spirits might exist there\rquote , because \lquote there is a
kind of life to everything\rquote (quoted in Boyd and Nishimura, 2004: 4). With
in Japan, apart from his anime films, Miyazaki is known also as an ecological ac
tivist, promoting the conservation of satoyama forests. In both artistic and pol
itical practice, Miyazaki is thus important in reclaiming select existential and
ecological legacies of popular Shinto from the lingering stain of totalitarian
ideology. As \lquote technologies of perception\rquote (Bigelow, 2009), Miyazak
i\rquote s movies emerge and move as instances of high-tech Shinto cosmograms fo
r the 21st century that are reinventing animistic attachments.\par
\par
We end this brief sketch of techno-animist legacies by invoking some other-thanhuman interlocutors: in the domain of contemporary Japanese robotics, mechanical
animals such as AIBO-the-dog and Paro-the-seal may well presage the full integr
ation of robots into family life (Kubo, 2010). Indeed, as a strategically self-s
tyled \lquote robot country\rquote , home to the majority of the world\rquote s
\lquote intelligent\rquote autonomous robots, Japanese relations to these advan
ced mechanical beings often come across as perplexingly optimistic and anxiety-f
ree to western observers (see Geraci, 2006). In debates on Japanese \lquote robo
t mania\rquote , cultural scholars almost invariably cite Shinto (and/or Buddhis
m) as an influence, claiming for instance that: \lquote robots \u8230 ? are \ldb
lquote living\rdblquote things within the Shinto universe\rquote (Robertson, 2
007: 377). More directly, through Swiss-born Sony engineer Fr\u233 ?d\u233 ?ric
Kaplan, notions of Shinto have been almost literally \lquote in-scribed\rquote
into AIBO. For Kaplan, the Japanese \lquote affection for robots\rquote bears c
lear traces of Shinto mythology, which, unlike Christianity, poses no great divi
de between \lquote the natural\rquote and \lquote the artificial\rquote (Kapla
n, 2004). These views enjoy circulation, including in Japanese writing, where th
ey provide a fertile context for claims about the distinctness of Japanese relat
ions to robots vis-a-vis \lquote the West\rquote .14\par
\par
With pet robots like AIBO-the-dog, qualities of aliveness do indeed shape the pr
actices of both developers and users in particular ways. Whereas Sony engineers
look for \lquote sophisticated\rquote automation along artificial intelligence
lines, owners interpret the behaviour of pets in much more intimate terms: their
\lquote baby\rquote AIBO \lquote likes\rquote particular TV programmes, react
s to certain musical styles and even evinces sadness at the funeral of a family
member (Kubo, 2010). Whatever we make of the \lquote deep\rquote Shinto legacie
s claimed by Kaplan, figures like AIBO are clearly techno-animist, with boundari
es between the human, the animal and the mechanical permeable rather than fixed.
Certainly, such impulses are mediated through layers of family and industrial h
istories \endash as well as by the particularly cosmopolitan movements of Kapla
n, an engineer from Europe. However, before we write off reference to Shinto as
simply the \lquote exoticizing\rquote (and marketeering) perspective of a weste
rner, it should be noted that wider invocations of \lquote Shinto\rquote , inclu
ding among Japanese roboticists and AIBO owners, seem to stand in for an otherwi
se hard-to-verbalize sense of wonder in the face of new playful robot\endash hum
an encounters \endash encounters that, to all intents and purposes, seem as pre
valent in Japan as anywhere else in the world (see Pettman, 2009).\par
\par
While these four divergent sites \endash associated respectively with the names
of Minakata Kumagusu, Imanishi Kinji, Miyazaki Hayao and AIBO-the-robot-dog \en
dash are heterogeneous, we mobilize them here as differently actualized cosmogr
ams indicative of Shinto techno-animist legacies in contemporary Japan.15 What i
s exhibited in different ways across the four sites are various continuities, pe
rmutations and intermediaries between human, spirit, animal, plant and mechanica
l states of beings. Such practices seem to lend themselves to displays of venera
tion for particular non-human beings \endash witnessed, for instance, in the sa
rukuyoo memorial services. As we discuss in the next section, however, we should
not conflate such practices with any \lquote worship\rquote of pristine, Ameri
can-style Nature (see Cronon, 1995). Rather, what Japanese techno-animism entail
s is a vivid sense of the pragmatic interplay of human and non-human agencies, i
n terms of their mutual fertility and \endash eventually \endash killing. This
act, after all, is what instigates the sarukuyoo services.\par
\par
On this note, we return to the main problem posed in the introduction: how might
these trajectories of Japanese techno-animism be made to interfere with the non
-modern settlement depicted in the actor-network theory of Bruno Latour? In part
icular, if Latourian actor-network theory in part reflects specific European his
tories including historical relations between science and religion, what happens
to actor-network theory when diffracted through Shinto cosmograms?\par
\par
\par
\par
{\f1\b Actor-network Theory Diffracted: Enabling Alternative Non-modernities?\pa
r
}\par
\u8230
? the reconsideration of animism \u8230 ? opens a dialogue between \lquote relig
ion\rquote and ecology and suggests models of the universe beyond those of conv
entional science. (Clammer, 2001: 241)\par
\par
For the innovative social theorist of Shinto cosmology John Clammer, animism fac
ilitates a re-linking of religion and ecology, thereby opening up the prospect o
f \lquote a modernity whose roots in nature are left uncut\rquote (Clammer, 200
1: 243). Meanwhile, the no less innovative theorist of actor-networks, Bruno Lat
our, has recently argued that \lquote the growing interest in ecology has had th
e unexpected effect of granting new relevance to a theology interested not so mu
ch in the salvation of humans as in the salvation of the whole creation \endash
non-humans included\rquote (Latour, 2009b: 459). This prospect is designated b
y Latour as \lquote ecotheology\rquote . In order to approach the question of al
ternative non-modernities, it is instructive to look a bit more closely at the c
ommonalities and differences between these two diagnoses of science, ecology and
the cosmos.\par
\par
What is certainly shared is the sense that conventional science fails to provide
models with which to think a \lquote sustainable cosmos\rquote . In stark contr
ast to naturalist views, both Clammer and Latour offer to the spiritual realm (\
lquote religion\rquote or \lquote theology\rquote ) a very significant role. At
this point, however, differences also emerge. To Clammer, the telos is seemingl
y to develop a modernity that regains its ground in nature. Latour, on the other
hand, argues forcefully that modernization is beside the point: "We are all now
witnessing the immensely complex renegotiation of values and features that the
end of modernization has made possible and that the word \lquote globalization\r
quote covers rather clumsily. But one thing is certain: the planet will no long
er be modernized. Something radically different is going on. (Latour, 2009b: 460
)"\par
\par
Indeed, given Latour\rquote s (1993) aversion to the modernist settlement, and i
ts strict partitioning of the scientific and the spiritual, something radically
different will have to be going on. To delve into worlds of Japanese techno-anim
ism only to emerge with a new modern settlement, surely cannot be satisfying. Di
sregarding the self-conscious western parochialism of Latour\rquote s ecotheolog
y (2009b) \endash which relies on distinctions between Protestantism and Cathol
icism \endash in the present article, we have simply followed his advice to fin
d ways in which spirits and divinities do not have to be \lquote squeezed into t
he subjective mind\rquote , but can rather be located in a medium \lquote more c
onducive to innovation\rquote in our relations to the pluriverse (Latour, 2010:
604). In other words, we have aimed to extend his search for non-modern ontolog
ies relying on entirely different (quasi-)religious nature\endash culture comple
xes.\par
\par
In Deleuzian terms, what we have done so far is to reference a number of actual
Japanese instances in which competences among humans, technologies, animals and
gods are distributed rather differently from Euro-American practices. Articulati
ng the Shinto cosmogram, however, additionally requires interpreting the virtual
patterns of these practices and their relations to actor-network theory concern
s. To elucidate such patterns, we are concerned here \endash like Clammer (2004
: 102f.) \endash not with shared animist commonalities but with showing how Shi
nto cosmograms and their affiliated practices \lquote affirm, exemplify and cont
inually keep open the channels to a metaphysical and ontological reality\rquote
in specific ways, far removed, for instance, from the \lquote animism\rquote o
f New Age environmentalists. Rather than following Clammer in learning from Shin
to how to ground modernity in nature, however, we are interested in practices th
at allow us to define different ways of having never been (and continuing to not
be) modern; that is, in different non-modernities.\par
\par
Throughout our analysis, we have associated Shinto with a certain bypassing of t
he strong nature\endash culture dualism of western modernism, and stressed the t
hemes of human/non-human continuities and boundary-crossings. This is what Kasul
is (2004) calls the capacity of Shinto to generate experiences of \lquote immane
nt connectedness\rquote , that is, experiences of the cosmos as intimately imbue
d with extra-human life (kami and tama, the \lquote vital life-force\rquote ).16
Kasulis (2004: 166) further maintains that mainstream doctrinal Christianity ha
s tended to exclude such \lquote panentheism\rquote , a holographic model accord
ing to which \lquote spiritual forces\rquote (or kami) are literally in everyth
ing. Such experiences do not flow effortlessly from a \lquote cultural worldview
\rquote ; rather, they form part of material cosmograms, whether explicitly rela
ted to common sites of Shinto ritual or not. Indeed, the example of rituals that
honour the animals killed as part of laboratory research may be viewed in these
terms as sites where the immanent connections between techno-scientific and ani
mal fates are expressed, affirmed and extended as sources for renewing the futur
e.\par
\par
To further specify this connectedness, we associate Shinto with a sense of affec
tive and aesthetic charge, manifested towards the vitality of specific places (c
f. Curti, 2008). This argument connects in intriguing ways to the ecotheology of
Latour, given that one meaning of ecology is the \lquote study of home\rquote .
Indeed, Latour (2009b: 472) characterizes current European experiences in these
terms: \lquote The moderns \u8230 ? have no world to reside in. They are homele
ss.\rquote In the Japanese context, the confluence of ecology with place-based
affectivities provides one way of interpreting the particular environmentalism \
endash quite distinct from those western notions of \lquote wild\rquote Nature
critiqued by Latour (2004) \endash manifested in concerns for the shrine-fille
d (\lquote sacred\rquote ) forests (satoyama) in rural Japan. Here, dwelling is
not simply about repeating the past; rather, it concerns the imaginative renewal
of a more-than-human \lquote home\rquote .17 Such imaginative renewal, importan
tly, may require a certain \lquote channelling\rquote through emotional and aes
thetic conditions. As noted by Curti (2008: 103), Shinto sensibilities suggest t
hat \lquote only through imagination and affect can a connection to the landscap
e as a living and becoming thing be first indirectly channeled and touched\rquot
e . This affords one way of interpreting the \lquote technologies of perception\
rquote at work in Miyazaki Hayao\rquote s (re-)animations.\par
\par
It connects, also, with the themes of awe, wonder and mystery, as qualities that
are often invoked in narratives of kami-imbued objects and events (Kasulis, 200
4). Aesthetically pleasing landscapes may inspire a sense of awe in humans; as m
ay, indeed, the surprise encounter with an attractively strange and playful robo
tic creature like AIBO-the-dog. Indeed, some analysts (e.g. Geraci, 2006) sugges
t that Shinto legacies provide for an integration of robots into society in a ma
nner void of the alienation and fear with which mechanical beings have been gree
ted in the West. The very term \lquote techno-animism\rquote is intended to con
vey this continued capacity for enchantment in non-modern, techno-scientific lif
e (see Bennett, 2001). It is no coincidence, then, that we borrow the term from
Allison (2006: 10), who associates the techno-animistic imaginations of Japanese
anime with a \lquote polymorphous perversity\rquote , of morphing and moving ac
ross territories of worldly and otherworldly, mixing humans, spirits, robots and
animals in playful and ambiguous ways. What Bennett calls the \lquote spirit of
generosity\rquote , directed towards the enabling powers of animals, robots and
cyborgs, arguably finds stronger resonances in Japanese Shinto cosmograms than
it ever has in a Christian, European imagination.\par
\par
Carefully situated histories, we stress, are needed to unearth the specific enab
ling powers \endash arising at the intersections of Japanese techno-science and
Shinto animism \endash that we are here suggesting. However, to briefly recapi
tulate, Euro-American commentators nowadays highlight the previously reviled thi
nking of Imanishi Kinji for showing \lquote remarkable foresight\rquote into la
ter developments in ecology, primatology and anthropology (Asquith, 2002: xx). W
ithin primatology, for instance, Frans de Waal (2003) argues that the ability of
this Japanese tradition to perceive social affinities between humans and primat
es should be credited with helping to overcome the spectre of anthropomorphism.
Thus, de Waal writes: \lquote if we [western primatologists] no longer perceive
anthropomorphism as the problem it once was \u8230 ? then we are employing techn
iques from the East initially mocked and resisted by the West\rquote (de Waal,
2003: 295). Recast in our vocabulary, de Waal points to a capacity to experience
immanent connectedness amongst humans and primates that has helped overcome wes
tern naturalist biases.\par
\par
We have attempted here to stage a dialogue between actor-network theory and Japa
nese techno-animism. This dialogue gains force, we believe, not only from the ex
plicit interest taken recently by Latour in themes of animism (2009a) and ecothe
ology (2009b), but from a more general convergence of sensibilities when it come
s to bypassing the scientific naturalism indigenous to European modernity. Diffr
acting actor-network theory through the prism of a Shinto techno-animism may hel
p to articulate a more attractive, or at least quite different, version of non-m
odernity. Across divergent sites, this alternative non-modern settlement exhibit
s traits related to Shinto cosmology: continuities across the nature\endash cult
ure boundary experienced as an immanent connectedness of humans and non-humans;
the affective and aesthetic charging of imaginatively renewing more-than-human h
omes; and the capacities for enchantment manifested in morphing across human, sp
irit, robot and animal worlds. In Deleuzian terms, these virtual patterns become
actualized in specific cosmograms relating to contemporary Japanese techno-scie
nce. Our suggestion is that such cosmograms manifest a rather different sensibil
ity towards productive and affective hybridities than the one embodied in actornetwork theory.\par
\par
Of course, even if we succeed in creating some space for animist Shinto to excee
d (and trouble) the taint left on Shinto by nationalist political projects, our
depiction of human/non-human affinities still risks lending itself to cultural c
liches, the most common being the idea of some \lquote Japanese\rquote (or \lqu
ote Asian\rquote ) harmony with nature (Kalland, 1995; Tsing and Satsuka, 2008).
This stereotype, we should note, is equally popular among western and Japanese
\lquote new age\rquote environmentalists, eager to promote Shinto as an ecologi
cally benign worldview. It is quite alien, however, to the sense in which we inv
oke Shinto ontologies here. First, it is almost banal to note that Japanese mode
rnizing drives have had their own environmentally destructive consequences (e.g.
Dauvergne, 1997; Thomas, 2001). More importantly, whereas animistic Shinto prac
tices may lend themselves to veneration for particular non-human beings (trees,
robots, primates), this simply cannot add up to any \lquote worship of nature\rq
uote as such, given the way Shinto cosmograms crisscross the very nature\endash
\rquote Viveiros de Castro (1998, 2004) has rather different ethnographic conno
tations than it has for Latour. To Viveiros de Castro, multinaturalism connotes
a specific feature of Amerindian animist ontology, which presumes spiritual unit
y among humans and non-humans who are differentiated only along lines of corpore
al diversity. Hence the play on \lquote multiculturalism\rquote (one nature, ma
ny cultures) which Amerindian multinaturalism inverts (one culture, many natures
). From what we call the capacity of Shinto to generate immanent connectedness i
n a more-than-human world, it seems clear that something analogous is at stake i
n this Japanese (techno-)animism. However, we refrain from suggesting that Shint
o ontology posits any single unity. Instead, we stress the continuities, interme
diaries, and frequent boundary-crossings in between human and non-human domains.
Animisms are divergent; they come in the plural.\par
\par
In the context of studies in science and technology, our discussion points to th
e fruitfulness of paying closer attention to \lquote cosmological\rquote dimens
ions of techno-science. Japanese techno-animism entails some rather more intimat
e relations between the spiritual and the scientific, we suggest, than the mutua
l indifference of frog and nightingale to which Latour (2002) gestures. By artic
ulating Shinto cosmograms, our aim has thus been to broaden the imaginative spac
e of non-modernity, in order to encompass a wider diversity of techno-cosmic set
tlements. At the same time, in engaging sociological discussions on nationalism
and nature in Japanese modernizing drives, we seek to create some space for \lqu
ote popular\rquote Shinto to be relieved of the burden of simply signalling an
ominous politics. By giving the term a more nuanced set of animist connotations,
we point to the multivalent ethico-pragmatic character of Shinto; while nationa
list over-coding remains part of its legacy, it also embodies an alternative pol
itics of the polymorphous enchantments of non-human agency that warrants more at
tention.\par
\par
Going further, we suggest that Japanese techno-animist cosmograms form potential
ly valuable diffraction devices not only for actor-network theory, but also for
wider reflections on contemporary entanglements of science, technology, ecology
and cosmos. They offer an analytic sensibility, and an experimental language, fo
r inquiring into some of the affective and enabling powers of techno-scientific
non-humans contributing to collective life. In doing so, our reflections join an
expanding range of attempts to reassess the meaning of \lquote life\rquote alo
ng vitalist and materialist lines, as embodied in certain European philosophical
lineages (e.g. Bennett, 2010; Braun and Whatmore, 2010). Ultimately, however, o
ur engagement remains more anthropological than philosophical; while eschewing n
otions of a homogenized \lquote Japanese culture\rquote , we still insist on the
importance of history and location to the specific animist cosmograms encounter
ed here. Tellingly, Latour (1996) once explained the breakdown of the Aramis tra
nsport project in Paris by a failure on the part of French engineers to \lquote
love technology\rquote . If current discourses on Japanese pet robots, anime cyb
er-pleasures and virtual dating algorithms are anything to go by, Japan would se
em an obvious place in which to search for such \lquote techno-romances\rquote
(see Pettman, 2009)!\par
\par
Conversely, however, we end by reiterating that invoking techno-animism is not m
eant primarily as a contribution to \lquote Japanese studies\rquote . Rather, th
e issue is to by-pass the twin perils of Orientalism and Occidentalism in the sa
me move. Accordingly, our effort is also about learning from encounters with tho
ught-provoking instances of Japanese techno-animism that may encourage Euro-Amer
icans to start taking more seriously the widespread animistic practices in the W
est. Rather than adopting a strategy of \lquote provincializing Europe\rquote (
Chakrabarty, 2000), that is, we view Japanese techno-animism as a tool with whic
h to potentially exoticize European naturalist practices more thoroughly than ev
en Latour has so far been capable of.\par
\par
Hornborg\rquote s (2006) notion of \lquote scientific animists\rquote is intere
sting in this respect. Could it be, for instance, that this category expands bey
ond Gregory Bateson, to include such heterogeneous figures as Imanishi Kinji, Mi
nakata Kumagusu, Jakob von Uexk\u252 ?ll, Gilles Deleuze \endash and, indeed, B
runo Latour? If this were the case, the whole idea of parcelling techno-animist
streams of thinking into boxes of Japan and Euro-America, East and West, would s
tart to look rather dubious. Instead, a whole new intellectual and cosmo-diploma
tic territory of \lquote comparative animisms\rquote would open up (cf. Jensen,
2011), deeply enmeshing a variety of non-modern nature\endash cultures around t
he world. Might this be the \lquote radically different\rquote thing opened up
by symmetrical anthropology once, as Latour says, \lquote the planet will no lon
ger be modernized\rquote ? While we cannot know, we think it is at least worth t
rying it out.\par
\par
\par
\par
{\f1\b Article Notes}\par
\par
\u8629
?1 Latour has, in fact, shown related interests: prior to the 2005 World Exposit
ion held in Aichi, Japan, he was interviewed by Japanese anthropologist Nakazawa
Shin\rquote ichi on the theme of non-modernism (Nakazawa and Latour, 2000). Lat
our here calls for more dialogue between Japan and Europe under the rubric of a
\lquote symmetrical anthropology of nature\rquote ; our own intervention picks u
p this promising thread.\par
\par
\u8629 ?2 This problematic situation has been extended since the 1970s by th
e analytical association of contemporary Shinto references to the cultural natio
nalism of nihonjinron (see Yoshino, 1992).\par
\par
\u8629 ?3 This, in turn, raises another set of vexed questions, to do with s
pecifying what exactly is meant by a \lquote Shinto-inspired\rquote techno-anim
ism \endash given that, as noted by one reviewer, not all (techno-)animistic be
liefs in Japan will (or should) be called \lquote Shinto\rquote . We return to t
his issue in the section \lquote Shinto Cosmograms\rquote .\par
\par
\u8629 ?4 Whereas Viveiros de Castro views the epistemological approach to a
nimism as misguided modernism and is therefore arguing against a dichotomization
of animistic and western thinking, Bird-David (1999: S87) interprets him as \lq
uote rising to the defense of modernist understandings\rquote . This misundersta
nding is no doubt related to the difference involved in conceiving of anthropolo
gy as dealing with cultural epistemology or multinatural ontology (see Viveiros
de Castro, 2004).\par
\par
\u8629 ?5 See the following section for a discussion of the sensitive cultur
al politics of Shinto. As we continue to indicate, our argument does not pertain
to \lquote Japanese culture\rquote , but to Japanese techno-animism; we are tal
king about cosmograms, not homogenized and essentialized \lquote cultures\rquote
.\par
\par
\u8629 ?6 The main exception to this rule is the British Tokyo-based sociolo
gist John Clammer (e.g. 2004), whose work is discussed in the following section.
\par
\par
\u8629 ?7 In line with several interpreters of Japanese religious views, we
prefer in this article to use the term \lquote Shinto\rquote rather than \lquot
e Shintoism\rquote , in recognition of the fact that Shinto is a highly praxis-b
ased and non-codified form of religious belief, thus hardly constituting an \lqu
ote -ism\rquote in any traditional sense.\par
\par
\u8629 ?8 We are thinking here, in particular, of figures such as Yanagita K
unio, Minakata Kumagusu and Imanishi Kinji (Tsurumi, 1992). We return to the leg
acies of Minakata and Imanishi later in this section.\par
\par
\u8629 ?9 One rather prominent recent example \endash to which we will also
return shortly \endash is the work of world-famous anime director Miyazaki Hay
ao.\par
\par
\u8629 ?10 Alongside heterogeneity, the sheer size of the Japanese kami popu
lation is often stressed: according to popular legend (and media reports), Japan
is the country of \lquote eight million gods\rquote (that is, Shinto kami). Ev
ery now and then, gods are said to gather in great numbers at particular places
\endash a motif also informing Miyazaki Hayao\rquote s movie Spirited Away (Big
elow, 2009).\par
\par
\u8629 ?11 In his otherwise perceptive and inspiring work on Japanese animis
m, Clammer (1995, 2001, 2004) fails to make this connection, noting instead (cor
rectly, we believe) how issues of animism have tended to receive little systemat
ic attention in anthropological theory. In noting that \lquote the politics of n
ature is actually ontology\rquote (2001: 240), however, his work can still be s
aid in important ways to prefigure our discussion in this article. Yet, we prefe
r to diffract Shinto animism through Latourian \lquote non-modernism\rquote rat
her than \lquote western\rquote postmodernism.\par
\par
\u8629 ?12 Imanishi was sent to Manchuria in 1942 and to Mongolia in 1944, a
s a scholar of Kyoto Imperial University, conducting and supervising ecological
as well as anthropological fieldwork.\par
\par
\u8629 ?13 The reference to Shinto is immediately present in the Japanese ti
tle of this movie: \lquote spirited away\rquote is the English translation of \
lquote kamikakushi\rquote , literally meaning to be concealed via the act of kam
i.\par
\par
\u8629 ?14 Kaplan is the author of a book published in 2011 under the Japane
se title (here translated): Can Robots Become Friends? The Strange Relationship
between Japanese People and Technology.\par
\par
\u8629 ?15 These, of course, are not the only relevant domains of Japanese t
echno-science in which issues of techno-animism may prove significant. The work
of Margaret Lock, for instance, on issues of organ transplants, brain death and
wider bodily and medical practices, points to a number of intersections with Shi
nto-informed ideas and practices (see e.g. Lock, 2002: 215).\par
\par
\u8629 ?16 Kasulis distinguishes between \lquote existential\rquote and \lq
uote essentialist\rquote forms of Shinto spirituality, in ways strongly overlap
ping the distinctions previously introduced between \lquote popular\rquote and
\lquote State\rquote Shinto. In line with our previous discussion, we focus her
e mostly on the \lquote existential\rquote dimensions.\par
\par
\u8629 ?17 This theme of imaginative renewal of more-than-human homes can be
fruitfully linked to the famous ritual of shikinen sengu, where the buildings o
f the important Ise Shrine are demolished and then rebuilt, to the last detail,
every 20 years. For a discussion on Japanese conceptions of change and continuit
y related to this Shinto practice, see Perl (2008).\par
\par
Previous Section\par
\par
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Casper Bruun Jensen is associate professor at the Technologies in Practice group
of the IT University of Copenhagen. He has published widely in STS and social a
nd cultural theory. With Kjetil R\u246 ?dje he is the editor of Deleuzian Inters
ections: Science, Technology and Anthropology (Berghahn, 2009). He is the author
of Ontologies for Developing Things: Making Health Care Futures Through Technol
ogy (Sense, 2010) and, with Brit Ross Winthereik, Monitoring Movements in Develo
pment Aid: Recursive Partnerships and Infrastructures (MIT Press, 2013).\par
\par
Anders Blok is assistant professor at the Department of Sociology, University of
Copenhagen. His research focuses on the knowledge politics of global environmen
tal change, and he is currently comparing urban climate change engagements in No
rthern Europe, India and Japan. He has published widely in journals of social th
eory, science studies and environmental politics, and is the author (with Torben
Elgaard Jensen) of Bruno Latour: Hybrid Thoughts in a Hybrid World (Routledge,
2011).\par
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