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ROSLYN M. FRANK
Hunting the European Sky Bears: Germanic Straw-bears and
their Relatives as Transformers
The origins of the Germanic Straw-bears have been subject
to speculation for years. In this study the Straw-bears will be
contextualized along with their European relatives so that their
meaning can be better appreciated within a larger framework of
European ritual belief and social practice. The cosmogony in
question is grounded in the belief that humans descended from
bears, a belief that continued into the 20th century among Basquespeakers. The transformative aspects of the Straw-bear
performances will be examined in relation to Good-Luck Visits,
a performance aimed at bringing good health and prosperity to the
houses visited and in which Straw-bears and their relatives have
played a major role.
Introduction: Theoretical considerations
The past twenty years has witnessed increased interest in German
folklore and more specifically in understanding the meaning of the
popular performances associated with the Straw-bears and their
European counterparts. At the same time, the revival of ritual
practices related to these ursine performers has awakened interest
in discovering the origins of the custom itself. However, until now
most of these efforts seem to have been focused on two juxtaposed
questions: 1) whether the origins of the Straw-bears are indeed
ancient as some investigators have alleged; 1 or 2) whether they are
nothing more than relatively recent inventions, i.e., ritual
reenactments of bear hunts that were instituted to commemorate
hunting customs carried out in years past. The second thesis also
contains the supposition that it was only at the point when real
bears were no longer available did it occur to hunters to recreate the
hunting scenario, having a human dress up as a bear. 2 Finally, there
1
Cf. Jean Dominique Lajoux: L'homme et l'ours, Grenoble, 1996. Richard von
Wolfram: Brenjagen und Faschinglaufen im oberen Murtale, in: Wiener
Zeitschrift fr Volkskunde, 1932, 37, p. 59-81.
2
. For example, Pastoureau subscribes to the view that the ftes de lours found in the
Pyrenean-Cantabrian region came into being only a few centuries ago after the bear
population of the zone became depleted. At the same time, however, he argues that
the bear might have been the first deity of humankind. Cf. Michel Pastoureau:
Lours. Histoire dun roi dchu, Paris, 2007, p. 23-52. Cf. also G. Caussimont: Le
mythe de lours dans les Pyrnes occidentales, in: Hommes, Animal, Socit:
4
good from it (eztiz deuse hunik emaiten). He explained that he
couldnt eat bear meat either because whenever he tasted it, he
would vomit thinking of the animal that he had skinned; that it
seemed to him to that bears have a strange human-like shape.
Subsequently, in order to confirm what he had just said,
Dominque brought out a bear paw and showed it to the
interviewer, stating that a bear is just like a human being
(dena jentia dz). While killing a bear, or admitting that one
had killed a bear, brought bad luck, for the Basques the bears
paw was highly esteemed for it was said to bring good luck.
Indeed, it acted to protect the person from the evil eye and other
kinds of illness. 8
At the end of the interview, we discover what was motivating
Dominique to speak as he had about the bear, insinuating that the
creature had human-like characteristics. And as in the case of my
own informants, Peillens informants show a reluctance to speak
about this particular belief in public, that is, to those who were not
Euskaldunak (Basque-speakers). In fact, it is only after the taperecorder is turned off that Petiri, Dominiques father, is willing to
confide in his visitors concerning the cosmogony in question.
Apparently he assumed that that if the tape-recorder was not
running, the secret he was going to share would be kept safe from
the prying ears of outsiders. We need to remember that Petiri was
speaking in Basque to other native speakers of Basque. Hence, it
would seem that he waited to tell them the most important part until
he felt confident that the knowledge would not be disseminated
indiscriminately to outsiders. Peillen introduces Petiris confession
of his belief in a bear ancestor by stating:
Cette croyance dcrite pour les Amrindiens et les Sibriens,
nest pas dcrite pour lEurope notre connaissance, bien que
tous les lments prcdents la fasse pressentir. Cest ainsi
qualors que nous avions teint le magntophone, termin
notre enqute, Petiri Prbende nous dclara tout de go:
Lehenagoko eskaldnek gizona hartzetik jiten zela sinhesten
zizien (les anciens basques croyaient que lhomme descendait
de lours). Pri de rpter ses propos il ajouta que lhomme est
fabriqu partir de lours. Il nous donnait la clef des croyances
prcdents.
The last statement by Petiri concerning the fact that humankind
est fabriqu partir de lours is probably a literal French
translation of the Basque sentence: Gizona hartzak egina da. The
expression could also be rendered as: The bear created
humankind. Or, it could be glossed as: Our human origins go
back to the bear who created us. When examined more closely,
this cosmogenic belief in the bear ancestors resonates strongly with
a hunter-gatherer mentality, that is, with what would be a
Mesolithic or even Upper Palaeolithic mindset, and not with the
agricultural world view characteristic of Neolithic agro-pastoralists.
Moreover, we see that the persistence of this ursine cosmology is
found not only in the folk memory of Basque speakers who are no
longer emotionally committed to the tenets of the belief system, but
also in the minds of individuals like Petiri and his son Dominique.
. Peillen: Le culte de l'ours chez les anciens basques, p. 171-172. For a discussion
of the widespread nature of this custom, cf. Rmi Mathieu: La patte de lours, in:
LHomme 1984, XXIV (1), p. 5-42. Lajoux: L'homme et l'ours, p. 115-125
13
In certain zones of the Pyrenees the popular performances acted out each year by the
villagers include vignettes that reproduce scenes from the Bear Son saga. Cf. Violet
Alford: The Springtime Bear in the Pyrenees, in: Folklore 1930, XLI, p. 266-279;
The Candlemas Bear, in: National and English Review 1931 (Feb.), p. 235-244;
and Pyrenean Festivals: Calendar Customs, Music and Magic, Drama and Dance,
London, 1937.
14
Frank: Hunting the European Sky Bears: When Bears Ruled the Earth and Guarded
the Gate of Heaven, p. 133-135. Michel Praneuf: L'ours et les hommes dans les
traditions europennes, Paris, 1989. Tihomir P. Vukanovi: Gypsy bear-leaders in
the Balkan Peninsula, in: Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society, 1959, 3 (37), p. 106125.
15
The motif of the Bear Son's descent to the underworld has many scholarly labels.
Aarne-Thompson classifies the story as The Three Stolen Princesses (Type 301)
with the following variants: Quest for a Vanished Princess (301A); The Strong
Man and His Companions Journey to the Land of Gold (301B); The Magic
Objects (301C) and The Dragons Ravish Princesses (301D) (cf. A. Aarne-Stith
Thompson: The Types of the Folktale: A Classification and Bibliography, 2nd Rev.,
Helsinki, 1961, p. 90-93). Hansen classifies the tale similarly with some
modifications. He sees the story (301) combined often with Strong John (650)
(Der Starke Hans), a version of which appears in Grimm (cf. Terrence L. Hansen:
The Types of the Folktale in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic and
Spanish America, Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1957, p. 24-25, 75-77). At times a single
story may elaborate on a series of elements belonging to the longer Bear Son saga.
For example, the shamanically-coded Hungarian tale The Tree that Reached to the
Sky includes several episodes found in the older Basque version of the Bear Son
tale. Dgh has described it as containing elements from: The Three Stolen
Princesses (Type 301); The Ogre's (Devil's) Heart in the Egg (Type 302); The
Man on a Quest for his Lost Wife (Type 400); The Princess in the Sky Tree
(Type 468), with elements of The Grateful Animals (Type 554); The Youth
Transformed into a Horse (Type 314), and Three Animals as Brothers-in-Law
(Type 552A) (cf. Linda Dgh: Folktales of Hungary, Chicago, 1965, p. 312-314).
Substantial research has been done relating the Bear Son Tale to Beowulf (cf.
Robert A. Barakat: John of the Bear and Beowulf, in: Western Folklore, 1967,
26 (1), p. 111. Stephen O. Glosecki: The Wolf of the Bees: Germanic shamanism
and the Bear Hero, in: Journal of Ritual Studies, 1988, 2 (1): 31-53). In short, all
these motifs should be viewed as variations on the Bear Son saga discussed in this
study.
16
17
8
honor where the creatures blood and flesh were eaten. 19 Today in
Europe such hunts are encountered as re-enactments, as Good-Luck
performances in which a human actor mimes the role of the earthly
bear. After chasing after those present, especially young women,
the bear is captured, killed and falls down only to leap up once
again, resurrected. Previously, there appears to have been a final
interlude intended as a sending home ceremony in which the
earthly bears soul was sent back to heaven so that it could give a
report to the Sky Bear concerning the overall comportment of its
human descendants, for instance, whether they treated the animal
properly prior to killing it, whether they expressed their humility
and gratitude for the sacrifice made by the animal when it gave up
its life. The report, today often of a highly satiric nature, still forms
part of the conclusion of many Good-Luck Visits, and represents a
kind of evaluation or critique of the behavior of those visited or
present.20
In short, the earthly bears report served to inform the celestial
bear of the details of the behavior of its human offspring. A
positive report card guaranteed the health and well being of the
celestial bears human descendants. If the ceremonies were
properly performed, in the spring the bones of the earthly bear
would take on flesh anew in the form of bear cubs, while the souls
of all the other beings were thought to be released by the bear in the
spring when it awoke from hibernation, an action that in a huntergatherer society would have guaranteed an abundance of game. 21
In the tales and related folk performances found across much
of Europe, the Bear Son intermediary often appears dressed as a
bear. This character, in turn, is often accompanied by a number of
musicians and false faces, masked figures that portray his Spirit
Animal Helpers, most particularly the White or Grey Mare and the
Female Eagle, while the latter appears in the performances at times
in the form of a Stork. 22 Ritual bear hunts are still performed in the
Franco-Cantabrian region and the Pyrenees, where today they are
acted out publicly during the period of Winter Carnival. 23 For
example, in Andorra the Festa de lOssa is celebrated both on
December 26th and during Spring Carnival. 24 Other data strongly
Lajoux: Lhomme et lours, p. 175-198. Zoya P. Sokolova: The Bear Cult, in:
Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia, 2000, 2 (2), p. 121-130.
20
Thomas Hollingsworth: A Basque Superstition, Folklore II, 1891, p. 132-133.
Roslyn M. Frank: Recovering European ritual bear hunts: A comparative study of
Basque and Sardinian ursine carnival performances, in: Insula (Cagliari, Sardinia),
2008, 3, p. 41-97, http://www.sre.urv.es/irmu/alguer/.
21
Boris Chiclo: Lours shaman, in: tudes mongoles et sibriennes, 1981, 12, p. 35112. Ossian Elgstrm and Ernst Manker: Bjrnfesten, Lulea [Sweden], 1984.
Praneuf : L'ours et les hommes dans les traditions europennes.
22
For further discussion and photos of contemporary European performances in which
the bear and its trainer along with the White Mare and Stork appear, cf. Roslyn M.
Frank: Hunting the European Sky Bears: Aquila and the Female Eagle Shaman.
Presentation at the Oxford VIII International Conference on Archaeoastronomy /
15th Annual European Conference for Astronomy in Culture, Klaipeda, Lithuania,
July 22-31, 2007, http://www.uiowa.edu/~spanport/people/frank-publications.html.
23
For a discussion of similar public re-enactments and Good-Luck Visits conducted on
Candlemas Bear Day (February 2) and understood to form part of the world renewal
ceremonies associated with the Spring Carnival period, cf. Frank: Hunting the
European Sky Bears: Candlemas Bear Day and World Renewal Ceremonies, p.
133-157. Avelino Molina Gonzlez and Angel Vlez Prez: L'ours dans les ftes et
carnavals d'hiver: La Vijanera en Valle d'Iguna, in: L'ours brun: Pyrnes,
Abruzzes, Mts. Cantabriques, Alpes du Trentin (Claude Dendaletche, ed.), Pau,
1986, p.134-146.
24
Michel Praneuf: L'ours et les hommes dans les traditions europennes, p. 62.
19
10
11
Mythic Origins of European Otherness, Ann Arbor, 1994. Pierre Duny-Ptr : Basa
Jauna le seigneur sauvage dans les lgendes basques, in: Socit des Sciences
Lettres et Arts de Bayonne, 1960, 92-94, p. 87-105. Christophe Gros: L'Homme
Sauvage. Une figure rituelle du Carnaval alpin, in: Nous autres (Erica Deuber
Ziegler and Genevive Perret, eds.), Gollion/Genve, p. 227-258, http://www.villege.ch/meg/pdf/tabou_1.pdf. Thierry Truffaut: Apports des carnavals ruraux en Pays
Basque pour l'tude de la mythologie: Le cas du 'Basa-Jaun', in: Eusko-Ikaskuntza.
Sociedad de Estudios Vascos. Cuadernos de Seccin. Anthropologa Etnologa,
1988, 6, p. 71-81.
33
Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann: Das Weihnachtsfest: Eine Kultur- und
Sozialgeschichte der Weihnachtszeit, Luzern und Frankfurt/M, 1978, p. 29. Violet
Alford: The Hobby Horse and Other Animal Masks, London, 1978, p. 116. Praneuf :
L'ours et les hommes dans les traditions europennes, p. 63.
12
13
Martin or Martin, he who walks barefoot, while the phrase he
who walks barefoot was used to refer to bears in general. 34
The Church spin-doctors concocted a series of pious legends
that would seek to stitch the two belief systems together.
Apparently the stories were an attempt, although quite an
unsuccessful one, to counter the wide-spread belief in the efficacy
of performances conducted by bear trainers and their dancing bears
or at least to give them an air of legitimacy within the framework of
Christian belief. The legend propagated by the Church with respect
to St. Martin shows the ingeniousness of its authors, particularly
with respect to the way in which they managed to elaborate such a
convoluted plot for the story itself. It was one that told of the
generosity of the Bishop of Tours, a man named Martin. When
visited by his disciple and friend Valerius, a fifth-century bishop of
Saint Lizier in the Pyrenees, Martin gave him an ass so that
Valerius would no longer have to laboriously traverse the rugged
mountainous terrain on foot and, consequently, would be better
equipped to spread the good word. And Valerius, in turn, named his
ass Martin. However, just when Valerius reached the path that
would lead him to the Pyrenean town of Ustou, darkness overtook
him.
The next morning much to his chagrin Valerius discovered an
enormous bear standing next to the tree where he had had left his
ass tied the night before. Realizing the beast was devouring the last
remains of his pack animal, Valerius called out to him, The Devil
take you! No one will ever say that you have kept me from
spreading the good word across these mountains. Since you have
eaten my friend Martin, you will take his place and carry me
about. The bear approaches Valerius and sweetly agrees to do
what he has been asked. When they arrive in the village of Ustou,
the inhabitants crowd around Valerius and his bear. And at this
point after being given a bit of honey, in a sign of his appreciation
the bear Martin takes the bishops walking staff in his hand, raises
himself up on two feet and begins to dance, according to the text,
the most graceful of dances ever executed by a bear. 35 But there
is more. Because the villagers are so impressed by Valerius and his
dancing bear Martin, they decide to set up their own school where
little bears could be taught to dance. Moreover, the pious story
could be understood equally to be one utilized to explain and
legitimize the prestige, indeed, the European-wide reputation of the
Bear Academy that was established in the Pyrenean village of
Ustou, some 35 kilometers from St. Lizier. 36
Such pious legends need to be examined more closely in terms
of their psycho-social intentions as well as their actual
consequences. For instance, the above legend, in all likelihood
promoted by the Church and locals alike, gave the clergy a
Christian-coded explanation for why bears were called Martin. 37 In
addition, it sought to identify Valerius, the bishop of St. Lizier,
34
Parc Nacional des Pyrnes: L'ours des Pyrnes, Parc Nacional des Pyrnes, 1990,
p. 9. Claude Dendaletche: L'homme et la nature dans les Pyrnes, Paris, 1982, p.
92-93.
35
Jacques Bgoun: L'Ours Martin d'Arige-Pyrenes, in: Socit Arigeoise [des]
Sciences, Lettres et Arts. Bulletin Annuel, 1996, XXII, p. 138-139.
36
Praneuf: L'ours et les hommes dans les traditions europennes, p. 66-70.
37
For additional discussion of this legend and similar ones associated with other saints,
cf. Lajoux: L'homme et l'ours, p. 213-220. Pastoureau: Lours. Histoire dun roi
dchu, p. 53-69.
14
with the person of the bear trainer. Even the dancing bears long
pole, the standard prop of all bear trainers, was attended to
narratively and reinterpreted as the bishops walking stick, his staff
of office. As a result of these symbolic reinterpretations, the legend
ended up providing the populace with an ingenious justification for
conducting Good-Luck Visits: the narrative became a means of
justifying deeply ingrained patterns of belief while slightly
modifying them. At the same time by associating the dancing bear
with a given saints day, those wishing to carry out Good-Luck
Visits were given a green light. Indeed, in many locations the
performances continued to be conducted with relatively little
interference from the Church authorities.
For example, today in many parts of Europe on the saints day
in question, November 11th, an actor appears in the guise of the
bishop St. Martin. But, more importantly, when the individual
dressed as a bishop does appear, he continues, as before, to be
accompanied on his rounds by a bear-like creature, his pagan
double. In short, these ursine administrants, in recent times merely
ordinary human actors, perform their duties authorized by a kind of
Christian dispensation that permits them to continue to preside,
quite discreetly, over the festivities.38 In turn the bishop in question
takes over the role and attributes of the bear trainer through this
process of symbolic hybridization. Thus, the meaning of the
bishops companion, the masked figure representing the bear, is
transparently obvious once one understands the mechanisms of
hybridization involved in the renaming processes themselves. 39 In
short, any attempt to discover the identity of the furry, often
frightening, masked figures associated with St. Martins day must
take these facts into account (Figure 3).
38
39
Miles: Christmas Customs and Traditions: Their History and Significance, p. 208.
In addition to the Pyrenean zone, across much of France and the rest of Western
Europe the dancing bear is called Martin; in the Carpathian region of Romania
among its nicknames are Mos Martin (Old Martin), Mos Gavrila (Old Gabriel), as
well as Frate Nicolae (Brother Nicholas). In other parts of Europe the bear is often
called Blaise, a name linked to the date of February 3 and to the figure of St. Blaise,
the patron saint of bears. In addition, this saints day coincides neatly with the day
after Candlemas Bear Day, the latter being celebrated on February 2. In the Balkans,
however, it is St. Andrew who is presented as the patron of bears. Cf. Arnold
Lebeuf: Des veques et des ourses: tudes de quelques Chapiteaux du Clotre de
Saint Lizier en Couserans, in: Ethnologia Polona, 1987, 13, p. 257-280. Praneuf:
L'ours et les hommes dans les traditions europennes, p. 61-71.
15
Adapted from Oswald Erich and Richard Beitl: Wrterbuch der Deutschen
Volkskunde, Stuttgart, 1955, p. 509.
41
Miles: Christmas Customs and Traditions: Their History and Significance, [1912]
1976, p.167-247.
42
The English term nightmare derives from Germanic compounds such as
Nachtmrt (the Night-Mare), discussed at length in Thorpe: Under all these
denominations is designated that spectral being which places itself on the breast of
the sleeping, depriving them of the powers of motion and utterance (cf. Benjamin
16
Germany we also find other similar compounds for the giftbringer: Nufssmrte, Rollermrte, Schellenmrte as well as
Mrteberta, while in the latter case, the second element Berta
refers to a sometimes ominous pre-Christian female figure, also
called Pertcha.43.
Consequently, the etymology often given for the German
expression Pelzmrte, one that interprets the second element of the
compound (mrte) as if it referred to the name Martin, is
probably nothing more than a folk-etymology. Indeed, the
fallacious assumption that mrte should be interpreted merely as
Martin was probably reinforced by the celebration of Good-Luck
Visits on St. Martins Day. As was shown in the narrative relating
to how St. Martin acquired his bear and began to travel about with
it, the introduction of a Christian saint served as a pretext for
continuing the highly entrenched practice of Good-Luck Visits. In
short, it was a Christianized rationalizationthe result of
hybridizationthat served to legitimize the pre-existing tradition.
St. Nicholas and his dark furry companion
In the case of St. Nicholas, said to be a fourth century bishop from
Myra in Turkey, his saints day was celebrated in the spring until
the thirteenth century. From the thirteenth century to the time of the
Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century, the individuals
who dressed up as this bishop made their house calls on the sixth of
December (Figure 4).44
17
Adapted from Erich and Beitl: Wrterbuch der Deutschen Volkskunde, p. 564.
George Halpert: A Typology of Mumming, in: Christmas Mumming in
Newfoundland: Essays in Anthropology, Folklore and History (Herbert Halpert and
George M. Story, eds.), Toronto. 1969, p. 34-61. For further discussion of these
characters as well as excellent illustrations of them, cf. Weber-Kellermann: Das
Weihnachtsfest: Eine Kultur- und Sozialgeschichte der Weihnachtszeit, p. 24-42.
47
Ray Cashman: Mumming with the Neighbors in West Tyrone, in: Journal of
Folklore Research, 2000, 37 (1), p. 73-84. For photos cf.
http://www.iupress.indiana.edu/journals/folklore/feature/mumming.html.
46
18
Lajoux: L'homme et l'ours, p. 216, citing Jean Bernard Muller: Les murs et usages
des Ostyaks et la manire dont ils furent convertis la religion chrtienne du rite
grec, Paris, 1732.
19
20
(Voguls) tell a story of the earthly bear's origin on a cloud near the
Great Bear constellation. The bear comes down to earth to establish
the Brenfest ceremony, and then returns to the sky. Like other
bears since then, which are killed, the bears spirit was to be sent
home in accordance with the ceremony that it had taught humans at
the beginning of time.54 In the Khanty sacred tale, there is an
explicit spatial dimension to the tale, a vertical axis so that when
the tale begins the main character, a bear cub, is portrayed as
inhabiting a hut in the Upper World. At this point in time bears still
lived in heaven. Then, one day Father Bear goes out on a hunt.
While he is absent, the little bear manages to break the lock on the
hut and enters the courtyard of heaven. But being an ungainly cub,
her paw sinks deep through the floor of the Upper World, and,
looking through the hole, the cub glimpses Middle Earth and the
people who inhabit it. She is so pleased by what she sees that she
pleads with her father, Numi-torum, to allow her to visit the world
below, and finally convinces him. However, she receives
permission only after being instructed by her father to reward the
good people and punish the wicked. She is also told to explain to
humans how to conduct the bear ceremony, letting people how they
are to act, and to communicate to them the meaning of ceremonys
ritual component.55
Upon its demise, the slain bears soul was said to return home
where it would convey the details of its death and the feast held in
its honor to a chief or animal master, the Guardian of the Animals
who, in turn, appears to have been identified with or otherwise
connected to the celestial bear. In a fashion reminiscent of the
actions attributed to the main character of the Finno-Ugric tale, we
find that in the Basque version of the Bear Son saga, one day when
Father Bear goes out to hunt, Little Bear manages to remove the
stone blocking the entrance to the bear cave, breaking the lock so to
speak, and he then heads off to explore the outer world, but without
the explicit permission of his father, the Great Bear.
Because of the strong matrifocal nature of Khanty society,
female shamanism was prevalent.56 For this reason in the Khanty
texts, the figure of the Little Bear intermediary is portrayed as
female rather than male. There is evidence for a female-oriented
interpretation of the European materials also which may be
reflected in the figures of the pre-Christian Basque goddess Mari
and her animal helpers, the Italian Befana and the Germanic
Percht(a)/Bercht(a). In the case of the latter figure we should keep
in mind that the etymology of this term (and its phonological
variants such as precht and brecht) takes us back to the etymon of
Germanic words for bear, namely, *bher- bright, brown which
also shows up in Hans Rupert/Ruprecht: Das Wort percht
entspricht althochdeutsch peraht/beraht und bedeutet strahlend,
glnzend, und es ist in dieser Bedeutung in Eigennamen wie
54
Paul Shepard and Barry Sanders: The Sacred Paw: The Bear in Nature, Myth and
Literature, New York, NY, 1992, p. 62.
55
Shepard and Sanders: The Sacred Paw. The Bear in Nature, Myth and Literature, p.
63.
56
O. Nahodi: Mother Cult in Siberia, in: Popular Beliefs and Folklore Tradition in
Siberia (Vilmos Diszegi, ed.), Bloomington, Indiana/The Hague, 1968, p. 387-406.
Marjorie Mandelstam Balzer: Sacred Genders in Siberia: Shamans, Bear Festivals
and Androgyny, in: Gender Reversals and Gender Cultures (Sabrina Petra Ramet,
ed.), London/New York, 1996, p. 164-182. In this regard the ferocity and bravery
displayed by a female bear when protecting her cubs should not be underestimated.
21
Berchthold, Albrecht, Rupprecht/Rupert bis heute erhalten. []
Mit der Etymologie des Namens Bercht(a)/Percht(a) hat man sich
seit dem frhen 18.Jahrhundert beschftigt: Er wurde einerseits mit
dem bereits erwhnten althochdeutschen Wort peraht/beraht in
Verbindung gebracht; demgem wrde er also entweder die
Leuchtende, Strahlende meinenoder aber die 'Frau der
Perchtnacht'. 57
Religious connotations
Shepard summarizes the Khanty beliefs, saying:
For the Ostyaks [Khanty], the bear serves as a delegate from
the world of the supernatural, the world beyond man. The feast
of the bear is intended to make clear the connection between
the holy places where the ceremony was performed and heaven
itself. By enacting the feast, the Ostyaks ensure that their souls
will wander to that holy spot where the fate of humans is
finally decided. In a sense, then, their lives rest in the hands of
the bear.58
In contrast to the Finno-Ugric mythic traditions, the European Bear
Son is born of a human female and a great bear. When he is seven
years old he tells his mother that he wants to go out into the world,
and gains her permission, sometimes saying that he wants to do so
in order to play with human children. After the hero manages to
remove the stone that serves as a lock on the bear cave, he takes off
along with his mother, although soon afterwards she disappears
from the story. While in these extant European Bear Son narratives
there is no explicit mention of an association between the Bear
Sons father and a celestial bear, there is other evidence that
supports such a conclusion: there are clear indications of a residual
belief in a celestially conceived ursine deity among the Basques. 59
For example, the celestial bear is portrayed as residing in heaven,
seated next to St. Peter, while the first question that St. Peter asks a
persons soul upon its arrival at the Gate of Heaven is: How did
you treat the bears? In the same regard, at local hermitages and
sacred sites across Europe we encounter the presence of bear
imagery, stories of saints and their bear companions. In fact, the
names of saints connected to such sites (e.g., St. Ursula) often
resonate linguistically with the former ursine occupants venerated
by the local populace.60
Indeed, after analyzing residual linguistic and ethnographic
evidence, the Basque researcher Patziku Perurena did not hesitate
suggest that to the Bear Son hero, who is called Hamalau in
Euskera, would be best understood as the central pre-Christian
deity of the Basques (Hamalaua, gure Jaingo Hamalau, our
Erich Mller and Ulrich Mller: Percht und Krampus, Kramperl und SchiachPerchten, in: Mittelalter-Mythen 2. Dmonen-Monster-Fabelwesen (Ulrich Mller
and
Werner
Wunderlich,
eds.),
St.
Gallen,
1999,
p.
450,
http://www.fmueller.net/krampus_de.html.
58
Shepard and Sanders: The Sacred Paw: The Bear in Nature, Myth and Literature, p.
63.
59
Cf. Frank and Arregi Bengoa: Hunting the European Sky Bears: On the Origins of
the Non-Zodiacal Constellations, p. 15-43. Hollingsworth: A Basque
Superstition, p. 132-133
60
For a more detailed account of the celestial bear and religious sites connected to it,
cf. Roslyn M. Frank: Rethinking the Linguistic Landscape of Europe: The IndoEuropean Homeland in Light of Palaeolithic Continuity Refugium Theory
(PCRT).
57
22
god).61 Other investigators have come to similar conclusions with
respect to the widespread evidence for European traditions linked
to bear ceremonialism, linguistic avoidance practices, ritual
performances and the prevalence of ursine inspired actors such as
the Straw-bears and their relatives discussed in this document. We
might even say that a consensus is building in this respect,
especially among French researchers who frequently characterize
the bear as le premier dieu of Europeans. At this stage we also
are confronted with the more complex question of the age of the
belief system itself, given the evidence for what appears to be the
ritualized manipulation of bears and their skeletal parts in
prehistory, social practices dating back at least to the Upper
Palaeolithic.62
In reference to the veneration of the bear ancestor and its
celestial projection, Paul Shepard has argued that it is an ecocentric worldview that incarnates a kind of trophic metaphysics
where the complex network of food-chain relations is understood
and articulated in narrative and social practice. Furthermore he has
suggested that initially the image of Ursa Major, the sidereal
bear was projected on the upper world as the mythic celestial
equivalent of these relations in the earthly world. 63 Gary Snyder,
on the other hand, speaks of the process of re-inhabitation where
the separation and alienation between human and animal is bridged
and the boundaries between Culture and Nature become diffuse.64
Certainly assuming that we descend from bears ruptures more
familiar hierarchical anthropocentric modes of thought.
Sarmela compares the Finno-Ugric ursine cosmology to
religious belief systems found in other parts of Europe, religions
that are characterized, too, by the veneration of a deity that dies, is
buried and then is resurrected.
Hunters would have invested their hopes in the bear who was
born high in the heavens, descended to earth, died and was
buried, but would be resurrected to live again as the first
among all game animals or perhaps of all creation. The bear
living in heaven had to descend and die, like people and all
creatures on earth. [] The bear cult would thus manifest
early hunters ideas of immortality, the continuation of eternal
life. Each bear hunting drama would recreate the primeval
mythical event and reinforce the order of life determined at
that time, the natural cycle of life [and death]. 65
The proper performance of bear rituals insured the availability of
forest game, and turned humans into key actors within this cosmic
drama. Rather than being passive bystanders, humans become
active participants and their behaviour as individuals was viewed as
directly impacting the material and spiritual well-being of the
community as a whole and, indeed, Nature itself.
If we were to view the Finno-Ugric bear rituals through the
prism provided by the ursine genealogy we have documented in
61
23
24
Lajoux: L'homme et l'ours. Shepard and Sanders: The Sacred Paw: The Bear in
Nature, Myth and Literature.
72
For a more detailed discussion of the value system embedded in the ursine
cosmology, cf. Roslyn M. Frank: Shifting identities: A Comparative Study of
Basque and Western Cultural Conceptualizations, in: Cahiers of the Association for
French
Language
Studies
2005,
11
(2),
p.
1-54,
http://www.afls.net/Cahiers/11.2/Frank.pdf.
73
Nurit Bird-David: Animism Revisited: Personhood, Environment, and Relational
Epistemology, in: Current Anthropology, 1999, 40, p. 67-91.
74
Cf. Frank: Shifting Identities: The Metaphorics of Nature-Culture Dualism in
Western and Basque Models of Self, p. 66-95.
25
75