Embodying Value?

The Transformation of Objects

in and from the Ancient World
Edited by

Annabel Bokern
Clare Rowan

BAR International Series 2592

2014

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Embodying Value? The Transformaion of Objects in and from the Ancient World
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BOKERN & ROWAN (Eds)

EMBODYING VALUE?

Coin finds beyond the Danube: functions of fourth century gold coins
within barbarian societies
Dragana Eremi

This paper seeks to examine the role of Roman gold coins from the fourth century AD found in barbarian territory
beyond the Danube. The area under discussion is that of present day northern Serbia (Banat), Romania, and western
Ukraine, which form part of the Carpathian basin. How were these coins perceived and used in Barbaricum? They most
probably served special purposes in a prestige economy and they shared this function with a number of other media of
exchange. They were often worn as jewellery, forming a status symbol for the owner, and this paper examines the possible
transformation of the iconography these coins carried. What value did Roman coins and their associated iconography
have for barbarian peoples? It has been argued that the imperial portrait must have been fascinating for the barbarian elite.
But although the obverse of a coin, with its imperial portrait, obviously held a fascination for the barbarians, it is clear
that the reverse iconography of these coins also had a value for their owner. Even if the obverse was most commonly
displayed, there are still clear instances where the reverse was on display and was thus obviously also valued, and we need
to begin asking ourselves why, and in what contexts this occurred.
gold coins, Barbaricum, transformation of value, iconography, monetary pendants (jewellery)

Im Folgenden wird die Bedeutung rmischer Goldmnzen des 4. Jh. n. Chr., die auf barbarischem Territorium jenseits
der Donau gefunden wurden, untersucht. Es handelt sich um Teile des Karpatischen Beckens: das heutige nrdliche
Serbien (Banat), Rumnien und der Westen der Ukraine. Wie wurden diese Mnzen im Barbarikum wahrgenommen
und verwendet? Mit groer Wahrscheinlichkeit dienten sie besonderen Zwecken innerhalb einer Prestige-Wirtschaft
und teilten diese Funktion mit anderen Tauschobjekten. Hufig sind sie als Schmuck nachweisbar, als Statussymbol fr
den Trger. Hier soll in diesem Zusammenhang vor allem die mgliche Transformation der Ikonographie der Mnzen
betrachtet werden. Welchen Wert hatten rmische Mnzen und die mit ihnen verbundene Ikonographie fr die Menschen
des Barbarikum? Es wird in der Forschung vorausgesetzt, dass das kaiserliche Portrt eine Faszination auf die barbarische
Elite ausgebt habe. Aber obwohl der Avers der Mnze, mit dem Portrt des Kaisers, offensichtlich eine Faszination
ausbte, wird deutlich, dass auch die Ikonographie der Rckseite einen Wert fr den Besitzer darstellte. Auch wenn die
ursprngliche Vorderseite meist als Ansichtsseite nachweisbar bleibt, gibt es Hinweise darauf, dass der Revers bewusst
gezeigt und so auch wertgeschtzt wurde. Wir mssen uns nun die Frage stellen, warum und in welchem Kontext dies
geschah.
Goldmnzen, Barbarikum, Transformation von Wert, Ikonographie, Mnzschmuck (Anhnger)

Introduction
This paper seeks to examine the role of Roman gold coins
from the fourth century AD found in barbarian territory
beyond the Danube.1 The area under discussion is that of
present day northern Serbia (Banat), Romania, and western
Ukraine, which form part of the Carpathian basin.

I would like to thank Dr. Clare Rowan and Prof. Fleur Kemmers for
comments upon an earlier draft of this paper, and Dr. Clare Rowan for
correcting my English. Thanks are also due to Prof. Hans-Markus von
Kaenel, who has provided research guidance and support over several
years.

The main aim of the paper is to see whether, and to what

extent, the coins that were produced and used for payment
within the Roman world changed their role once they left
the Roman Empire; whether these items served another
purpose within Barbarian society. In other words, how
were these coins perceived and used in Barbaricum? How
did this differ from their use and value within the later
Roman Empire? Did the coins carry Roman values into
Barbaricum? How were coins minted under the authority of
a foreign power (the Roman Emperor) perceived? People
in Barbaricum did not produce coinage of their own. What
economic value did Roman coins possess, if any?

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The presence of Roman coins in Barbaricum has been a

topic of some interest. Aleksander Bursche in particular
has dealt with the phenomenon in a number of his works.2
He mainly investigated the territory further north, east
of the Elbe and north of the Carpathian Mountains and
successfully demonstrated that Roman coins in Northern
Europe, among other things, were often reused as amulets,
ornaments or jewellery. They were perceived as high status
commodities. They were also occasionally melted down
and reused to construct more familiar, native valuables.
The coins in northern Barbaricum most probably served
special purposes in a prestige economy and they shared
this function with a number of other media of exchange.
Prohaska has demonstrated something similar for the
Carpathian basin,3 but little work has been done on the
transformation of the iconography these coins carried and
this is what I will examine in this article. What value did
Roman coins and their associated iconography have for
Barbarian peoples living in the Carpathian basin?
The area under consideration was home to a variety of
barbarian peoples in the 4th century, but in general the
Sarmatians can be found closer to the Danube,4 and the
Goths and Gepids are located further north. The southern
section of the region just north of the Danube is a difficult
one to study, as it appears that Romans were also present
in the area in the fourth century.5 Further north it is clear
that the area was settled by barbarian peoples and therefore
the finds from this region can be linked more securely
to barbarian owners. Of course it is difficult or near
impossible to determine ethnicity in the archaeological
record, but the location of the finds further north suggests
a non-Roman context.

Roman gold coins in Barbaricum

To start examining the function of Roman coins within
Barbaricum, we need first to see how these objects were
used in the Roman world. There are differing opinions
about the use of coins within the Roman Empire, let alone
in Barbaricum. There are basically two opposing views
on Roman money: one presumes a primitive situation
where the state did not have an understanding of monetary
affairs, while the other view supposes a fully monetised
imperial system.6

Even if we assume that the Roman Empire was a highly

monetised state, there were nevertheless other forms
of exchange. It is not the purpose of this paper to go
into a detailed discussion and to re-examine previous
works exploring how much the Roman world was really
monetised, but it is important to note that even in the
Roman Empire, at least in some instances, we do find
other modes of exchange,7 and coins served other purposes
and roles beyond their monetary function.8
Bursche suggested that the most promising path to
examine the function of Roman coins beyond the Rhine
and the Danube lies in anthropological theories regarding
the non-market economy, featured in the substantivist and
primitivist debates sparked by K. Polanyi, with discussions
relevant to our subject material by G. Dalto and R. Hodges.9
In many past societies the need for economic profit was
not that important and social relationships were regulated
by prestige and honour. The primitivist model can be very
successfully applied to the study of the role of coins in
Barbaricum.10
In Barbaricum, coins probably served special purposes in
a prestige economy, and circulated as means of payment
in socially or politically motivated transactions. Roman
currency may have been used alongside other objects in
gift exchange.11
How did Roman coins end up in Barbaricum? There are
basically two possibilities in the fourth century: either
the coins formed pay for the barbarians that served in the
Roman army, or the coins were given to barbarian leaders
as subsidies or diplomatic payments for good behaviour.12
Coins may also have arrived in the context of trade or as
booty.13 Finds of gold coins are very rare in Barbaricum,
which shows that these objects were part of a prestige
economy.
Many gold coins found in Barbaricum were pierced, or
had suspension loops attached, which show clearly that
they were intended to be worn as pendants. In Bursches
study he observes that Roman coins also had an ideological
role in barbarian society because of their iconography.14
He argued that the imperial portrait in particular would
have been mysterious and fascinating to barbarian society,
since portraiture was generally avoided in Barbaricum.

Bursche 1996; Bursche 1998; Bursche 2000, 758-71; Bursche 2001,

83-102; Bursche 2008, 395-416
3
Prohszka 2009, 471- 90
4
Soproni 1969, 121-2
5
Although it was previously assumed that the territories across the
Danube were part of Barbaricum, recent research has demonstrated that
the left side of the Danube, present day south Baka and Banat in Serbia,
was under the control of the Roman Empire. See M. orevic 1995, 12533.
6
Greene 1992, 50. For a good recent overview of the extent to which
we can speak about a monetised economy in the Roman Empire, and the
benefits of economic anthropology, see Aarts 2005, 1- 28.

For an analysis of other methods of exchange within the Roman Empire

see Verboven 2009, 91-124.
8
van Heesch 2008, 49-57
9
Bursche 2008, 396
10
Bursche 2008, 397
11
Bursche 2008, 398
12
Using the literary evidence, Bursche gives the following mechanisms
by which Roman coins could end up in Barbaricum: a one-off tribute
(contribution), the ransoming of captives (redemptio captivorum), annual
tribute (annua munera), army pay (stipendia and donativa) to barbarians
serving in Roman auxiliary forces, the payment of specified sums
under a treaty alliance with the barbarians (annonae foederaticae), and
diplomatic gifts (Bursche 1996, 105 -23).
13
e.g. Duncan 1994, 14
14
See, for example, Bursche 2008, 400.

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D. ErEmi, Coin finDs bEyonD thE DanubE

He further argues that Roman coins were always worn so
that the emperors portrait could be seen, demonstrated by
the fact that many of the reverses on these specimens are
very worn.15 Also the presence of uniface gold medallions,
with no design on the reverse, shows the significance of
the imperial portrait.16 However a coin has two sides, and
while there is no doubt that the imperial portrait played
a very significant role in Barbaricum, the reverse may
also have held value for the barbarians, at least in some
instances. Even if a coin necklace was initially worn with
the portrait side showing, the movement of the wearer
could shift the necklace, and perhaps twist it, so that the
other side would also occasionally be displayed. If the coin
formed an amulet for the owner, the reverse may have held
value for the owner even if it was not on public display. It is
also evident that the coin could be intentionally worn with
the reverse side showing. For example, in the Museum in
Poarevac, Serbia, there is a coin pendant made from a
denarius of Julia Domna, mounted in a golden frame. The
coin is placed in the necklace so that the reverse side is
showing (Figure 1).17

and proudly displayed to others. Was particular reverse

iconography avoided, and was other iconography sought
after? Would a barbarian owner have recognised what
was really represented in, say, an image of the emperor
savagely kicking a fallen enemy (a barbarian), an image
that was common throughout the fourth century? Would
a barbarian have identified the barbarian in the image
as himself, or would he have interpreted it as another
barbarian? Or would they see something completely
different in this type? Was it really only the precious metal
that was of value to them, regardless of the iconography?
This is somewhat difficult to believe.
Let us now see what our material tells us about the functions
of coins beyond the Danube. Given the constraints of the
article, I focus only on the three largest hoards from the
region here (Figure 2).19

The Szilgy Somly hoard

The first example is the well-known Szilgy Somly (today
imleu-Silvaniei) hoard, found in western Transylvania,
Romania.20 This spectacular hoard was concealed at
the end of the 4th century and contains jewellery, two
Germanic imitations of Valens medallions and 12 large
gold coins of high denomination (multipla). The possible
owner could have been a Gepid, at a time when the Gepids
were withdrawing in the face of the Hun invasion.21 There
is no doubt that the medallions in particular would have
played a very important role as status symbols for their
owner. All of the multipla from the imleu-Silvaniei hoard
had suspension loops and/or were mounted.22

Figure 1 Denarius of Julia Domna, mounted in a golden

frame. Museum of Poarevac, Serbia.

Gold coins in Barbaricum could be worn, but were also

melted down and then used for the production of jewellery
and military fittings.18 This in part explains the very few finds
of gold coins in this region. But not all coins were melted
down; some solidi, at least, were preserved. The pieces
that were kept are of interest: was the selection completely
random, or was there a deliberate selection process?
If a barbarian owner possessed a certain amount of coins,
he might have decided to melt down some of them, but
keep the more interesting coins to be worn as jewellery

This hoard represents a clear case of the barbarian

fascination with imperial portraits. From the positions
of the suspension loops, there is no doubt that the coin
pendants are meant to be worn obverse side up. Nonetheless
let us examine the reverse representations (Figure 3).23
When we find here, for example, two of the same type
from Valens, one cannot help but wonder whether these
issues merely represent donativa from the emperor; thus
iconographic selection was made in the Roman court. It
may be that Romans and the barbarians received the same
numismatic images, but the interesting thing is whether
they valued and interpreted the types differently. We
must admit that types with victory and the emperor are
in general very common in this period; types of the 4th

15

Bursche 2000, 764; Bursche 2008, 400

Only if we assume that the intended recipients of the uniface medallions
were barbarians, not Roman army officials. The fact that they were all
pierced and/or fitted with a suspension loop, and are mounted and often
found beyond the frontier, strongly suggests that these medallions could
have been issued for barbarians (Bland 2012, 1-9).
17
Popovi 1993, 52, cat. number 8. Unfortunately the coin was stolen
from the Museum in 1989. I thank curator Dragana Spasi uri for
this information.
18
Bursche 2008, 401; Prohszka 2009, 473
16

19

For a full list of hoards (11 in total) found in the Carpathian basin see
Prohszka 2009, 485. I wish to thank Dr. Orsolya Heinrich-Tamaska for
permission to reproduce the map of the basin here.
20
Bursche 1998, 210-12; Bursche 2000, 758
21
Sasianu 1980, 85
22
A detailed list is given by Bursche 1998, 241-7.
23
It should be noted here that the reverse types of multipla are much
more diverse and generally of a higher quality than the iconography seen
on solidi.

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Embodying ValuE? ThE TransformaTion of objEcTs in and from ThE anciEnT World

Figure 2 Hoards of the 4th century from the Carpathian basin considered in this article (Starevo, imleu-Silvaniei and
Brestov). (Map created by Dr. Orsolya Heinrich-Tamaska).

century are rather stereotyped, and tend to focus on the

representation of the figure of the emperor, and frequently
depict Victory, Roma, or Constantinopolis. In this sense,
the images chosen by the barbarians correspond well with
the language of images current in the Roman Empire in
this period. However, albeit more rarely, other types did
appear from time to time which were more connected with
current affairs, and we cannot exclude the possibility that
there was some selection process in choosing the coins. In
particular it is noticeable that barbarian imitations imitate
not just the obverse, but also the reverse of Roman types.
In a society where the reverse was of no significance, this
phenomenon was unlikely to occur.
The most common type in this hoard is the emperor and
victory. This iconography will also dominate the hoards
examined below. The reverse scene could have provoked
some psychological effect in their owners. It is evident that
the imperial portrait on the obverse of Roman coinage was
an important part of the object for barbarian owners. But
if and when the emperor also appeared on the reverse of
the coin (as in the examples here), could this have made
the coin more attractive? The earlier example discussed
above (Figure 1) is also an example of a coin in which the

emperor appeared on the reverse. The theme of Victory

could also be appreciated by a variety of different people
and easily adopted into many contexts. This may also
have influenced barbarians in their selection of coins to
convert into jewellery. Ultimately, however, the meaning
or value assigned to these images is difficult to discern
did barbarians understand iconography in the same way
as a Roman or not? It is impossible to know, but the use
of Roman coinage as jewellery must to some extent have
been influenced by the fact that Roman coins carried
particular iconography. When a Roman coin was converted
into a piece of jewellery both the object, and its associated
iconography, underwent a transformation in value. Let us
now turn to the remaining two hoards.

The Starevo hoard

The second selected case study is the hoard of Starevo,24
which was discovered in 1866 near Panevo, Banat, in
The Starevo hoard was first published by Vasi, 2001, 175-200; and
Popovi, 2004, 217-24.
24

124

D. ErEmi, Coin finDs bEyonD thE DanubE

Figure 3 Coins from the Szilgy Somly hoard.

125

Embodying ValuE? ThE TransformaTion of objEcTs in and from ThE anciEnT World

northern Serbia. Unfortunately the context of the find is

not known. Three golden Zwiebelknopf fibulae, a golden
torque, two golden earrings, 12 gold coins (two of them
counterfeit) and silver plate were found.25 Seven gold coins
ended up in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna.26
Initially the find was associated with a Germanic owner,
based on the two counterfeit gold coins, the torque, and the
earrings.27 However, Vasi suggested that the owner might
have been a Roman soldier, giving the following reasons:
a torque might also have been worn by Roman soldiers,
the Starevo hoard was found in a territory very close to
the Danube and thus possibly under Roman control, and
the suggestion that the counterfeit coins were Roman,
not barbarian, creations.28 However, it still seems more
convincing that this hoard should be linked to a Sarmatian
leader,29 since two imitations of Roman solidi were part of
the find. It is thus less likely that the hoard represents an
official donation to a distinguished Roman citizen.30
All of the coins in the hoard were perforated, and two out of
the twelve coins had loops attached so they could be worn as
jewellery.31 Loops are not uncommon in the Roman world,
where coins were also worn as jewellery, and coins with
loops could even appear again in circulation. However, the
fact that the coins in this hoard were all pierced means that
the find is perhaps better associated with a barbarian owner.
These pierced specimens could not have easily re-entered
monetary circulation, since they had lost some of their
weight. In addition, it was not normal Roman practice to
pierce solidi; to do so would be a sacrilege (maiestas) to the
Imperial majesty.32 The Late Roman method of converting
coins into jewellery was not to pierce them, but to place the
coins in decorated frames,33 or to solder a loop on the edge
of the coin (Figure 4),34 although it cannot be excluded that
pierced coins were used as necklace pendants in the Roman
territories, since a large amount of pierced coins are found
in the early Byzantine period.35 But in Callu and Loriots
study only seven examples out of the 1,922 single finds
from Gaul and Germany are pierced.36 Piercing coins for
use as jewellery is thus a more widespread phenomenon in
Barbaricum.37 In addition to the two imitation coins in the

25

Two hundred and forty denarii were found in the area as well, but it has
been assumed that these are not connected with the fourth century find
(Vasi 2001, 175).
26
Noll 1974, 69; cited in Popovi 2004, 222
27
Noll 1974, 69, cited in Popovi 2004, 223
28
Vasi 2001, 175-200. Vasi also suggests that the find from Starevo
could have belonged to a senior officer of the Roman army or perhaps a
foederatus (Vasi 2008, 76).
29
Ivanievi, Bugarski 2008, 40
30
Through a comparison with other hoards, Vasi regards the Starevo
hoard as an official imperial largitio (Vasi 2001, 197-201).
31
According to Kenner, the two specimens concerned had their pierced
holes filled with silver. Vasi assumed that these two coins were fitted
with the loops (Popovi 2004, 222).
32
Vasi 2001, 198
33
Popovi 2004, 222. For more detail and an analysis of monetary
pendants see Popovi 1993, 49-60.
34
Popovi 2004, 222-3
35
See, amongst others, Popovi 2004, 223.
36
Callu and Loriot 1990, cited in Bland 2012, 4.
37
Callu 1991

Figure 4 Solidus of Crispus. RIC VII, 471, no. 24, National

Museum in Budapest.

hoard of Starevo, a series of other Roman gold coins were

found (Figure 5).38
This once again leads us to wonder whether the barbarian
fascination with the portrait of the emperor had an
influence on the selection of particular coins to convert into
jewellery, meaning that coins which had the emperor on
the obverse and the reverse may have been more attractive.
Such a suggestion implies an understanding of Roman
reverse numismatic iconography on behalf of the barbarian
peoples, or at least, the ability to recognise the image of an
emperor outside of the obverse imperial portrait.
In order to know whether these coins were deliberately
selected, one would need to first examine the frequency of
these types within the Roman Empire, and then compare
this with the hoards from Barbaricum. If there were a
significantly higher number of coins with reverse types
showing the emperor in Barbaricum hoards, then we might
see a deliberate selection process. One would require a
significantly higher number of hoards than presented here
in order to obtain statistically valid information, but the
path remains open for future research.
The last hoard examined here demonstrates the potential
of research in this area. The wear of the coins in this
hoard reveals something of the value assigned to these
items by their new owners. The Ormd hoard (Brestov)
was discovered in 1892 in Brestov in western Ukraine.39
Three of the coins in the hoard were pierced, and ten
had suspension loops. The find also included golden
chain fragments and small ingots.40 The find is kept
today in the National Museum in Budapest and from
the museum inventory book and early publication I was
able to reconstruct some of the coin types in the hoard
(Figure 6).41

RIC reference according to Vasi 2001, 197.

Lehczky 1892; Kuzsinszky 1892; Kropotkin 1962, 222; Kropotkin
2005
40
Kropotkin 2005, 123
41
Kuzsinszky 1892, 336-8. I would like to thank Dr. Melinda Torbgyi
for being so kind as to show me the coins and inventory book.
38
39

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D. ErEmi, Coin finDs bEyonD thE DanubE

Figure 5 Details of the coins found in the Starevo hoard.

Again the most frequent reverse type is the figure of

emperor. Of particular interest here are the types with
Alamannia and Sarmatia. We also find two types with the
emperor and a barbarian. Although it was normal practice
in barbarian society to display the obverse of the coin,
there are examples where this was not the case, and this
hoard forms one such example. In order to demonstrate
the importance that reverse iconography might hold for a
barbarian owner, two coins from this hoard from the mint
of Sirmium repay closer examination.

The first coin is a solidus of Crispus, with the reverse

legend VICTORIA CRISPI CAES, and a reverse type
showing Victory standing with a shield at her side and
holding another shield inscribed VOT X.42 As can be
observed from the picture (Figure 4), although the position
of the suspension loop shows that the coin was originally
intended to be worn obverse side up, the obverse of the
coin is much more worn than the reverse, demonstrating

42

127

RIC VII, 471, no. 24

Embodying ValuE? ThE TransformaTion of objEcTs in and from ThE anciEnT World

Figure 6 Coins from the Ormd hoard.

128

D. ErEmi, Coin finDs bEyonD thE DanubE

that the reverse was probably what was on display when
this piece was worn as a piece of jewellery. This is a clear
case of reverse iconography having a particular value or
significance for a barbarian owner.
The other coin of interest is a solidus struck for the
emperor Valens, which depicts the emperor standing
holding a labarum and Victory on a globe, with the legend
RESTITVTOR REI PVBLICAE.43 The coin is pierced
right through the emperors head (Figure 7). For Romans,
the piercing of the coin would have been considered an
offence to the represented emperor; for barbarians, at least
here, it was not as important to have an intact imperial
image. Thus it was not so problematic to piece the coin
through the head, whereas a Roman may have been
more tempted to pierce the coin at the top, avoiding the
emperors portrait entirely.

Figure 7 Solidus of Valens, RIC IX, 158, no. 1b, National

Museum in Budapest.

Another phenomenon can be observed in this hoard. There

are two coins from a much earlier period, issues of Marcus
Aurelius and Sabina. Could this represent an inheritance
or an heirloom within one family? If this were the case
the objects would change their value over time as well as
space. The presence of these two older coins here suggests
that once a gold coin did enter barbarian society it retained
its value, regardless of the fact that the monetary system of
the Romans changed.

affected the social and psychological consciousness of

barbarian people.
The solidi found in Barbaricum had a very limited
monetary role. Instead they performed various social
and political roles in a system of gift exchange. Roman
gold was often melted down to be reused in more local
valuables, but some items were also kept to be worn as
jewellery that showed the high rank of its owner.
Although the obverse, with its imperial portrait, obviously
held a fascination for the barbarians, it is clear that the
reverse iconography of these coins also had a value for
their owner. Even if the obverse was most commonly
displayed, there are still clear instances where the reverse
was on display and was thus obviously also valued, and we
need to begin asking ourselves why, and in what contexts
this occurred. Much more research on type selection needs
to be performed, but it is a promising path of investigation.
The nature of a coin, with its imagery, meant that when it
travelled outside the Roman Empire not only did the object
itself undergo a transformation of value, but so too did its
iconography. By beginning to understand how Roman
iconography was used and interpreted in barbarian society,
we can begin to better understand the transformation of
value and meaning as coins left Roman society. Ultimately
the reception of these pieces was done at an individual
level; thus while many individuals were interested in the
obverse, it is clear that some found the reverse imagery to
be the most fascinating.
Perhaps, the barbarian elite who had close contact with
the Roman authorities aspired to their way of living; they
imitated them in a way, adopting their taste and fashion.
They might have enjoyed wearing Roman coins as
jewellery with representations of the emperors who gave
them those very coins as gifts in the first place.

Bibliography
Abbreviations
Coh.

Conclusion
Romans were present in the territory of the Carpathian
basin and the barbarian people living there were therefore
in close contact with them. It was thus more likely for
them to become familiar with particular Roman cultural
practices than, for example, people living further north
in Barbaricum. The various forms of contact could have

43

RIC VII

RIC VIII

RIC IX, 158, no. 1b

129

Cohen, H. 1880-92. Description

historique des monnaies frappes sous
lempire Romain, communement
appelles Mdailles impriales
(2nd ed.). Paris, Rollin & Feuardent.
Bruun, P. 1966. Roman Imperial
Coinage VII, Constantine and Licinius,
A. D. 313337. London, Spink and
Son Ltd.
Kent, J. P. C. 1981. Roman Imperial
Coinage VIII, The Family of Constantine I,
A. D. 337364. London, Spink and
Son Ltd.

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