Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
Asok Sen
The paper argues in what sense we can trace the frontiers of the "Prison Notebooks" in its abandonment of
'materialist' reductiomsm, in the logical and historical implications of the passive revolutions, and in a tension
between the levels of mediation analysed by Gramsci. It follows that the frontiers can then be suggestive of historical
forces and their strength yvhich are not necessarily anchored in an adequate development of capitalism and its
nexuses of civil society.
THE "Prison Notebooks"' were nor meant
to be a new manifesto for the communist
movement. Gramsci's entire political experience sharpened his disbelief in the collapse of capitalism under the pressure of its
own economic crisis. While the Second
International's perspective of waiting for an
inevitable natural collapse was falsified by
the Bolshevik revolution enacted under
Lenin's' leadership, the rest of Europe found
no ready means of revolutionary proletarian
seizure of power through the same route.
Gramsci's own efforts to build the base of
Soviet power in factory councils and to integrate them with the organisation of a party
on the Bolshevik model had little success in
the Italian context. This was so despite
Gramsci's correct emphasis on the workerspeasant alliance against the Italian bourgeois
order characterised by the north-south structural duality; .
Amidst such circumstances of history,
Gramsci saw that much remained to be done
by way of reexamining the forms and content of bourgeois power before one could
signify the social and cultural identities adequate for the struggle to abolish capitalism.
Further, such identities do not present preconstituted characters who are bound to act
according to the project of the mediator. I,n
the very nexus of exploitation, the oppressed are subject to the dialectic of acquiescence
and protest. It would then be futile to affirm the proletarian will to power, and yet
to expect that the same might emerge just
from their suffering or from the enlightened determinations monitored by the
mediator. The necessary engagement of the
oppressed in the liberation process can go
from strength to strength only when their
consciousness becomes the key force in the
struggle to free themselves.
This concern was repeatedly articulated
in Gramsci's reflections on hegemony, duality of coercion and consent, the role of
subaltern groups and the historical reality
of a passive revolution. In all this he problematised many received ideas of the
marxist tradition. This marks no departure
from the core of Marx's critique to change
the world. Gramsci strived to be a contemporary both with the past of Marxism
and its necessary confrontations with the
present as history. Some of the fragments
of the "Notebooks", which were neither conceived, nor structured by Gramsci as a book,
are even suggestive of going beyond the more
apparent.framework of his argument. Such
strains and stresses, while betraying the unEconomic and Political Weekly
finished nature of Gramsci's reflections, certainly reveal some vital'insights which still
remain to be reconstructed as further
development of creative Marxism. This is
what we may properly regard as the frontiers of the "Prison Notebooks".
For example, the concept of hegemony
was not at all new in a Marxist discourse on
class struggle and power. The point-about
leading the allies and dominating the
enemies is also reminiscent of Lenin's emphasis in "What is to be done", on the mass
tasks of social democracy opposed to both
reformism and sectarian" terror. Gramsci
begins with a distinction between civil society and state as the spaces of consent and
coercion respectively.2 This difference is
then displaced by assigning to the state a role
in the generation of consent as well.3 Further, Gramsci affirms the fusion of state and
civil society in the reciprocity of consent and
coercion constituting the totality of a ruling order.4
Gramsci proceeds through different levels
of abstraction to comprehend the reality of
state power both in its molecular and total
significance. It is misleading to characterise
the different positions as antinomies.5 The>
are not so on the same ground that Marx's
reflection on abstract, collective labour in
"Das Kapital" is not an antinomy of Engels'
narrative of the working class conditions in
England.
The need for molecular understanding
had critical relevance when the classicial
Marxist message of smashing the bourgeois
state appeared to lose its way. The problem
was posed by the persistence of mass illusions about the scope of self-deterrnination
provided by the bourgeois system of formal
equality. Gramsci identified how such a legal
system could influence the toiling masses to
conform to the bourgeois order. He
observed:
The previous ruling classes were essentially
conservative in the sense that they did not
tend to construct an organjc passage from
the other classes into their own, i e, to enlarge
their class sphere "technically" and
ideologically: their conception was that of
a closed state. The bourgeois class poses itself
as an organism in continuous movement
capable of absorbing the entire society,
assimilating it to its own cultural and
economic level.6
Marx and Engels sharply distinguished
between the form and content of bourgeois
law. They insisted on the full use of opportunities permitted by bourgeois legality. It
PE-31
didn't see the deep-going social causes determining it; we didn't understand that the exservicemen, the misfits, were not isolated individuals but a mass, and represented a
phenomenon having class aspects, we didn't
understand that we could not simply tell
them to go to the devil!'.10
Much of this confusion was again a
creature of the belief that the tendency to
liquidate the democratic forms merely expressed the acute crisis of the capitalist
economy. Such crisis wasihere. But it would
not follow that the growth of the fascist
movement was necessarily correlated to the
emergence of a revolutionary confrontation
between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.
The fascist experience called for serious
rethinking of the determinations assigned to
the dialectic of production relations and
forces in the concept of the mode of production. In its management of capitalism in
crisis, fascism was not necessarily regressive
in its effects. Notwithstanding all its reactionary political and social features, fascism
was definitely associated with capitalist industrialisation in Italy. Thus, judging by the
criterion of production forces/relations,
fascism was in no way extraneous to the
specific course of Italian capitalism. It. was
rather an expression of the many stresses and
tensions which the same capitalist development had generated in Italian society."
In his idea of 'collective will', Gramsci
moved away from the base/superstructure
dichotomy and projected ideology itself as
an organic totality relating the positions of
all its subjects within a historical bloc.12 A
historical bloc describes the way in which
different social forces relate to each other;
Gramsci placed vital emphasis on the inseparability of structure and superstructure
that articulates the ability of a fundamental class to form an alternative historical bloc
opposed to the ruling order.
While the fundamental class fulfills the
criterion of a progressive role in social production, authentic mediation becomes a
ceaseless process to bring together various
subject positions in encounter, participation
and collective praxis. It is nurtured by the
relationship between the intelligentsia and
the proletariat. No less important is the
ability of the party to comprehend the common sense, spontaneity and strivings of
numerous subaltern groups on their own
terms so that the ideological bond of the
historical bloc can extend to those positions
without extraneous monitoring. The project
is no external manipulation but a creative
overflow from within the subjects themselves. The 'modern prince' is not a preconstituted instrument of the fundamental
class; it is an organism growing with the
people and among them. It is in this sense
that the party is the 'anti-state' of the
historical bloc led by the fundamental class.
The point is noted in Gramsci's reflections
on subaltern groups who are not unified and
cannot unite until they are able to become
a 'state1.13 In a sense, the idea of subalternity is not absent from rMarx's underEconomic and Political Weekly
88
Notes
1 Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith
(ed and tr). Selections'from the Prison
Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, London,
1971 (SPN).
2 Ibid, pp 12-13.
3 Ibid, p 258.
4 Ibid, pp 160, 261.
5 Perry Anderson, 'The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci' in New Left Review, No 100,
London, November 1976-January 1977
pp 5-78.
6 SPN, p 260.
7 Palmiro Togliatti, Lectures on fascism, New
York, 1976, pp 87-103.
8 Christine Buci-Glucksman, 'State, Transition and Passive Revolution' in Chantal
Mouffe (ed), Gramsci and Marxist Theory,
London, 1979, p 210.
9 SPN, p 58ff.
10 Togliatti, op cit, pp 5-6.
APPOINTMENTS
National Institute of
Public Finance and Policy
NEW DELHI