Roman Empire in Chinese Sources

Acta Ant. Hung.
51, 2011, 263305

DOI: 10.1556/AAnt.51.2011.34.5
KRISZTINA HOPPL
THE ROMAN EMPIRE

ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES
Summary: Through a careful examination of the accounts of Daqin () presumably the Roman
Empire and Fulin () Byzantinum , we can depict a picture of how the Chinese imagined another
ancient empire far away in the West. The Chinese annals not only give information on and the interpretation of the name of that mysterious country but also add details about its geography, administration, economy including agriculture, domesticated animals and products , trade and the envoys sent by Daqin
() people. Such a description could be remarkable on its own but the accounts also emphasise the
similarities between the two great empires that might have originated in their same cultural level.
Key words: Chinese sources, Roman Empire, trade, envoy
In the present paper I would like to give a brief introduction of five classical Chinese
sources, namely the Hou Han shu (), the Wei le (), the Jin shu (),
the Wei shu (), and the Song shu (), that provide us more or less information
about the Roman Empire. As compared to the description of Daqin (), probably
the Roman Empire in the Chinese records, with the Roman auctors descriptions of
the Eastern part of the Empire, we can discover a large number of similarities.
Since the early 19th c. Sino-Roman relations and the ancient Chinese sources
of Daqin have been considerably popular fields of research. Although most of these
works give a useful translation of the Chinese chronicles, they mostly emphasise
linguistic problems. For this reason these publications do not give a complete picture
of the connections between Daqin and the Roman Empire.
By using the great and influential achievements of earlier scholars in the present work I would like to offer another point of view. My idea is not to translate the
records of Daqin and add commentaries or to sum up the several problems connected
to this field: specialists have already done the hard work, have carefully analysed the
texts and pointed out the numerous linguistic and identificational problems. The only
remaining task is to analyse the accounts by another approach. It is not more than a
word-to-word comparison between the descriptions provided by Chinese annalists
0044-5975 / $ 20.00 2011 Akadmiai Kiad, Budapest
264
KRISZTINA HOPPL
and our recent knowledge of the Roman Empire. The information supported by western auctors and archaeological data from Roman sites could reflect on the authenticity of these Chinese Histories and might help to solve some of the several problems.
However, the present work is only a small part of a complete comparison of how the
Chinese and Romans imagined each other.1
I. A SHORT REFLECTION ON THE HISTORY OF SINO-ROMAN RELATIONS
One of the most detailed works is still China and the Roman Orient. Researches into
their Ancient and Mediaeval Relations as Represented in Old Chinese Records by the
first compiler of ancient Chinese chronicles, F. Hirth.2 In his elaborate work there are
various Chinese descriptions including not only the Roman Empire but the Byzantine
world, too. In 2000 Arkenberg digitalised the translations provided by F. Hirth for
the East Asian Sourcebook: Chinese Accounts of Rome, Byzantium and the Middle
East, c. 91 B.C.E.1642 C.E.3 While it is also available online, it only includes the
translations without the Chinese originals, as well as essays and references. At the
same time there are some typing errors, too.
In the first decades of the 20th c., the famous sinologist . Chavannes re-evaluated the interpretations of the a Hou Han shu4 and the Wei le,5 and also added details to the identificational problems of place names and date of the Wei le.
Following the first pioneers, in 1915 P. Pelliot published his researches on the
relations between Lijian () and Daqin.6 Similarly, P. Boodberg brought out his
results in the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies in 1936.7
The monumental studies published by K. Shiratori in 1956 essentially changed
the images of Daqin. In A Study on Tiao-chih he made an examination of
Tiaozhi () as the neighbour of Daqin.8 Chinese Ideas Reflected in the Ta-chin
Accounts gives an excellent summary of the results of this field. At the same time he
points to the utopistic elements of the description of Daqin.9 The Geography of the
Western Region Studied on the Basis of the Ta-chin Account outlines the problems
1
For the above reasons I have not retranslated the Chinese texts or dealt with linguistic and identificational problems. I have used a summary of the translations provided by F. Hirth, D. D. Leslie, K. H.
J. Gardiner, and J. E. Hill completed with some own ideas. Although, because of the limits of the paper,
it is not possible to include the Chinese originals, I have given the classical Chinese characters principally used in the original texts provided by F. Hirth whenever it was reasonable.
2
HIRTH, F.: China and the Roman Orient. Researches into their Ancient and Mediaeval Relations
as Represented in Old Chinese Records. Hong Kong 1885.
3
ARKENBERG, J. S.: East Asian Sourcebook: Chinese Accounts of Rome, Byzantium and the
Middle East, c. 91 B.C.E. 1642 C.E. 2000. http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/romchin1.html
4
CHAVANNES, .: Les pays dOccident daprs le Heou Han chou. TP 8 (1907) 149244.
5
CHAVANNES, .: Les pays dOccident daprs le Wei lio. TP 6 (1905) 519571.
6
PELLIOT, P.: Li-kien, autre nom du Tats. TP 16/5 (1915) 690691.
7
BOODBERG, P.: Two notes on the History of the Chinese Frontier. HJAS 44 (1936) 283307.
8
SHIRATORI, K.: A Study on Tiao-chih. MRDTB 15 (1956) 123.
9
SHIRATORI, K.: Chinese Ideas Reflected in the Ta-chin Accounts. MRDTB 15 (1956) 2472.
Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011
THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES
265
of various place names and their identification,10 while in A New Attempt at the Solution of the Fu-lin Problem K. Shiratori investigated the relations between Daqin
and Fulin ().11
E. H. Schafer defined the different products of the Roman Empire using the
Chinese records of Daqin. The Pearl Fisheries of Ho-pu published in 1952 contains the list of Roman pearls,12 while in 1963 he collected the numerous products of
the western countries,13 although principally from the reign of Tang Dynasty ().
In 1971 Y. Harada also made a research on the pearls of Daqin.14
The monumental work on Chinese civilisation published by J. Needham15 includes a comprehensive overview of the Daqin accounts, however, accepting the
achievements of F. Hirth without reservation. In 1999 E. G Pulleyblank also made a
huge step towards the interpretation of place names by collecting and analysing the
Chinese chronicles.16
Although in some publications on Sino-Roman trade relations there is also a
chapter on Daqin according to the Chinese records, in most cases they only repeat
previous works, as J. Thorley in his study The Silk Trade between China and the
Roman Empire at its Height, circa A.D. 90130.17 Although he proposed some new
ideas on these questions, he neglected the linguistic background of the ancient Chinese sources.
In his essay published in 1978 on Sino-Roman trade relations, J. Ferguson18
unfortunately did not include the Chinese records of the Romans.
In contrast with the previous authors, M. G. Raschke gives a hypercritical synthesis of the theories about Daqin and the connections between Rome and China in
his dissertation.19 At the same time in the Trade and Expansion in Han China Y. Y
offers an eastern aspect of Sino-Roman contacts,20 just like Zhu Jieqin () and
Zhang Xinglang () in the Zhongxi jiaotong shike huibian (
) summarising the achievements of F. Hirth.21
10
SHIRATORI, K.: The Geography of the Western Region Studied on the Basis of the Ta-chin Account. MRDTB 15 (1956) 73155.
11
SHIRATORI, K.: A New Attempt at the Solution of the Fu-lin Problem. MRDTB 15 (1956) 156
329.
12
SCHAFER, E. H.: The Pearl Fisheries of Ho-pu. JAOS 72 (1952) 155168.
13
SCHAFER, E. H.: The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of Tang Exotics. Los Angeles
1963.
14
HARADA, Y.: East and West (II). MRDTB 29 (1971) 5779.
15
NEEDHAM, J.: Science and Civilisation in China. Vol. 1. Cambridge 1961.
16
PULLEYBLANK, E. G.: The Roman Empire as known to Han China. JAOS 119.1 (1999) 7179.
17
THORLEY, J.: The Silk Trade between China and the Roman Empire at its Height, circa A.D.
90130. G&R 2.18 (1971) 7180.
18
FERGUSON, J.: China and Rome. ANRW II. 9.2. (1978) 581603.
19
RASCHKE, M. G.: New Studies in Roman Commerce with the East. ANRW II. 9.2 (1978) 604
1233.
20
Y, Y.: Trade and Expansion in Han China. Los Angeles 1967.
21
(ZHU JIEQIN) (ZHANG XINGLANG): (Zhongxi jiaotong
shike huibian). (di yi ce). (Beijing) 2003.
266
KRISZTINA HOPPL
The complex analysis of the Daqin and Fulin accounts was published in The
Roman Empire in Chinese Sources by D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner.22 Although
it is a detailed collection of this field, it does not include the Chinese and western
originals, and uses the preconception of Daqin as the entire Roman Empire.
Recently another complex dissertation on Chinese sources was put forward by
J. E. Hill. He gave a complete translation and a detailed examination of the Hou Han
shu in 2003,23 and the Wei le in 2004,24 both of them available online. Furthermore,
in Through the Jade Gate to Rome. A Study of the Silk Routes during the Later Han
Dynasty 1st to 2nd Centuries CE. An Annotated Translation of the Chronicle on the
Western Regions in the Hou Hanshu he offered a more specified analysis of the
Hou Han shu.25
II. INTRODUCTION INTO THE CHINESE SOURCES
Starting the analysis of the Daqin accounts, we have five sources compiled during
the 2nd6th c. C.E. Two of them referred to the period between the 3rd5th c. C.E.
and typically these contemporary sources are the most detailed (see Diagram 1).
III.1. The Hou Han shu
The Hou Han shu was compiled by Fan Ye (),26 who lived between 398 and 445
during the reign of the Liu-Song Dynasty (). In his work juan ()27 8628 and
88, the chapter of Xi yu zhuan (),29 contains several pieces of information
about the Romans. There are numerous descriptions of the countries from Khotan to
the Roman Empire in the division of the westernmost world, altogether 22 realms.
22
LESLIE, D. D. GARDINER, K. H. J.: The Roman Empire in Chinese Sources. Rome 1996.
HILL, J. E.: The Western Regions according to the Hou Hanshu. The Xiyu juan Chapter on the
Western Regions from Hou Hanshu 88. 2003. http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/hhshu/hou_
han_shu.html
24
HILL, J. E.: The Peoples of the West from the Weilue by Yu Huan . A Third Century
Chinese Account Composed between 239 and 265 CE Quoted in zhuan 30 of the Sanguozhi. Published in
429 CE. 2004. http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/weilue.html
25
HILL, J. E.: Through the Jade Gate to Rome. A Study of the Silk Routes during the Later Han
Dynasty 1st to 2nd Centuries CE. An Annotated Translation of the Chronicle on the Western Regions in
the Hou Hanshu. Lexington 2009. Other works: DUBS, H.: A Roman City in Ancient China. London
1957; BALL, W.: Rome in the East. The Transformation of an Empire. London New York 2000;
YOUNG, G. K.: Romes Eastern Trade. International commerce and imperial policy, 31BC AD 305.
London New York 2001.
26
The texts in the several editions are not entirely assigned to him, the chapter of Zhi () is the
work of another compiler. See HIRTH (n. 2) 67.
27
Meaning chapter, volume, scroll.
28
: (Hou Han shu: Juan liushiliu Nan man Nan yi
Liezhuan di qishiliu). HIRTH (n. 2) 9798.
29
: HIRTH (n. 2) 98101.
23
267
2500
2000
1500
HHS
WL
JS
WS
SS
1000
500
0
number of
characters
Diagram 1 Quantitative comparison of the Daqin () accounts
During the investigation of the text it should be considered, that in the 7th c.
some new commentaries were added to the original work, and although it was printed
during the reign of the Song Dynasty, there are many other copies. In his monumental work in 1885, F. Hirth compared the different editions of the Hou Han shu and he
did not find remarkable changes in them.30
III.2. The Wei le
The Wei le was compiled by the historian Yu Huan () before the year 297 C.E.31
The division on the western countries contains the records of Daqin. Although the
original version of his work is lost, the San guo zhi (), which summarised the
history of the Wei, Shu and Wu Dynasties (,,), is quoted in the geo30
HIRTH (n. 2) 610. The relating chapters of the Hou Han shu in Chinese: HIRTH (n. 2) 97101.
In Chinese on the even pages, and in English on the odd ones: HILL: Through the Jade Gate (n. 25) 258.
31
On the date of the Wei le CHAVANNES: Les pays dOccident daprs le Wei lio (n. 5) 519520.
268
KRISZTINA HOPPL
graphical accounts.32 In the surviving work Yu Huan does not refer to the sources of
his information, but presumably he never left the boundaries of China. Hence he had
only second hand data from the earlier histories and the descriptions of travellers and
merchants.33
Regarding the authenticity of the Wei le F. Hirth assumes that at least one
other text existed, but besides this the whole work is not less reliable than other classical records in the period.34 Although there is some uncertainty about the original
text of the Wei le and its compiler Yu Huan, the remaining version of this work is
one of the most detailed sources of Daqin.
III.3. The Jin shu
The third important history is the Jin shu,35 compiled during the 7th c. Although the
information on Daqin refers to the interval between 265 and 419 C.E., it is more
reticent than the Hou Han shu and the Wei le. The compiler of the Jin shu was Fang
Xuanling (), who lived between 549 and 618 and was followed by Fang Qiao
().36
III.4. The Wei shu
The history of the Northern Wei Dynasty (), the Wei shu37 refers to the period
between 386 and 556, still in many ways it uses the statements of the Hou Han shu
and the Wei le.38 The compiler was Wei Shou (), the annalist in the court of the
Northern Qi Dynasty, who lived between 506 and 572. As his family name suggests,
he was a descendant of the former Wei House. However, the accuracy of the recent
version of the Wei shu, which was issued in the 11th c., is strongly questionable, since
29 chapters are missing. Although this gap was filled with the relevant parts of the
Bei shi () compiled during the 7th c., there are some differences between the two
texts.39
32
: (San guo zhi: Wei shu sanshi Wu wan Xianbei
Dong yi Zhuan di sanshi). HIRTH (n. 2) 110114. The San guo zhi was compiled by Chen Shou (),
who died before 297, while Pei Songzhi () reprinted this work in 429 C.E. HIRTH (n. 2) 1314.
33
HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/weilue.html#aboutText
34
HIRTH (n. 2) 1415.
35
: (Jin shu: Juan jiushiqi Liezhuan di liushiqi Si yu zhuan).
HIRTH (n. 2) 101102.
36
Fang Qiao died in 648 C.E. HIRTH (n. 2) 16.
37
: (Wei shu: Juan yibaier [yi] Liezhuan di Jiushi Xi yu).
HIRTH (n. 2) 103104.
38
HIRTH (n. 2)17.
39
HIRTH (n. 2) 17; WILKINSON, E.: Chinese History. A Manual. Princeton 2000, 811.
269
III.5. The Song shu

The fifth Chinese record of Daqin, the Song shu was compiled by Shen Yue (),
the historian of the Liang Dynasty () during the 6th c.40 Like the Jin shu, the
Song shu also includes only little information on the Romans, and refers to the period
between 420 and 478.41
IV. THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE TEXTS
Although by using the Chinese sources it is roughly possible to picture how an ancient empire could imagine another one, far away in the West, one should treat these
kinds of information carefully.
As parts of the standard histories, the above works42 were compiled by the officers of the Historiography Bureau based on the materials collected during the previous dynasties. Furthermore the different groups of chapters were formed to satisfy
various purposes and to show a different point of view.43 The information on Barbarians and other foreign nations is usually in the Liezhuan (), the section of
memoirs, and in the monographs called Zhi (). Since, in many cases, alternative
sources were lacking, the compilers used archaic data from the archives of former
dynasties or based themselves on earlier sources by means of the scissors-and-paste
method.44 Moreover, these standard histories were not always devoid of historical
mistakes and misunderstandings.
In addition the surviving works could have been modified. As F. Hirth stated
during the examination of the Hou Han shu, it is impossible to trace the texts back to
their first origin. At the same time he points out that the textual errors and changes can
be considered as oversights. Since, in his opinion, the Chinese scholars were more
responsible and literate than the monks in the West, such errors are less frequent.45
V. THE MEANING OF THE TERM DAQIN
The common feature of the Chinese histories displayed above is that they use the term
Daqin to denote a great empire in the west.
40
: (Song shu: Juan Jiushiqi Liezhuan di wushiqi yi man).
HIRTH (n. 2) 102.
41
HIRTH (n. 2) 16.
42
Although the Wei le, compiled by the historian Yu Huan, is not considered as one of the
canonical histories: CHAVANNES: Les pays dOccident daprs le Wei lio (n. 5) 519520.
43
LOEWE, M.: Introduction. In TWITCHETT, D. FAIRBANK, J. K. (eds.): The Cambridge History
of China. Vol. 1. The Chin and Han Empires, 221 B. C. A. D. 220. Cambridge 2008, 120, here 34.
44
WILKINSON (n. 39) 501507.
45
HIRTH (n. 2) 89. For more details, see LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 1924.
270
KRISZTINA HOPPL
The first allusion to this state is in juan 86 of the Hou Han shu.46 According to
the text in the year 120 the king of the Shan () Empire sent an embassy to the Han
() Court. He offered musicians and magicians from a country called Daqin which
is the west of the sea ().47 Moreover, the Wei le already mentioned jugglery as
a major feature of the Daqin people.48
It is widely accepted among the scholars of this field that the name Daqin, i.e.
Great Qin (), refers to the Roman Empire. Although it is still a subject of debate
whether it means the entire empire with Rome as its capital or only the eastern provinces.49 Or perhaps, as J. E. Hill suggests, depending on the context, the term Daqin
could be translated as the city of Rome, Roman territory or the Roman Empire.50
The character of Qin is possibly an allusion to the name the Great Qin Empire
which the Chinese used in this period for themselves.51 However, it should be noted
that, as Loewe stated, the Chinese very rarely used the term Qin for themselves, because of its rigour, and more commonly denominated themselves as Zhongguo (
).52
Moreover the Hou Han shu,53 as the Wei le54 and the Jin shu55 gives a socalled explanation for using the term Daqin: the people of this state are tall and openhearted just like the Chinese, although they wear hu ()56 clothes. The Wei shu57
also emphasises that the Daqin people are honest and tall and their carriages and
flags are like the Chinese ones, which is why the foreign nations gave the name
Daqin.
46
Although the Shi ji () and the Han shu () also mentioned conjurors, they used the term
Lixuan (), not Daqin to name the foreigners home. See: :
(Shiji: Juan yibaiershisan Dayuan di liushisan); and : (Qian Han
shu: Juan jiushiliu shang Xi yu Liezhuan di liushiliu shang). HIRTH (n. 2) 97.
47
: (Hou Han shu: Juan liushiliu Nan man Nan yi
Liezhuan di qishiliu). HIRTH (n. 2) 98.
48
Dong yi Zhuan di sanshi). HIRTH (n. 2) 111.
49
It is not the main topic of this paper to overview the different arguments in this debate or to
identify the exact position of Daqin. There is a great summary of the various opinions in LESLIE
GARDINER (n. 22) XXIXXVI and 232.
50
HILL: Through the Jade Gate (n. 25) 256.
51
PELLIOT, P.: La thorie des quatre fils du Ciel. TP 22/2 (1923) 97125, here 119120.
52
LOEWE (n. 43) 20. To the history of Qin Empire, see BODDE, D.: The State and Empire of
Chin. In TWITCHETT, D. FAIRBANK, J. K. (eds.): The Cambridge History of China. vol. 1. The Chin
and Han Empires, 221 B. C. A. D. 220. Cambridge 2008, 20102.
53
: (Hou Han shu: Juan bashiba Xi yu zhuan di qishiba).
HIRTH (n. 2) 100.
54
: (San guo zhi: Wei shu sanshi Wu wan Xianbei Dong
yi Zhuan di sanshi). HIRTH (n. 2) 111.
55
HIRTH (n. 2) 101.
56
I.e. foreign, not Han.
57
(Wei shu: Juan yibaier Liezhuan di jiushi Xi yu). HIRTH (n. 2)
103.
271
Another interpretation of the texts and a possible reason for the term Daqin is
that by the growing geographical knowledge the Chinese began to realize that there
was another civilized empire resembling theirs.58
VI. DESCRIBING DAQIN
VI.1. Geography
Besides the explanation of the name Daqin all of the five Chinese sources describe
the geography of this westernmost state. According to them Daqin is located at Haixi
(), i.e. west of the sea.59 Furthermore the Wei le also indicates that it is west of
Anxi (), Tiaozhi and the Great sea ().60 Besides these data the Hou Han shu
gives more details.61 3400 li () west of Anxi there is the kingdom of Aman ().
3600 li west of Aman one reaches Sibin (), from here one must turn south and
cross a river, and travel 960 li southwest to the kingdom of Yuluo (). This is the
extreme west frontier of Anxi, where one should proceed southwards by sea and then
reach Daqin. (Map 1)
The Wei le also informs about the location of Daqin.62 It says that from the
city of Angu (), which is on the border of Anxi, one must take a ship and directly
cross Haixi. The journey takes two months with favourable winds, although with
slow winds it may last one year, and without wind perhaps three years. The country
is the west of the sea, which is why it is commonly called Haixi. There is a river running out of the west of this country and there is also another great sea. The city of
Chisan () is in Haixi and before you reach this country you must go north to the
city of Wudan (). In the southwest you cross a river by boat, which takes one
day, and then another river southwest, which is another day. So altogether there are
three major cities.63 (Map 2)
By the land route from the city of Angu one must go north to Haibei ()
and then turn west towards Haixi and then head south to reach the city of Wuchisan
58
Y, Y.: Han foreign relations. In TWITCHETT, D. FAIRBANK, J. K. (eds.): The Cambridge History of China. Vol. 1. The Chin and Han Empires, 221 B. C. A. D. 220. Cambridge 2008, 377462,
here 379 and PULLEYBLANK: The Roman Empire (n. 16) 71.
59
: (Hou Han shu: Juan bashiba Xi yu zhuan di qishiba). HIRTH
(n. 2) 99. The Jin shu locates Daqin at the west of the west sea (), while the Song shu only
says that Daqin and Tianzhu () are far away on the western ocean (). See: :
(Jin shu: Juan jiushiqi Liezhuan di liushiqi Si yu zhuan). and :
(Song shu: Juan Jiushiqi Liezhuan di wushiqi yi man); HIRTH (n. 2) 101, 102.
60
61
(n. 2) 9899.
62
63
F. Hirth translated the character du () as division, not as city. HIRTH (n. 2) 69, 111.
272
KRISZTINA HOPPL
Map 1 Localisation of Daqin according to the Hou Han Shu.

Based on LESLIEGARDINER (n. 21) 311.
Map 2 Sea route according to the Wei le.

273
Map 3 Land route according to the Wei le.

(). It takes one day to cross the river by boat, then make a round at sea and
after crossing the Great sea you reach Daqin, which generally takes six days. (Map 3)
There are numerous studies on the identification of the place names listed
above.64 However there is still not an adequate solution to these questions. Due the
difficulties, there are many different points of view, however, the exact determinations
of these places would not have influenced how the Chinese imagined the Romans.
Moreover, the analysis of the other parts of these texts in their complexity might mean
a huge step towards the precise identifications.
Three of the chronicles include a chapter on the incorrect beliefs of the former
sources, e.g. the Han shu () mentioning legendary places in the far west. For
instance the Ruoshui (), i.e. Weak Water,65 Liusha (), i.e. Flowing Sands,66
64
For the Hou Han shu: e.g. HIRTH (n. 2) 140, 149151, 154155, 159; PULLEYBLANK, E. G.:
The consonantal system of Old Chinese. Asia Major 9 (1963) 58144, 206265, here 77 and 221; LESLIE
GARDINER (n. 22) 251253; HILL: Through the Jade Gate (n. 25) 220222, 227233, 243251, 481483.
For the Wei le: e.g. HIRTH (n. 2) 155158, 180183; LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 180186; PULLEYBLANK: The Roman Empire (n. 16) 76; HILL: Through the Jade Gate (n. 25)
http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/notes11_30.html#11_4
65
In the Hou Han shu and in the Wei le. See: : (Hou Han shu:
Juan bashiba Xi yu zhuan di qishiba). and : (San guo zhi: Wei
shu sanshi Wu wan Xianbei Dong yi Liezhuan sanshi). HIRTH (n. 2) 100, 114.
66
In the Hou Han shu and in the Wei le. : (Hou Han shu: Juan
bashiba Xi yu zhuan di qishiba). and : (San guo zhi: Wei shu
sanshi Wu wan Xianbei Dong yi Zhuan di sanshi). HIRTH (n. 2) 100, 114.
274
KRISZTINA HOPPL
Map 4 Vassal states in the Wei le. In HIRTH (n. 1) 209.
Xi Wang Mu (), i.e. Mother of the Western King.67 These fabulous places reflect on the Chinese idea of the terra incognita68 influenced by their own mentality
and the concepts of Taoism.69
Besides the above information, there is a third geographical account in the
analysed histories. The Hou Han shu,70 the Wei le,71 the Jin shu72 and the Wei shu73
all say that the territory of Daqin is several thousand li in all directions and has more
than four hundred smaller cities. Furthermore there are numerous vassal states belonging to it. The Wei le even adds the list and the location of these kingdoms, namely
Zesan (), Lfen (), Qielan (), Xiandu () Sifu () and Yuluo,
and also says that there are many others.74 (Map 4)
67
In the Hou Han shu, Wei le and in the Wei shu. See: : (Hou
Han shu: Juan bashiba Xi yu zhuan di qishiba). and : (San
guo zhi: Wei shu sanshi Wu wan Xianbei Dong yi Zhuan di sanshi). and :
(Wei shu: Juan yibaier [yi] Liezhuan di Jiushi Xi yu). HIRTH (n. 2) 100, 114, 104.
68
LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 273.
69
SHIRATORI: Chinese Ideas (n. 9); STEIN, R. A.: Remarques sur les mouvements du Taoisme
politicoreligieux au II sicle ap. J. C. TP 5.20 (1963) 321; RASCHKE (n. 19) 854.
70
(n. 2) 99.
71
72
HIRTH (n. 2)101.
73
Without mentioning the vassal states. : (Wei shu: Juan
yibaier [yi] Liezhuan di Jiushi Xi yu). HIRTH (n. 2) 103.
74
yi Zhuan di sanshi). HIRTH (n. 2) 112, 114.
275
It is likewise difficult to reasonably identify these states, even though there are
many studies on this topic.75 Apart from the determinations of D. D. Leslie and K. H.
J. Gardiner, who think Zesan is Cyprus and Lfen is probably Cilicia,76 the places
identified by most of the scholars line a trade (?) route. Although the text uses the
term wang () to indicate their relation with Daqin,77 it is generally accepted that
they are influential metropoleis or even provinces. This is more than reasonable concerning the distance between China and these places which hinders the transmission
of information. It is also noteworthy that some scholars think these names could not
refer to a region of an eastern province but the whole Roman Empire.78 Although in
this case the distances mentioned in the text, however approximate they are, would
be too exaggerated. J. E. Hill gives a possible interpretation of these accounts: depending on the textual background he stretches the interpretation of Daqin and Daqin
du ().79
VI.2. The capital of Daqin
The histories also give information about the capital of Daqin. According to the Wei
le it lies at the mouth of a river,80 while the Jin shu adds the extension of the city as
over a hundred li.81 Expanding these descriptions, the Wei shu adds that the name of
75
E.g. HIRTH (n. 2) 149151, 190198; PELLIOT, P.: Note sur les anciens itinraries chinoise dans
lorient romain. JA 18/11 (1921) 139145, here 141142; SHIRATORI: A Study (n. 8) 9; SHIRATORI: The
Geography (n. 10) 105110, 117; LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 189196, 268272; ZHU ()ZHANG ()
(n. 21) 143144; HILL: The Peoples (n. 24)
76
77
With the exception of Yuluo.
78
PELLIOT: Note (n. 75) 141142; LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 189.
79
HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/weilue.html#section17
80
81
HIRTH (n. 2) 101.
276
KRISZTINA HOPPL
the capital is Andu (). Moreover, the royal city is divided into five smaller cities
and the source also adds the dimensions of them.82
According to the Hou Han shu there are five palaces in the capital, ten li from
each other.83 The Wei le repeats this information and also says that there is an office
of archives.84 While the Jin shu does not give more details,85 the Wei shu86 reports in
a different way: the residence of the king is in the middle of the city and there are
eight high offices to rule over the four cities. And in the royal city there is also an office which rules the four cities. D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner give another interpretation of the account. According to them, each city, including the royal city,
has eight offices to rule over the four cities, more precisely the four divisions of the
country.87
There are also numerous studies on the identification of the capital of Daqin. F.
Hirth states that the city described above is Antiochia ad Orontem and the term Daqin applies to the Roman East.88 However, he mainly based his opinion on the records
of the Wei shu. Besides the linguistic considerations the Chinese chronicle referring
to the period between 386 and 556 describes the extension of the capital, which is
smaller than according to the former sources (only 60 li) because of the earthquake
destroying the city of Antiochia ad Orontem in 532. Furthermore in his view the
information of the four cities refers to the four regions of Antioch completed with the
Suburbia. (Map 5)
D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner89 noted that the term Andu for the capital of
Daqin only appears in the Wei shu. They also supposed that Andu refers to Augusta
Antonina, and the capital of Daqin is Rome. J. E. Hill also accepted this last statement.90
It is more than complicated to take a side, however there are some further pieces
of information in the sources that may help to resolve the problem.
VI.3. Administration
There are some details about the administration in the Hou Han shu:91 each day the
king goes to the palaces to hear the cases, and he visits all of them within five days.
82
HIRTH (n. 2) 103.
83
HIRTH (n. 2) 99.
84
yi zhuan di sanshi). HIRTH (n. 2) 111.
85
HIRTH (n. 2) 101.
86
: HIRTH (n. 2) 103.
87
88
HIRTH (n. 2) 183. 207213.
89
90
HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/notes11_30.html#11_14
91
HIRTH (n. 2) 99.
277
Map 5 Map of Antioch based on excavations. In DOWNEY (n. 104) 761.
A man with a bag follows the royal carriage and every time when somebody has a
matter to be reconsidered by the king, he throws an application into the bag. After the
king has returned to the palace, he examines the contents of the bag, and decides
whether the claims are legal or not. In every palace there is a department of archives
and there are thirty-six generals to discuss the matters of the state.92 The king of Daqin is not a permanent ruler, but chosen for his merits. When an unexpected calamity
occurs in the country, such as the ordinary storms of wind and rain, the king is replaced by another, without feeling angry about this. The Wei le93 emphasises that
the previous king does not dare to show anger. It also adds that the king judges the
cases from early in the morning till late in the night and the next day he goes to another palace. It takes five days to visit all of the palaces. He also consults the public
matters with the thirty-six generals. If one of the generals does not take part in the
consultation, he closes the meeting.
92
In the translation published by F. Hirth there are thirty-six generals responsible for the official
documents. HIRTH (n. 2) 41.
93
yi zhuan di sanshi). HIRTH (n. 2) 111112.
278
KRISZTINA HOPPL
The Jin shu94 only repeats the previous data, however, the Wei shu95 adds more
details. Every time when the necessities of the state demand this or any of the four
regions has a matter to discuss, the king calls for the officials of the four cities. After
the king has ratified their decision, it is put into effect. Every third year the king goes
out and mingles with the public. If anyone has a matter to decide, the king judges. In
minor cases he will censure, but in important cases will replace the responsible officer.
Comparing the description of the Wei shu with the text of the other sources,
there are several differences between them. One possible reason for this is, as D. D.
Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner suggest, that the Wei shu incorrectly used the term Andu
for the capital of Daqin.96 However, it should be noted that the text refers to the
period between the 4th and 5th c. when there were elementary changes in the Roman
administration, in the eastern provinces as well as in the whole Roman Empire.
Moreover, D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner argue that the city of Antioch
could not be the capital of the Roman Empire. Nevertheless the Chinese histories, because they could not have the exact information on the Roman Empire, might have
mistakenly considered a prosperous administrative centre as the capital of the Roman
Empire. By the same token, only because of the linguistic considerations, it cannot be
excluded that Andu refers to the city of Rome.97 Andu means Still City,98 which could
roughly be compared to the Roman terms Urbs Roma Beata and Urbs Roma Felix
more commonly used during the 4th c.
The selected passages of the Wei shu also raise other problems. It is still unclear whether the five cities refer to the regions of the capital or to independent cities
with walls around them. In any case it may be hypothesised, as by F. Hirth,99 that the
Wei shu indicates four subdivisions and the royal residence on its own.
Nevertheless, comparing the account with the cityscape of Rome, there are some
essential differences. Under Augustus reorganisation Rome was divided into fourteen instead of the former four city regions, although the Aurelian Wall did not include the whole area of the XIV Regions, namely Regio VII and V, as well as I.100
Moreover, if the capital of Daqin refers to the City of Rome, the king would only
have authority over the City, which is more likely a praefectus urbi, not the emperor
of a state. So far as the term wang indicates the ruler of the Roman Empire, it is still
uncertain which augustus it could be.
194

HIRTH (n. 2) 101.
195
HIRTH (n. 2) 103.
196
197
Although this would also mean that the data of the Wei shu refers to the period before 386.
198
K. Shiratori although in another context gave the interpretation of the term. See SHIRATORI: Chinese Ideas (n. 9) 59.
199
HIRTH (n. 2) 210.
100
ROBINSON, O. F.: Ancient Rome. City planning and administration. London New York 2003,
78 and 19.
279
Map 6 Map of Antioch based on Strabos description.

In DOWNEY (n. 104) 761.
The emperors of the Western Roman Empire were often away from Rome,101
while the description of the Wei shu suggests that the royal duties mostly kept them
in the capital. The rulers of the Eastern Roman Empire were principally resident in
Constantinople, although if the term wang refers to the augustus of the Eastern Empire, Daqin du could not indicate Rome but Constantinople. Besides, the meaning of
the five regions/cities and the consultative officers controlling them is still unclear.
It might refer to the comitatus or rather the consistorium, at the same time the contribution of these bodies scarcely suits the records of the chronicle.102
It cannot be excluded that the four cities refer to the territorial villages of Antioch, although there is only scanty information on their administration and locality.103 In case the Wei shu described five regions, not cities, as F. Hirth pointed out,104
Antioch could not be ignored again. Following Strabos description, Hirth surmised
that the Regia on the island of Orontes was the main centre and the three principal divisions on the southern side of the river, each surrounded by walls, and the Suburbia,
which is not mentioned by Strabo, framed the four regions. Indeed, during the 4th c.
there were essential changes in the life of Antioch. By raising new buildings the
palace, built in the 3rd c. on the island of Orontes, was extended and the region of
the Suburbia also became increasingly built-up. (Map 6) However, according to
M. G. Raschke citing Downeys work, Hirth incorrectly matched Antioch with the selected passages of the Wei shu.105 Then again Downey in his topography did not con-
101
JONES, A. H. M.: The Late Roman Empire. 3 Vols. Oxford 1964, 329.
JONES (n. 101)367373.
103
LIEBESCHUETZ, J. H. W. G.: Antioch. City and Imperial Administration in the Later Roman
Empire. Oxford 1972, 119120.
104
HIRTH (n. 2) 210211. Although in this case the distances given in the source would be exaggerated.
105
Although incorrectly citing the Hou Han shu, not the Wei shu. RASCHKE (n. 18) 854.
102
280
KRISZTINA HOPPL
fute the existence of five regions, moreover, he emphasised the various problems of
identifications and reconstructions.106
Accepting F. Hirths suggestion it cannot be excluded that there might be some
connections with the eight-eight officers and the principales. This contribution of the
prominent members of the city council had just become more influential in that period and started to efface the other councillors.107
Hence it is presumable that the capital of Daqin in the Wei shu might not be
equal with Rome, but the descriptions of the other histories such as the Hou Han shu,
the Wei le and the Jin shu could point to the City.
However, the passages of the above works about replacing the previous king
whenever calamities come unexpectedly and named a more meritorious one108 might
be comparable to the elevation of the optimus princeps. On this basis the duty of the
new emperor is, by using the divina providentia, to find the most eligible successor.
The resignation of the king might be due to a powerful governor, who by replacing
him could attain a higher stage in his cursus honorum. However, the fact of replacement might also mean a utopistic interpretation of the rapid succession of Roman
emperors during the 3rd c.109
The interpretation of the term wang as a Roman emperor is also accepted by
J. E. Hill, who suggests that the thirty-six generals in the sources might be the consulares and the consilium principis110 However, the number of the amici principis was
not permanent and defined, moreover, the emperor often consulted with other magistrates and consiliums.111 Although it is also worthy of note that the number thirty-six
might have been a pseudo-number in ancient China, meaning many or countless
as some Japanese scholars have suggested.112
It is also possible that the thirty-six generals refer to the growing importance of
the city council.113 According to the Antiochicus the structure of the city was founded
upon the council as the tree on its roots.114 These curiales gave advice and appointed
men to act the duties of the governor.115
106
DOWNEY, G.: A History of Antioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab Conquest. Princeton
1961, 612650.
107
LIEBESCHUETZ (n. 103) 172174.
108
J. E. Hill thinks this is not more than a fabulous story. HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.
washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/notes11_30.html#11_18
109
JONES (n. 101) 46; ALFLDY, G.: Rmai trsadalomtrtnet [The Social History of Rome].
Budapest 2002, 153.
110
HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/notes11_30.html
#11_26 and HILL: Through the Jade Gate (n. 25) 258 259.
111
CROOK, J.: Consilium Principis. Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian. New York 1975, here 104114.
112
More details: YANG LIEN-SHENG: Numbers and Units in Chinese Economic History. HJAS
12.1/2 (1949) 216225, here 218.
113
LIEBESCHUETZ (n.103) 101.
114
Libanius, Or. xi 133138.
115
Libanius, Or. xxxv 6; more detailed: LIEBESCHUETZ (n. 103) 167.
281
According to the Hou Han shu the thirty-six generals were responsible for the
affairs of a whole state, not only a city. As such, this could also refer to the provincial
assembly of Syria composed by the delegates of the seventeen cities.
Libanius also mentioned the eighteen tribes of Antioch, nevertheless their appointment and role in the administration are still not clarified. At any rate they presumably elected their own officers, who had to report to the governor.116
A possible reason why the Wei shu did not mention the thirty-six generals,
although they could also have played a significant role in the 4th c. administration of
Antioch, might be the reduction of the city magistrates power since the second half
of the 4th c. Hence the source might not have deemed them important enough to allude to them.
The assumption that the term wang might have referred to a provincial governor
could be proved by the selected passages of Libanius about the authority of the
governor, who could even refuse to obey the emperor and not publish his edicts.117
Thus the Chinese chronicles might have believed that a provincial governor is the king
of Daqin. Moreover it is also Libanius118 who mentioned that the governor could
work with the jurisdiction and taxation during the whole night until the morning, just
as the Wei le said. In Libanius works there is information about the duties of the
governors: they had to listen to acclamations, sometimes demonstrations, and complaints. The latter usually took place in a public area such as the theatre. Starting from
this it cannot be excluded that the Chinese histories mistakenly identified the public
buildings of Antioch as the five palaces of Daqin.119 Moreover, in special cases, some
of these public facilities could be used for a palatium. Just as Dio Cassius120 noted in
connection with the earthquake in 115 C.E. According to the annalist Trajan had to
leave his palace through the windows and live in the hippodrom for a few days.
Although the Romans often ascribed special meaning to natural phenomena, it
is worthy of note that unexpected storms coming from the Mons Silpius and other
disasters were quite common in the region of Antioch.121
If we accepted that the term Daqin du refers to Antioch, it would be easy to
identify Daqin as the Roman Orient or the province Syria. However, it is more likely
that the Chinese did not have enough information about the exact extension and the
political system of the Roman Empire. Moreover, it is also possible that, as J. E. Hill
suggested, the term Daqin referred to different things depending on the context.
Hence it cannot be excluded that it was a greater unit than the Roman Orient but they
did not know its precise extension.
116
LIEBESCHUETZ (n. 103) 123124. On their roles in Egypt: JONES (n. 101) 724.
See: Libanius, Or. xlviii 15.
118
Libanius, Or. xxvi 3334.
119
At the same time the five palaces might be in Rome as well.
120
Cassius Dio, Hist. lxviii 25. 5.
121
DOWNEY (n. 106) 1718, 653656.
117
282
KRISZTINA HOPPL
VII. LIFESTYLE IN DAQIN

The Hou Han shu122 and the Wei le123 give other details of the lifestyle in Daqin.
According to them the people of Daqin have walled cities, they have a relay ()
every 10 li and a postal station () every 30 li like the Chinese. They travel by small
carriages covered with a white canopy accompanied by beating drums and waving
flags. The Wei le124 and the Jin shu125 also add that they understand the hu writing
and have multi-storeyed public and private buildings.
The relays and postal stations in the sources could be compared to the Roman
mutationes and mansiones.126 The Chinese tings () mentioned in our sources were
originally built only for official use but occasionally private travellers could also rent
them for a certain amount of money.127 A similar system was in use in the Roman
Empire where an evectio or a diploma was necessary to lease the stations, while the
official use was free.128
It is also interesting to compare the Roman images of raedae with the Chinese
descriptions, e.g. the stone relief of a carriage in the village of Maria Saal, used for
long-distance travel. (Fig. 1)
In the Jin shu129 there are also some details of the buildings: their walls were
covered with opaque glass (), pillars were made of crystal () and the kings
residence of coral (). However, there is still no consensus on the exact meaning
of the terms above. Liuli () refers to both opaque glass and glass-like glaze, and
shuijing () could mean crystal stone and crystal glass, too.130 J. Thorley suggested131 that the term shuijing in the sources might be an evidence that the Chinese
confused crystal and glass.132
122
HIRTH (n. 2) 100101.
123
Dong yi zhuan di sanshi). HIRTH (n. 2) 111.
124
125
: (Jin shu: Juan jiushiqi Liezhuan di liushiqi Si yu
zhuan). HIRTH (n. 2) 101.
126
JONES (n. 101) 831. On their capacity: TILBURG, C.: Traffic and Congestion in the Roman Empire. London New York 2007, 62.
127
Y: Trade (n. 20) 3233. On their use and equipment: LOEWE, M.: The Government of the Qin
and Han Empires: 221 BCE 220 CE. IndianapolisCambridge 2006, 109110.
128
JONES (n. 101) 830. On the officers: TILBURG (n. 126) 5761. About the cursus publicus:
KOLB, A.: Transport and communication in the Roman state: the cursus publicus. In ADAMS, C.
LAURENCE, R. (eds.): Travel and Geography in the Roman Empire. London New York 2001, 96103.
129
HIRTH (n. 2) 101.
130
On the different meanings of the various glass products: BRILL, R. H.: Some Thoughts on the
Origin of the Chinese Word Boli. SRAA 2 (1991/1992) 129136, here 129130.
131
THORLEY (n. 17) 77.
132
The term shuijing is also mentioned in the Hou Han shu. Here the kings residence and the
pillars of the palace are made from crystal. : (Hou Han shu: Juan
bashiba Xi yu zhuan di qishiba). HIRTH (n. 2) 99.
283
Fig. 1 Roman stone relief from the Virunum II cemetery

http://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/site/datenblatt/datenblatt.asp?Nr=1107;
cf. PICCOTTINI, G.: Grabstelen, Reiter- und Soldatendarstellungen sowie dekorative Reliefs
des Stadtgebietes von Virunum und Nachtrage zu: CSIR-Osterreich II/14.
However, it is more likely, as F. Hirth pointed out, that the histories used these
terms for the ornaments and covers of buildings, not for their exact materials.133 In this
case they might be comparable with the various Roman building materials such as
the polychrome stuccos and wall mosaics especially used in the eastern part of the
Empire.134 (Fig. 2)
VIII. POPULATION
The Hou Han shu,135 the Wei le136 and the Wei shu137 also describe Daqin as a densely
populated area, where people live close to each other. Moreover, the locals are tall and
virtuous, resemble the Chinese and wear embroidered/hu clothes. They shave their
hair/beard and, as the Wei le138 adds, can use magic. Such details of Daqin people
133
HIRTH (n. 2) 239.

ADAM, J. P.: Roman Building: Materials and Techniques. London 2005, 224230.
HIRTH (n. 2) 101.
136
137
HIRTH (n. 2) 103.
138
134
135
284
KRISZTINA HOPPL
Fig. 2 Textile fragments from Szemlhegy. In ADAM (n. 133) 229.
could refer to their appearance or more likely to their intrinsic properties and civilisation. The Chinese may well have claimed that the Daqin people originally came from
China because they might have heard this from various foreign peoples who with this
formulation may have wanted to emphasise that the Roman Empire was on the same
cultural level as the Chinese.
According to D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner139 the passage on Daqin people
who shave their hair is a mistake of the Chinese annalists, as this was not common
among the Romans. As the two scholars point out, since the reign of Hadrian it had
become more usual for the emperors to grow a beard.
However, this contradicts their argument that these passages presumably describe the Daqin people, not the emperor of the state. Moreover, as F. Hirth suggested
the records might refer to scraping their chin or simply cutting their hair. Both opinions might be the evidence of the Daqin peoples civilisation as emphasised earlier.
At the same time it could refer to their appearance: although the emperors portraiture generally influenced the taste of common people, not everybody imitated them,
especially not in the Hellenistic East.
The Wei le also adds details on the handcraft of the Daqin people when writes
that they make bows and arrows.140 Although there is no similar information in the
139

140
285
other sources,141 it might be an interesting parallel with the famous Syrian archers
during the Roman period.142
There is also an allusion in the histories to the public safety in Daqin. According to the Hou Han shu143 and the Wei le144 there are no bandits but fierce tigers and
lions who threaten travellers. These passages might fit the eastern regions of the Roman Empire. Although especially during the 4th c. various affrays between thieves
and travellers were more common in the area of Antioch, the antique sources emphasise the safety of the main routes.145 Moreover, wild animals such as tigers and lions
were common in the mountains around Antioch so much so that the authors write
about their role in amphitheatric games and other spectaculars.146 Hence it is possible
that these beasts were more dangerous to the travellers than the bandits, just as the
Chinese chronicles stated.
There is also an interesting passage in the Hou Han shu147 on the honest and reliable traders of Daqin. This might be comparable with the Roman Empire, too, where
trading was strictly controlled by the cursus publicus, comites commerciorum and
praefecti annonae.148
IX. THE ECONOMY OF DAQIN
IX.1. Agriculture and domesticated animals
The Hou Han shu,149 the Wei le150 and the Wei shu151 all give information about the
agriculture of Daqin. According to these records the region has many different types
of trees, such as pine trees, cypresses, willows, bamboos and so on. Moreover, the inhabitants plant grain, breed horses, mules, camels, donkeys and silkworms.
141
142

MYERS, A. E.: The Ituraeans and the Roman Near East. Reassessing the Sources. Cambridge
2010, 38.
143
HIRTH (n. 2) 101.
144
145
J. Chrys. Hom. ad Stag. 2. 6.
146
DOWNEY (n. 106) 23.
147
HIRTH (n. 2) 100.
148
JONES (n. 101) 824828; KOLB (n. 128) 96103. According Young the effect of the long-distance trade on the Roman foreign policy and the economic motivations are strongly questionable,
although the Syrian caravan-trade could have played a more significant role. YOUNG (n. 25) 194197. On
the prices of goods of the eastern trade during the 1st c.: YOUNG 199201.
149
HIRTH (n. 2) 100.
150
151
HIRTH (n. 2) 103.
286
KRISZTINA HOPPL
These passages might be parallel with the flora of the Roman Oriens. For instance the cypress was so common in the territory of Antioch that its exploitation was
regulated by law.152
The Roman Near-East, especially the agriculture of province Syria could be
compared to the descriptions of the Chinese sources. Pliny the Elder informs us that
Syria could provide Egypt with wheat when it suffered from hunger.153
There they grew wheat, rice, millet, hemp and many other kinds of grain.154
Besides the cypress, some other famous trees were the Syrian sumach, acacia and the
laurel, but spruce, fir and plane were quite rare.155 However, pines were not curiosity
in Asia Minor, especially the timber of Mount Ida.156
In Syria the breeding of horses, donkeys, mules and camels was important.
Apamea and Arabia were famous for their horses, Babylonia for its mules, Petra and
the region of Gaugamela for their camels.157 Moreover, Libanius158 characterised
Antioch as a famous centre of pasture and breeding.
Besides these pieces of information, the passage on silkworm breeding is still a
disputed point of research, although the antique auctors mentioned silkworms held by
Romans. Pliny the Elder gave a detailed report of silkworm raising on the island of
Cos.159 So it could not be excluded that as the Hou Han shu, the Wei le, so the Wei
shu write about the so-called Assyrian silk in Plinys text.160 But wild silk and the
Chinese Bombyx Mori were presumably not equal, so they could not be confused.161
Although the Romans knew that the silk in Cos was made by silkworms, perhaps it
was not evident for them that the special Chinese silk was made by cocoons, too.162
D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner emphasised that the existence of mulberry
trees for silkworms is unlikely in the Roman Empire.163 However, according to
F. Hirth the Morus Nigra occurred in the Roman Orient and even in Italia.164
In his explanation about the Chinese records on silkworm breeding J. Thorley165
suggested that it was a so-called trick by Parthian merchants. They lied to the Chinese that the Romans knew the secret of Bombyx Mori to prevent the overland trade
152
Cod. Iust. 11.78.

Plinius, Nat. Hist. xviii 63.
HEICHELHEIM, F. M.: Roman Syria. In FRANK, T. (ed.): An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome.
Vol. 4. Baltimore 1938, 121257, here 127130.
155
HEICHELHEIM (n. 154) 135.
156
BROUGHTON, T. R. S.: Roman Asia Minor. In FRANK, T. (ed.): An Economic Survey of Ancient
Rome. Vol. 4. Baltimore 1938, 499916, here 617.
157
158
Libanius, Or. xi 26.
159
Plinius, Nat. Hist. xi 7578.
160
LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 225; HILL: Through the Jade Gate (n. 25) 479480.
161
MAGIE, D.: Roman Rule in Asia Minor. To the End of the Third Century After Christ. Princeton 1950, 818. According to Dalby it was the Bombyx Arabia and the Bombyx Assyria. DALBY, A.: Empire of Pleasures. Luxury and Indulgence in the Roman World. New York 2002, 188.
162
HIRTH (n. 2) 255260.
163
164
HIRTH (n. 2) 256.
165
THORLEY (n. 17) 7778.
153
154
287
between the two states. However, in his theory he probably overrated the Parthian influence and authority, moreover, he did not count with the possibility of maritime
connections.
It is also a problem that the Bombyx Mori is a domesticated animal of the Romans in the Chinese chronicles, although it arrived to the west only in the 6th c. M. G.
Raschke suggested that silkworm breeding was not a secret monopoly of the Chinese
and many of the Central-Asian states knew it.166
Nevertheless the passages on growing mulberry trees and breeding silkworms
in Daqin might not contradict the Roman reality. Since in China the importance of
the Bombyx Mori was the same as of the other domesticated animals, it might not be
a surprise that they mention it among the significant animals of Daqin. There is no
information on growing mulberry trees, unless in connection to silkworms. Based on
these it cannot be excluded that the Chinese information on the silkworms in Cos are
not first-hand, so they did not know the exact method of Roman sericulture. Because
of the partial information on silk production they naturally started to use their own
terms for the Daqin silkworms, too. This could also explain that although there is no
mention of silkworms in the Roman sources after the 1st c.,167 the Chinese chronicles
presumably referring to the 2nd3rd c. still inform on it.
IX.2. Natural resources and other products
All of the five sources give an introduction of the products in Daqin, moreover the
Wei le adds an extra product list.168 (Diagram 2)
IX.2.1. Metals, precious stones, gems and other materials
The most detailed list of metals, gems and precious materials in Daqin is offered by
the Wei le,169 naming thirty-four items opposed to the fourteen mentioned in the
Hou Han shu.170 By reporting seven items, the Jin shu171 only gives an essence of the
previous lists, while the Wei shu172 transmits four, the Song shu173 three pieces of
these precious materials. (Diagram 3)
166
RASCHKE (n. 19) 622623.

MAGIE (n. 161) 52.
168
169
170
HIRTH (n. 2) 100.
171
172
: (Wei shu: Juan yibaier [yi] Liezhuan di jiushi Xi yu).
HIRTH (n. 2) 103.
173
: (Song shu: Juan jiushiqi Liezhuan di wushiqi yi man).
HIRTH (n. 2) 102.
167
288
KRISZTINA HOPPL
40
30
20
Diagram 2 Products of Daqin ()
12
10
8
metals
pearls
jade+minerals
2
jade+minerals
0
HHS
WL
JS
others
metals
WS
SS
Diagram 3 Metals, pearls, minerals and other precious materials
IX.2.1.1. Metals
The Hou Han shu, the Wei le and the Jin shu all emphasise the importance of gold
() in their product list. Moreover, the first two sources also mention silver () and
give the exchange rate of gold and silver money.
Describing the mining of precious metals in the Roman empire J. Thorley174
emphasises the importance of the Hispanian and Balkanian gold mines. Nevertheless
174
THORLEY (n. 17) 76.
289
their mining also played a significant role in the eastern provinces of the Empire, for
instance in the Nabatean region also mentioned by Strabo.175 In Asia Minor there was
only a more insignificant quantity of gold and silver, but there is information on
famous craftsmen in the province.176
According to J. E. Hill177 the 1:10 gold-silver exchange rate in the Hou Han
shu and the Wei le is very close to Plinys 1:11 ratio,178 although as D. Rathbone
stated, the ratio of 1:12 might have been most significant from Augustus time to
Diocletian.179
Copper (), iron (), lead () and tin () only appear in the Wei le product list. In the Roman Empire there were copper fields in Kurdistan, Lebanon and
other parts of the province Syria, and in the southern region of Palestine. Iron was
found near Jericho and in the spring of the Jordan, the region of Beirut and principally in the outskirts of Germanicia.180 Cyprian copper and iron from Pontus were
prepared in Asia Minor. Moreover, Lydian iron was used for weapons. Tin was also
processed in Asia Minor, in the area of Cilicia, on Cyprus, and Rhodus.181
J. E. Hill emphasised that China produced all these metals and had no need to
import them.182 However, there is no mention in the sources that Daqin had exported
all these products, to China or anywhere else. Moreover, as J. Ferguson183 showed,
the possible trade between Rome and China was conducted by middlemen, so the
existence of Roman objects in China should not be expected as evident.
The Wei le also mentions southern gold (), however, its identification is
quite problematic. According to J. E. Hill southern gold might refer to bronze.
IX.2.1.2. Pearls
There are many different kinds of pearls named in all of the five sources, emphasising their whiteness and brightness. Besides moonlight pearls (), genuine white
pearls (), snake () or simply shining () pearls, as well as motherof-pearl () also appear in the Wei le. Moreover, by simultaneously using different names of pearls, the Wei le actually refers to various types of pearls. Yet the
exact identifications are problematic and, as E. H. Shafer184 pointed out concerning
175
Strabo xvi, c784 26.

BROUGHTON (n. 156) 827829.
177
176
#12_2
178
Plinius, Nat. Hist. xxxii 47.

RATHBONE, D.: Earnings and Costs: Living Standards and the Roman Economy. In BOWMAN,
A. WILSON, A. (eds.): Quantifying the Roman Economy. Methods and Problems. Oxford 2009, 299
326, 302.
180
181
BROUGHTON (n. 156) 826827, 622623.
182
#12_12
183
FERGUSON (n. 18) 591.
184
SCHAFER: The Pearl (n. 12) 155.
179
290
KRISZTINA HOPPL
the meaning of mother-of-pearls, it is also possible that in some cases these terms referred to some kinds of minerals.
Related to moonlight pearls Y. Harada stressed that they were bigger than the
Chinese ones and also added that they were principally found in the eastern part of
the Roman Empire.185 Furthermore, M. Szkely mentions the Alexandrian, Antiochian and Palmyran jewellery workshops in her paper on the Roman pearl fashion.186
Pliny the Elder also deals with the pearls from the Red Sea and the Indian
Ocean, Arabia and Persia, moreover he emphasises the brightness of the pearls from
the Mare Rubrum.187 He stated that mother-of-pearl was most precious after diamonds188 and writes about white stones too, such as the ceraunia, which fulgorem
siderum rapiens, ipsa crystallina splendoris caerulei.189 At the same time Ammianus Marcellinus also mentioned Persian and Indian pearls.190
IX.2.1.3. Jades, gems and other minerals
In the Chinese chronicles there are also some allusions to the different jades in various colours. The Hou Han shu, the Wei shu and the Jin shu both mention the luminous jade (), moreover, the Hou Han shu also adds the bluish green gems
(). However, the exact meaning of this term is still not clear. . Chavannes identified it as a kind of blue-green jasper,191 while J. E. Hill suggested the nephrite or
peridot.192
The Wei le is much more detailed than the other histories. There are nine different gems listed, however, their translation is quite problematic. The identification
of cihuang () as orpiment and of xionghuang () as realgar is generally accepted by the translators.193 Furthermore, the chronicles, just as the Hou Han shu,
also mention amber ().
A detailed description of the different gems and minerals is offered by Pliny
the Elder, who in connection with the eastern provinces emphasised the Syrian
amber, cinnabar and alabaster,194 the amethyst of Egypt, Galatia, Petra, and Armenia
which has a special type close to the crystals in colour195 and other gems from the
Syrian and Assyrian region.196 He also writes about the agate in Cyprus, Phyrgia,
Lesbos, Rhodus197 and mentions the greenish topaz from the region of the Mare Rub-
185
HARADA (n. 14) 72.

SZKELY, M.: Az igazgyngy Rmban [Pearls in Rome]. kor 2 (2006) 3237, here 35.
187
Plinius, Nat. Hist. ix 106, 113.
188
Plinius, Nat. Hist. xxxvii 62.
189
190
Amm. Marc. xxiii 6. 8586 .
191
CHAVANNES: Les pays dOccident daprs le Heou Han chou (n. 4) 182.
192
HILL: Through the Jade Gate (n. 25) 276277.
193
E.g. HIRTH (n. 2) 73; LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 208; HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.
washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/notes11_30.html#12_12
194
Plinius, Nat. Hist. xxxvii 37, xxxv 40, xxxvi 61, xxxvii 143.
195
196
Plinius, Nat. Hist. xxxvii 149, 150, 159161, 186.
197
186
291
rum.198 Connected to the Persian jasper he remarks its sky-blue colour and also adds
that the Phyrgian is purple, while the Cappadocian is azure purple.199
J. Needham suggested that the bright, luminous gems described by the Chinese
annals might be the clorophane which contains calcium fluoride.200 J. Thorley noted
that the mention of the existence of different jades in Daqin might have been the result of a Parthian trick to hinder Sino-Roman trade relations, as jade was not known
to the Romans.201 However, the scholar did not take into consideration that some of
the chronicles refer to the period after the Sassanian conquer and that the term yu
() could simply mean gem, too.
Both the Hou Han shu and the Wei le mentioned the liuli which in the latter
one occurs in ten colours: red, white, black, green, yellow, bluish-green, dark blue,
light blue, fiery red and purple. The term is often translated as opaque, not transparent glass, although it might refer to a glass-like gemstone.202 Moreover, D. D. Leslie
and K. H. J. Gardiner point out that besides the term boli () used for transparent
glass, depending on the context liuli could also mean a natural gemstone and produced glass.203
Through the interpretation of term liuli the description of Daqin buildings in the
Jin shu could also be noteworthy. The walls made from liuli might refer to a glasslike glaze which could be comparable with the various Roman building decoration
techniques, such as polychrome stuccos and wall mosaics.204 Naturally it is still possible that in other passages the term liuli referred to glass or a glass-like gemstone.
At the same time the identification of the term shuijing is also problematic.
It could also mean crystal or transparent glass. J. E Hill suggested that it might refer
to the glass produced in Daqin.205 Roman glass production was significant, especially
in the Roman Orient as proved by Pliny the Elder206 and the Roman glass sherds
found in the Peoples Republic of China.207
198

200
NEEDHAM (n. 15) 199.
201
THORLEY (n. 17) 79.
202
NEEDHAM (n. 15) 200; HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/
weilue/notes11_30.html#12_12
203
204
ADAM (n. 134) 224230.
205
#12_12
206
Syrian sites: Plinius, Nat. Hist. xxxvi 190199.
207
E.g. LAING, E. J.: A Report on Western Asian Glassware in the Far East. BAI 5 (1991) 109
121, here 109; (AN JIAYAO): [Early Glass Vessels in China]
(Kaogu Xuebao) 4 (1984) 414447, here 415; (GAN FUXI):
(Sichou zhi Lu Cujin Zhongguo Gudai Boli Jishu de Fazhan). In (GAN FUXI) ():
(Zhongguo Gudai Boli Jishu de Fazhan). (Shanghai) 2005, 246252; GAN, F.:
The Silk Road and Ancient Chinese Glasses. In GAN, F. BRILL, R. H. SHOUYUN , T. (eds.): Ancient
Glass Research along the Silk Road. Singapore 2009, 41108; HOPPL, K.: Rmaiak Knban? A ganquani () 2. sr rmai vonatkozs veglelete [Romans in China? The Roman glass finding in grave 2
of Ganquan ()]. FA 54 (2008/2010) 131154.
199
292
KRISZTINA HOPPL
Furthermore, Pliny the Elder also mentions some glass-like minerals such as
the cetionis from Aeolis, which sometimes looked like glass, sometimes like crystal
or jasper. He also describes glass-like minerals among the leucochrysos, and informs
that they were often replaced by glass.208
IX.2.1.4. Other precious products, not identified materials
Both the Hou Han shu and the Wei le mention the red coral () and the langgan
() which, besides the identification as whitish chalcedony suggested by J. E.
Hill, possibly meant a sort of coral.209 In the Roman Empire corals from Arabia and
the Mare Rubrum were exported and a coral workshop in Magnesia was famous,
although coral did not have real value for the Romans.210
The Chinese annals also listed ivory (), large cowries (), tortoise shell
() and there are some products which are still difficult to identify. Such is the
case of the haiji rhinoceros ()211 in the Hou Han shu the Wei le and the Jin
shu, while the Song shu only mentions rhinoceros (). . Cavannes believed the
term rhinoceros might refer to a mineral stone with magical features which could
affray chicken when mixed with rice.212 According to D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner this special product rather meant simply the horn of rhinoceros.213 The idea of
fighting cocks and rhinoceros seems more likely since, as Pliny also cited, the cocks
mainly from Rhodus and Tangara were famous for their violent nature and their combats.214
The term white horses with red manes (215 and216) occurs
only in the list of the Wei le and the Wei shu. F. Hirth in his translation separated the
term into white horses and red hairs, but raised their connection.217
The Wei le also mentions the kingfisher feathers (),218 which is
named in the Song shu, too.219 Although it is still not clear whether the term refers to
208
Plinius, Nat. Hist. xxxii 21, 23, xxxvii 156, 128.

See: LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 210; and HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.
edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/notes11_30.html#12_12 and HILL: Through the Jade Gate (n. 25) 273275.
210
BROUGHTON (n. 156) 829.
211
J. E. Hill related the term haiji () to the term xi () which means rhinoceros, and translated this as fighting cocks. HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/
notes11_30.html#12_12
212
213
214
Plinius, Nat. Hist. x. 4750.
215
216
HIRTH (n. 2) 103.
217
HIRTH (n. 2) 73.
218
Dong yi Zhuan di sanshi). More precisely kingfisher gems and feathers. HIRTH (n. 2) 112.
219
With different characters: . See: : (Song shu: Juan
jiushiqi Liezhuan di wushiqi yi man). HIRTH (n. 2) 102.
209
293
the kingfisher feathers or a kind of bluish-green gem similar to the colour of the bird,
as F. Hirth and J. Needham suggested.220
There are some more special animals mentioned in the Wei le, such as the
black bears (),221 or the more problematic shenkui (). In this case the latter
might refer to the sea turtles or the tortoise shell. However, J. E. Hill proposed that it
might have been used for divination.222 The Periplus also mentions the rhinoceros
horn from the African area and the tortoise shell from the region of the Mare Rubrum
among its trade products.223
Horses from Syria and Arabia were mentioned above and Pliny the Elder also
adds some ideas connected to the bears such as the Spanish belief of using the bears
brain as a magical poison or their fat as medicine. He also mentions Numidian bears,
although their African origin is still doubtful.224
It is also problematic to identify the exact meaning of the term red chi ().
D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner believed that it might be a sort of a reptile,225 while
J. E. Hill suggested that it might refer to the leaves of the dracaena cinnabari, the socalled dragon-blood in the Roman world.226 This red resin is mentioned in both
Plinys Natural History and the Periplus in connection with India.227 Hence it cannot
be excluded that the Chinese annals identified the red chi as this Indian cinnabar which
was used as a drug and a pigment, too. Especially since, according to the description
provided by Pliny the Elder, there was a significant confusion between the real cinnabar and the Indian dragons blood. So this might be a possible explanation why the
Chinese annalists used the term red chi, meaning a small hornless or baby dragon, for
the Indian cinnabar instead of the more common term long () meaning dragon.228
According to D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner the poison-avoiding rats (
) in the Wei le might refer to weasels, while in E. H. Schafers and J. E. Hills
opinion the term could be identified as mongooses. Moreover, E. H. Schafer also
mentions the Persian mongooses sent to the Chinese Empire.229 There is an interesting
allusion to weasels mentioned by Pliny, which were fed on rue when fighting with
serpents for the mice.230 It is also Pliny who says that the Gallic weasel could be useful as an antidote for the sting of asp and another kind is an enemy of the serpents.
220
F. Hirth and J. Needham suggested the latter. HIRTH (n. 2) 73; NEEDHAM (n. 15) 203.
The term could also be translated as mysterious bears.
222
#12_12
223
Periplus 34, 6. More details to the Periplus, see CASSON, L.: The Periplus of the Erythraean
Sea. Princeton 1989.
224
Plinius, Nat. Hist. viii. 130131.
225
226
#12_12
227
Plinius, Nat. Hist. xxxiii 116; Periplus 30.
228
SCHAFER: The Golden Peaches (n. 13) 133.
229
LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 203; SCHAFER: The Golden Peaches (n. 13) 91, 136; HILL: The
Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/notes11_30.html#12_12
230
Plinius, Nat. Hist. viii 98.
221
294
KRISZTINA HOPPL
Furthermore, the flesh and maw of the latter could be used against the poison of serpents.231
Although some of the Daqin products in our Chinese sources are still problematic to identify it is worthwhile to emphasise the passages by Pliny connected to the
most precious materials in the Roman world, which are close to the lists of the Chinese histories.232
IX.2.2 nem kell?
IX.3. Textiles
It is also the Wei le233 which gives the most detailed list of the various textiles and
clothes of Daqin mentioning twenty-one products. The Hou Han shu234 names only
six kinds of material, five of them also occur in the Wei le. Furthermore, both
sources mention raw materials of animal origin used for threads, however, the Wei
le is again more detailed.(Diagram 2)
The Hou Han shu describes fine threads made from the hair of water-sheep (
), which according to the source is in fact from the cocoons of wild silkworms
(). Extending this information on the hair of water-sheep the fine brocade
made from this is called Haixi cloth () , the Wei le also mentions the cocoons of wild silkworms and the bark of trees (). The similar feature of the two
passages is the description of the water-sheep cloth as a fine, veil-like textile ().
The exact identification of the hair of water-sheep is still problematic. According to
F. Hirth the term might refer to the byssus made from the pinna squamosa of the
Mediterranean and Italian region.235
In 1912 Lajos Nagy during the excavation of the Szemlhegy mummy grave
found a byssus-like material. Using microscopic analysis he realised that the fine textile was different from the silk because its thread is pointed and it has dual refraction
in polar light. L. Nagy suggested that the fine linen found at Szemlhegy might be the
silk-like product of the pinna nobilis.236 (Fig. 3) However, J. E. Hill concluded during
his research that there is no material that could be doubtlessly identified as byssus
and Lajos Nagy mistakenly used the term for the textile of Szemlhegy.237 Furthermore, . Chavannes emphasised238 the manufacture of bysuss was kept in secret and
it is rather unlikely that the Chinese had any knowledge of it. He also suggested that
231
Plinius, Nat. Hist. xxix.19.

233
234
HIRTH (n. 2) 100.
235
HIRTH (n. 2) 262263. Some scholars accept this identification, e.g. THORLEY (n. 17) 77;
FERGUSON (n. 18) 590. J. Needham writes about byssus-manufacturing. NEEDHAM (n. 15) 200201.
236
NAGY L.: Az aquincumi mmiatemetkezsek [The Mummy Burials of Aquincum]. Budapest
1935, 1820.
237
HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/appendices.html#d
238
232
295
Fig. 3 Wall mosaic from Ostia. In NAGY (n. 235) 11.
the legendary agnus scythicus might come from the mysteriousness of bysuss-production. Besides this he could not exclude that the Chinese had heard about the legend of the agnus scythicus. M. G. Raschke rejects the byssus-identification and treats
the wool of the water-sheep () as a legend.239
The wild silk produced by the cocoons of wild silkworms (), according
to the passage in Plinys Natural History mentioned above, might refer to the silkworms bred in Cos, while the bark of the trees, based on the opinion of D. D. Leslie
and K. H. J. Gardiner, might be a tree grown in the Southern Asian region. Moreover, the scholars pointed to the description of the silk from the tree by Strabo.240
The annalist writes about a kind of fine cloth dyed with the leaves of the trees241
which, if it existed, might have been a rare and precious material.242
The Hou Han shu, the Wei le, the Jin shu, and the Song shu all mention the
so-called fire-washed cloth (/243). Researchers agree244 that it might refer to the fireproof textile called asbestos in the Natural History.245 However, even
Pliny is vague whether the asbestos could be identified as a kind of textile or a mineral.
239
RASCHKE (n. 19) 854.

241
Strabo III c175 10.
242
243
The latter only occurs in the Song shu. See: : HIRTH (n. 2)
240
102.
244
HIRTH (n. 2) 249251; CHAVANNES: Les pays dOccident daprs le Heou Han chou (n. 4)
183; SHIRATORI: A New Attempt (n. 11) 208209.
245
296
KRISZTINA HOPPL
Fig. 4 Tapestry decorated with metal thread. In SIPOS (n. 249) 47.
Besides these T. R. S. Broughton writes about the asbestos-producing manufactories

in Cyprus.246 According to J. Thorley the special cloth was made in the manufactories of Levant, and the Chinese cited it because of its rarity, not its practical usage.247
The gold threaded carpets and embroideries (/248/
249) were mentioned by the Hou Han shu, the Wei le and the Jin shu,
while in the Hou Han shu and the Wei le there is also information on the gold painted
tapestry (/). The latter also mentions the gold woven jiangde canopies
(). These textiles in the Chinese sources might be comparable with the
Attalicae vestes and the Attalica aulaea woven with gold which were famous among
the Romans. Pliny the Elder also writes of their special value.250 (Fig. 4)
The varicoloured damask () occurs in the list of the Hou Han shu and
the Wei le. Furthermore, in the latter sources there are some unique materials not
246

THORLEY (n. 17) 77.
248
In the Hou Han shu. : (Hou Han shu: Juan bashiba Xi yu
zhuan di qishiba). HIRTH (n. 2) 100.
249
In the Jin shu. : (Jin shu: Juan jiushiqi Liezhuan di liushiqi Si yu zhuan). HIRTH (n. 2) 101.
250
Plinius, Nat. Hist. vii 196, viii 196; HIRTH (n. 2) 253254; DALBY (n. 161) 163. The gold woven
textiles also occur in Pannonia and its neighbourhood. There are fragments from Brigetio, Viminacium
and Hetnypuszta. Details in JAK M.: A 2. sz. szarkofgban tallt fmfonal-tredkek termszettudomnyos vizsglata [The natural scientific analysis of the fragments of metal thread found in sarcophagus 2].
In BORHY, L. SZMAD, E. (eds.): Brigetio kincsei. Budapest 1999, 2930; GEIJER, A. THOMAS, E. B.:
The Viminacium Gold Tapestry. A Unique Textile Fragment from Hungary. In: Meddelanden fran Lunds
Universitets Historiska Museum 19641965. Lund 1966, 223236; SIPOS, E.: Fmfonallal dsztett textiltredkek Hetnypusztrl [A textile fragment decorated with metal thread from Hetnypuszta]. kor II.
4 (2003) 4750.
247
297
mentioned by other annals, such as the ten-coloured yellow, white, black, green,
violet, red, purple-red, purple, golden-yellow and misty-yellow wool rug (
), the multicoloured wool serge (
), the multicoloured carpet (), the feichi cloth (), the falu cloth (
), the feichiju cloth (), the aluode cloth (), the baze cloth
(), the dudai cloth (), the wensu cloth (), the multicoloured tao
cloth () and the varicoloured dou baldachin ().251 Moreover, the
Wei le also emphasises the good quality of these textile products.
Although the identification of these Daqin textiles is problematic, the variety
of the production could be compared to the cloth-industry in the Roman Oriens.
The fine linens of Borsippa and Naarda in Babylonia, the long lasting cloth of Dura
Europos, the textile manufactories in Laodicea, Byblos, Berytos, Tyros, the woven
carpets and cloths of Nawrash and Tiberias, the chiffons and damasks of Uscha, Beth
Mechuza and Scytopolis were famous all around the Roman world. There are data of
the purple-dyed silk also from the Near-East.252 Furthermore, Egypt and Colchis
were also important for their fine linens, Cilicia was a significant centre of textile
production and there is also information of hemp trade in Ephesus.253 Pliny the Elder
also mentions the Seres probably the Chinese silk, which was imported by the
Romans, and was re-dyed because of its roughness.254
IX.4. Perfumes and herbs
The various perfumes, herbs and spices make up the third category of the Daqin products.255 (Diagram 2) The slightly detailed group is at the end of the roughly thematised product-list. Only the Hou Han shu and the Wei le contain information, although the former names one, the latter eleven of these materials. Both sources mention the storax () which, according to the Hou Han shu, was a boiled mixture of
different fragrances. The Wei le displays ten more items, such as the yiwei (),
muer (),256 diti (), mimi (), douna (), white aconite (),
frankincense (), turmeric? (), rue oil? () and altogether twelve different
species of aromatic plants ().
251
According to J. E. Hill the aluode () is a kind of fine silk cloth, baze () a

clinging textile, wensu () is presumably a cotton-wool cloth, the varicoloured dou () is
perhaps multicoloured spiral curtain. HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/
texts/weilue/weilue.html#products and http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/notes11_30.html
#12_12
252
253
BROUGHTON (n. 156) 822823.
254
Plinius, Nat. Hist. xi 76.
255
On the identifications and use of the various products: WOLTERS, O. W.: The Po-ssu Pine
Trees. BSOAS 23 (1960) 323350, here 323344.
256
According to F. Hirth yiweimuer (), to D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner yiweimu
(), to J. E. Hill yiwei (), myrrh () and storax (). HIRTH (n. 2) 74; LESLIEGARDINER
(n. 22) 74; HILL: The Peoples (n. 24) http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/weilue.html#
products and http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/weilue/notes11_30.html#12_12
298
KRISZTINA HOPPL
The various perfumes and herbs listed above could also be compared with the
similar products from the eastern part of the Roman Empire. The different perfumes
in Asia Minor played a significant role in the trade of the province,257 while spices
were exported from Egypt, storax and oils from Syria.258
It could be interesting to compare the different Daqin products with the list of
the different goods exported to India in the Periplus,259 including copper, tin and
lead, coral and topaz, thin clothing and some kind of pressed textiles, belts woven
from different threads, storax, sweet clover, flint glass, realgar, antimony and perfumes, but not very expensive and not much, gold and silver coins, on which there is
some profit when exchanging them for the money of the country, as well as expensive silver vessels, singing boys, beautiful young girls for the harem, delicious wines,
thin clothing of the finest weaves and the choicest perfumes for the king.260
X. TRADE AND ENVOYS
During the description of the Daqin economy, the Hou Han shu261 and the Jin shu262
emphasise the importance of sea trade. They traded with Anxi and Tianzhu ()
and its profit is tenfold or, according to the Jin shu, a hundredfold.
According to F. Hirth263 these exaggerated details came from the merchants arriving to China in 166, with the purpose of increasing their own profit. However, the
eastern trade of the Roman Empire had a remarkable income at this time.264
It is also F. Hirth who links another passage of the Hou Han shu, repeated by
th e Jin shu, to the same merchants, namely that the foreign envoys were provided
with gold coins after arriving to the borders of Daqin.265
Although these details might only mean a trick of Daqin merchants illustrating
the generosity of their country, it is worthy of note that the foreign currency of the
travellers and envoys arriving to the borders of the Roman Empire were often changed
for coins accepted by Romans, which might have been misunderstood by the Chinese.
Moreover, as I. Ecsedy added, the Chinese emperor often raised his own prestige by
sending official envoys to welcome the merchants and embassies.266 Therefore, such
a statement of the annals might be a reflection of the Chinese traditions.
257
For a detailed list, see BROUGHTON (n. 156) 615.

259
Periplus 49.
260
For the exact translation, see SCHOFF W. H.: The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea: Travel and
Trade in the Indian Ocean by a Merchant of the First Century. New York 1912.
261
HIRTH (n. 2) 100.
262
263
HIRTH (n. 2) 176177.
264
YOUNG (n. 25) 2223, 183184, 187191.
265
HIRTH (n. 2) 100.
266
ECSEDY I.: Kereskedelem a Selyem-ton: nomd kzvetts az irni sztyeppn [Trade along
the Silk Road: Nomadic mediation in the Iranian steppe]. AETAS 4 (1996) 5767, here 63.
258
299
XI. COMMUNICATION WITH DAQIN

XI.1. The first attempt of contact the Gan Ying () envoy
It is again the Hou Han shu which gives information about the first attempt to communicate with Daqin. In 97 C.E. Protector-General Ban Chao ()267 sent Gan
Ying to Daqin. He reached Tiaozhi but the sailors from the western frontier of Anxi
warned him not to cross the sea. The other annals roughly repeat the record of the
Hou Han shu; although the Song shu only gives a short explanation for the absence
of diplomatic relations between Daqin and China.268
As D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner pointed out269 such an envoy had to be
founded because of the rumours about the existence of a mythical empire far away in
the west and the needs to get to know it better.270
Gan Ying never reached Daqin because of the sailors from the western frontier
of Anxi. Some scholars linked this warning to the information provided by the Andun
() embassy in 166 about the Parthians, who wanted to protect the profit and
therefore cut Daqin off from communication. 271 However, as D. D. Leslie and K. H.
J. Gardiner remarked,272 there is no evidence that the Parthian trick could have been
connected to Gan Yings journey and it is also uncertain whether it could be identified as a Parthian commercial conspiracy.
Although it is problematic to outline the exact route of Gan Yings voyage,273
at any rate it is more than likely that he got further than any of the previous travellers.
XI.2. Delegation from Daqin the Andun embassy
Besides Gan Yings voyage there is another embassy mentioned in the Hou Han shu
which was sent by Romans.274 Although the king of Daqin always wished to send
envoys to China, the Parthian merchants, in order not to lose their profit, cut the Romans off from communication. For this reason it was only in the ninth year of the
Yanxi period, during the reign of emperor Huan () that Andun, the
267
The Protector-General of Western Regions was presumably seated near Karashahr and Kalgamaman. Y (n. 58) 405411.
268
zhuan); : (Song shu: Juan Jiushiqi Liezhuan di wushiqi yi man).
HIRTH (n. 2) 101102.
269
LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 141; PULLEYBLANK: The Roman Empire (n. 16) 78.
270
The archaeological evidence of Romans such as the Roman ribbed glass from Ganquan ()
grave no. 2 dated to 67 C.E. might support this theory. HOPPL (n. 207).
271
E.g. THORLEY (n. 17) 75.
272
273
On the route and the exact localisation of the western borders of Anxi: LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22)
141148; HILL: Through the Jade Gate (n. 25) 481483.
274
HIRTH (n. 2) 100.
300
KRISZTINA HOPPL
king of Daqin sent envoys from beyond the border of Rinan () and offered ivory,
rhinoceros horn and tortoise shell.
The Wei le only gives a short summary275 about this first record of direct communication between the two great empires. Considering the contents of the list provided by the Hou Han shu there are no special products, which might lead to the
assumption that the earlier annals were exaggerating in their descriptions.
It is likely that the name Andun was a transcription of Antoninus which might
refer to Marcus Aurelius.276 However, as M. G. Raschke277 pointed out, Lucius Verus,
the co-emperor of Marcus Aurelius could also be a possible identification. D. D.
Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner emphasised that Marcus Aurelius was more charismatic
than Lucius Verus.278 On the other hand they suggested that the passage might refer
to Antoninus Pius.279
Nevertheless it is unlikely that it was an official delegation personally founded
by the Roman emperor. The members of the Andun embassy were presumably merchants, who with the purpose of increasing their own profit stated that they were a
delegation sent by the emperor. It is more likely to have been a commercial action, as
F. Hirth suggested, because of the Roman-Parthian war. The Roman military advance and the capture of Seleucia and Ctesiphon in 165 C.E. might have initiated such
an envoy.280 As the Chinese annals also recorded, the Parthians wanted to monopolise the trade and cut the communication between Daqin and China. Moreover, the
series of wars could cause a commercial crisis amongst the Syrian cities and their merchants which might have resulted in a demand to fasten the Sino-Roman relations.
The Daqin travellers came beyond the border of Rinan which might refer to
Annam on the Vietnamese coast.281 F. Hirth suggested that the offerings of the Daqin
king came from this area, which could explain why they did not mean any speciality
to the Chinese.282 Furthermore, according to F. Hirth, the Roman merchants misinformed the Chinese in several ways. For instance the passage of the fair and honest
commerce with Anxi and Tianzhu which makes a tenfold profit or the story of the
Parthian trick to cut the direct trade between Rome and China might have been an
attempt to raise their gains.283
275

276
HIRTH (n. 2) 173; NEEDHAM (n. 15) 198; LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 153; HILL: Through the
Jade Gate (n. 25) 27.
277
RASCHKE (n. 19) 855.
278
The assumption might be reasonable because Marcus Aurelius bore the title pontifex maximus,
therefore he was the senior augustus.
279
LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 154. As did E. G. Pulleyblank, who pointed out that the question
cannot be clearly decided. PULLEYBLANK: The Roman Empire (n. 16) 78.
280
HIRTH (n. 2) 173174.
281
HIRTH (n. 2) 176; LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 151; HILL: Through the Jade Gate (n. 25) 293.
282
This is also accepted by . Chavannes, K. Shiratori, D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner. However, the latter suggested to reconsider the meaning of the Chinese characters. CHAVANNES: Les pays
dOccident daprs le Heou Han chou (n. 4) 185; SHIRATORI: The Geography (n. 10) 145; LESLIE
GARDINER (n. 22) 156.
283
HIRTH (n. 2) 176178.
301
According to the annals the Andun mission was the first direct communication
between Rome and China. However, as . Chavannes pointed out,284 the sea route
must have been known earlier because of the jugglers from Daqin arriving with the
Shan embassy in 120 C.E. It is worthy of note that this delegation, which presumably
arrived from the Burmese region, was established by the Shan king, not by the Romans. So the presence of Daqin people in the Han Court could not count as a contact
between the empires.
Nevertheless the numerous wars during the late 2nd c. might have had an influence
on the eastern trade and the economy of the eastern cities, which could have played an
important role in the establishment of a commercial envoy described by the Chinese.
XI.3. Other embassies connected to Daqin
Besides the Roman delegation in 166 there are some other envoys in the chronicles
connected to Daqin. Although the envoy in 120 sent by the Shan king could not mean
a direct intercourse, the Roman jugglers arriving with the Shans also occurred later in
the sources: the Wei le mentions the magicians as a main feature of Daqin.
According to the Jin shu during the reign of emperor Wu,285 Daqin and Linyi
() sent envoys to the Chinese court.286 Linyi might be located somewhere in
South Asia and the route of the Daqin embassy was the same as in 166. This happened
in 285 and might have been, as D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner also suggested, a
result of Carus war against the Sassanids.287 During the year of 283 Carus advanced
to Ctesiphon, but after his death Numerianus returned the troops without negotiating
for peace.288 Such an unexpected action by Carus successor could not exclude the
foundation of an envoy to decrease a commercial crisis caused by the wars in the
area. However, considering that it might take years to get to China, the delegations
might have departed before Numerianus order.
There is another record of an embassy in the Wei le.289 In the third year of
Yangjia (), in 133 C.E., envoys came from Shule () and offered
bluish stone () and golden belt () from Haixi. They presumably arrived from
Kashgar and, as D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. suggested, offered lapis lazuli.290 The
Shule delegation is also mentioned in the Hou Han shu but there is no allusion to
Haixi or Daqin.291
284
286
: (Jin shu: Juan san Di ji di san wu di).
287
288
DIGNAS, B. WINTER, E.: Rome and Persia in the Late Antiquity. Neighbours and Rivals. Cambridge 2007, 26.
289
290
291
285
302
KRISZTINA HOPPL
XI.4. Routes by land and sea

There are two different types of routes in the Chinese histories: by land and by sea.
One of the land routes was presumably used by Gan Ying and the Andun embassy
travelling by sea.
In connection with land routes the Hou Han shu describes a way from the western
frontier of Anxi through Haibei and Haixi to Daqin.292 Another account supposes a sea
route known by the Hou Han shu: it stated that the western coast of Tianzhu communicates with Daqin and the precious things from Daqin can be found there. The Wei
le293 adds more details that were summarised in the Wei shu:294 the maritime route
leads through the seven commanderies of Jiaozhi () which communicate with yi
()295 tribes. A waterway is also mentioned leading to Yongchang () in Yizhou
(), from where curiosities come. It is also stated that in earlier times only the sea
route was known and that there was no information about the overland way.
Based on the investigation of the Hou Han shu, D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner suggested that the maritime route described in the annals was only used by the
western travellers.296 The route in the Wei le and the Wei shu probably led along the
South Vietnamese coast, while Yongchang might refer to Yunnan () and the UpperBurma region.297
Furthermore, D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner also pointed out that the passage of the overland route, which had been unknown in earlier times, mentioned by
the Wei le might seem controversial because there is an allusion to the land route in
another passage of the source. They also suggested that this account might refer to
the route from Anxi or Tiaozhi to Daqin.298
XII. HOW DID THE CHINESE IMAGINE THE ROMAN EMPIRE?
CONCLUSION
Analysing the Chinese texts and the description of Daqin the first step is to treat the
information in them carefully enough. The authenticity of these sources is quite questionable and dating their contents is also problematic. Moreover, their description
292
D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner defined three different sort of land-routes. The supposed
way of Gan Ying, the Aman Sibin Yuluo line and the route via Haibei and Haixi. LESLIEGARDINER
(n. 22) 166167.
293
294
HIRTH (n. 2) 104.
295
E.g. foreign tribes living in the eastern regions, the term does not refer an ethnic group.
296
297
HILL: The Peoples (n. 24)
298
303
was influenced by the distance between the two great empires which might have led
to the fabulous stories about the Romans.
It is also likely that the Chinese annals principally had second-hand data and
some of these were provided by travellers and merchants arriving to China. We do
not know any details about these arrivals, but it is more than probable that not all of
them came directly from the Roman Empire. Some of these foreigners might have
come from different regions of India and the Vietnamese coast or even the Silk
Routes. They may never have been in the Roman Empire or if they had a chance to
visit it, they could not have the opportunity to see and understand its administrational
and geographical connections. Similarly, we cannot be sure that the Romans, supposing they came to China directly from the Roman Empire, really had enough information about the exact operation of their country. Neither do we know what language
they used to inform the Chinese. Besides these problems the Chinese also had their
own imagination and perhaps interpretation about the Romans which also featured in
the sources.299
In the light of these problems it is more significant that the Chinese annals had
the claim to make a more-or-less complex description about Daqin. They not only
give information and the interpretation of the name of the country but also add details
on its geography, administration, economy including agriculture, domesticated animals and products , trade and envoys sent by Daqin people. Such a description
could be remarkable on its own, but the accounts also emphasise the similarities
between the two great empires that might have originated in their same cultural level.
It is still an open question whether the term Daqin refers to the whole Roman
Empire or only to the Oriens. There are several interpretations based on linguistic
and geographical data and also on comparisons with the recent knowledge of the Roman Empire.
Although such a word-to-word comparison carried out in this paper is not
without difficulties, there are some details that might help to turn the scale. First I
accept the idea recently put forward by J. E. Hill that we might extend our Daqininterpretation, i.e. that depending on the context it might refer to the Roman Empire
or a part of it, too. However, it seems to me more reasonable that the Chinese could
not have enough information to decide what the term Roman Empire exactly meant.300
They did not know its exact extension or the details of administration and this might
explain why most of the relevant information is connected to the eastern part of the
Empire. Apart from the problematic localisation of place names, the geographical accounts such as the storms near Antioch, the administration and the power of the governor and the curiales later principales , the fierce tigers, the Syrian archers and
magicians, trees and other plants all lead us to the Roman Oriens. Moreover, the products also refer to the East. Although some of them, such as the Persian pearls or Indian
perfumes and spices, might have crossed the borders of Rome, their existence in the
299
On the influence of Taoism: KALTENMARK, M.: Lao Tzu and Taoism. Stanford 1969; STEIN
(n. 69) 1963.
300
A similar idea was formulated by HUDSON, G. F.: Europe and China: a Survey of Their Relations from the Earliest Times to 1800. London 1931, 97.
304
KRISZTINA HOPPL
Daqin list might be explained with the special features of Roman long-distance trade
as also depicted in the Periplus. However, none of these data linking Daqin to the
eastern provinces could be decisive on its own, but together they might be enough to
view the problem in a new light.
Whether Daqin referred to the whole empire or only a part of it or in my
opinion the whole Empire but with information only about the eastern provinces ,
according to the Chinese sources it was an enormous, sometimes utopistic empire
which produced several curiosities and luxurious products. The archaeological finds
might support these descriptions. Besides the textiles from the desert area, various
textiles, precious glass and metal products from the eastern coast of Peoples Republic
of China could fit the descriptions of the annals.301 These luxurious finds, mostly unearthed from the burials of the most influential members of Chinese aristocracy, together with the more-or-less complex description of Daqin in the texts could be an evidence for the Sino-Roman relations, regardless of whether middlemen contributed to it.
Krisztina Hoppl
Doctoral School of Archaeology at
Etvs Lornd University (ELTE) Budapest
H-1088 Budapest
Mzeum krt. 68.
Hungary
301
More details in (XINJIANGWEIWUERZIZHIQU BOWUGUAN):
(Xinjiang Minfengxian Beidashamo Yizhimuyangqu Donghanhe Zangmu Qinglijianbao). (Wenwu) 6 (1960) 912; (LI YAOBO):
(Liaoning Beipiaoxian xiguanyingzi Beiyan Feng Suofumu). (Wenwu) 3 (1973) 219; (NANJING BOWUYUAN): (Jiangsu Hanjiang
Ganquan Erhao Hanmu). (Wenwu) 11 (1981) 110; AN () (n. 207); (CHU SHIBIN):
(Gansu Jingyuan xin chu Dongluoma liujin yinpan lekao). (Wenwu) 5 (1990) 19; PIRRAZOLI-TSERSTEVENS, M.: Pour une archologie des changes: Apports trangers
en Chine. AA 49 (1994) 2133; LAING, E. J.: China and the West. Introduction. BAI 5 (1991) 107108;
LAING: A Report (n. 207); LAING, E. J.: Recent Finds of Western-Related Glassware, Textiles and Metalwork in Central Asia and China. BAI 9 (1995) 118; BARATTE, F.: Dionysos en Chine: remarques propos de la coupe en argent de Beitan. AA 51 (1996) 142146; JULIANO, A. L. LERNER, J. A.: Cosmopolitanism and the Tang. In JULIANO, A. L. LERNER, J. A. (eds.): Monks and merchants: Silk Road Treasures from Northwest China: Gansu and Ningxia, 4th7th Century. New York 2001, 292330; GAN:
Zhongguo (n. 207); GAN: The Silk (n. 207); LEE, I.: Glass and Bead Trade on the Asian See. In GAN, F.
BRILL, R. H. SHOUYUN, T. (eds.): Ancient Glass Research along the Silk Road. Singapore 2009, 165
182; HOPPL (n. 207).
305
APPENDIX
List of Figures:
Fig. 1 Roman stone relief from the Virunum II cemetery http://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/site/datenblatt/
datenblatt.asp?Nr=1107; cf. PICCOTTINI, G.: Grabstelen, Reiter- und Soldatendarstellungen sowie
dekorative Reliefs des Stadtgebietes von Virunum und Nachtrge zu: CSIR-sterreich II/14.
Fig. 2 Textile fragments from Szemlhegy. In ADAM (n. 133) 229.
Fig. 3 Wall mosaic from Ostia. In NAGY (n. 235) 11.
Fig. 4 Tapestry decorated with metal thread. In SIPOS (n. 249) 47.
List of Maps:
Map 1 Localisation of Daqin according to the Hou Han Shu. Based on LESLIEGARDINER (n. 21) 311.
Map 2 Sea route according to the Wei le. Based on LESLIEGARDINER (n. 21) 311.
Map 3 Land route according to the Wei le. Based on LESLIEGARDINER (n. 21) 311.
Map 4 Vassal states in the Wei le. In HIRTH (n. 1) 209.
Map 5 Map of Antioch based on excavations. In DOWNEY (n. 104) 761.
Map 6 Map of Antioch based on Strabos description. In DOWNEY (n. 104) 761.
List of Diagrams:
Diagram 1 Quantitative comparison of the Daqin accounts
Diagram 2 Products of Daqin
Diagram 3 Metals, pearls, minerals and other precious materials
Abbreviations:
AA
ANRW
BAI
BJb
BSOAS
FA
G&R
HJAS
JA
JAOS
JPOS
JRS
MRDTB
SRAA
TP
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
Arts Asiatiques
Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen Welt
Bulletin of the Asia Institute
Bonner Jahrbcher
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
Folia Archaeologica
Greece and Rome
Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies
Journal Asiatique
Journal of the American Oriental Society
Journal of the Peking Oriental Society
Journal of Roman Studies
Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko
Silk Road Art and Archaeology
Toung Pao
HHS
WL
JS
WS
SS
=
=
=
=
=
Hou Han shu ()

Wei le ()
Jin shu ()
Wei shu ()
Song shu ()
306
KRISZTINA HOPPL

Roman Empire in Chinese Sources

Enviado por

Dados do documento

Direitos autorais

Formatos disponíveis

Compartilhar este documento

Compartilhar ou incorporar documento

Opções de compartilhamento

Você considera este documento útil?

Este conteúdo é inapropriado?

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

Roman Empire in Chinese Sources

Enviado por

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

Acta Ant. Hung.

51, 2011, 263305

THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

III.5. The Song shu

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

Map 1 Localisation of Daqin according to the Hou Han Shu.

Map 2 Sea route according to the Wei le.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Map 3 Land route according to the Wei le.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

Map 4 Vassal states in the Wei le. In HIRTH (n. 1) 209.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Map 5 Map of Antioch based on excavations. In DOWNEY (n. 104) 761.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

: (Jin shu: Juan jiushiqi Liezhuan di liushiqi Si yu zhuan).

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Map 6 Map of Antioch based on Strabos description.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

VII. LIFESTYLE IN DAQIN

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Fig. 1 Roman stone relief from the Virunum II cemetery

HIRTH (n. 2) 239.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

Fig. 2 Textile fragments from Szemlhegy. In ADAM (n. 133) 229.

LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 48.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

LESLIEGARDINER (n. 22) 71.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

Cod. Iust. 11.78.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

RASCHKE (n. 19) 622623.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

Diagram 3 Metals, pearls, minerals and other precious materials

THORLEY (n. 17) 76.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Strabo xvi, c784 26.

Plinius, Nat. Hist. xxxii 47.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

HARADA (n. 14) 72.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ACCORDING TO THE ANCIENT CHINESE SOURCES

Plinius, Nat. Hist. xxxvii 107108.

Acta Ant. Hung. 51, 2011