The Gambia:

Documentation In Support of Asylum Applicants

Based On Gender-Related Persecution
Updated June 2013

200 McAllister Street

San Francisco, CA 94102
(415) 565-4877
http://cgrs.uchastings.edu

NOTE: This document is not intended to be submitted to the Asylum Office or

Immigration Court. CGRS recommends that attorneys obtain and review
documents in their entirety prior to submitting them. If a hyperlink is broken
we recommend doing a web search for the document title, U.N. document
number, or author name.

Table of Contents
Contents
Table of Contents........................................................................................................ 2
Introduction................................................................................................................ 3
Documents................................................................................................................. 4
I.

Background/Status of Women in Gambia..................................................4

II. Marriage.......................................................................................................... 6
III.
Gender-Based Violence & Human Rights Violations in Gambia:
Domestic Violence & Rape................................................................................. 8
IV.

Female Genital Cutting............................................................................10

V. Relevant Legal Framework and Government Response........................14

VI.

Obstacles to Preventing Violence Against Women.............................18

Helpful Organizations............................................................................................... 21
Potential Experts...................................................................................................... 22
Index of Sources....................................................................................................... 24

Introduction
Though the Gambia has made significant strides towards combating discrimination
and violence against women in the most recent decade, it has yet to implement the
legal, social, cultural and economic change necessary to ensure womens equality,
self-determination, and protection. Domestic abuse, and forced marriage are still
common in the Gambia. Laws with the potential to protect women are rendered
ineffective as the state rarely gets involved in so-called domestic disputes. The
practice of female genital cutting (FGC) remains widespread in The Gambia. An
estimated 78% of the population engages in FGC, though prevalence varies greatly
according to ethnic groups. Within the Mandinka population, FGC is practiced nearly
universally.
Such practices are deeply embedded in the cultural and ethnic identity of Gambian
communities. FGC in particular occurs as a rite of passage for many ethnic groups,
including the Mandinka. The practice is culturally prescribed, and in communities
where it is the norm, strong social sanctions ensure its continuation. Individuals who
dont engage in FGC may face heavy stigma, discrimination, exclusion, or even
violence. Furthermore, in a country where women have restricted access to social
and economic capital, they may lack external support systems or resources to seek
help outside of their community. For this reason, any effort to combat GBV and FGC
must take into account the complex social, economic and cultural factors that come
to bear on this issue.
While recent years have seen an increased interest in preventing FGC and violence
against women in the Gambia, the government has not yet fully committed to, nor
implemented the multifaceted approach required to address GBV within the country.
The Gambia has ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), however translating this into real practice
has proved problematic. The launch of the Gender and Womens Empowerment
Policy (2010) hopes to provide guidance to achieve gender equity and equality,
however governmental commitment to implementation, and the extent of change
remains to be seen.
Any note of recent progress must be tempered by inconsistency of the government
to enforce current gender-based laws and guarantee human rights of women. The
primary push for change comes not from the government, but rather from national
and international NGOs committed to ending GBV and FGC in the Gambia. The
Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and
Children, in particular, has led the fight to eliminate FGC, acknowledging and
addressing the need for grassroots community change. They advocate for a multisystems approach, pressuring the government for legislation/enforcement that
directly addresses FGC, as well as engaging local communities in dialogue on these
issues. Despite this progress, the Gambian government must take more explicit and
comprehensive measures to combat widespread gender based violence and human
rights violations of women in the Gambia.

Documents
I.

Background/Status of Women in Gambia

Chant, Sylvia and Isatou Touray, Gender in The Gambia in Retrospect and
Prospect, GAMCOTRAP Working Paper No. 1, 2012,
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/images/stories/documents/Chant_Toura
y.pdf.

This paper offers a thorough assessment of the current gender climate in The
Gambia, including economic status and social, familial, and sexual norms
While there are no formal restrictions on womens civil liberties, socio-cultural
traditions often act as barriers in achieving gender equality, and ending
violence against women.
In a recent UNDP stocktake of progress towards the Millennium Development
Goals, The Gambia was found to be off track with regard to achieving
gender equality and womens empowerment (MDG3) by 2015. (8)
The Gambias social system could be described as patriarchal and
gerontocratic (Touray, 2006). This double shorthand seems especially apt in
a country where gender and age hierarchies in traditional customary
practices intersect with Islam, which is the reported faith of over 90% of the
Gambian population. (3)
Currently women continue to face a gamut of gender-biased practices and
principles which have proved remarkably enduring. These include female
circumcision (commonly referred to by Gambian and international feminist
organisations, as well as by the World Health Organisation (WHO), as female
genital mutilation [FGM], lack of female control over reproductive decisionmaking, teenage motherhood, high fertility, early marriage, and polygamy.
(20)
there are several social pressures on Gambian women emanating from
sexual norms, marriage, motherhood and familial systems which act to
constrain their possibilities for personal freedom, power and rights. Cultural
notions of femininity are intimately bound up with marriage, motherhood and
the significance of the extended family in Gambian culture, which for women
in particular, frequently imply obligations to others at different stages of their
life course which are rarely perceived as negotiable, let alone actually
negotiated. (19)
In the new Gender Inequality Index (GII) of the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP), for example, which comprises three main dimensions:
reproductive health (as measured by maternal mortality and adolescent
fertility), empowerment (as measured by educational attainment at
secondary level and above, and by parliamentary representation), and labour
market (as measured by labour force participation), The Gambia ranked 127
out of 145 UN member states for which the index had been calculated in
2011. (5)

Social Institutions & Gender Index, The Gambia, 2012,

http://genderindex.org/country/gambia.

Gender inequality is accepted as a given by many women and men in

Gambian society. Women occupy very low status in Gambian society, in part
due to the incorporation of Sharia and customary law into the countrys legal
codes, enshrining discriminatory practices in matters relating to marriage,
bodily integrity, and inheritance and ownership rights.
United Nations, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women, Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against Women, Consideration of reports submitted by
States parties under article 18 of the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women: Gambia, CEDAW/C/GMB/1-3, April
10 2003,
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,CEDAW,,GMB,3fdd87f04,0.html.

In the Gambia, Sharia law is applicable and governs the personal law of over
90% of the population. Therefore both English law and Sharia are
administered contemporaneously. The latter however, is restricted to matters
like Marriage, Divorce, and Inheritance, which for the purposes of this report
are the main areas of controversy vis a vis the enhancement of the status of
the Gambian woman. (7)
In Gambian society, the traditional roles of women are still recognised and
inequality in the society is taken as given, having been reinforced by the
patriarchal nature of our society and the effect of colonialism which ensured
male dominance in decision-making positions. Most women are dependent as
their domain is seen as the home, children and male partners. There is a
general lack of awareness of their self-worth on the part of many women due
to structural constraints reinforced by massive illiteracy and ignorance. (14)
There are five main ethnic groups in The Gambia: Mandinka, Fula, Wollof,
Jola, and Serahule and about half a dozen other minority groups. Despite the
cultural variations among ethnic groups, male dominance is the common
norm. Gender disparities are notable in that women have little decisionmaking power and are mainly valued for their reproductive roles. Due to lack
of awareness and traditional gender stereotyping, it is generally accepted by
a majority of both men and women that the status of women is inferior to
that of men. Early marriage is common among all ethnic groups and is a
contributing factor to low female enrolment in schools, particularly in the
rural areas. (6)

World Economic Forum (WEF), The Global Gender Gap Report 2011,
http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GenderGap_Report_2011.pdf.

According to the World Economic Forums GGGI, Gambia had the following
ranking for Social Institutions and Political Rights in 2011 (1 to 0 score; 1 =
worst score, 0 = best score):
o Paternal versus maternal authority 1.00
o Female genital mutilation - .70
o Existence of legislation punishing acts of violence against women - .5

United States Department of State, 2011 Country Reports on Human

Rights Practices - The Gambia, 24 May 24,
2012, http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4fc75a57c.html.

According to this report, human rights problems included restrictions on

privacy and freedoms of speech, press, and assembly; violence against
women and girls, including female genital mutilation; forced child marriage;
trafficking in persons; child prostitution; discrimination against lesbian, gay,
bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals; and child labor.

The constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, religion, gender,

disability, language, or social status, and the government generally enforced
these prohibitions. However, discrimination against women remained a
problem.

Ministry of Womens Affairs, The Gambia National Gender Policy 20102020, http://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/docs/1958/Gambia%20national
%20gender%20policy.pdf.

II.

A critical analysis of the Gambian society shows that there are strong
traditional and cultural forces that impinge on the participation of women in
development endeavors. Disparities still exist between men and women in
power sharing, participation and control over decision-making processes at all
levels of society. (5)

Marriage

United Nations, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination against Women, Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against Women, Consideration of reports submitted by
States parties under article 18 of the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women: Gambia, CEDAW/C/GMB/1-3, April
10 2003,
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,CEDAW,,GMB,3fdd87f04,0.html.
6

Marriage customs vary between the four different types of formally

recognized marriages in Gambia: Christian, Mohommedan, Civil, and
Customary. The majority of Gambias population is Muslim and largely abides
by Sharia Law in terms of marriage customs. Sharia Law states that a woman
should be able to give her consent in marriage; however, traditional
customary practices (unique to each individual community) often overshadow
womens religious rights. The brides family essentially acts as her governing
body until she is married off to her husband.
In The Gambia, there are four forms of marriages.
o The Christian Marriages governed by the Christian Marriages Act Cap
41:03 of the Laws of The Gambia;
o Mohommedan Marriages which is governed by Sharia Law and
recognised by virtue of the Mohammedan Marriages and Divorce Act
Cap 42 of the Laws of The Gambia;
o Civil Marriages governed by the Civil Marriages Act Cap 41:02 of the
Laws of The Gambia, and
o Customary Marriages which is governed by the customary practices of
the communities to which it relates, and recognised by virtue of the
Law of England Application Act. (42)
Under customary law marriage is not a simple union between a man and a
woman, but is a union of families. Therefore, the wishes of the family are
paramount and supersede that of the parties to the marriage. Although
Sharia law prescribes that a woman should not be given away to marriage
without her consent, in practice some Moslem women are forced to marry
against their wishes. This is because in most cases Sharia law is practiced
hand in hand with custom and tradition. In some cases the traditional
practices do overshadow the religious prescriptions. (43)
As regards wife abuse there is no law, which gives a husband the right to
beat his wife. The Criminal Code does not have any specific laws which deal
with wife abuse but it has the general laws on assault. In practice however,
some husbands do beat their wives and in most cases it will be treated as a
family matter rather than a case for the police. Even though it is evident that
wife abuse does go on there are no official records on it. (44)
In The Gambia women are not rewarded financially for their contribution
towards the family. Thus in a household where the woman stays at home to
take care of the well-being of the family without any income, every tangible
property belongs to the husband who goes out to work. So that if there is a
divorce the woman will go away without anything and she will not be entitled
to any protection under the law. (43)

Social Institutions & Gender Index, The Gambia, 2012,

http://genderindex.org/country/gambia .

Once a couple is married, there is very little government interference in cases

of domestic violence or other family matters. The wife ultimately has very
little social, political or economic power in the household.

There is no specific law dealing with domestic violence, although this can be
prosecuted under laws prohibiting rape, spousal rape, and assault, and is
considered grounds for divorce under civil law. There are no figures available
as to rates of domestic violence (even where cases are reported), but it is
believed to be quite common. Police rarely investigate, as domestic violence
is treated as a family matter.
While women are accorded protection from gender-based discrimination
under the Constitution, an exception is made for laws on adoption, marriage,
divorce, burial, devolution of property on death or other matters of personal
law.
Under Sharia law, a man has the right to divorce his wife at will, but a
woman does not have the same right.
Sharia provides for detailed and complex calculations of inheritance shares,
whereby women may inherit from their father, mother, husband or children
and, under certain conditions, from other family members.

United Kingdom: Home Office, Country of Origin Information Report Gambia, 17 October 2011, http://www.refworld.org/docid/4ea1398f2.html

III.

In addition, the country has a dual legal system that combines civil law
(inspired by the British system) and Islamic Sharia. Provisions in Sharia are
generally viewed to be discriminatory towards women, particularly in relation
to marriage, divorce and inheritance. (47)
If a man is interested in getting married to a woman, after informing his
parents, then male representatives (uncles, brothers, close relatives) of the
groom are then sent to the womans house. They present some Kola nuts &
express the grooms interest. If the womans representatives agree then they
set a date for the wedding & announce this to all relatives. (48)
Marriages often were arranged and, depending on the ethnic group,
polygyny was practiced. Women in polygynous unions had problems with
property and other rights arising from the marriage. They also had the option
to divorce, but no legal right to disapprove or be notified in advance of
subsequent marriages by their husbands. (48)

Gender-Based Violence and Human Rights Violations

in Gambia: Domestic Violence and Rape

K and others (FGM) The Gambia CG v. Secretary of State for the Home
Department, [2013] UKUT 00062(IAC), United Kingdom: Upper Tribunal
(Immigration and Asylum Chamber), 8 April 2013,
http://www.refworld.org/docid/5163e5204.html

Prevalence of FGC may be as high as 100% in the Serehule tribe.

From anecdotal accounts it is only after undergoing FGM that a girl is
rendered marriageablein the communities that practice it FGM and virginity
are strong requirements for marriage. (12)

If a child was able to avoid FGM through childhood, Professor Chant states
that the issue would arise on or after marriage. Around 40% of marital unions
are polygamous and FGM is considered a tribal right with the agreement of
the family; there is pressure from co-wives as well as the husbands female
kin. (25)

Gambia Bureau of Statistics (GBoS), The Gambia Multiple Indicator Cluster

Survey
2005/2006 Report, 2007,
http://www.childinfo.org/mics/mics3/archives/gambia/survey0/data/Reports
/Study%20Documentation.pdf.

According to the 2005/2006 MICS wife-beating was believed to be justifiable

for 74% of the respondents, aged to 15-49

United States Department of State, 2011 Country Reports on Human

Rights Practices - The Gambia, 24 May 24,
2012, http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4fc75a57c.html.

A disconnect exists between law and enforcement. Though the law prohibits
rape and violence against women, these continue to be widespread due to
underreporting, and the prevalent belief that these are domestic matters
beyond police jurisdiction.
The penalty for rape is life imprisonment; however, rape, including spousal
rape, was a widespread problem. The maximum penalty for attempted rape is
seven years' imprisonment. A small number of cases reported to police were
prosecuted; most prosecutions resulted in conviction. At least six rape cases
were brought to the courts during the year. The law against spousal rape was
difficult to enforce effectively, as many did not consider spousal rape a crime
and failed to report it. Police generally considered reports of spousal rape to
be domestic issues outside of their jurisdiction.
The law prohibits any form of violence against women; however, domestic
violence was a problem. Domestic violence was underreported due to the
stigma attached to it. Cases were seldom prosecuted and usually settled
through counseling and dialogue with family elders.

The Global Agriculture & Food Security Program, Gender and Women
Empowerment Policy 2010-2020,
http://www.gafspfund.org/sites/gafspfund.org/files/Documents/Attachment
%208%20Women%20and%20Gender%20Policy.pdf.

The existence of 3 legal systems operating in the Gambia create conflicting

standards, and make it more difficult for women to access resources and legal
aid in matters of domestic violence
Rural women in The Gambia have inadequate knowledge of their basic
human rights and as a result have been exposed to but silent about varying
degrees of abuse and exploitation. The prevalence of three sometimes-

conflicting courts (Constitutional, Traditional and Religious Courts) prevents

many women from seeking legal support for fear of the system and
community level stigma and discrimination. This has prevented many from
accessing fair trial and representation through these courts on issues such as
their sexual and reproductive health rights, right to education, and the right
to own and have control over resources. (20)
Too often violence is not acknowledged. This is because many communities
overlook the occurrence of violence, as it is regarded a normal phenomenon
especially in human relationships. Rape is not discussed and often goes
unpunished. It is mostly committed by family members or persons known to
the victim/survivor. The prevalence and magnitude of GBV in The Gambia is
yet to be determined. The culture of silence makes it extremely difficult to get
the required data though there are studies that indicate that the practice is
prevalent. It is condoned and not reported thus resulting in impunity. It is a
cause for concern and requires in-depth study and proper records keeping.
(20)

Sexual Rights Initiative, Report on Gambia to the 7th Round of the

Universal Periodic Review February 2010,
http://lib.ohchr.org/HRBodies/UPR/Documents/Session7/GM/SRI_UPR_GMB_
S07_2010_%20SexualRightsInitiative.pdf.

Violence against women in the home is reported to be common and largely

tolerated by society and government. Police regards this issue as a private
matter. There is no specific legislation to protect victims of domestic violence.
Few instances of prosecutions under general assault provisions have been
noted. There are no refuges for battered women.
Violence against Gambian women mostly affects girls and takes the form of
rape, forced marriages, and sexual abuse. Sexual abuse in the home is
believed to be fairly common. Police tend to consider these incidents to be
domestic issues outside of their ordinary jurisdiction. Rape and assault are
crimes under the law. The law does not differentiate between married and
unmarried women in this regard.

Chant, Sylvia and Isatou Touray, Gender in The Gambia in Retrospect and
Prospect, GAMCOTRAP Working Paper No. 1, 2012,
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/images/stories/documents/Chant_Toura
y.pdf.

Although age at marriage is increasing in The Gambia, especially among

men, some girls, particularly from Fula and Mandinka groups, continue to
marry very young. (38)
womens refusal to have sex can induce severe retribution including
domestic violence and/or divorce. The issue of sexual rights remains primarily
a male preserve. Once a woman is married she belongs to his husband and
family, with every member having the right to watch over our wife and to
censor her movements and activities. (45)
10

IV.

Just as women are subject to control of their sexuality, the common

Mandinka saying musuyaa mu naso leti (which effectively translates as a
woman should recognise that she is weak and powerless and that this is
ordained by God), means that women are also inculcated with the idea that
they have to accept all forms of discrimination and abuse from their
husbands and extended family, which may extend to physical violence. (47)
Domestic violence tends not to be taken seriously by the police or judiciary,
and is, as such, under-reported in official statistics, although there is ample
evidence from in-depth field research to suggest that this is extremely
common, and often severe. (47)
Women are usually expected to serve and obey their husbands, and to see
this state as a blessing. To reinforce this, newspaper articles appear every so
often reminding wives that they should be obedient and submissive, accept
being kept in line by their husbands, and not try to wear the pants in the
household. (40)
In order to address womens vulnerability to SRHR [sexual and reproductive
health and rights] violation, interventions should not only stop, inter alia, at
eliminating forced circumcision, or enacting legislation which spares women
the indignities and sexual health threats of polygamous marriage, and which
provides due access to divorce, child maintenance, and an equal share of
conjugal assets, but also interweave appropriate interventions in this sphere
with other areas of womens lives and entitlements. Critical here is enhancing
womens economic independence to enable them to exert greater
determination over their sexual decisions, and more broadly, extending their
access to land and property, not least to ensure that women and girls are not
ousted from their homes on divorce or the death of husbands or fathers.
(66)
There exists a lack of formal resources for women facing domestic violence
and rape. This paper gives an example of a woman who suffered regular
beatings from her husband. Apart from her natal family, she had no recourse
to escape. Once she returned to the proximity of her family, only with the
support of her parents was she able to flee the violent situation. (48)

Female Genital Cutting

Gambia Bureau of Statistics (GBoS), The Gambia Multiple Indicator Cluster

Survey
2005/2006 Report, 2007,
http://www.childinfo.org/mics/mics3/archives/gambia/survey0/data/Reports
/Study%20Documentation.pdf.

According to the 2005/2006 MICS, the prevalence of FGM in The Gambia is

roughly 78.3%
According to the same survey approval for FGM was 71.1%

11

Africa for Womens Rights, Dossier of Claims: Gambia, March 5, 2010,

http://www.africa4womensrights.org/post/2010/03/05/Dossier-of-Claims
%3A-Gambia.

Prevalence varies among different ethnic groups (amongst the

Mandingoes and the Sarakoles it is estimated that FGM affects 100% of
women

The Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of

Women and Children (GAMCOTRAP), Frequently Asked Questions,
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/images/stories/documents/FAQ/FREQUE
NTLY_ASKED_QUESTIONS.pdf.

FGM is practised by most ethnic groups in The Gambia as a culturally

accepted and unquestioned aspect of everyday life even though it causes
fear and pain. Information from health workers and circumcisers, collected by
GAMCOTRAP, shows there are three types of FGM practised in The Gambia,
which broadly correspond with the WHO classification. Most commonly seen
is Clitoridectomy or Excision which is total removal of the clitoris, with or
without partial or total removal of the labia minora. The practice is
irreversible. Stitching is very rarely seen in The Gambia and only among a
few immigrants. However partial sealing, commonly known in Mandinka as
notoro, is mostly carried out by some Mandinka, Sarahule and Fula ethnic
groups. Others who have had their labia minora removed during mutilation
may experience the unintentional sealing together of the sides of the vaginal
opening, which may lead to narrowing of the vaginal opening.(3)
Although FGM is not uniform to all ethnic groups; it is deeply rooted in the
social and cultural
life of most Gambians. (5)

Touray, Isatou, Sexuality and Womens Sexual Rights in the Gambia,

October 2006, http://www.b-fair.net/wpcontent/uploads/2010/12/DOWNLOAD-THE-ARTICLE.pdf.

While some individual families are responding to the call to stop the
practice, most are yet to pay heed, and pressures from the extended family
often outweigh the efforts of nuclear families to stop FGM. Gambia has
witnessed two FGM court cases recently, one of which was thrown out due to
the lack of any law protecting those who do not want to circumcise their
children.

Chant, Sylvia and Isatou Touray, Gender in The Gambia in Retrospect and
Prospect, GAMCOTRAP Working Paper No. 1, 2012,
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/images/stories/documents/Chant_Toura
y.pdf.

12

In the specific context of The Gambia, female circumcision is particularly

prevalent among the Jola, Mandinka and Fula, with girls normally undergoing
either clitoridectomy, and/or excision at between 4 and 12 years of age. (21)
circumcised women are more likely to suffer prolonged labour, Caesarean
section, episiotomy, death of their babies, and extended needs for maternal
medical care. Gambian research further indicates that cut women may be
more susceptible to bacterial and fungal infections of the vagina, as well as
viral conditions such as Herpes Simplex II, and possibly, therefore, HIV/AIDS.
FGM is also likely to be a leading cause of anaemia among adolescents, and
is reportedly associated with dry sex (where women are insufficiently
lubricated for coitus) and painful intercourse, partly because keloid tissue
often forms around the original wound. Commonly referred to by the
Mandinka term seketu, keloid growths take many shapes and sizes, and
are often associated with extreme pain and discomfort. This leads women to
return to circumcisers (nyansim-ba) to excise the growth, frequently on a
repeated basis, only for new keloid scar tissue to appear. (22)

United States Department of State, The Gambia: Report on Female Genital

Mutilation (FGM) or Female Genital Cutting (FGC), June 1, 2001,
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/46d5787732.html.

Types of FGC:
o

Type I is the excision (removal) of the clitoral hood with or without

removal of all or part of the clitoris.

Type II is the excision (removal) of the clitoris together with part or all
of the labia minora (the inner vaginal lips).

Type III is the excision (removal) of part or all of the external genitalia
(clitoris, labia minora and labia majora) and stitching or narrowing of
the vaginal opening, leaving a very small opening, about the size of a
matchstick, to allow for the flow of urine and menstrual blood. Thorns
are used to stitch the vaginal opening. The girl or woman's legs are
then bound together from the hip to the ankle so she remains
immobile for approximately 40 days to allow for the formation of scar
tissue.

Type IV - A form analogous to Type III, but described as "sealing" in The

Gambia, is also practiced. Sealing involves the removal of the clitoris
and the labia minora, followed by sealing the vaginal opening with
clots of blood or herbal powder leaving only a small opening, about the
diameter of a matchstick, for urination and menstruation. The legs are

13

forced to stay tightly together during the period of convalescence

(about 40 days) allowing the raw vaginal tissue to fuse.

These procedures are often performed with various instruments that may not
be sterilized, and without the use of anesthesia.

The estimated percentage of all women in The Gambia who have undergone
one of the forms of FGM/FGC ranges from 60 to 90 percent.
Nearly all Mandinkas, Jolas and Hausas (together 52 percent of the
population) practice Type II on girls between 10 years and 15 years of age.

United States Department of State, 2011 Country Reports on Human

Rights Practices - The Gambia, 24 May 24,
2012, http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4fc75a57c.html.

The law does not prohibit FGM, and the practice remained widespread. A
2005-06 survey by the UN Children's Fund found that approximately 78
percent of girls and women had undergone FGM, and seven of the nine major
ethnic groups practiced FGM on girls from shortly after birth until age 16.
FGM was less frequent among educated and urban groups. Some religious
leaders publicly defended the practice. There were reports of health
complications, including deaths, associated with FGM; however, no accurate
statistics were available. Several NGOs conducted public education programs
to discourage the practice and spoke out against FGM in the media.

UNICEF, West and Central Africa, Overview: Female Genital Mutilation and
Cutting, http://www.unicef.org/wcaro/english/overview_2947.html.

Besides immediate consequences, such as unspeakable pain, suffering and

infections, FGM/C is associated with a series of health risks and long-term
consequences. They can include chronic pain, fatal hemorrhage or infections
and psychological consequences.
FGM/C derives from a complex set of belief systems. Communities are
perpetuating custom and tradition. In many cases, family members know that
the practice can bring harm, both physical and psychological, to their
daughters, but they consider that they do what they must to raise a girl
properly and to prepare her for adulthood and marriage. Given the social
dynamics, not conforming to the tradition would bring greater harm, since it
would lead to stigmatisation and exclusion.

BAFROW, Restructuring the Passage Rite of Girls, June 2009,

http://www.bafrow.gm/fgmcrestructuring.html.

14

Of great significance is the fact that the practice of FGMC is closely linked to
the rites of passage of girls or initiation to womanhood. It is through the rites
of passage that young girls are provided with knowledge and skills for selfempowerment. Because of this unique phenomenon which gives the
community and its people a great sense of cultural identity that makes FGMC
a well-organized institution.

Bojang-Sissoho, Amie, Female Genital Mutilation in the Context of

Womens Rights in the Gambia, Speech for International Womens Day
March 2012, March 8, 2012, http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/index.php?
option=com_content&view=article&id=125:fgm-in-the-context-of-womensrights-in-the-gambia&catid=53:gamcotrap-articles-andstories&Itemid=123.

There is resistance from some religious leaders who oppose the campaign to
raise awareness that FGM is not a Religious obligation and womens rights
issues in general especially, if it is directed at empowerment of women.
Some of them have influence over the public media, both TV and radio while
Womens Rights organizations fighting against FGM and promoting the rights
of women are denied similar opportunities.
This year, 44 girls were subjected to FGM in a particular community and two
of them bled profusely and ended up in Bansang hospital. The girls suffered.
The parents did not want to take the girls to the hospital but when they
realized it was not the witches but the loss of blood. They had no choice but
to seek help from the hospital. When the cases were eventually reported,
FGM was not mentioned as the root cause because of fear to be punished by
law. It was reported that Malaria was the cause of the anaemia. Many of
such cases make it difficult to get the statistics on the direct immediate
impact of FGM on girls. Also the difficulties of child birth are not immediately
recognized by most of the health workers as having something to do with the
scars and in some cases keliod caused by FGM.

Hernlund, Ylva, and Bettina Shell-Duncan, Contingency, Context, and

Change: Negotiating female genital cutting in the Gambia and Senegal,
Africa Today, vol. 53, no. 4, Summer 2007.

circumcision status can become a major source of tension and intrafamily

conflict after an uncircumcised woman has married into a circumcising family.
Uncircumcised women generally have little opportunity to oppose their
daughters' circumcision (52).

United Nations, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination against Women, Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against Women, Consideration of reports submitted by
States parties under article 18 of the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women: Gambia, CEDAW/C/GMB/1-3, April

15

10 2003,
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,CEDAW,,GMB,3fdd87f04,0.html.

V.

There is no provision for legal aid in The Gambia. The Gambian chapter of
the African Society for International and Comparative law (an NGO) does offer
legal advice and counseling service, but this service does not specifically
address womens issues. Women being the poorest in the country cannot
afford the payment of legal fees to enforce their rights. Tremendous
assistance is therefore needed to facilitate their access to redress. (14)
The inability of rural women to acquire land gives them limited access to
credit facilities in the formal financial Institutions. They are only active in
those sectors where incomes have been found to be low, such as crop
production, petty trading, because of the lack of access to education. In the
area of family law women still continue to be subjected to forced marriages
despite the constitutional protection. (44)

Relevant Legal Framework and Government Response

Despite governmental efforts, and commitments to reduce violence against women,

laws do not currently provide sufficient protection for women against FGC, rape, and
other forms of violence.
The Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of
Women and Children (GAMCOTRAP), Frequently Asked Questions,
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/images/stories/documents/FAQ/FREQUE
NTLY_ASKED_QUESTIONS.pdf.

This document outlines some of the current laws that exist relating to FGC.
Unfortunately, though certain laws seem to allow for prosecution of genderbased violence and FGC, they do not result in punishment on a practical
level. (2)
Current laws relating to FGC and GBV:
o Section 126 of the Criminal Code
makes it a misdemeanor to unlawfully and indecently assault
a woman or a girl, as it renders such offence punishable up to
two years imprisonment. (2)
o The Childrens Act of The Gambia 2005
a domesticated version of the United Nations Convention on
the Rights of the Child and the African Charter on the Rights and
Welfare of the Child;
States under section 19 No child shall be subjected to any
social and cultural practices that affect the welfare, dignity,
normal growth and development of the child and, in particular,
those customs and practices that are:
a) Prejudicial to the health and life of the child; and

16

b) Discriminatory to the child on the grounds of sex or other

status. (2)
Provisions ratified by the Gambia.
o Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples rights
on the Rights of Women in Africa [Maputo Protocol] which states
under Article 5:
Harmful Traditional Practices
States Parties shall prohibit and condemn all forms of harmful
practices which negatively affect the human rights of women
and which are contrary to recognized international standards.
States Parties shall take all necessary legislative and other
measures to eliminate such practices, including:
a) Creation of public awareness in all sectors of society
regarding harmful practices through information, formal
and informal education and outreach programmes;
b) prohibition, through legislative measures backed by
sanctions, of all forms of female genital mutilation,
scarification, medicalisation and para-medicalisation of
female genital mutilation and all other practices in order
to eradicate them;
c) provision of necessary support to victims of harmful
practices through basic services such as health services,
legal and judicial support, emotional and psychological
counselling as well as vocational training to make them
self-supporting;
d) Protection of women who are at risk of being subjected
to harmful practices or all other forms of violence,
abuse (2)
Also see CEDAW, and Womens Act 2010 in Chant and Touray (2012) below
The authors note that these provisions and Law are also less recognized in
the institutional context and are not enforced because even where cases are
taken to the police, they are rarely taken into consideration. Meanwhile, all
these provisions do not specifically mention FGM, therefore it is challenging
to seek successful redress from the Law since it depends on who interprets
what is Harmful Traditional Practice, taking into consideration the
Magistrates, Judges and Qadis also come from such traditional background
and might also use their subjectivities and belief in the practise of FGM. There
is yet to be a political will and commitment to ban FGM by the State through
Legislation. (2-3)

Chant, Sylvia and Isatou Touray, Gender in The Gambia in Retrospect and
Prospect, GAMCOTRAP Working Paper No. 1, 2012,
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/images/stories/documents/Chant_Toura
y.pdf.

With respect to the Convention on All Forms of Discrimination Against

Women (CEDAW), though Gambia has signed on to CEDAW they have yet to
ratify the Optional Protocol which provides for women whose rights have
been violated to seek redress through the relevant UN Committee. (54)
17

Womens Act (2010) and Gender and Womens Empowerment Policy

Responding to commitments made by the state to international conventions
regarding womens concerns and strategic gender interests, as well as to The
Gambias own constitutional guarantee for gender equality, the policy
provides a vision for social transformation in which all women, men, boys,
and girls have a role to play as equal agents and beneficiaries. In seeking to
move from formal equality to substantive equality, the policy aims to
accelerate gender mainstreaming in national and sectoral policies, plans and
programmes in public and private institutions, NGOs and the media. (55)
Bills regarding womens concerns (such as on FGM) have routinely been
ignored or even thrown out of Parliament. (64)
This article highlights some governmental resistance to activists fighting for
gender equality and an end to FGC: Past performance also suggests a
somewhat partisan approach in which independent and critical minds have
been too readily labeled as anti-establishment, thereby preventing the often
fruitful outcomes for women which have arisen through active dialogue and
collaboration between state and civil society feminist organisations (57)
With respect to The Gambia National Gender Policy 2010-2020 released by
The Gambia Ministry of Womens Affairs, The extent to which the new
gender policy commitments will be achieved remains a moot point. This is
due, first, to the recency of its launch. A second factor is the historical record
to date, whereby The Gambias professed commitment to global
development goals for gender equality has been rather limited in terms of
translation into practice. (56-57)

Bojang-Sissoho, Amie, Female Genital Mutilation in the Context of

Womens Rights in the Gambia, Speech for International Womens Day
March 2012, March 8, 2012, http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/index.php?
option=com_content&view=article&id=125:fgm-in-the-context-of-womensrights-in-the-gambia&catid=53:gamcotrap-articles-andstories&Itemid=123.

girl-children and women are not completely protected by the laws of the
Gambia against FGM. Despite the fact that the Gambia has ratified and
domesticated most International and Regional Conventions and Protocols, the
legal protection of girls and women from the practice of FGM has been
removed from both the Children and Womens Acts; thus making the
ratification of the Protocol to the African Charter in particular irrelevant to the
commitments of The Gambia.
The role of NGOs is to advocate, it is the responsibility of the Government to
ensure that laws and policies are in place and in this case, there is a specific
call for a law to ban FGM in the Gambia. There is no need for ambiguity
about FGM and hiding it under the general guise of harmful traditional
practices. It should be specific just like early and forced marriage or rape
has been clearly mentioned in the laws of the Gambia. Not mentioning FGM
underrates its importance in the development agenda.

18

Africa for Womens Rights, Dossier of Claims: Gambia, March 5, 2010,

http://www.africa4womensrights.org/post/2010/03/05/Dossier-of-Claims
%3A-Gambia.

Gambia has a plural legal system consisting of legislative, customary and

Islamic Sharia law. The three bodies of law create contradictions and
inconsistencies and there are many discriminatory provisions in all three
sources of law, particularly in the areas of family and property law. Four types
of marriages are legally recognised in Gambia: Christian, Muslim, customary
and civil marriages.

Gambia Ministry of Womens Affairs, The Gambia National Gender Policy

2010-2020, http://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/docs/1958/Gambia%20national
%20gender%20policy.pdf.

While this policy does advocate for the abandonment of all forms of harmful
traditional practices... (19), GAMCOTRAP has stated that the refusal to
explicitly mention these practices (FGM), is a barrier in working towards
prevention of FGM; harmful traditional practices is a euphemistic reference
to female genital mutilation and does not address the issue head-on (See
Bojang-Sissoho, Amie and GAMCOTRAP FAQ above in the same section)
Other policy goals include:
By 2020 women and men understand human rights and can identify
cases of violation, demand, access, seek redress and enjoy a dignified
life Gender.
Ensure harmonization and domestication of international protocols and
conventions with national laws by 2015.
Enact laws that will prohibit all forms of gender based violence by
2020.
Ensure the full enforcement of the constitutional provisions that
guarantee equality between women and men by 2020.

Dr. Isatou Touray, Risking Everything to End Harmful Traditional Practices

in The Gambia, February 2011,
http://www.equalitynow.org/partner/dr_isatou_touray.

The State and/or politicians are not very comfortable challenging a very old
social convention, hence the lack of a law against FGM. Also, the lawmakers
do not understand that having a law against FGM is meant to protect the
rights of women. Some of the institutions responsible for women are
themselves not taking unequivocal positions regarding the issues. Some
parliamentarians are more concerned with the security of their positions and
thus take up ambivalent stances. The rights of women are being
compromised while unprogressive religious leaders continue to mislead the
entire debate that FGM is a religious obligation.
As a result of GAMCOTRAPs unequivocal position in calling for State
accountability and addressing women and childrens rights, the organization

19

has faced stiff resistance. With sustained advocacy, there is general

acceptance at the grassroots level. However, at the institutional level, there
is subtle state resistance to the work and to addressing human rights issues.
Sexual Rights Initiative, Report on Gambia to the 7th Round of the
Universal Periodic Review February 2010,
http://lib.ohchr.org/HRBodies/UPR/Documents/Session7/GM/SRI_UPR_GMB_
S07_2010_%20SexualRightsInitiative.pdf.

The broadcast of information against FGM on the state-controlled Radio

Gambia and Gambia Television has been prohibited at various times in recent
years. Although the President has recently said that he does not support
FGM, in the past he is reported as having stated that although anti-FGM
campaigners could continue to do their work among the villages theres no
guarantee that after they deliver their speeches, they will return to their
homes. President Jammeh alleged that campaigners against female genital
mutilation are receiving millions to undermine Islam and African culture. It "is
part of our culture and we should not allow anyone to dictate to us how we
should conduct ourselves," Jammeh said. In a veiled threat to the
campaigners, Jammeh said they should be ready to face any consequences
that may befall them.

United States Department of State, 2011 Country Reports on Human

Rights Practices - The Gambia, 24 May 24,
2012, http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4fc75a57c.html.

VI.

Regarding the arrest of two prominent gender activists and leaders in the
fight against FGM, Isatou Touray and Amie Bojan Sissoho (Executive Director
and Program Coordinator of GAMCOTRAP, respectively):
o Touray and Sissoho, who were arrested in October 2010, were charged
with mismanaging 30,000 euros ($40,200) granted by the Spanish
NGO Yolocamba Solidaridad. The two were subsequently denied bail
and spent eight days in prison before their trial could proceed. The
charges of theft were reportedly based on the findings of an
investigative panel that looked into GAMCOTRAP's management of the
Yolocamba grant. A previous panel set up by the Office of the President
in May 2010 concluded that the allegations of mismanagement were
unfounded. On January 31, during a hearing at Banjul Magistrate's
Court, the director of the Spanish NGO denied accusing anyone
associated with GAMCOTRAP of theft. Both Touray and Sissoho
continued their work with GAMCOTRAP during the year.

Obstacles to Preventing Violence Against Women

20

UNICEF, Coordinated Strategy to Abandon Female Genital

Mutilation/Cutting in One Generation: A Human Rights-Based Approach to
Programming, 2007,
http://www.childinfo.org/files/fgmc_Coordinated_Strategy_to_Abandon_FG
MC__in_One_Generation_eng.pdf.

The social processes of FGM/C resemble the social dynamics of the selfenforcing social convention theory identified by Schelling. Families carry out
FGM/C to ensure the marriageability and status of their daughters within the
intramarrying group. For marriage and for status, what one family chooses to
do depends on what other families in that community choose to do. No one
family can abandon the practice on its own; to do so would ruin the
marriageability and status of that familys daughters. To change the
convention, it is necessary to coordinate abandonment by the intramarrying
community as a whole. (19)
Currently, the dominant communication paradigm is health education
through the design and delivery of messages. The messages are usually
delivered in time-bound campaigns and are designed to persuade people to
comply with health-seeking behaviours. In the case of FGM/C, these
campaigns often build knowledge in their target audiences but fail to convert
that knowledge into widespread abandonment. Even when individuals easily
understand the campaign messages, they are unable to act on them because
they will face stigma if they do so by themselves. No matter how much they
would like to abandon FGM/C, most mothers continue to proceed with genital
mutilation/cutting of their daughters because that is the only way the
daughters can be properly married and able to maintain the familys place in
society. (31)

UNICEF, Innocenti Insight, The Dynamics of Social Change: Towards the

Abandonment of Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting in Five African
Countries, October 2010, http://www.unicefirc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_insight_eng.pdf.

The challenge is for families to move together from an equilibrium in which

all girls are cut to one in which no girls are cut. Abandonment is possible, but
only by coordinating a collective abandonment within the intramarrying
community. Families will abandon FGM/C only when they believe that most or
all others will make the same choice at the same time. (6)
Failure to conform to FGM/C leads to social exclusion, ostracism, disapproval,
rebuke or even violence. (6)

The Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of

Women and Children (GAMCOTRAP), Frequently Asked Questions,
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/images/stories/documents/FAQ/FREQUE
NTLY_ASKED_QUESTIONS.pdf.

The fight against FGM requires a multi-sectoral and a socio-cultural

response. It has broken the myth and high level of resistance surrounding the

21

Practice and this has served as a spring board for other non indigenous
organisations to now engage in the field of FGM in the Gambia. GAMCOTRAP
has broken the taboo around the culture, have trained women, men,
circumcisers, community leaders, decision makers, young people, womens
leaders, the Legislature, the Judiciary and Government departments and
personnel etc, on problems faced by women, especially in the area of sexual
and reproductive health and rights. It continues this approach by including
other social structures, theorising the cluster approach and working in and
through culturally relevant and acceptable systems. (1)
Bojang-Sissoho, Amie, Female Genital Mutilation in the Context of
Womens Rights in the Gambia, Speech for International Womens Day
March 2012, March 8, 2012, http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/index.php?
option=com_content&view=article&id=125:fgm-in-the-context-of-womensrights-in-the-gambia&catid=53:gamcotrap-articles-andstories&Itemid=123.

Yet most of these people in authority will call for the education of the
masses and raising awareness. It should be acknowledged that while
educating the people on womens rights, the public media have an important
role to play in providing equal access and opportunities to activists in raising
the issues and responding to the debates. It is through dialogue and debates
on social issues that we educate each other on the rights of women and thus
influence change of perceptions and attitudes towards women.
GM is a Culture practice and that cultural practices can change when people
realize that they outlived their value.
Understanding the dynamics of the decision making processes, GAMCOTRAP
takes the Cluster approach in which communities who share cultural ties with
the same circumcisers are brought together to reach consensus to protect
their girl-children. This approach made it possible for representative from
564 communities in three regions to support their Circumcisers to stop the
practice of FGM.

Shell-Duncan, Bettina and Yiva Herniund, Are There Stages of Change in

the Practice of Female Genital Cutting?: Qualitative Research Findings
from Senegal and The Gambia, African Journal of Reproductive Health, Vol
10, 2, 2006 (57-71). http://www.bioline.org.br/request?rh06027.

This article analyzes how theoretical models of stages of behavior of change

can be applied to FGC. Importantly, it highlights the complex and
multidimensional nature of the ability to shift away from FGC. Individual
intentions to move away from FGC may not be possible in a community that
continues to socially enforce the practice.
The concept of stage of change as applied to FGC is a complex construct
that rests not only on an individual's internal motivation to proceed with
change, but also with her or his willingness and ability to do so. This construct
simultaneously captures behaviour, motivation, and features of the
environment in which the decision is being made. One important aspect of

22

this environment is the decision-making group in which an individual is

situated. Additionally, it is important to note that decision-making is also
situated within and influenced by a broader social and political context.
Consequently, the stages identified in this research reflect the
multidimensional nature of readiness to change for FGC.
UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, Changing a Harmful Social Convention:
Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting, http://www.unicefirc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf.

Alternative rites have enjoyed varying degrees of success in promoting the

abandonment of FGM/C. In isolation, they have limited impact since they do
not address the underlying social values associated with FGM/C and
therefore, provide little assurance that a girl will not be cut at a later date.
(26)

23

Helpful Organizations
BAFROW
The Foundation for Research on Women's Health, Productivity and the
Environment
214, Tafsir Demba Mbye Street
Tobacco Road Estate
Banjul
Greater Banjul Region
The Gambia
Phone: (220) 4225270/ 4223270
Mailing Address: P.O Box 2854, Kanifing, Serrekunda
The Gambia, West Africa
bafrow@gamtel.gm
www.bafrow.gm
Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women
and Children (GAMCOTRAP)
Formed in 1984, GAMCOTRAP is a Gambian womens rights organization that
concentrates much of its effort to safeguard the well-being of girls by ending
harmful traditional practices (FGC, child marriage).
Plot no. 41
Kanifing Institutional Area
Kanifing Municipal Area
PO Box 2990
Serrekunda
The Gambia
Phone: +220 4399569
Fax: +2204399568
info@gamcotrap.gm
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/
The Association of Non-Governmental Organizations in the Gambia
(TANGO)
Fajara M Section
PMB 392, Serekunda,
The Gambia, West Africa
Phone: +220 4390 525
Fax: +220 4390 521
info@tangogambia.org
http://www.tangogambia.org/
Female Lawyers Association-Gambia (FLAG)
http://www.flag.gm/gambia/

24

Potential Experts
Dr. Isatou Touray
Plot no. 41
Kanifing Institutional Area
Kanifing Municipal Area
PO Box 2990
Serrekunda
The Gambia
Phone: +220 4399569
Fax: +2204399568
info@gamcotrap.gm
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/
Founder and Executive Director of the Gambia Committee on Traditional
Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (GAMCOTRAP). Isatou
Touray is a womens rights activist and a national and international leader in
the fight against female genital cutting. She worked with the Management
Development Institute, as the Deputy Director General, from 1990 to 2005,
and founded the Gender and Management Unit of the Institute. She currently
serves as the Secretary General of Inter-African Committee (IAC), a network
of twenty-eight African countries working on issues of female genital cutting
and gender-based violence.
Professor Sylvia Chant
STC 5.15, St Clement's Building,
LSE
Houghton Street
London
WC2A 2AE
UK
Phone: +44 (0)20 7955 7606
s.chant@lse.ac.uk
Professor of Development Geography at the London School of Economics and
Political Science, UK, Director of the MSc in Urbanisation and Development.
Professor Chant's research focuses upon gender, poverty, migration, women's
employment, household survival strategies and female-headed households.
Her work in the last few years has branched into men and masculinities in
relation to the family and to Gender and Development (GAD), and into
gender, youth and livelihoods in sub-Saharan Africa (The Gambia and Ghana).
Dr. Abdoulaye Saine

25

Political Science
Harrison Hall, 225
Oxford, OH 45056
Phone: (513) 529 2489
sainea@miamioh.edu
Dr. Saine is a Gambian scholar and Chair of the Political Science department
at Miami University, Ohio. He has written widely on the military, elections,
democratization and human rights in The Gambia and West Africa.

26

Index of Sources
1. 2005/2006 Report, 2007,
http://www.childinfo.org/mics/mics3/archives/gambia/survey0/data/Reports/St
udy%20Documentation.pdf.
2. Africa for Womens Rights, Dossier of Claims: Gambia, March 5, 2010,
http://www.africa4womensrights.org/post/2010/03/05/Dossier-of-Claims%3AGambia.
3. Bojang-Sissoho, Amie, Female Genital Mutilation in the Context of Womens
Rights in the Gambia, Speech for International Womens Day March 2012,
March 8, 2012, http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/index.php?
option=com_content&view=article&id=125:fgm-in-the-context-of-womensrights-in-the-gambia&catid=53:gamcotrap-articles-and-stories&Itemid=123.
4. Chant, Sylvia and Isatou Touray, Gender in The Gambia in Retrospect and
Prospect, GAMCOTRAP Working Paper No. 1, 2012,
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/images/stories/documents/Chant_Touray.p
df.
5. Gambia Bureau of Statistics (GBoS), The Gambia Multiple Indicator Cluster
Survey
6. Hernlund, Ylva, and Bettina Shell-Duncan, Contingency, Context, and
Change: Negotiating female genital cutting in the Gambia and Senegal,
Africa Today, vol. 53, no. 4, Summer 2007.
7. K and others (FGM) The Gambia CG v. Secretary of State for the Home
Department, [2013] UKUT 00062(IAC), United Kingdom: Upper Tribunal
(Immigration and Asylum Chamber), 8 April 2013,
http://www.refworld.org/docid/5163e5204.html
8. Ministry of Womens Affairs, The Gambia National Gender Policy 2010-2020,
http://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/docs/1958/Gambia%20national%20gender
%20policy.pdf.
9. Sexual Rights Initiative, Report on Gambia to the 7th Round of the Universal
Periodic Review February 2010,
http://lib.ohchr.org/HRBodies/UPR/Documents/Session7/GM/SRI_UPR_GMB_S0
7_2010_%20SexualRightsInitiative.pdf.
10.Shell-Duncan, Bettina and Yiva Herniund, Are There Stages of Change in the
Practice of Female Genital Cutting?: Qualitative Research Findings from
Senegal and The Gambia, African Journal of Reproductive Health, Vol 10, 2,
2006 (57-71), http://www.bioline.org.br/request?rh06027.
11.Social Institutions & Gender Index, The Gambia, 2012,
http://genderindex.org/country/gambia.
12.Social Institutions & Gender Index, The Gambia, 2012,
http://genderindex.org/country/gambia .
13.The Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of
Women and Children (GAMCOTRAP), Frequently Asked Questions,
http://www.gamcotrap.gm/content/images/stories/documents/FAQ/FREQUENT
LY_ASKED_QUESTIONS.pdf.
14.The Global Agriculture & Food Security Program, Gender and Women
Empowerment Policy 2010-2020,

27

http://www.gafspfund.org/sites/gafspfund.org/files/Documents/Attachment
%208%20Women%20and%20Gender%20Policy.pdf.
15.Touray, Isatou, Risking Everything to End Harmful Traditional Practices in The
Gambia, February 2011, http://www.equalitynow.org/partner/dr_isatou_touray.
16.Touray, Isatou, Sexuality and Womens Sexual Rights in the Gambia, October
2006, http://www.b-fair.net/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/DOWNLOAD-THEARTICLE.pdf.
17.UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, Changing a Harmful Social Convention:
Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting, http://www.unicefirc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf.
18.UNICEF, Coordinated Strategy to Abandon Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting
in One Generation: A Human Rights-Based Approach to Programming, 2007,
http://www.childinfo.org/files/fgmc_Coordinated_Strategy_to_Abandon_FGMC_
_in_One_Generation_eng.pdf.
19.UNICEF, Innocenti Research Centre, The Dynamics of Social Change: Towards
the Abandonment of Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting in Five African
Countries, October 2010, http://www.unicefirc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_insight_eng.pdf.
20.UNICEF, West and Central Africa, Overview: Female Genital Mutilation and
Cutting, http://www.unicef.org/wcaro/english/overview_2947.html.
21.United Kingdom: Home Office, Country of Origin Information Report - Gambia,
17 October 2011, http://www.refworld.org/docid/4ea1398f2.html
22.United Nations, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women, Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against
Women, Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 18
of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women: Gambia, CEDAW/C/GMB/1-3, April 10 2003,
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,CEDAW,,GMB,3fdd87f04,0.html.
23.United Nations, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women, Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against
Women, Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 18
of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women: Gambia, CEDAW/C/GMB/1-3, April 10 2003,
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,CEDAW,,GMB,3fdd87f04,0.html.
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