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between two social groups of which one is in a more dominant position than the other. The
less dominant group is the one which develops the pidgin. Historically, pidgins arose in
colonial situations where the representatives of the particular colonial power, officials,
tradesmen, sailors, etc., came in contact with natives. The latter developed a jargon when
communicating with the former. This resulted in a language on the basis of the colonial
language in question and the language or languages of the natives. Such a language was
restricted in its range as it served a definite purpose, namely basic communication with the
colonists. In the course of several generations such a reduced form of language can become
more complex, especially if it develops into the mother tongue of a group of speakers. This
latter stage is that of creolisation. Creoles are much expanded versions of pidgins and have
arisen in situations in which there was a break in the natural linguistic continuity of a
community, for instance on slave planatations in their early years.
There are a number of views on the origin of the term pidgin, none of which has gained sole
acceptance by the academic community.
1) Chinese corruption of the word business. As the word is used for any action or occupation
(cf. joss-pidgin religion and chow-chow-pidgin cooking') it should not be surprising that it
be used for a language variety which arose for trading purposes.
2) Portuguese ocupaao meaning trade, job, occupation. This suggestion is interesting as
the Portuguese were among the first traders to travel to the third world and influence
natives with their language. Phonetically the shift from the original word to a form /pidgin/
is difficult to explain.
3) Hebrew word pidjom meaning barter. This suggestion is phonetically and semantically
plausible, hinges however on the distribution of a Jewish word outside of Europe and its
acceptance as a general term for a trade language.
The term creole There is less controversy on this issue than on the previous one. The term
would seem to derive from French creole, it in its turn coming from Portuguese crioulo
(rather than from Spanish criollo') which goes back to an Iberian stem meaning to nurse,
breed, bring up. The present meaning is native to a locality or country. Originally it was
used (17th century) to refer to those from European countries born in the colonies. The
term then underwent a semantic shift to refer to customs and language of those in the
colonies and later to any language derived from a pidgin based on a European language,
typically English, French, Portuguese, Spanish or Dutch. Now the term refers to any
language of this type, irrespective of what the input language has been.
Ans 1 d): Inflectional morphology is one of the two main branches of morphology,
the other being derivational morphology. In a nutshell, inflectional morphology
distinguishes different inflections of the same lexeme, whereas derivational
morphology distinguishes different lexemes that are related to one another; but
they both use much the same range of morphological resources to do it. For
example, the -ing of painting is inflectional in (1) and derivational in (2).
(1) He was painting a picture.
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2. LLP research seldom considered the legal framework of plans and policies. This
should be researched as well.
3. Understanding the central role of political processes in LLP could help specialists
understand how LLP was involved in the pursuit and maintenance of power.
4. LLP specialists could develop new methodologies and establish more direct links
to sociologists.
5. A research should be carried out to examine the role of public political discourse
and the mass media in LPP processes.
6. A research could be conducted to see the importance of social identity.
7. The issue of language and globalization would require new forms of LLP research.
8. Language rights could also be a focus of research.
Ans 6: To learn his or her first language, a child spends quite a while listening, repeating, and
learning by trial and error during the first five years of life. Theres no way to do the same thing
once children have begun school and are trying to learn a second language in a class held for
only one or two hours per week. So how do the students learn a second language when the
teacher is speaking only that language and they understand only perhaps a quarter of the words?
First of all, they go by the many clues that help them to decipher the message, such as the
intonation, which often conveys a speakers intentions, for good or ill, and the context, which in
a classroom might be the stated subject of the days lesson or the photo illustrating the days
reading. Second, the students also learn by memorizing word lists, grammatical rules, verb
conjugations, and so on.
This way of learning a second language is quite different from the trial-and-error method by
which young children learn their mother tongue without even realizing it. One important
difference is that with the second language, the childs desire to communicate is not remotely so
strong, especially in a school setting. (In contrast, learning a second language is easier when the
learners are immersed in a community where this language is spoken, probably because that
gives them more incentive to use it.) A lesser degree of motivation has also been correlated with
lower dopamine levels, which is what one would expect for a neurotransmitter associated with
pleasure and desire.
Practicing a language in an environment where it is spoken is what lets us internalize its
grammar. When we are learning our mother tongue, it is through repeated exposure to certain
kinds of sentences that we implicitly encode the grammatical rules involved and eventually come
to understand and produce our own sentences effortlessly.
Bilingualism is divided into three different types. Both co-ordinated bilingualism and compound
bilingualism develop in early childhood and are classified as forms of early bilingualism. The
third type is late bilingualism, which develops when a second language is learned after age 12.
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In co-ordinated bilingualism, children develop two parallel linguistic systems, so that for any one
word, the child has two signifiers and two signifieds. One situation in which a child may develop
co-ordinated bilingualism is when the two parents have different mother tongues and each parent
speaks only his or her own mother tongue to the child. In response, the child constructs two
separate linguistic systems and can handle each of them easily. Another such situation is when
relatively young children who have already mastered their mother tongue are adopted by parents
who speak a different language. Once again, the distinction between the two languages is crystalclear for the child.
In compound bilingualism, children have only one signified for two signifiers and so cannot
detect the conceptual differences between the two languages. Compound bilingualism is what
occurs when both parents are bilingual and both parents speak to the child in both languages
indiscriminately. The child will grow up to speak both languages effortlessly and without an
accent, but will never master all the subtleties of either of them. In other words, the child will not
really have a mother tongue.
There are of course, some cases of bilingualism that lie between these extremes, because
peoples educational, social, and work environments also influence their acquisition of a second
language.
Late bilingualism is defined in contrast to early bilingualism, because late bilingualism is
developed after the critical period for language learning. In such cases, it is thought that when
people acquire their second language through immersion in a community that speaks it, implicit
memory plays more of a role, whereas when they do so solely through formal classroom studies,
explicit memory is more involved.
Ans 7: Stylistics is the study and interpretation of texts in regard to their linguistic
and tonal style. As a discipline, it links literary criticism to linguistics. It does not
function as an autonomous domain on its own, and can be applied to an
understanding of literature and journalism as well as linguistics. Sources of study in
stylistics may range from canonical works of writing to popular texts, and from
advertising copy to news, non-fiction, and popular culture, as well as to political and
religious discourse. Indeed, as recent work in Critical Stylistics, Multimodal Stylistics
and Mediated Stylistics has made clear, non-literary texts may be of just as much
interest to stylisticians as literary ones. Literariness, in other words, is here
conceived as 'a point on a cline rather than as an absolute'.
Stylistics as a conceptual discipline may attempt to establish principles capable of
explaining particular choices made by individuals and social groups in their use of
language, such as in the literary production and reception of genre, the study of folk
art, in the study of spoken dialects and registers, and can be applied to areas such
as discourse analysis as well as literary criticism.
Common features of style include the use of dialogue, including regional accents
and individual dialects (or ideolects), the use of grammar, such as the observation
of active voice and passive voice, the distribution of sentence lengths, the use of
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