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{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}\pard\plain \ltrpar\qc
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Bush Rewarded by Black Pastors' Faith
\par }\pard \ltrpar\qc
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His stands, backed by funding of ministries, redefined the GOP's image with some
clergy.
\par }\pard \ltrpar\qj
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ararsid15878523 {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0\afs24 \ltrch\fcs0
\f0\fs24\insrsid16278133\charrsid15878523 January 18, 2005|
Peter Wallsten, Tom Hamburger and Nicholas Riccardi, Times Staff Writers
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\f0\fs24\insrsid16278133\charrsid15878523 MILWAUKEE \emdash
Bishop Sedgwick Daniels, one of this city's most prominent black pastors,
supported Democrats in past presidential elections, backing Bill Clinton and Al
Gore.
\par This fall, however, the bishop's broad face appeared on Republican Party
fliers in the battleground state of Wisconsin, endorsing President Bush as the
candidate who "shares our views."
\par }\pard\plain \ltrpar\s18\qj
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\ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid16278133\charrsid15878523 What changed?
\par After Bush's contested 2000 victory, Daniels felt the pull of a mos
t powerful worldly force: a call from the White House. He conferred with top
administration officials and had a visit in 2002 from the president himself. His
church later received $1.5 million in federal funds through Bush's initiative to
support faith-ba
sed social services.
\par Daniels' political conversion, and similar transformations by black pastors
across the nation, form a little-known chapter in the playbook of Bush's 2004
reelection campaign -- and may mark the beginning of a political realignment long
sought by senior White House advisor Karl Rove and other GOP strategists.
\par Daniels says it was not the federal money that led him to endorse the
Republican candidate last year, but rather the values of Bush and other party
leaders who champion church minist
ries, religious education and moral clarity. It was evidence to many religious
African Americans that the GOP could be an appealing home.
\par That's exactly the way many conservative Republican and evangelical leaders
hope the faith-based program will work.
\par "T
he political benefits are unbelievable," says the Rev. Louis P. Sheldon, chairman
of the conservative Traditional Values Coalition, which helped shape the
administration's faith-based strategy and the GOP's outreach to black Christian
voters. "The Democra
ts ought to have their heads examined for voting against this."
\par The money that flowed to Daniels' church was part of a broader effort inspired
by Bush's contention that religious groups can do a better job than government in
providing such services as couns
eling, education and drug treatment. In 2003, the administration awarded more than
$1 billion to hundreds of faith-based groups, some of which hadn't received such
public funds in the past.
\par The White House adamantly denies that the faith initiative is a po
litical tool. But the program has provoked criticism that the GOP is seeking to
influence new supporters, especially African Americans, with taxpayer funds. The
Rev. Timothy McDonald of Atlanta, a prominent black minister with Democratic ties,
dubbed the
program an "attempt to identify new leadership in the black community and use the
money to prop these people up."
\par }{\field\flddirty{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0
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here's no question that the faith initiative -- combined with the administration's
support for banning gay marriage and promoting school vouchers -- has already
helped reshape Bush's image among some traditionally Democratic African Americans.
And the cha
nge in black support on Nov. 2, though only a 2-percentage-point increase
nationwide, helped secure Bush's reelection victory. The gains were greater in
battleground states.}{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0
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\par }\pard\plain \ltrpar\s18\qj
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\ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid16278133\charrsid15878523 In the crucial state of Ohio, where
the faith-based program was promoted last fall
at rallies and ministerial meetings, a rise in black support for Bush created the
cushion he needed to win the presidential race without a legal challenge in that
state.
\par Now, Republicans are plotting further gains using the faith program as one
major entry
point. Bush political strategist Matthew Dowd says that as early as 2006,
Republican Senate and House candidates could win a quarter of the African American
vote. The long-term goals, he said, are even more ambitious.
\par That would be a dramatic rise from the 11% of the national black electorate
that went for Bush last year -- a projection that even some of the most
enthusiastic Republicans, such as former Rep. J.C. Watts of Oklahoma, caution could
be overly optimistic.
\par Yet even a modest shift in the voting patterns of the minority group
traditionally the most loyal to Democrats could transform the dynamics of American
politics, giving Republicans an edge for decades.
\par Expanding a Tradition
\par The idea of directing government funds to church-related organizations
is as old as the Republic. After the Revolutionary War, taxpayer funds supported
church hospitals for soldiers. Government support to church-related charities has
continued ever since, and expanded under the Clinton administration.
\par President Bush wanted to go further, knocking down some of the traditional
restrictions on funding religious groups.
\par The political appeal of this approach was clear one Sunday two weeks before
the election in the west-side Milwaukee neighborhood where Daniels' 8,000-member
church
is located. Lying amid abandoned warehouses and modest homes, the Holy Redeemer
Institutional Church of God in Christ is instantly visible, a $25-million complex
including a school, health clinic, credit union, senior housing complex and -- soon
-- a ret
ail center and water park.
\par That morning, Daniels told congregants he wouldn't tell them whom to vote for
-- but then turned over the pulpit to one of Bush's most prominent African American
advocates.
\par }\pard\plain \ltrpar\qj
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\ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid16278133\charrsid15878523 "We know what faith-based can do
every single day," Maryland Lt. Gov. Michael S. Steele told the congregation,
drawing head no
dding and remarks of "yes" and "Amen" from more than 1,000 in the vast sanctuary.
\par That enthusiasm was echoed in battleground states across the country,
particularly in Pentecostal congregations that include some of the most
conservative black Americans. GO
P field organizers and campaign surrogates cited the faith initiative to
churchgoers -- particularly in heavily black urban centers vital to Democrats.
\par "It got them to listen and it was impressive because President Bush put money
where his mouth is," said Lamont Couch, an African American outreach worker for
Florida Republicans during the 2004 campaign.
\par Deborah Burstion-Donbraye, an Ohio GOP official who led the party's outreach
effort to black voters, said the faith initiative -- along with the White House
position on abortion, school vouchers and gay marriage -- gave many longtime black
Democrats a reason to consider voting for Bush.
\par "For the first time, even those who may have been most against what the
administration stood for realized they had a friend
in the White House," she said. The GOP wooing of African Americans took other forms
as well. Early this month, it was disclosed that the administration paid $240,000
to a prominent black commentator, Armstrong Williams, to promote Bush's education
agenda.

\par But the faith-based initiative provides an especially compelling and long-
lasting draw to black voters, said Steele, who studied to be a priest before
entering politics. When the president cites the initiative's emphasis on funding
small and independent c
hurch organizations that have never received government funds before, the message
has special resonance with black congregations.
\par "That's part of the strategy to create some realignment, to demonstrate to the
African American community that your issues are the same as our issues," Steele
said in an interview.
\par And many say the best way to reach those voters is through the preacher. As
Bush political advisor Dowd put it: "The minister is the No. 1 influencer in the
African American community."
\par The administration's attention to faith-based programs in battleground states
appeared to pay off.
\par In Florida, where record black turnout in Democratic precincts nearly put Gore
in the White House in 2000, Bush's support among African Americans in November rose
6 percenta
ge points to 13%, helping to increase the president's victory margin and avoid a
repeat of the 2000 squeaker that inspired the recount.
\par }\pard\plain \ltrpar\qj
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\ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid16278133\charrsid15878523 In Wisconsin, the president drew 14%
of the black vote last year, 3 points above his nationwide performance.
\par In all-important Ohio, Bush's vote tally among African Americans more than
doubled his 2000 total, and he gained 7 percentage
points to draw 16% of the black vote. If Bush had received the same proportion of
black votes in Ohio as he did in 2000, the president's margin of victory would have
narrowed from the actual 118,000 to about 25,000, according to an analysis by David
Bosi
tis at the Washington-based Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, a
leading think tank on black issues.
\par Given the high number of provisional ballots filed in Ohio, said Bositis,
"Ohio would have become Florida, the legal battleground of 2004."
\par Shaky Beginnings
\par For all of the apparent political success of the faith-based initiative and
its central role in Bush's agenda of "compassionate conservatism," the program got
off to a rocky start.
\par Bush entered office in 2001 vowing to loosen regulations and
expand tax deductions for charitable organizations. Repeatedly, he emphasized his
desire to end what he called discrimination against church-connected social service
providers in the distribution of federal funds.
\par Senate Democrats, citing the constitution
al separation of church and state, blocked the administration's legislation that
would have put the faith initiative into the law books. They expressed reservations
about sending taxpayer dollars directly to churches, as well as measures that
permitted fa
ith-based federal contractors to hire based on applicants' religious beliefs. The
president put much of the program in place anyway through executive order.
\par Six months after starting, the initiative's first director, University of
Pennsylvania political sci
entist John DiIulio, quit citing personal reasons. He later complained that
politics was getting in the way of some of his efforts in a White House governed by
"Mayberry Machiavellians."
\par Bush then hired Jim Towey, a registered but disaffected Democrat and former
state social services official under Florida Democratic Gov. Lawton Chiles.
\par The White House office serves as a kind of outreach and political center,
building support for the concept of aiding private and church-backed social
services. The real work
of reviewing and making grants goes on in federal agencies, many of which have
faith-based offices.
\par }\pard\plain \ltrpar\qj
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\par Towey brought
sterling credentials to a White House eager to make inroads with religious
communities. He was a former counsel to Mother Teresa of Calcutta, an advocate for
the rights of the elderly, impoverished and oppressed, including refugees. He was
also a close f
riend of Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, the president's brother, and as an opponent of
abortion, was unhappy with his old party.
\par }\pard\plain \ltrpar\s18\qj
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\ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid16278133\charrsid15878523 Towey, who is white, says he has
sensed a similar disaffection among many black clergy.
\par "African Americans are really starting to question some of these fundamental
precepts that the Democratic Party is there for them," Towey said in an interview
from his office next door to the White House.
\par In addition to issues like abortion and gay marriage, Towey says the
frustration stems, in part, fr
om a sense among many black churches that they were excluded from federal grants in
the past, due to complicated rules and a preference for large, well-established
charities. That, he said, explains why many black clergy have responded so
enthusiastically
to the faith-based initiative.
\par But the heightened interest is not entirely spontaneous.
\par Some black ministers reported receiving entreaties to attend White House
meetings or fa
ith-based conferences held around the country, some of them in hard-fought election
states. In addition, about two-thirds of Towey's travel during the election year
was to a dozen battleground states where he often met with community leaders and
promoted
the availability of federal funds for church-related social service projects.
\par The administration also awarded grants to a number of high-profile African
American organizations whose leaders were linked directly or indirectly to the GOP.
Besides Daniels' chu
rch in Milwaukee, a Philadelphia church led by the Rev. Herb Lusk II received $1
million in federal funds for a program to help low-income Philadelphians. Lusk gave
the invocation at the 2000 Republican convention and has been an outspoken Bush
supporter.

\par Another beneficiary was a South Florida-based organization headed by Bishop

Harold Ray, a longtime Bush acquaintance who gave an invocation for Vice President
Dick Cheney at a West Palm Beach, Fla., rally. Ray's group received $1.7 million in
taxpayer fun
ds.
\par A third grant went to the Washington-based National Center for Neighborhood
Enterprise, founded and headed by Bob Woodson, an outspoken black conservative who
backed Bush and whose late son was active in the president's first campaign.
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Woodson, like other recipients, rejects the notion that his grant was related to
his personal politics. But he said he was aware th
at some Republicans were hoping to use the program for electoral purposes. He
cautioned both parties against letting politics intrude on the initiative, saying
it would tarnish the idea.
\par Administration record-keeping has made it difficult to track where the faith-
based money has gone.
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\ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid16278133\charrsid15878523 Data released last month by the White
House, for example, indicate that more than $1 billion was distrib
uted through faith-based programs in 2003. But the summary includes a caveat that
it does not represent all grants, and it includes numerous grants to agencies that
are actually secular and other groups that were receiving funds long before Bush
entered o
ffice.
\par The confusion has drawn sharp questions from critics. Rep. Chet Edwards (D-
Texas), a member of the Appropriations Committee who describes himself as a deeply
religious Christian, said his repeated requests for accountability had been
rebuffed by Repu
blicans, who he charges have used the initiative for political advantage.
\par Towey defended his travel itinerary, arguing that key electoral states such as
Florida, which has its own faith-based program, are also hotbeds for the
initiative. "If you look at wh
ere the battleground states are, it's where the action is in the faith-based
initiative," he said.
\par Towey insisted he traveled where need was greatest, not where politics
dictated. He noted conferences in California, New York, Louisiana and
Massachusetts, which were not presidential battlegrounds.
\par But from the bully pulpit of the White House faith office, Towey often
advocated for the president's agenda with biting attacks against critics and, at
least once, Sen. John F. Kerry, Bush's Democratic opponent in the 2004 election.
\par Kerry had laid out a detailed plan to expand faith-based funding, but Towey
charged that the Massachusetts senator was under the thumb of "secular extremists"
and would relegate the program "to the Smithsonian." At one taxpayer-financed
White House conference in the midst of the campaign, Towey declared the faith
program a flashpoint in the "culture war" between people of faith and the secular
world.
\par A longtime observer and critic of federal faith-based efforts, Robert
Wineburg, a professor of social work at the University of North Carolina at
Greensboro, says the Bush initiative is as crassly political as any program he has
seen.
\par }\pard\plain \ltrpar\qj
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"Look at where they planned their large-scale meetings," said Wineburg, who has
written books on the politics of faith and social service and has worked as a
consultant to religious charitie
s. "A grant-writing workshop in St. Louis in September before Missouri was a lock,
in Miami in October before Florida was sealed. I wouldn't call it honest technical
assistance based on communities that needed that assistance most at that specific
time. I
'd call it honest American, or maybe old-style Chicago, politics."}{\rtlch\fcs1
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\ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid11501465\charrsid15878523 To some beneficiaries of the program,
however, the president deserved political support for recognizing churches' good
works.
\par "I think it's an awesome thing that we have a president that use
d the bully pulpit of the presidency to support organizations that are out here in
the trenches," said the Rev. David Outing, the chairman of the Orlando, Fla.-based
Center for Urban Leadership, which got $37,000 to boost its after-school program.
\par Some recipients scoff at the notion that their support could be "bought" by
federal grants that they say provide only a fraction of the money needed for their
charitable work.
\par "The funds that have been distributed are rather meager to the need that is
out there,"
said Bishop Ray, whose Palm Beach-based group, the National Faith-Based Initiative,
won a $1.7-million grant to train smaller charities. A successful lawyer turned
preacher, Ray added: "If you think I come that cheap, that's kind of silly."
\par Ray met Bush wh
en the president was still governor of Texas. After Bush moved to the White House,
Ray said he peppered Bush's top political strategist, Rove, with calls and
eventually scored a brief meeting in early 2001 with Ken Mehlman, then Rove's
deputy, who takes o
ver this week as chairman of the Republican National Committee.
\par Soon after, Ray held a Capitol Hill summit on the faith initiative and the
black church. The Republican-dominated program was beamed to about 50 locations on
a television feed sponsored by foun
dations linked to the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, whose Unification Church has received
indirect aid through the federal faith-based initiative.
\par Ray, a registered independent, says he does not exhort his congregation to
back any candidate, and he has given money to both parties.
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Kerry said that, in Florida in particular, they ha
d trouble recruiting fellow ministers to get out the vote for Democrats, despite
simmering anger in the black community there over the disputed 2000 election. The
Atlanta Rev. McDonald, who heads the Democratic-leaning African American Ministers
Leadershi
p Council, said that faith-based money played a part.
\par "We had a real hard time organizing ministers in Florida, harder in 2004 than
in 2000, because more money had been circulated," McDonald said. "They just weren't
showing up at the meetings anymore."
\par If Republicans get their way, it will be even harder in 2006. Already, they
are laying intricate plans to encourage greater black migration to the GOP.
\par As he prepares to step down this week as chairman of the Republican National
Committee, Ed Gillespie says he
will stay on as a consultant to the party specifically to recruit black voters. He
predicts the GOP presidential nominee could win 30% of that constituency in 2008.
\par Next month, a coalition of clergy and conservative Republican leaders will
unveil grass-ro
ots action plans in states with competitive congressional races. A separate
coalition of evangelical groups close to the GOP is planning a series of regional
meetings for black preachers around the issue of gay marriage, starting Feb. 1 in
Los Angeles.

\par The
most visible mobilization could come in Washington later this year, when Congress
once again considers an expanded faith-based legislative package now being
negotiated by Towey and others in the White House. The debate could force
beleaguered Democrats,
eager to build support with religious voters, to decide between the appeal of
Bush's initiative in some neighborhoods and lingering concerns over its
constitutionality.
\par In Bishop Daniels' office at Holy Redeemer in Milwaukee, visitors are left
with little d
oubt about the church leader's 2004 political leanings. On the wall, beside a
collage of an Afrocentric Jesus, hangs a photo of Daniels with the Bushes at the
White House and another picture of Daniels sitting around a conference table with
fellow ministe
rs and Bush, Rove and Towey.
\par Asked if he had voted for any Republicans before Bush in 2004, Daniels
replied, "Tommy Thompson," referring to the moderate former governor of Wisconsin.
He said his thinking began to change in the 1980s, when his church first o
pened a parochial school and stepped to the front lines of a nationwide battle over
vouchers. "This is not some new conversion," Daniels said.
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Daniels said he backed Bush purely on issues, including the faith-based initiative,
same-sex marriage and school vouchers. Despite his endorsement, Daniels said,
Democrats such as Sen. John Edwards and former Vermont Gov. Howar
d Dean campaigned at his church last year, and the Rev. Jesse Jackson appeared on
Kerry's behalf.
\par "I cannot say to you that I would not support anything Democratic in the
future," he said.
\par Then, holding a worn, soft-cover Bible in his left hand and tapping it with
his right, he added: "Where I am, the No. 1 thing is this. This is what I believe.
This is what I embrace."
\par *
\par (BEGIN TEXT OF INFOBOX)
\par Faith-based funding
\par Federal funding to organizations by five Cabinet agencies amounted to nearly
$1.2 billion in 2003.
\par Funding given to faith-based organizations (In millions)
\par Health and Human Services (75 programs) $567.9 Housing and Urban Development
(12) $532.1 Justice (22) $51.6 Labor (28) $11.3 Education (3) $6.8
\par Note: Does not include grants from agencies for which figures are unavailable
\par Source: White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives
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