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http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2458/14/129
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Open Access
Abstract
Background: Domestic violence is a public health problem with negative consequences. We aimed to determine
the prevalence of violence between parents and by parents against children, types of intimate partner violence
against women, the intergenerational transmission of violence, and to identify a profile of beliefs and judgements
regarding violent behaviour.
Methods: The data used for this article were sourced from three cross-sectional studies performed in Romania in
20092011. We sampled 869 respondents (male and female) with a homogenous distribution between
environment, gender, educational level, and age group (18 to 75). From a 96-item questionnaire regarding family
and reproductive health, this article refers to four items: (1) feelings relating to the family in which they were raised;
(2) whether they witnessed violence between parents or were victims of violence by parents or other family
members during childhood or the teenage years; (3) opinions relating to 10 statements on violence from Maudsley
Violence Questionnaire; (4) the manifestation of psychological, emotional, and sexual abuse from the partner in the
family of procreation (FOP). The data were analysed by Pearson chi-square tests and latent class analysis.
Results: During childhood, 35% of respondents witnessed parental violence and 53.7% were victims of family
violence. Psychological abuse by men against women was the most common type of violence reported in the FOP
(45.1%). Violence in childhood and adolescence correlated with the perception of the family of origin as a hostile
environment and of violence against women as a corrective measure, and that insults, swearing, and humiliation by
their partner within the FOP is acceptable (p < 0.05). A profile of beliefs and judgements about violent behaviour
indicated that the Impulsive reactive cluster is represented by men in rural areas, and by subjects who witnessed
parental violence or were victims of violence during childhood (p < 0.001).
Conclusions: In Romania, the use of violence as a form of discipline or instruction of children and women remains
a significant problem, with a higher rate of intimate partner violence than in other developed countries.
Furthermore, implementing intervention mechanisms for psychological abuse is urgently required, as are education
and intervention in high-risk populations.
Keywords: Domestic violence, Intimate partner violence, Violence against women, Witnessed parental violence,
Child abuse, Psychological violence, Physical violence, Risk factors, Family
Correspondence: corneliarada@yahoo.com
Biomedical department, Francisc I. Rainer Anthropology Institute of the
Romanian Academy, 8 Avenue Eroii Sanitari, O.P. 35, C.P. 13, Sector 5, 050474
Bucharest, Romania
2014 Rada; licensee BioMed Central Ltd. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons
Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Background
The most widespread form of violence against women
is intimate partner violence (IPV), which has negative
consequences on the victims health [1,2]. If we consider
domestic violence against children and spouses, the psychological consequences are also huge, stemming from
the paradox of the victim being abused by a member of
the family with whom he or she expects to have a supportive, loving, and respectful relationship [3-5].
IPV is considered a public health problem, and research worldwide has stressed the importance of its prevention and its negative effects on health [6]. Studies
performed at both national and international levels have
indicated that low levels of education and income are
closely correlated to domestic violence, with the subjects
being either witnesses or victims. These studies also indicated that violent behaviour may be transmitted across
generations [7,8].
A number of factors appear to explain the varying
prevalence rates for family violence among European
countries: low economic living conditions, traditional
gender attitudes towards women, authoritarian parenting, and a general tolerance of violent behaviour in a
given society. In addition, a persons ability to cope with
a situation may influence whether one family member
will act violently against another [9].
Explanations regarding the origins of IPV are based on
a number of factors, including biosocial, psychological,
and sociological. Children raised in homes where violence is used will learn to exercise violence in their own
relationships, leading to a circle of violence. In addition,
being on the receiving end of violence increases the risk
of further violenceviolence begets violence [10].
Some studies have described IPV within the context of
patriarchal terrorism, stating that it is a result of a global
model of power and control. Other studies have referred
to IPV from a situational perspective and identified it as
a result of a persons incapacity to manage conflict efficiently [11,12]. International studies have indicated that
80%98% of children worldwide have been physically
punished within their familya rate that is unacceptable.
The real rate of violence is not known because of underreporting [13,14].
Domestic violence in Romania
Page 2 of 15
Objectives
Methods
Design and sampling
The data used for this article were sourced from three
cross-sectional studies performed between 2009 and 2011
(see Acknowledgements). Although not representative of
the entire country, the sample consisted of 869 randomly
selected subjects (414 men and 455 women). The distribution of the subjects was relatively homogenous with respect to environment, gender, educational level, and age
(Table 1).
The sample size was computed by taking into account
the statistical tests and analysis to be conducted.
G*Power software was used for the chi-square test, assuming an effect size of w = 0.5 and degree of freedom
of df = 250; this produced a recommended sample size
of 337 subjects by gendera total of 674 men and
women. Owing to the sensitivity of some questionnaire
items, the expected missing data rate in the study was
assumed to be 0.25; thus, the sample size was increased
by a factor of 1.25 to 842 subjects. Accordingly, the
study aimed to achieve a target conservative sample size
of 850900 subjects. A simple random selection of subjects was undertaken from the sampling frame.
Page 3 of 15
Number
Environment
Urban
435
50.1
Rural
434
49.9
Male
414
47.6
Female
455
52.4
326
37.5
296
34.1
247
28.4
1824
152
17.5
2534
153
17.6
3549
248
28.5
5059
165
19.0
6075
151
17.4
Gender
Educational level
High
We used an omnibus questionnaire of 96 items that focused on themes of family functioning: economic, education, cohesion-solidarity, and sexual reproduction.
Significance testing and anticipated model validation
tests were based on Pearson chi-square statistics with
520 degrees of freedom. The use of this test imposes
specific restrictions on sample size (optimum number,
900 subjects) and the Likert scales used (optimum number of responses, 3). The scale of violent behaviour appeared to have good internal consistency: Cronbachs
alpha = 0.95. All items correlated with the total scale to a
good degree (lower r = 0.61). All items appeared to be
worthy of retention: the greatest increase in alpha came
from deleting the item that referred to threatening with
a knife or a firearm, but removing this item increased
the alpha by only 0.01. After conducting a 50-subject
pilot survey, we created the final version of the questionnaire. A three-point Likert scale was used in the questionnaire to accommodate the sample size.
In the present study we focused on four items, namely:
a) During your childhood and/or adolescence: -Did you
see or hear your parents hitting each other? -Were
you beaten by your parents or other members of your
family? Response options: Often, Occasionally, Never.
b) What feelings do you have when thinking of the
family you grew up with? -Family is a refuge, a
welcoming environment of affection. -Family is like
a prison in which parents make the rules and do what
they please with their children, modelling them as
Page 4 of 15
Ethical considerations
Written informed consent was obtained from each participant at recruitment. The subjects were informed that they
could withdraw from the study at any stage and were assured of confidentiality. The study was approved by the
Ethics Commission of the Francisc I. Rainer Anthropology Institute of the Romanian Academy.
We used the services of eight qualified interviewers to
collect and check the responses; all the interviewers had
expertise in the fields of sociology, psychology, and
medicine. To ensure that the respondents felt at ease
and to guarantee accurate answers, the respondents were
Page 5 of 15
Results
Magnitude and socio-demographic factors of domestic
violence between parents and by parents against children
Most subjects regarded their FOO as a refuge, a welcoming environment of affection (750 subjects, 86.3%);
the second most strongly expressed opinion was that the
family lets you handle things on your own and intervenes only when difficulties occur (403 subjects, 46.4%).
However, 6.7% declared that the family is almost a
prison, in which parents treat their children how they
want, shaping them as they please. There were no
Page 6 of 15
Table 2 Violence in childhood and teenage years in the FOO and perceptions of the family home as an unwelcoming
environment
Family home like a prisona
No
Yes
Total
%
95.2
4.8
100
No
Yes
89.8
10.2
100
Have you been hit, beaten by parents or other members of the family?**
No
95.5
4.5
100
Yes
91.4
8.6
100
Legend: FOO, Family of origin, *p = 0.016, **p < 0.005, aFamily is almost a prison in which parents treat their children as they please, shaping them as they like.
statistically significant differences in terms of environment, gender, educational level, or birth cohort regarding opinions relating to the family in which the subjects
were raised. The proportion of subjects who perceived
the family as almost like a prison (in which parents
treated their children as they pleased, shaping them as
they liked) was greater among those who witnessed domestic violence between their parents (chi-square =
9.317, p = 0.016) and among those who were physically
beaten within their FOO (chi-square = 5.795, p < 0.005;
Table 2).
The proportion of subjects who agreed with the statement that violence against woman was acceptable for corrective purposes was greater among those who had
witnessed violence between their parents (chi-square =
12,730, p < 0.001) and among those who had been physically beaten within their FOO (chi-square = 22.901, p <
0.001; Table 3). The proportion of subjects who agreed
with the statements Family is almost a prison, in which
parents treat their children how they want, shaping them
as they please and It is normal to hit a woman if you need
to teach her a lesson was greatest among those who had
often witnessed domestic violence between their parents
and had often been beaten within their FOO.
Magnitude and distribution of types of abuse against the
wife or female partner in the FOP
not respond, as they had never had a partner. The prevalence of domestic violence against women from their
partner was 56.3%, which indicates that they had incurred at least one type of violent behaviour. Among the
women who had suffered violence within the FOP, almost half had undergone more than two types of violent
behaviour during the couples lifespan.
The most reported forms of abuse were insults, swearing, and humiliation, which were together identified by
45.1% of respondents: 392 subjects reported this type of
violence, of whom 76 stated that this had occurred often
and 316 that it had taken place occasionally. In terms of
frequency, this form of abuse was followed by withholding sexual activity or affection (19.2%) and slapping,
kicking, and pushing ((18.3%); Table 4).
The distribution of the manifestation of the seven types
of violent behaviour is shown in Table 5. This behaviour
was categorized as follows: emotional or psychological
violence (1insults, swearing, humiliation); physical violence (3slapping, kicking, pushing; 4hitting using a
stick or other objects; 5threatening with a knife or firearm); sexual violence (2withholding sexual activity or affection; 6being forced to engage in sexual intercourse or
unwanted sexual fantasies); and financial abuse or neglect
(deprivation) (7financial control, neglect, food deprivation).
Negative results were higher among respondents living
in rural areas than in residents of urban areas for the following factors: emotional (psychological) abuse (58.6%
in rural areas vs. 33.1% in urban areas; chi-square =
56.110; p < 0.001) and physical abuse (33.4% in rural areas
vs. 7.3% in urban areas; chi-square = 89.882; p < 0.001).
The proportion for sexual abuse was higher for respondents living in urban than in rural areas: 27.9% vs. 18%,
Table 3 Violence in childhood and adolescence in the FOO and agreeing with violence for corrective purposes
It is normal to hit a woman
if you need to teach her a lesson
No
Have you seen or heard your parents hitting each other?*
Have you been hit or beaten by parents or other members of the family?*
Legend: FOO, Family of origin, *p < 0.001.
Yes
Total
No
95.9
4.1
100
Yes
89.8
10.2
100
No
98.0
2.0
100
Yes
90.1
9.9
100
Page 7 of 15
Table 4 Prevalence of the seven manifestations of violence, against the wife or female partner in the FOP
Often
Occasionally
Total
Frequency
Frequency
Frequency
76
8.7
316
36.4
392
45.1
26
3.0
141
16.2
167
19.2
38
4.4
121
13.9
159
18.3
24
2.8
32
3.7
56
6.4
11
1.3
1.0
20
2.3
18
2.1
50
5.8
68
7.8
16
1.8
33
3.8
49
5.6
reported that they had engaged in some type of violence towards their partner. The prevalence of domestic
violence was not significantly influenced by birth cohort. However, it was evident that there was a lower incidence among victims aged under 35 years than
among older victims.
Witnessing domestic violence between parents and being the victim of domestic violence in the FOO in childhood and adolescence was significantly related to all
types of violence suffered by women and manifested by
men in the FOP (p < 0.001). The highest proportion of
all types of violence against women and exhibited by
men in the FOP occurred among individuals who were
both witnesses and victims of family violence in their
childhood or adolescence in the FOO. In addition, the
highest proportion of financial abuse and neglect
(deprivation) in the FOP was observed among subjects
Table 5 Exposure of women to psychological, physical, sexual, and financial abuse or neglect from the intimate
partner in the FOP
Male violent behaviour manifested towards women by gender
Types of violence to which
women were exposed
Emotional, psychological violence
Physical violence
Sexual violence
Financial abuse, neglect (deprivation)
Violent behaviour of men
Violence by men
reported by mena
Violence by men
reported by womenb
Violence by menc
Frequency
Frequency
Total
Occasionally
159
50.30
157
49.70
316
Often
32
42.1
44
57.9
76
162
Occasionally
73
33.83
89
66.17
Often
25
33
48
67
73
Occasionally
89
45.1
102
54.9
191
Often
11
24.55
33
75.45
44
Occasionally
10
30.30
23
69.70
33
Often
43.80
56.30
16
406
44.56
505
55.44
911
Legend: FOP, Family of procreation, aViolent behaviour by men against the partner or wife, reported by men, bViolent behaviour by men against partner or wife,
reported by that partner or the wife, cViolent behaviour by men reported by men and women.
Page 8 of 15
Female only
Model
BIC
CAIC
BIC
CAIC
Cluster 1
3582.64
3590.64
2887.50
2895.50
Cluster 2
3321.18
3338.18
2776.62
2793.62
Cluster 3
3324.60
3350.60
2800.69
2826.69
Cluster 4
3360.80
3395.80
2843.20
2878.20
Cluster 5
3396.71
3440.71
2884.45
2928.45
Cluster 6
3439.44
3492.44
2927.50
2980.50
Table 6 Types of violence to which women were exposed in the FOP and violence in childhood and adolescence in the
FOO
Witnesses of family violence between parents and/or
victims of family violence in childhood or adolescence
Types of violence to
which women were exposed
Emotional, psychological*
Sexual*
Physical*
Financial abuse, neglect (deprivation)*
Not witnesses
and not victims
Witnesses
and victims
Not witnesses
but victims
Witnesses but
not victims
Total
No
49.8
18.4
26.0
5.8
100
Yes
26.5
39.0
25.5
8.9
100
No
43.2
25.7
23.9
7.3
100
Yes
25.5
35.2
32.1
7.1
100
No
43.7
22.9
27.2
6.2
100
Yes
21.3
47.1
20.1
11.5
100
No
40.5
26.2
26.3
7.0
100
Yes
16.3
55.1
16.3
12.2
100
Page 9 of 15
Table 8 Profiles of beliefs and judgements about violent behaviour according to gender, environment, and history of
violence in the FOO - Conditional probabilities
Male model
Cluster size
Female model
Cluster 1 non-violent
Cluster 3 impulsive-reactive
Cluster 1 non-violent
Cluster 2 reactive
45%
45%
10%
74%
26%
Indicators
Violence is a sign of power and strength
No
0.99
0.88
0.60
0.96
0.84
Yes
0.01
0.12
0.40
0.04
0.16
0.89
0.48
0.29
0.86
0.55
Yes
0.11
0.52
0.71
0.14
0.45
0.97
0.28
0.07
0.92
0.23
Yes
0.03
0.72
0.93
0.08
0.77
0.99
0.92
0.37
0.98
0.95
Yes
0.01
0.08
0.63
0.02
0.05
0.99
0.90
0.16
0.95
0.77
Yes
0.01
0.10
0.84
0.05
0.23
0.88
0.43
0.08
0.96
0.37
Yes
0.12
0.57
0.92
0.04
0.63
0.84
0.65
0.26
0.95
0.81
Yes
0.16
0.35
0.74
0.05
0.19
When I have hurt people I feel bad or even hate myself for it afterwards
No
0.34
0.22
0.32
0.26
0.22
Yes
0.66
0.78
0.68
0.74
0.78
Urban
0.49
0.48
0.35
0.54
0.48
Rural
0.51
0.52
0.65
0.46
0.52
Covariates
Environment
0.72
0.62
0.36
0.68
0.60
Yes
0.28
0.38
0.64
0.32
0.40
0.43
0.40
0.22
0.55
0.44
Yes
0.57
0.60
0.78
0.45
0.56
Discussion
Methods for collecting data and classifying statistics on
domestic violence are not uniform worldwide; it is therefore impossible to conduct an accurate comparison among
countries. Comparing data on domestic violence among
countries is also difficult owing to cultural differences and
perceptions of the concept of abuse from one country to
another. Nevertheless, we can make same comparisons
Page 10 of 15
Over 90% of the subjects regarded their FOO as a refuge, a welcoming environment of affection and held the
belief that the family lets you handle things on your
own and intervenes only when difficulties occur. The
proportion of subjects who perceived the family as an
unfriendly environment and of those who agreed with
violence against woman for corrective purposes was over
two-fold among those that had witnessed domestic violence between their parents and those that were beaten
within their FOO.
Further clarification is required to explain the significant
difference between the high number of subjects who witnessed violence between their parents in childhood or
adolescence (over one-quarter) and who were beaten
(over half ) and the belief of over three-quarters of the
subjects that the FOO was a welcoming environment
(more than three-quarters); it would seem that the opposite should be true. It is possible that the subjects internalized the idea that education or correction was
achieved through violence and thus continued to see
their FOO as a haven. Furthermore, for many subjects,
the inter-parental violence that they were asked to consider occurred a long time in the past. If someone witnessed or was a victim of parental violence during
childhood and the relationship between or with parents
later improved, that may have reduced negative perceptions of the FOO. We should also take into consideration
the psychological loyalties towards the FOOloyalties
that often grow stronger when the parents pass away [38].
Previous studies have also found that while there is a significant negative relationship between marital satisfaction
or conflict and IPV, most respondents nevertheless stated
that their relationship was a good one [39].
Another explanation for positive feelings towards the
FOO among those who were beaten in the family could be
the following. It is naturally assumed that almost all parents
love their children. When parents punish them by beating,
children may think that love and violence go together [40].
Different studies have found that the prevalence of various forms of IPV varies during a persons lifespan. Recent international studies have estimated that 24%43%
of people experience IPV in their lifetimes. Nevertheless,
in countries with a low level of development or a patriarchal model of perception of gender roles, the prevalence of IPV is greater [41-45].
In the present study, controlling behaviour or emotional, physical, or sexual abuse against women by the
partner was expressed as having occurred at least once
in more than half of the cases. The prevalence of IPV
against women found in the present study is comparable
with that reported for Mexico [42,46].
In the Romanian national survey SSR-Ro 2004, at least
one of emotional, physical, or sexual abuse against
women by the partner was reported in over 30% of
cases. The Rada-Tarcea study in 200506 on violence
against women by their partners also found that at least
one type of violence (controlling behaviour or emotional,
physical, or sexual abuse) was reported in over 30% of
the cases. In the present study, the rates were approximately 19% higher.
Since these three Romanian studies used similar questions and methods of data collection, it is possible that
the higher prevalence in the present study was due to
the sample population. The 2004 study may have underestimated the true prevalence in the population: for psychological reasons, some women feel too ashamed or
scared to report abuse and therefore may have understated or failed to mention aggressive acts despite the
fact that they were assured of complete confidentiality.
In addition, Romanian men previously tended not to
recognize sexual abuse because they were simply unaware of the concept: at one time, the man believed that
his female partner was obliged to have sex with him
whenever he wanted.
The Rada-Tarcea study was conducted only in urban
areas, and there is generally a lower prevalence of domestic
violence in such areas in Romania. This could explain the
lower prevalence of violence against the partner found in
that study than in the present one, which included subjects
from rural areas. The higher rates of violence reported
in the present study could also be the result of empowermentan awareness of the meaning of real domestic violence; this could have resulted in increased
courage to mention acts of aggression and greater
knowledge about the definition of domestic violence in
relation to human rights. But it is of course also possible that there was a real increase in domestic violence
or a higher prevalence in the regions examined in the
present study. These issues require further examination.
Unfortunately, the last national study in Romania that
Page 11 of 15
Like other studies, the present one identifies a correlation between physical abuse in childhood and violence
against a woman by her male partner [58]. Our study indicates a correlation between experiencing abuse during
childhood (directly or indirectly) and then directing
anger towards ones intimate partner or accepting such
violence as natural.
In the correlation between violence in the FOO and
that in the FOP, the greatest manifestation of violence in
the FOP was reported by subjects who were both witnesses and victims of violence in the FOO. Those who
both did not witness domestic violence between their
parents and were not victims of domestic violence in the
FOO in childhood and adolescence reported the highest
absence of violence in the FOP. It is noteworthy that
subjects who were victims of family violence more frequently reported emotional (psychological), sexual, or
physical abuse than those who only witnessed violence
between their parents. In this context, it is necessary to
consider that adults who were victims of physical abuse
as children are more likely to be perpetrators of physical
abuse to children as adults [59,60].
Profiles of beliefs and judgements about violent
behaviour according to gender, environment, and history
of violence in the FOO using LCA
Page 12 of 15
Conclusions
Like other studies, the present one has identified the following risk factors for violence in the FOP: living in a
rural area, a low level of education, being female, and
coming from a family in which violent behaviour between parents and against children occurred. Thus, in
the context of Romania, it is necessary to establish preventive measures to assist people living in rural areas,
especially women [64-66].
Comparing the results of studies on domestic violence
made between 2003 and 2007 in Romania with the
present study findings, we conclude that the prevalence
of IPV against women and family violence on children
has not declined. Despite efforts to improve legislation
regarding IPV, the implementation of governmental and
nongovernmental programs, and the actions of various
Page 13 of 15
CR has accumulated experience from extensive research in the areas of sexual reproductive health and family health.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Octavian-Marian Vasile, PhD, and Ion Marginean, PhD
(Department of Sociology and Social Work, University of Bucharest and The
Research Institute for the Quality of Life, Romanian Academy) for their
invaluable guidance, support and discussions regarding statistical analysis.
I would also like to thank Stephen Forster and Thomas Laage MD for their
assistance in revising the language of this manuscript.
The data used for this article were sourced from the three following studies.
1) Anthropological and psycho-medical coordinates of sexual-reproductive
health in urban and rural populations, which was financially supported by
the National Council for Scientific Research in Higher Education (NURC), the
Executive Unit for Financing Higher Education, Research, Development and
Innovation (UEFISCDI), and Program IDEAS PN IIcode 72/2008. The team
was as follows: project manager Ileana Manoela Prejbeanu, PhD; research
team: Cornelia Rada, PhD, Gheorghita Geana, PhD, Florinel Badulescu, PhD,
Manuela Dragomir, PhD, Gabriela Boangiu, PhD, Pirlog Mihail, PhD, and Mihai
Marcelina, PhD. The data were collected in 2009.
2) Research on high risk behaviours for sexual-reproductive health, which
was financially supported by The Francisc I. Rainer Anthropology Institute
of the Romanian Academy, and conducted by Cornelia Rada, PhD in
collaboration with PhD undergraduate Suzana Turcu. The data were
collected in 2010.
3) Identitary [sic] values of the contemporary Romanian family in the
framework of the globalization. An anthropological approach, realised by
Cornelia Rada, PhD. Research belongs to the project Turning to account the
Cultural Identities in the global processes, Contract POSDRU/89/1.5/S/59758/
2011-2013, financially supported by the European Social Fund (ESF), Sectoral
Operational Programme for Human Resources Development (SOPHRD),
20072013. The data were collected in 2011.
Received: 20 December 2012 Accepted: 4 February 2014
Published: 7 February 2014
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